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<title> - THE U.N. OIL FOR FOOD PROGRAM: CASH COW MEETS PAPER TIGER</title> |
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[House Hearing, 108 Congress] |
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[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office] |
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THE U.N. OIL FOR FOOD PROGRAM: CASH COW MEETS PAPER TIGER |
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HEARING |
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before the |
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SUBCOMMITTEE ON NATIONAL SECURITY, |
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EMERGING THREATS AND INTERNATIONAL |
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RELATIONS |
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of the |
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COMMITTEE ON |
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GOVERNMENT REFORM |
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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES |
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ONE HUNDRED EIGHTH CONGRESS |
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SECOND SESSION |
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__________ |
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OCTOBER 5, 2004 |
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__________ |
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Serial No. 108-286 |
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Printed for the use of the Committee on Government Reform |
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Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.gpo.gov/congress/house |
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http://www.house.gov/reform |
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THE U.N. OIL FOR FOOD PROGRAM: CASH COW MEETS PAPER TIGER |
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======================================================================= |
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HEARING |
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before the |
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SUBCOMMITTEE ON NATIONAL SECURITY, |
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EMERGING THREATS AND INTERNATIONAL |
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RELATIONS |
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of the |
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COMMITTEE ON |
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GOVERNMENT REFORM |
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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES |
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ONE HUNDRED EIGHTH CONGRESS |
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SECOND SESSION |
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__________ |
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OCTOBER 5, 2004 |
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__________ |
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Serial No. 108-286 |
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__________ |
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Printed for the use of the Committee on Government Reform |
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Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.gpo.gov/congress/house |
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http://www.house.gov/reform |
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------ |
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U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE |
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20-052 WASHINGTON : 2005 |
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_____________________________________________________________________________ |
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For Sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office |
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Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512-1800; (202) 512�091800 |
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Fax: (202) 512�092250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402�090001 |
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COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENT REFORM |
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TOM DAVIS, Virginia, Chairman |
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DAN BURTON, Indiana HENRY A. WAXMAN, California |
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CHRISTOPHER SHAYS, Connecticut TOM LANTOS, California |
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ILEANA ROS-LEHTINEN, Florida MAJOR R. OWENS, New York |
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JOHN M. McHUGH, New York EDOLPHUS TOWNS, New York |
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JOHN L. MICA, Florida PAUL E. KANJORSKI, Pennsylvania |
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MARK E. SOUDER, Indiana CAROLYN B. MALONEY, New York |
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STEVEN C. LaTOURETTE, Ohio ELIJAH E. CUMMINGS, Maryland |
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DOUG OSE, California DENNIS J. KUCINICH, Ohio |
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RON LEWIS, Kentucky DANNY K. DAVIS, Illinois |
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TODD RUSSELL PLATTS, Pennsylvania JOHN F. TIERNEY, Massachusetts |
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CHRIS CANNON, Utah WM. LACY CLAY, Missouri |
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EDWARD L. SCHROCK, Virginia DIANE E. WATSON, California |
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JOHN J. DUNCAN, Jr., Tennessee STEPHEN F. LYNCH, Massachusetts |
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NATHAN DEAL, Georgia CHRIS VAN HOLLEN, Maryland |
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CANDICE S. MILLER, Michigan LINDA T. SANCHEZ, California |
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TIM MURPHY, Pennsylvania C.A. ``DUTCH'' RUPPERSBERGER, |
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MICHAEL R. TURNER, Ohio Maryland |
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JOHN R. CARTER, Texas ELEANOR HOLMES NORTON, District of |
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MARSHA BLACKBURN, Tennessee Columbia |
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PATRICK J. TIBERI, Ohio JIM COOPER, Tennessee |
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KATHERINE HARRIS, Florida BETTY McCOLLUM, Minnesota |
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MICHAEL C. BURGESS, Texas ------ |
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ERIC CANTOR, Virginia BERNARD SANDERS, Vermont |
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(Independent) |
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Melissa Wojciak, Staff Director |
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David Marin, Deputy Staff Director/Communications Director |
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Rob Borden, Parliamentarian |
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Teresa Austin, Chief Clerk |
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Phil Barnett, Minority Chief of Staff/Chief Counsel |
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Subcommittee on National Security, Emerging Threats and International |
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Relations |
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CHRISTOPHER SHAYS, Connecticut, Chairman |
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MICHAEL R. TURNER, Ohio DENNIS J. KUCINICH, Ohio |
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DAN BURTON, Indiana TOM LANTOS, California |
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STEVEN C. LaTOURETTE, Ohio BERNARD SANDERS, Vermont |
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RON LEWIS, Kentucky STEPHEN F. LYNCH, Massachusetts |
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TODD RUSSELL PLATTS, Pennsylvania CAROLYN B. MALONEY, New York |
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ADAM H. PUTNAM, Florida LINDA T. SANCHEZ, California |
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EDWARD L. SCHROCK, Virginia C.A. ``DUTCH'' RUPPERSBERGER, |
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JOHN J. DUNCAN, Jr., Tennessee Maryland |
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TIM MURPHY, Pennsylvania JOHN F. TIERNEY, Massachusetts |
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KATHERINE HARRIS, Florida DIANE E. WATSON, California |
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Ex Officio |
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TOM DAVIS, Virginia HENRY A. WAXMAN, California |
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Lawrence J. Halloran, Staff Director and Counsel |
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Thomas Costa, Professional Staff Member |
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Robert A. Briggs, Clerk |
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Andrew Su, Minority Professional Staff Member |
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C O N T E N T S |
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---------- |
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Page |
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Hearing held on October 5, 2004.................................. 1 |
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Statement of: |
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Kennedy, Ambassador Patrick F., U.S. Representative to the |
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United Nations for U.N. management and reform, U.S. mission |
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to the United Nations, U.S. Department of State............ 56 |
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Smith, David L., Director, Corporate Banking Operations, BNP |
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Paribas; Peter W.G. Boks, managing director, Saybolt |
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International B.V; and Andre E. Pruniaux, senior vice |
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president, Africa and Middle East, Cotecna Inspection S.A.. 97 |
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Letters, statements, etc., submitted for the record by: |
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Boks, Peter W.G., managing director, Saybolt International |
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B.V, prepared statement of................................. 156 |
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Kennedy, Ambassador Patrick F., U.S. Representative to the |
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United Nations for U.N. management and reform, U.S. mission |
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to the United Nations, U.S. Department of State, prepared |
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statement of............................................... 62 |
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Maloney, Hon. Carolyn B., a Representative in Congress from |
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the State of New York, prepared statement of............... 32 |
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Pruniaux, Andre E., senior vice president, Africa and Middle |
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East, Cotecna Inspection S.A, prepared statement of........ 324 |
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Ruppersberger, Hon. C.A. Dutch, a Representative in Congress |
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from the State of Maryland, prepared statement of.......... 40 |
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Shays, Hon. Christopher, a Representative in Congress from |
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the State of Connecticut: |
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Prepared statement of.................................... 3 |
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Prepared statement of Christine Grenier, First Secretary, |
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Political Section, French Embassy...................... 50 |
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Smith, David L., Director, Corporate Banking Operations, BNP |
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Paribas, prepared statement of............................. 101 |
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Watson, Hon. Diane E., a Representative in Congress from the |
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State of California, prepared statement of................. 18 |
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Waxman, Hon. Henry A., a Representative in Congress from the |
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State of California: |
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E-mail dated October 4, 2004............................. 47 |
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Prepared statement of.................................... 8 |
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THE U.N. OIL FOR FOOD PROGRAM: CASH COW MEETS PAPER TIGER |
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TUESDAY, OCTOBER 5, 2004 |
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House of Representatives, |
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Subcommittee on National Security, Emerging Threats |
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and International Relations, |
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Committee on Government Reform, |
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Washington, DC. |
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The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 11:25 a.m., in |
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room 2154, Rayburn House Office Building, Hon. Christopher |
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Shays (chairman of the subcommittee) presiding. |
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Present: Representatives Shays, Turner, Duncan, Murphy, |
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Lantos, Sanders, Lynch, Maloney, Sanchez, Ruppersberger, |
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Tierney, Watson, and Waxman [ex officio]. |
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Also present: Representative Ose. |
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Staff present: Lawrence Halloran, staff director and |
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counsel; J. Vincent Chase, chief investigator; R. Nicholas |
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Palarino, senior policy advisor; Thomas Costa and Kristine |
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McElroy, professional staff members; Robert A. Briggs, clerk; |
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Hagar Hajjar, intern; Phil Barnett, minority staff director; |
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Kristin Amerling, minority deputy chief counsel; Karen |
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Lightfoot, minority communications director/senior policy |
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advisor; David Rapallo, minority counsel; Andrew Su, minority |
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professional staff member; Early Green, minority chief clerk; |
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and Jean Gosa, minority assistant clerk. |
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Mr. Shays. A quorum being present, the Subcommittee on |
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National Security, Emerging Threats and International Relations |
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hearing entitled, ``The U.N. Oil-for-Food Program: Cash Cow |
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Meets Paper Tiger,'' is called to order. |
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The United Nations Oil-for-Food Program was mugged by |
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Saddam Hussein. Through cynical, yet subtle manipulation, he, |
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and an undeclared Coalition of the Venal on the Security |
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Council, exploited structural flaws in the program and |
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institutional naivete at the U.N. to transform a massive |
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humanitarian aid effort in a multibillion dollar sanctions- |
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busting scam. |
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How did it happen? How was a well-intentioned program |
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designed and administered by the world's preeminent |
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multinational organization so systematically and so thoroughly |
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corrupted? |
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The answers emerging from our investigation point to a |
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debilitating combination of political paralysis and a lack of |
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oversight capacity, allowed to metasticize behind a veil of |
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official secrecy. Acceding to shameless assertions of Iraqi |
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sovereignty, sovereignty already betrayed by Saddam's brutal |
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willingness to starve the Iraqi people, the U.N. gave the |
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Hussein regime control over critical aspects of the program. |
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Saddam decided with whom to do business and on what terms. |
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While Chinese, French, and Russian delegates to the Security |
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Council's Sanctions Committee deftly tabled persistent reports |
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of abuses, the contractors hired to finance and monitor the |
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program had only limited authority to enforce safeguards. |
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We will hear from these contractors today. BNP Paribas, the |
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international bank retained by the U.N. to finance oil and |
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commodity transactions through letters of credit, describes its |
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functions as purely nondiscretionary. Saybolt International, |
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responsible for verifying oil shipments, faced physical and |
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political constraints on performance of their work. |
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Additionally the firm Cotecna Inspection was given only a |
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limited technical role in authenticating shipments of |
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humanitarian goods into Iraq. |
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The U.N. appears to have assumed that the rigor of |
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commercial trade practices would protect the program, while the |
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contractors took false comfort in the assumption the U.N. would |
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assure the integrity of this decidedly noncommercial |
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enterprise. Once it became clear the Security Council was |
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politically unable to police the program, no one had any |
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incentive to strengthen oversight mechanisms that would only be |
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ignored. |
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As this and other investigations got underway, the |
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companies expressed their willingness to provide detailed |
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information on their Oil-for-Food activities but |
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confidentiality provisions in U.N. agreements prevented their |
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coming forward until the committee's ``friendly'' subpoenas |
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trumped those contractual restraints. Since then, they have |
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provided thousands of pages and gigabytes of data which we and |
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other committees are reviewing. |
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Today we are releasing some of those documents because, |
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apart from any findings or recommendations we might adopt, a |
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major goal of this investigation is to bring transparency to |
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secretive U.N. processes and to put information about this |
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highly important international program in the public domain. |
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The documents provide the first detailed glimpse into the |
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structural vulnerabilities and operational weaknesses exploited |
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by Saddam and his allies. |
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From what we have learned thus far, one conclusion seems |
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inescapable: The U.N. sanctions regime against Iraq was all but |
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eviscerated, turned inside out by political manipulation and |
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financial greed. Saddam's regime was not collapsing from |
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within; it was thriving. He was not safely contained, as some |
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contend, but was daily gaining the means to threaten regional |
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and global stability again, once sanctions were removed. |
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Testimony from our witnesses today will contribute |
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significantly to our ongoing oversight and to the public |
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understanding of the United Nations Oil-for-Food Program. We |
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sincerely thank them for their participation today and we look |
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forward to their continued cooperation in our work. |
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At this time the Chair would recognize the ranking member |
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of the full committee, Mr. Waxman who is an ex officio member. |
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[The prepared statement of Hon. Christopher Shays follows:] |
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[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0052.001 |
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[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0052.002 |
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Mr. Waxman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
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Today the committee is holding the fifth congressional |
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hearing to investigate allegations of mismanagement in the U.N. |
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Oil-for-Food Program. This humanitarian effort was established |
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in 1995 to provide for the basic needs of Iraqis while U.N. |
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sanctions were in effect. Recently there have been serious |
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allegations of corruption, overpricing and kickbacks under this |
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program. |
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And I want to make it clear that I believe it is |
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appropriate for Congress to investigate these allegations in an |
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evenhanded manner and follow the evidence wherever it leads. |
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My complaint is that our scope is too narrow. If we are |
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going to look at how Iraq's oil proceeds have been managed, we |
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have an obligation to examine not only the actions of the U.N. |
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but also our own actions. In fact, I would argue that our first |
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priority should be to investigate our own conduct. |
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The United States controlled Iraq's oil proceeds from the |
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fall of Baghdad in May 2003 until June 2004. Yet Congress has |
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not held a single hearing to examine the evidence of |
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corruption, overpricing and lack of transparency in the |
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successor to the Oil-for-Food Program, the Development Fund for |
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Iraq--which was run by the Bush administration when the United |
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States exercised sovereignty over Iraq. |
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Here are the facts. When the Bush administration took over |
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in Iraq, it received $20.6 billion through Iraqi oil proceeds, |
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repatriated funds, and foreign donations. Halliburton was the |
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single largest private recipient of these funds, receiving $1.5 |
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billion under its contract to run Iraq's oil fields. |
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This money belongs to the Iraqi people. It is not a slush |
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fund. The Security Council directed the administration to use |
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these funds in a transparent manner for the benefit of the |
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Iraqi people. The Security Council passed Resolution 1483 which |
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set up the International Advisory and Monitoring Board to make |
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sure the Bush administration lived up to its obligations. |
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But the Bush administration has not complied with this |
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resolution. Reports from auditors at KPMG, an independent |
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certified public accounting firm, as well as the Coalition |
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Provisional Authority's own inspector general, have found that |
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the Bush administration failed to properly account for Iraqi |
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funds. |
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KPMG said the Bush administration had inadequate accounting |
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systems, inadequate recordkeeping, and inadequate controls over |
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Iraqi oil proceeds. It reported that the administration's |
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entire accounting system consisted of only one contractor |
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maintaining excel spread sheets. That is one person for $20 |
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billion. |
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Likewise, the inspector general concluded that the Bush |
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administration had no effective contract review tracking and |
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monitoring system and that it failed to demonstrate the |
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transparency required. |
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These actions merit a full congressional investigation. |
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They are compounded by evidence that the Bush administration is |
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now actively blocking efforts to account for these funds. |
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For 6 months, the Bush administration has been withholding |
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documents from international auditors charged by the Security |
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Council to oversee the administration's actions. In particular, |
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the Bush administration is withholding documents about |
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Halliburton's receipt of $1.5 billion in Iraqi oil proceeds. |
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The auditors have made seven distinct requests for this |
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information, including a letter from the Controller of the |
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United Nations directly to Ambassador Bremer. But the |
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administration has repeatedly refused to provide the documents, |
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and continues to do so today. |
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Three months ago, the international auditors ordered a |
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special audit of the contract with Halliburton, but again the |
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Bush administration has obstructed their work. Administration |
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officials have refused to approve the audit's statement of work |
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and refused to issue a request for proposal. The special audit |
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has simply languished inside the Department of Defense. |
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At this committee previous hearing, Mr. Claude Hankes- |
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Drielsma, an advisor to the Iraqi Governing Council, testified |
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that the Bush administration was not properly accounting for |
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Iraqi funds. Ambassador Kennedy, who is here again today, could |
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not explain why the Bush administration failed to follow its |
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own rules and hire an accounting firm to manage the Iraqi oil |
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proceeds. And the administration failed to adequately respond |
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to the questions for the record we sent jointly regarding the |
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DFI. |
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These actions are hypocritical, they are arrogant, they |
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breed resentment in the Arab world and they further deteriorate |
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our global alliances, but most of all they undermine our |
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efforts in Iraq because they reinforce the image that our |
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primary objective in Iraq was to seize control of the country's |
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oil wealth. |
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If we are going to examine how Iraq's oil money has been |
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spent, which I believe we should, we need to proceed in a fair |
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and transparent way; and if we refuse to ask tough questions |
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about the conduct of our own government officials, our efforts |
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will have little credibility in the eyes of the world. |
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After the opening statements today, I am going to make a |
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motion for subpoenas so that we can continue the investigation |
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of the success or failure of the U.N. Oil-for-Food Program |
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which was run by the United States. I am going to ask for |
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subpoenas, which we asked for, by the way, when subpoenas were |
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issued for this investigation. We asked for subpoenas on the |
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same basis that we needed a subpoena, for example, for the |
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corporate banking operations of BNP Paribas to give us the |
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documents which the chairman is going to make public today. |
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Those documents would not be turned over without a subpoena. |
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Documents will not be turned over to us from the Federal |
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Reserve Bank on the same basis. We need a subpoena to get them. |
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We need further subpoenas as well, and I will be making a |
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motion for both subpoenas to be issued so that while we have |
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our hearing today, we can be prepared to do the full |
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investigation of what happened to the oil money after we took |
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over. |
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We want to know what happened when the U.N. was running it; |
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if there was corruption, if there was fraud, if there was a |
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lack of transparency. But we have a special obligation to know |
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what happened to that money when we took it over, if there was |
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corruption, if there was fraud, if there was a lack of |
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transparency. And so far the Bush administration is refusing to |
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help in this investigation to know what happened after they ran |
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those funds. |
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So I know, Mr. Chairman we are going to have the opening |
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statements from the Members first. Before we then proceed to |
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the first witness, I will make my motion for subpoenas. And as |
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I understand it, you are going to ask that vote be held later, |
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after the witnesses have testified, presumably because we have |
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done too good a job of getting the Democrats here to vote, and |
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the Republicans, unaware that the vote would be taking place, |
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are not here in sufficient numbers. I understand that is in the |
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chairman's discretion. |
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I want to vote. If it is a bipartisan vote, that would be |
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great. I think we ought to have a bipartisan vote to get these |
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subpoenas. If it is a partisan vote, well, I think the American |
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people ought to know that the Republicans are going to vote to |
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stop a real investigation of the actions of the Bush |
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administration with regard to the use of those funds and |
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particularly because of the Halliburton involvement. |
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[The prepared statement of Hon. Henry A. Waxman follows:] |
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[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0052.003 |
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[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0052.004 |
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[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0052.005 |
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[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0052.006 |
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[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0052.007 |
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[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0052.008 |
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Mr. Shays. I thank the gentleman. I also thank him for |
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letting me know that he was going to make this motion, but I |
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did not know in time to tell the Members. This is a hearing and |
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I don't think they thought there would be votes, so I |
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appreciate his letting us know. |
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At this time, the Chair would recognize the vice chairman, |
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Michael Turner. |
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Mr. Turner. Thank you, Chairman Shays, for holding this |
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hearing and for continuing your efforts to continue to examine |
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the Oil-for-Food Program. |
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In our first hearing, we explored the accountability and |
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integrity issues with the program. We discovered a lack of |
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transparency and little accountability. Except for the actions |
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of the United States and the United Kingdom, it appears that no |
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one was bringing to light the corruption in the program. |
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The Oil-for-Food Program at its creation was poised for |
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corruption. The U.N. allowed Iraq to select not only the |
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suppliers of food and medicine but also the buyers of Iraqi |
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oil. The mechanisms established by the U.N. for controlling |
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Oil-for-Food contracts were inadequate. Transparency was |
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nonexistent, and an effective internal review of the program |
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did not occur. We do not know if members of the Security |
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Council were involved in any of the corruption, but enough |
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ancillary information exists to question the objectiveness and |
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credibility of the Security Council and the United Nations. |
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Mr. Chairman, I appreciate your continued leadership on |
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this important issue. I appreciate your continued leadership on |
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the issue of our continuing involvement in Iraq and its |
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transition to democracy. |
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Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
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Mr. Shays. I thank the gentleman. |
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At this time the Chair would recognize Mr. Tierney. |
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Mr. Tierney. Mr. Chairman, thank you. I share your concern |
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about the diversion of Iraqi oil proceeds through graft, |
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kickbacks, and other schemes designed to line the pockets of |
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corrupt Iraqi leaders. |
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If I may, I would like to read an account about the |
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corruption that occurred in Iraq under the management |
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previously in charge. Mr. Said Abdul Kassam was the Iraqi |
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official in charge of withdrawals at the Iraq central bank. He |
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reported that there was no need to rob the bank in a daring |
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heist with guns and masks, because the bank was robbed every |
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day by the directors of the Iraqi ministries. |
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According to Mr. Kassam, they use up all the money they |
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want to withdraw. If it's a big amount they can get it in big |
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bags. If it's a small amount they get it in a box. But the |
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directors general are those people who are withdrawing the |
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money. They can take the money immediately from the bank and |
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put it in their pockets. |
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Mr. Chairman, I regret to say that this didn't happen under |
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the Oil-for-Food Program; it happened under the Development |
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Fund for Iraq. When I mentioned the previous management, I was |
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talking about this country, the U.S. administration. The |
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account was from an NPR series called ``Spoils of War'' and it |
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highlights just how dysfunctional the Bush administration's |
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management of DFI funds actually was. There was virtually no |
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monitoring of what happened to Iraqi funds once they left the |
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hands of this administration's officials. |
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Indeed, according to the Wall Street Journal article |
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published on September 17, the Coalition Provisional |
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Authority's own inspector general has now completed a report |
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finding that the Bush administration, ``hasn't demonstrated it |
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kept much control over any of the assets it seized following |
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the war.'' |
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In particular, the IG study reportedly concludes that the |
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Bush administration failed to account for $8.8 billion in DFI |
|
funds that were transferred to Iraqi ministries. According to |
|
the general report, the occupation government was unable to say |
|
for sure whether the money it disbursed was spent properly, or |
|
even spent at all. |
|
It is amazing that we have held hearing after hearing about |
|
the United Nations; management of the Oil-for-Food Program, |
|
which I agree we should. I think you are on the right track, |
|
and that is necessary. But we have not held even one hearing on |
|
this administration's mismanagement of Iraqi oil proceeds, and |
|
I agree with Mr. Waxman that is equally as important to the |
|
credibility of this country if we are going to really look at |
|
the situation and have the respect of the world, knowing that |
|
we are trying to be transparent and get to the bottom of how |
|
these moneys were expended. |
|
How can we expect the rest of the world to follow this |
|
administration's example? How can we expect them to comply with |
|
Security Council resolutions when the Bush administration |
|
ignores them? |
|
Mr. Chairman, we do no service to the administration by |
|
allowing them to proceed in this manner. I urge the committee |
|
to immediately address these issues and exercise meaningful |
|
oversight as well as continue our hearing process on the U.N. |
|
Oil-for-Food Program, but we must be resolute about all of the |
|
improprieties or lapses. |
|
Thank you. I yield back. |
|
Mr. Shays. I thank the gentleman. |
|
At this time the Chair would recognize Mr. Duncan. |
|
Mr. Duncan. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. |
|
A few years ago, 60 Minutes did a report on the |
|
scandalously high level of waste, fraud, and abuse occurring at |
|
the United Nations, much of it with American money. But this |
|
Oil-for-Food Program scandal really takes the cake, and so I |
|
appreciate very much your continuing to look into this |
|
situation and hold these hearings. |
|
Through this program, Saddam Hussein obtained $10.1 billion |
|
in illegal revenues. I remember hearing a talk a few months ago |
|
by Charlie Cook, the very respected political analyst, and he |
|
said that people really can't comprehend a figure over $1 |
|
billion. And it is difficult to think of how much money $10.1 |
|
billion is. This money was mostly squandered on Hussein's |
|
palaces, luxury cars, and lavish lifestyle that he and his |
|
family were living. This theft was made possible, apparently, |
|
by surcharges, illegal kickbacks, and abuse by U.N. personnel |
|
and by the lackadaisical and inept attitude of--and greedy |
|
attitude, really, of some of the companies involved that we |
|
will hear from today. |
|
The Wall Street Journal reported in an editorial what a lot |
|
of business the U.N. did. Mr. Annan, Kofi Annan's Secretariat |
|
and his staff collected more than $1.4 billion in commissions |
|
on these sales. But during this time the U.N. was doing almost |
|
nothing to really push weapons inspections and other things |
|
that they should have been doing in Iraq. |
|
The U.N. Oil-for-Food Program was the largest humanitarian |
|
effort in U.N. history. Unfortunately, it has now become the |
|
shining example of everything that is wrong with this |
|
organization. The United States pays one-fourth of the |
|
operating expenses of the United Nations, one-third of the |
|
money to many of the other U.N. programs, and mostly as much as |
|
90 or 95 percent on most of the U.N. peacekeeping operation. If |
|
the U.N. cannot provide any better oversight than what we see |
|
through this program, then surely our tax dollars can be spent |
|
better elsewhere, particularly at a time when we have a $7\1/2\ |
|
trillion national debt, and deficits running in the $400 to |
|
$500 billion range. |
|
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank the gentleman. |
|
And the Chair at this time would recognize Ms. Watson. |
|
Ms. Watson. Mr. Chairman, thank you. I think it is critical |
|
for Congress to address the serious questions surrounding the |
|
Bush administration's deficit management of Iraqi oil proceeds |
|
and other funds in the Development Fund for Iraq. |
|
We made a commitment to the Iraqi people, a promise that we |
|
would spend their money for their benefit, and we do have to |
|
remember that it is their money. We also promised to spend it |
|
in a transparent manner so the entire world would know that we |
|
were managing their funds properly and are not allowing graft, |
|
corruption, and mismanagement to infiltrate our mission there. |
|
Unfortunately, Mr. Chairman, it appears that the Bush |
|
administration has failed to live up to those commitments. |
|
Auditors at the CPA's own Inspector General's Office have |
|
issued a report that is extremely critical of the |
|
administration's management of Iraqi funds in the Development |
|
Fund for Iraq. In particular, the inspector general's report |
|
criticizes actions by the administration's contracting |
|
activities office in Iraq. |
|
If I may, I would like to read just a short portion of the |
|
report. The CPA contracting activity had not issued standard |
|
operating procedures or developed an effective contract review |
|
tracking and monitoring system. In addition, contract files |
|
were missing or incomplete. Further, contracting officers did |
|
not always ensure that contract prices were fair and |
|
reasonable, contractors were capable of meeting delivery |
|
schedules, and payments were made in accordance with contract |
|
requirements. |
|
This occurred because the CPA contracting activity did not |
|
provide adequate administrative oversight and technical |
|
supervision over the contracting actions completed by procuring |
|
contracting officers as required. As a result, the CPA |
|
contracting activity was not accurately reporting the number of |
|
contracts actually awarded by the CPA contracting activity. |
|
This hindered the CPA contracting activity's ability to |
|
demonstrate the transparency required of the CPA when it |
|
awarded contracts using DFI funds. |
|
Mr. Chairman, this is an indictment of the administration's |
|
entire management approach to the funds of the Iraqi people. |
|
The inspector general went on to warn that because contract |
|
files were not adequately maintained, they cannot be relied |
|
upon to ensure compliance or to be used as a source for |
|
congressional reporting. |
|
How are we in Congress supposed to be able to conduct our |
|
oversight responsibilities when the information is not |
|
reliable? The inspector general's report found that of the |
|
contracts they analyzed, 67 percent had incomplete or missing |
|
documentation. Sixty-seven percent, Mr. Chairman. This is a |
|
horrendous record. |
|
Finally, the inspector general provided its fundamental |
|
conclusion about the administration's stewardship of these |
|
Iraqi funds. The inspector general reported we do not believe |
|
that transparency can be achieved when pertinent data is |
|
unavailable or inaccurate. |
|
Mr. Chairman, this is an embarrassment to our country. The |
|
Bush administration has failed to comply with Security Council |
|
Resolution 1483 and we need to take action. |
|
Thank you Mr. Chairman. |
|
Mr. Shays. I thank the gentlelady. |
|
[The prepared statement of Hon. Diane E. Watson follows:] |
|
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|
Mr. Shays. At this time the Chair would recognize Mr. |
|
Murphy. |
|
Mr. Murphy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
The focus of today's hearing is really twofold. First, to |
|
investigate the structural weaknesses that made the Oil-for- |
|
Food Program vulnerable to diversion and exploitation; and |
|
second, to determine the steps Oil-for-Food Program manager and |
|
contractors took to prevent abuse. |
|
Now, we could spend all day just on point No. 1, but sadly |
|
I think the answer is staring us all in the face. The evidence |
|
uncovered over the last year by several different |
|
investigations cast little doubt that one of the fundamental |
|
problems with the U.N. Oil-for-Food Program was that the U.N. |
|
was running it, fueled by the greed and complicity of other |
|
countries. |
|
Despite repeated criticisms and questions of concern, U.N. |
|
member countries and U.N. personnel continually turned a blind |
|
eye to the corruption of a program designed to get humanitarian |
|
assistance to the people living under one of the most corrupt |
|
regimes in the world. We knew Saddam Hussein was corrupt, and |
|
his tactics of ruthless violence were a way of life. One would |
|
think the U.N. would be aware of this and structure the program |
|
in such a way so as to guard against it. One would think that |
|
attempts by Hussein to evade the sanctions through this program |
|
would be anticipated, and thus steps taken to counter his |
|
money-making scheme from the beginning, rather than trying to |
|
put out fires after the fact. |
|
Rather, it appears as if the Oil-for-Food Program went out |
|
of its way to encourage scandal and the illicit use of |
|
humanitarian contracts to line the pockets of Saddam Hussein |
|
and his cronies. |
|
Now, the United States gave millions in lives to France in |
|
World War I, World War II, and Vietnam. Yet they turned their |
|
backs on us when faced with Hussein's ever-increasing threat to |
|
the international community. |
|
France and Russia had two choices: Help us militarily, or |
|
intervene directly with Saddam Hussein to cooperate with |
|
weapons inspectors and stop his murderous regime. They did |
|
neither. Why didn't these countries step forward? Perhaps it |
|
had something to do with the fact that evidence suggests Russia |
|
was the recipient of 1.366 billion barrels of oil through |
|
Hussein's voucher scheme. And French companies close to |
|
President Chirac also benefited from Saddam's power. They were |
|
up to their ears in corruption, and the financial benefit of |
|
keeping Saddam Hussein in power weigh more heavily than their |
|
friendship with the United States. |
|
Corruption in the Oil-for-Food Program enriched Hussein to |
|
the tune of $10.1 billion, enough to buy and build more |
|
weapons, more clandestine activity and further undermine the |
|
entire U.N. sanctions program. |
|
There was one line in the subcommittee's background memo |
|
that really sums up the problem with the program, ``The Oil- |
|
for-Food Program was essentially run by Saddam Hussein.'' |
|
How is it that the U.N. could allow the terms of a program |
|
meant to punish a tyrannical leader, while offering assistance |
|
to the very people that suffered under him to be dictated by |
|
that very tyrant? It is because the current nature of the U.N. |
|
is to be soft on terrorism and the world leaders that support |
|
it. |
|
The spineless U.N. produced paper tigers in the form of |
|
resolutions that had no teeth. Time and again, the U.N. told |
|
Saddam Hussein and terrorists that the U.N. was all talk and no |
|
follow-through. And the world has reaped the grim harvest of |
|
that approach: more terrorists emboldened by the U.N.'s |
|
weaknesses. |
|
According to classified documents reviewed by the |
|
subcommittee, the U.N. created and encouraged an environment |
|
whereby Russia, France, China, and Syria, all nations standing |
|
to gain financially by the continued support of Saddam's |
|
government, continually blocked efforts by the United States |
|
and the United Kingdom to maintain the integrity of the Oil- |
|
for-Food Program. And all of those countries sat on the U.N. |
|
Security Council. |
|
The contractors responsible for inspecting shipments coming |
|
in and out of Iraq were also undermined by the U.N. Oil-for- |
|
Food Program policies. If the obstacles by Iraqi personnel were |
|
not enough, the U.N. denied the contractors the staff and the |
|
authority necessary to enforce inspection standards. One |
|
example given was an instance in which Saybolt was unable to |
|
prevent the transfer of oil onto a ship with expired letters of |
|
credit. If the inspectors had no enforcement powers, why have |
|
inspectors at all? |
|
Now, some may question why Congress is so interested in |
|
this issue. Our interest in the U.N.'s involvement in Iraq goes |
|
far beyond the Oil-for-Food Program. As the United States |
|
continues to fight terrorists in Iraq, our level of cooperation |
|
with the U.N. has been called into question. Yet, if France and |
|
Russia and the U.N. knowingly undermined the mission of the |
|
Oil-for-Food Program and knowingly undermined the efforts to |
|
stop Saddam Hussein, this Congress has a responsibility to ask |
|
who our allies are and who the U.N. is supporting. |
|
When some critics of the Iraq war claim our actions did not |
|
pass a global test, we must remember what interests the global |
|
community truly values. As I said before, we have given the |
|
French millions of our soldiers' lives, and they have given us |
|
the cold shoulder. France has repeatedly turned to us for help. |
|
In response, they have turned their back on us. The Oil-for- |
|
Food corruption scandal may be the answer of why. |
|
When the United States continues to foot the bill for U.N. |
|
peacekeeping missions, when the U.N. is unwilling to support us |
|
in our efforts to protect our own citizens, if winning the |
|
approval of the European countries of the U.N. for U.S. policy |
|
is the global test, maybe we should reconsider and question the |
|
reliability and supposed altruism of those sitting in judgment. |
|
I yield back my time, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank the gentleman. |
|
At this time, the Chair would recognize the distinguished |
|
gentleman from Vermont, Mr. Sanders. |
|
Mr. Sanders. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. |
|
I don't think there is any disagreement on this committee |
|
about the importance of investigating the U.N. Oil-for-Food |
|
Program. It is important to know how American dollars being |
|
contributed to the U.N. were spent and how the corrupt Saddam |
|
Hussein regime ended up stealing money that should have gone to |
|
hungry people in Iraq. So I have no objection about |
|
investigating that important issue. |
|
But I think it is equally important not only that we |
|
investigate what the U.N. does with American taxpayer money, it |
|
is equally important to investigate what the Bush |
|
administration and the U.S. Government does with American |
|
taxpayer moneys. |
|
You know, Mr. Chairman, I have been on this committee for |
|
more than a few years, and I can recall very clearly that |
|
during the Clinton administration this committee held dozens |
|
upon dozens of hearings to investigate every single allegation |
|
relating to the Clinton administration, no matter how off-the- |
|
wall those allegations were. We investigated the Vince Foster |
|
suicide. We investigate the Monica Lewinski, so-called |
|
Travelgate, Whitewater, ad infinitum, on and on and on. |
|
However, rather amazingly, during the Bush administration this |
|
committee has not held one substantive hearing to investigate |
|
any serious allegation against the Bush administration. And why |
|
is that important? It is important because we have a Republican |
|
administration. We have a Republican Senate. We have a |
|
Republican House. And it is the moral obligation under the |
|
Constitution of the United States that the Congress provide |
|
oversight to any administration; otherwise the government |
|
doesn't work. |
|
Yes, it is easy to beat up an administration from another |
|
party. We all know that. But we as Members of Congress have the |
|
responsibility to take a hard look at what any administration |
|
does, regardless of what party they are. And all over this |
|
country I think there is a growing concern, that the U.S. |
|
Congress has abdicated its oversight responsibility. |
|
All over America people are asking, why did we in fact go |
|
to war? And I know there are two sides to the issue. This |
|
committee hasn't looked at the rationale for going to war in |
|
Iraq. We haven't looked at the leak of the names of CIA agents. |
|
We haven't looked at the fact that the Medicare actuary was |
|
threatened with being fired if he actually told Members of |
|
Congress the truth about how much money the prescription drug |
|
program would cost. We haven't taken a look at the Cheney |
|
energy task force. |
|
Especially when we come to issues like Halliburton, we have |
|
a double responsibility. Everybody here knows that the Vice |
|
President of the United States used to be the CEO of |
|
Halliburton. Now, I am not casting any aspersions on what has |
|
happened. But all over this country people want to know, did |
|
Halliburton get a special deal? How come they got no bid |
|
contracts? How come billions of dollars went to Halliburton? |
|
Now, how come we are not looking at that issue? |
|
So, Mr. Chairman, what I would simply say is, yeah, let's |
|
take a hard look at what the U.N. did. And while I know it is |
|
easy to beat up on France and Germany, it might be a little bit |
|
more difficult but may be of more interest to the American |
|
people to take a hard look at what goes on at the Bush |
|
administration. |
|
I yield back. |
|
Mr. Shays. I thank the gentleman. |
|
At this time the Chair would recognize Mr. Lynch from |
|
Massachusetts. |
|
Mr. Lynch. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
I too believe that there is a very strong need to carry out |
|
a thorough investigation into the circumstances. I would like |
|
to focus on, however, with the Ambassador's cooperation, the |
|
facts that led us to this point. Now, here we have a situation |
|
where this Oil-for-Food Program was established back in 1995, |
|
after we had fought the first Gulf war, and it was established |
|
specifically because Saddam Hussein had run that country into |
|
the ground. He had failed to address the infrastructure needs |
|
and the humanitarian needs of his own people. He had used the |
|
country's natural resources as his own slush fund. He had used |
|
the basic funds that were in the treasury, the national |
|
treasury, at his own pleasure. He had ignored the basic health |
|
and welfare of his citizens in favor of a military buildup. |
|
Saddam Hussein waged wars against Iran and invaded Kuwait. |
|
He had fired SCUD missiles into the civilian populations of |
|
Israel. And we fought a war to remove him from power, to remove |
|
him from Kuwait initially. And even with the evidence of his |
|
own atrocities and the evidence of the corrupt activities |
|
between him and his son, squandering the wealth of that country |
|
and abusing its citizens, after the United States took a |
|
leadership role in establishing this fund, in deciding who |
|
would contract for the Iraqi people, with this fund of $20 |
|
billion, after that worldwide search for who would negotiate |
|
and who would control the terms for the Iraqi people, the |
|
responsibility was given to those same people: Saddam Hussein |
|
and his thugs, his family, the people that have been abusing |
|
that country for the previous 40 years. That was the colossal |
|
failure here, that we allowed Saddam Hussein to call the terms |
|
of that agreement, and he had the support of some of our |
|
international neighbors in getting the most favorable terms, |
|
having a private bank handle this. |
|
We could not get information under the arrangement that was |
|
agreed to between the United Nations, Kofi Annan, Secretary |
|
General, and Saddam Hussein and his regime. How did we ever |
|
allow ourselves to be put in this position? How did we allow |
|
the victims here--and there are three sets of victims--one, the |
|
Iraqi people. This was their national wealth. This was their |
|
country, their resources; the American taxpayer footing the |
|
bill again; and also the credibility of the United Nations. |
|
There are great misgivings here because of what has gone |
|
on. There is a definite--I haven't been on this committee that |
|
long. I have come to this committee recently. I have been here, |
|
this will be almost 3 years I have been on this committee. But |
|
I can tell you there is a definite reluctance on this committee |
|
to investigate anything. |
|
I am still waiting, after three meetings with the Defense |
|
Department, to get the names of some Halliburton individuals |
|
whom they have removed for bribery and corrupt practices with |
|
individuals in Iraq and in the Middle East. On an investigatory |
|
committee in the Congress, and we can't get the names of our |
|
own people when they have conceded that they were involved in |
|
bribery and corrupt practices in which the taxpayers' funds |
|
have disappeared in the millions. |
|
We need to do our job here, and I believe we will get to it |
|
eventually. But there has been tremendous wrongdoing here, and |
|
we have to step up to the plate and do what the American people |
|
have asked us to do: Get to the bottom of this. |
|
I yield back Mr. Chairman. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Shays. I thank the gentleman very much. |
|
And, Mrs. Maloney, you're next. |
|
Mrs. Maloney. Thank you. Thank you very much, Chairman |
|
Shays, and I thank also Ranking Member Waxman for your holding |
|
this important hearing. And welcome, Ambassador Kennedy. It's |
|
good to see you again. |
|
I think that we learned a great deal last April at our |
|
hearing, but since the appointment of Paul Volcker and the |
|
independent inquiry of the Oil-for-Food Program, there is much, |
|
much more to understand. I do believe that it is very important |
|
that we as an oversight body in Congress look at the U.N. and |
|
their financing, but we must also look at the finances and how |
|
we as a government handled the funds. We need to look at that |
|
equally. And I have some grave concerns that some of my |
|
colleagues have raised today in their testimony of the |
|
stewardship of the Iraqi oil proceeds and the successor to the |
|
Oil-for-Food Program, the Development Fund for Iraq which we |
|
created. |
|
As was mentioned, on May 22, 2003, after the United States |
|
took control of Iraq, the U.N. Security Council passed |
|
Resolution 1483, formally transferring the Oil-for-Food assets |
|
to a new Development Fund for Iraq, and placing them under the |
|
authority of the Coalition Provisional Authority which was |
|
headed by Bremer. Resolution 1483 directed the Bush |
|
administration to spend these funds on behalf of the Iraqi |
|
people. The Security Council also imposed other restrictions, |
|
and I think these restrictions are important. And in the |
|
testimony today, I want to know why we didn't follow them. |
|
And I will give several examples: |
|
The Security Council required the administration to deposit |
|
all oil-sale proceeds into the Development Fund for Iraq, which |
|
is held by the central bank of Iraq at the Federal Reserve Bank |
|
of New York. |
|
The Security Council required that all deposits to and |
|
spending from the Development Fund of Iraq be done, ``in a |
|
transparent manner.'' |
|
And the Security Council required that the administration |
|
ensure that the Development Fund for Iraq funds were used to |
|
meet the humanitarian needs of the Iraqi people, and for other |
|
purposes benefiting the people of Iraq. |
|
To ensure that the administration complied with these |
|
requirements, the Security Council created the International |
|
Advisory Monitoring Board to oversee these actions, the IAMB |
|
board. The Board was envisioned as the primary vehicle for |
|
guaranteeing the transparency of Iraqi funds. When the Bush |
|
administration assumed responsibility for these funds, it |
|
explicitly agreed to these terms. |
|
On August 19, 2003, Ambassador Bremer issued a memorandum |
|
stating as follows, ``As steward for the Iraqi people, the CPA |
|
will manage and spend Iraqi funds which belong to the Iraqi |
|
people for their benefit. They shall be managed in a |
|
transparent manner that fully comports with the CPA's |
|
obligations under international law, including Resolution 1483 |
|
of the United Nations.'' |
|
But, Mr. Chairman, the administration has not complied with |
|
the resolution and I do not believe that the requirements were |
|
very strict. The administration took in, as Mr. Waxman noted, a |
|
total of $20.6 billion while it controlled this Development |
|
Fund in Iraq. On July 15, 2004, the oversight board issued its |
|
first audit report on the administration's stewardship of Iraqi |
|
funds, and this report was conducted by KPMG, which happens to |
|
be headquartered in the district I represent, the same |
|
international certified public accounting firm reviewing the |
|
Oil-for-Food Program. So we had the same auditor for both |
|
programs. |
|
KPMG criticized the administration for, ``inadequate |
|
accounting systems, inadequate recordkeeping, inadequate |
|
controls over Iraqi oil proceeds. On the most basic level, KPMG |
|
found that the administration failed to follow its own policy, |
|
to hire a certified public accounting firm. According to the |
|
KPMG report, the CPA was required to obtain the services of an |
|
independent certified public accounting firm to assist in the |
|
accounting function of the Development Fund of Iraq. But our |
|
administration, the current administration never did so. In |
|
addition, the sum total of the accounting system used by the |
|
administration consisted of--this is directly out of the KPMG |
|
report, ``excel spread sheets and pivot tables maintained by |
|
one individual.'' |
|
The KPMG report concluded as follows: ``the CPA senior |
|
advisor to the Ministry of Finances, who is also chairman of |
|
the Program Review Board, was unable to acknowledge the fair |
|
presentation of the statement of cash receipts and payments, |
|
the completeness of significant contracts entered into by the |
|
DFI and his responsibilities for the implementation and |
|
operations of accounting and internal control systems designed |
|
to prevent detect fraud and error.'' |
|
I believe these are very serious findings. They basically |
|
say that the United States has failed to comply with the |
|
transparency and accountability requirements set forth by the |
|
United Nations in the Security Council Resolution 1483. |
|
So I look forward to the opportunity to question Ambassador |
|
Kennedy about these serious problems. Truly having accountable |
|
and transparency over money is a very important role of |
|
government. We try to do this in our own government, and we |
|
certainly should bring the same standards to moneys that we |
|
oversaw in Iraq. |
|
So, again, I thank the chairman and the ranking member for |
|
their continued oversight. It is important, and I look forward |
|
to the opportunity to question Mr. Kennedy. |
|
Mr. Shays. I thank the gentlelady. |
|
[The prepared statement of Hon. Carolyn B. Maloney |
|
follows:] |
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Mr. Shays. And at this time, the Chair would recognize Mr. |
|
Ruppersberger. |
|
Mr. Ruppersberger. Sure. Mr. Chairman, I come to this |
|
hearing today with many concerns. My first concern is about the |
|
allegations that have been made and the way they are being |
|
investigated. |
|
There are three main charges that have been levied: |
|
overpricing by the Saddam regime; kickbacks made by the |
|
companies contracting with Saddam through the program, and what |
|
Saddam used that money for; and three, corruption within the |
|
U.N. itself in running the Oil-for-Food Program. |
|
These are all very serious allegations, and if any or all |
|
of them are proven to be true, those individuals proven to be |
|
guilty of illegalities and wrongdoing should be brought to full |
|
and complete justice. On that I believe we can all agree. |
|
I have serious concerns about the number of investigations |
|
occurring, the leaks to the media, the potential of mishandling |
|
of valuable evidence, and the use of the court of public |
|
opinion, the media and others, rather than allowing the Paul |
|
Volcker investigation to complete its work. |
|
When we last met in April to discuss the same issue, |
|
Members of both sides of the aisle praised the unprecedented |
|
commissioning of an independent investigation by Kofi Annan and |
|
the appointment of Mr. Volcker. Since then, Mr. Volcker has had |
|
to assemble a staff, enter into the memorandums of agreement |
|
with multiple investigations, assemble and review a decade |
|
worth of documents, and all the while answer to U.N. member |
|
states, all with vested interests, including the United States. |
|
And that is no easy task. |
|
I am concerned that the current investigations are being |
|
politicized and the evidence submitted is being leaked before |
|
it is ever vetted, authenticated, or corroborated. |
|
I am concerned that this is turning out to be an inductive |
|
investigation rather than a deductive investigation. And I know |
|
that is the wrong way to conduct a credible investigation. |
|
I urge caution as we proceed further. Let's consider a few |
|
facts: The first, the Oil-for-Food Program is no longer in |
|
existence and therefore the rush to judgment may do more harm |
|
than good. |
|
Second, Mr. Volcker has promised a full and complete |
|
investigation report to member states by mid-2005, and we |
|
should allow that investigation to conclude before condemning a |
|
report that has yet to be written. |
|
Three, we are fighting a global war on terrorism that |
|
requires international involvement, including the U.N. damaging |
|
the reputation of any politician, national leader, ally, or |
|
international institution at this time, this delicate time, |
|
without a full vetting of the facts is simply premature and |
|
dangerous. We must follow the facts, and I am glad to see that |
|
the chairman has called these witnesses to deal with two of the |
|
three main allegations head on. |
|
I would hope that the same will be done with the |
|
allegations resting on the al-Mada, which is the Iraqi |
|
newspaper-published list, and all who possess or witnessed |
|
those documents at one time. And I would like to hear from the |
|
al-Mada editor-in-chief, from KPMG, Patton Boggs, Fresh Fields, |
|
Bucas Derringer, Paul Bremer, Claude Hankes-Drielsma, to |
|
address those documents which are the starting point of this |
|
scandal. |
|
I also think it would be useful to bring an |
|
authentification expert before this committee to discuss |
|
authentification and how it is done and what it means and why |
|
it is so important. Ultimately, I think we must allow Mr. |
|
Volcker to carry out this investigation, to look at the facts |
|
and evidence, to look at his conclusions, and then decide as a |
|
Nation what is our best interest to do next. |
|
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Mr. Shays. I thank the gentleman. |
|
[The prepared statement of Hon. C.A. Dutch Ruppersberger |
|
follows:] |
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Mr. Shays. At this time I would like to make a unanimous |
|
consent that Doug Ose, a member of the full committee and |
|
chairman of the Regulatory Affairs Subcommittee be allowed to |
|
participate in this hearing. Without objection, so ordered, and |
|
at this time I would welcome any statement that Mr. Ose would |
|
like to make. |
|
Mr. Ose. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I was listening with |
|
particular attention to Mr. Ruppersberger's remarks about this |
|
being an inductive investigation as opposed to a deductive |
|
investigation. It seems like we have had a lot of rhetoric |
|
today about, you, know who is guilty and who is not. |
|
I just want to go back to a couple of uncontested facts. |
|
The Oil-for-Food Program was established in April 1995 pursuant |
|
to U.N. Security Council Resolution 986. And the food actually |
|
started to flow in December 1996. So there was about a year- |
|
and-a-half drag between the time it was authorized and the time |
|
it was actually implemented. And interestingly enough, the |
|
first known request for any examination of the program in terms |
|
of fraud or lack of transparency occurred in the first few days |
|
of March 2001. |
|
So for 5 years, from December 1996--4\1/2\ years, from |
|
December 1996 to March 2001, this program just sailed along |
|
without oversight interest or monitoring. |
|
Pursuant to the request in early March 2001 that the 661 |
|
committee actually look at this issue, on March 7, 2001 Kofi |
|
Annan actually sent a notice to Iraq, saying they have to clean |
|
up their act. Again, from the time of December 1996 to March |
|
2001, nobody paid any attention. The perpetrators of the scam |
|
set the rules. The U.N. signed off on it, and the |
|
administration turned a blind eye. |
|
However, in early March 2001 that changed. Finally somebody |
|
in the administration did something and brought to the |
|
attention of the 661 committee allegations that fraud and lack |
|
of transparency were occurring. I think the record needs to be |
|
very clear on this issue. But the only thing, this fraud that |
|
was taking place--excuse me--that's inductive. The only time |
|
that we finally got around to examining whether fraud was |
|
taking place was in March 2001. The people who approved the |
|
program in the mid-nineties turned a blind eye to it. The |
|
Security Council's 661 committee, they just said, just do it; |
|
don't bother us with the details. |
|
But in March 2001, somebody finally started asking the hard |
|
questions. What changed? I hope we examine that issue. What |
|
changed from the mid-nineties to March 2001, so that the |
|
questions finally started getting asked? I think that is a |
|
central question to this thing, because you cannot uncover |
|
fraud. You cannot reverse years and years of practice by |
|
snapping your fingers or standing up here beating your chest. |
|
This culture got set up, it got established, it got ignored. |
|
And in March 2001, we finally called them on it. |
|
Mr. Chairman, I hope we get to the bottom of this. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank the gentleman. |
|
I ask unanimous consent that all members of the |
|
subcommittee be permitted to place an opening statement in the |
|
record and the record will remain open for 3 days for that |
|
purpose. And, without objection, so ordered. |
|
I would ask further unanimous consent that all Members be |
|
permitted to include their written statement in the record, |
|
and, without objection, so ordered. |
|
We have a representative of the French Embassy, but I think |
|
we will have to just make a statement and leave a document. But |
|
I think I will first ask Mr. Waxman to make his motion and then |
|
we will put that on the table. |
|
Mr. Waxman. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I have two separate |
|
motions for subpoenas. The first one is a subpoena under House |
|
rule 11(2)(k)(6). On July 8 this committee issued a subpoena to |
|
the French bank, BNP Paribas, which was responsible for |
|
maintaining the Oil-for-Food escrow account controlled by the |
|
U.N. When the committee issued the subpoena, the argument by |
|
the chairman and others was that a subpoena was necessary |
|
because the bank could not legally cooperate with this |
|
committee's inquiries unless it had the legal protection |
|
afforded by a subpoena. In other words, they wanted to |
|
cooperate, we were told, but they needed to have the subpoena |
|
for legal reasons. |
|
Mr. Chairman, my subpoena is for the Federal Reserve Bank |
|
of New York. This is the bank that maintains the Development |
|
Fund for Iraq which was run by the Bush administration from May |
|
2003 to June 2004. Just as you asked the French bank for |
|
documents relating to the inflow and outflow of funds under the |
|
Oil-for-Food Program, we ask for identical documents from the |
|
Federal Reserve Bank. |
|
In fact, the language of my subpoena tracks the broad |
|
language of your subpoena almost word for word, substituting |
|
references to the Oil-for-Food program with references to |
|
Development Fund for Iraq. |
|
In making this motion, I want the record to reflect that |
|
the Federal Reserve Bank has expressed the exact same policy as |
|
the French bank. With respect to cooperating with this |
|
committee, they cannot respond to a simple letter of request, |
|
but they are more than willing to respond to a friendly |
|
subpoena, and I want to submit for the record an e-mail |
|
received from the counsel and vice president of the Federal |
|
Reserve Bank dated October 4, 2004. |
|
It states as follows: ``with respect to providing DFI |
|
account information to the Congress, we concluded as long as we |
|
are acting pursuant to a subpoena, we can provide DFI account |
|
information for the period that the DFI was operated by |
|
Ambassador Bremer without violating our contractual obligation |
|
to the Central Bank of Iraq.'' |
|
Mr. Chairman, we have an exactly parallel situation. We are |
|
talking about the same funds, the Iraqi oil proceeds, which |
|
were supposed to be used for the humanitarian benefit of the |
|
Iraqi people. We are talking about the financial institutions |
|
responsible for maintaining these funds, and we are talking |
|
about serious allegations of mismanagement. The only difference |
|
is that the United Nations controlled one set of funds, and the |
|
Bush administration controlled the other. I believe this |
|
committee's legitimacy will be judged by how it treats these |
|
two cases. We can choose to treat them equally in an even- |
|
handed manner, properly exercising our congressional oversight |
|
responsibilities or Mr. Chairman, you and your colleagues can |
|
attempt once again to use procedural machinations to shield the |
|
Bush administration from embarrassment, and more importantly, |
|
from accountability. |
|
My first motion is for the committee to issue a subpoena to |
|
Mr. Timothy Geithner, the president of the Federal Reserve Bank |
|
of New York, to produce the documents relating to the |
|
development fund for Iraq. |
|
I ask unanimous consent that the e-mail be part of the |
|
record. |
|
Mr. Shays. Without objection, the e-mail will be part of |
|
the record. |
|
[The information referred to follows:] |
|
[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0052.027 |
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|
Mr. Shays. The motion offered by Mr. Waxman is in order |
|
under House rule 11, clause 2(k)(6). That rule states, ``The |
|
Chairman shall receive and the committee shall dispense with |
|
requests to subpoena additional evidence.'' Pursuant to that |
|
rule, the chairman may determine the timing of the |
|
consideration of such request. At this time the motion shall be |
|
considered as entered and the committee will consider the |
|
motion offered by the gentleman from California at 2:45 today. |
|
Would you like to make a separate---- |
|
Mr. Waxman. I offer them separately because I can see no |
|
opposition to the first one. |
|
Mr. Shays. Would you like me to comment on your motion? |
|
Mr. Waxman. If you would. |
|
Mr. Shays. The Chair reserves the time to speak, and I just |
|
say that conceptually I think, while I do not agree with the |
|
arguments on why this information is needed and that there is |
|
wrongdoing that requires it, I do think that there is merit in |
|
getting this information. So my interest is in getting this |
|
information. My inclination is always to write a letter first. |
|
In this instance a letter may not be required with the |
|
documentation that you have, and so I want to consider that. I |
|
will reserve judgment, frankly, on that motion. |
|
Mr. Waxman. Mr. Chairman, I think that is a reasonable |
|
position. As you think about it between now and 2:45, I hope |
|
you make the decision to support the subpoena. |
|
My second motion is for a subpoena under House rule 11, |
|
clause 2(k)(6). As I said in my opening statement, the Bush |
|
administration is grossly mismanaging Iraqi oil proceeds and |
|
other funds in the Development Fund for Iraq. There have been |
|
multiple reports about the administration failing to manage |
|
these funds in an open, transparent and accountable manner as |
|
required by the Security Council resolution 1483. In addition, |
|
the administration is now withholding documents from the |
|
international auditors charged by the U.N. Security Council to |
|
monitor its stewardship of these funds. I think a subpoena is |
|
necessary at this point because the administration has refused |
|
requests to voluntarily turn over this information. |
|
Indeed, Mr. Chairman, you issued a press release on June 23 |
|
of this year condemning the administration for failing to |
|
provide information to this subcommittee regarding both the |
|
Oil-for-Food Program and the Development Fund for Iraq. This is |
|
what you said about the administration's replay. ``the response |
|
is incomplete. There is still an insufficient accounting of |
|
relevant documents in custody. Several questions and requests |
|
are simply unanswered.'' |
|
The committee still has not received the information we |
|
requested on May 21. After the administration rejected the |
|
subcommittee's request for information, I wrote to Congressman |
|
Davis, the chairman of the full committee, on July 9 and asked |
|
that he subpoena the documents. In my request, I tracked |
|
exactly the language and format he used to subpoena the French |
|
bank handling the Oil-for-Food account. |
|
On July 12, Chairman Davis wrote back refusing to issue the |
|
subpoena. He said it was premature, that he preferred to send a |
|
letter requesting the information. Well, I wrote to him again |
|
on July 15 attaching a draft letter for him to sign and send |
|
out but he never did and he just ignored my request entirely. |
|
I wrote again on July 29 repeating my request. To this day |
|
he has failed to respond to my multiple requests to do so. Now |
|
that these voluntary efforts have failed, it is clear we have |
|
exhausted all our options. We have no choice but to issue an |
|
subpoena. In light of these numerous failures to provide |
|
information to the United Nations and the U.S. Congress, I move |
|
that the committee subpoena Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld |
|
to produce these specified documents, including records of |
|
receipts and disbursements, sole source contracts and other |
|
listed materials. |
|
I understand, Mr. Chairman, it is always preferable to send |
|
a letter requesting the information, but if we cannot even get |
|
the chairman of the committee requesting it, and we have no |
|
response to our letters requesting the information directly |
|
from DOD, it seems to me that we have no other course but to go |
|
ahead with the subpoena. To date, we still have not received |
|
these documents. It is clear that we need to move to a |
|
subpoena. I urge support for the subpoena. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank you. We will take that up after we discuss |
|
the first one and I will reserve judgment as well on this, and |
|
we will have dialog before we have that vote. We will have a 5- |
|
minute dialog on each of those subpoenas on each side so there |
|
will be a 10 minute debate on each motion before we vote. |
|
Let me just say that I see Mr. Lantos is here. |
|
Mr. Lantos, would you like to make a statement on the Oil- |
|
for-Food Program, or we will get right to our hearing. |
|
Mr. Lantos. I will defer. |
|
Mr. Shays. The French embassy has asked a representative, |
|
Ms. Christine Grenier, to provide some information to the |
|
subcommittee. Without objection, I would like to recognize her |
|
for a brief statement. |
|
Mr. Ose. Mr. Chairman, I know it is our normal practice to |
|
swear in our witnesses. |
|
Mr. Shays. How brief is your statement? It is very short, a |
|
paragraph, so we are not swearing in this witness. |
|
Ms. Grenier. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and distinguished |
|
members of the committee, my name is Christine Grenier. I am |
|
First Secretary in the Political Section at the French Embassy. |
|
Allegations have been voiced on the role of France in the Oil- |
|
for-Food Program. The French Embassy will prepare a written |
|
statement in response to these unjustified allegations, and I |
|
would appreciate your allowing this statement to be included in |
|
the hearing record. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank you very much. We appreciate you honoring |
|
the committee with your presence. We will be happy to insert |
|
the statement into the record. Without objection that will |
|
happen. Thank you very much. |
|
[The information referred to follows:] |
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[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0052.033 |
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|
Mr. Shays. At this time the Chair would note that we have |
|
Ambassador Patrick F. Kennedy, U.S. representative to the |
|
United Nations for U.N. management and reform, U.S. mission to |
|
the United Nations, U.S. Department of State. At this time the |
|
Chair will swear in the witness. |
|
[Witnesses sworn.] |
|
Mr. Shays. I note for the record our witness has responded |
|
in the affirmative. I thank the witness for his patience. |
|
Mr. Ambassador, I thank you for your presence and |
|
statement. You have the floor. |
|
|
|
STATEMENT OF AMBASSADOR PATRICK F. KENNEDY, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE |
|
TO THE UNITED NATIONS FOR U.N. MANAGEMENT AND REFORM, U.S. |
|
MISSION TO THE UNITED NATIONS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE |
|
|
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Mr. Chairman, distinguished members of |
|
the committee, I welcome the opportunity to appear before you |
|
again to discuss what is commonly known as the United Nations |
|
Oil-for-Food Program. |
|
Mr. Chairman, recent allegations of corruption and |
|
mismanagement under the Oil-for-Food Program have been targeted |
|
not only at the Saddam regime but also at companies and |
|
individuals doing business under the program and at U.N. |
|
personnel and contractors. We believe that every effort should |
|
be made to investigate these allegations seriously and to |
|
determine the facts in each case. |
|
As you are aware, there are currently several congressional |
|
investigations looking into the question of Oil-for-Food. The |
|
independent inquiry committee headed by Paul Volcker and the |
|
Iraqi board of Supreme Audit in Baghdad are also conducting |
|
their investigations. As these inquiries go forward, you have |
|
my assurance, and that of my staff, to cooperate fully with you |
|
and your colleagues on other committees and provide all |
|
possible additional information and assistance. I welcome the |
|
opportunity today to answer your questions relating to these |
|
investigations on how the program was created and operated. At |
|
the outset, Mr. Chairman, I want to reiterate several points I |
|
made here previously in April. |
|
First, I want to emphasize that the establishment of the |
|
Oil-for-Food Program was the result of difficult and arduous |
|
negotiations among 15 Security Council members, a number of |
|
whom advocated a complete lifting of sanctions against Iraq. |
|
The Oil-for-Food Program was in no way perfect, but it was, at |
|
the time, the best achievable compromise to address the ongoing |
|
humanitarian crisis in Iraq in the mid 1990's, while |
|
maintaining effective restrictions on Saddam's ability to |
|
rearm. Sanctions have always been an imperfect tool, but given |
|
the U.S. national goal of restricting Saddam's ability to |
|
obtain new materials of war, sanctions represented an important |
|
tool in our efforts. |
|
Mr. Chairman, given this general context, I would now like |
|
to outline some of the details of how the program worked, how |
|
it was created, by whom and how it was operated and was |
|
monitored. A comprehensive sanctions regime was established |
|
under U.S. Security Council resolution 661 in August 1990 after |
|
the Saddam Hussein regime invaded Kuwait. The council's |
|
unanimity on the issue of Iraq eroded as key council |
|
delegations became increasingly concerned over the negative |
|
impact of sanctions on the Iraqi population, the lack of food |
|
supplies and the increase in mortality rates were worldwide |
|
news. |
|
The concept of a humanitarian program to alleviate the |
|
suffering of the people of Iraq was initially considered in |
|
1991 with U.N. Security Council resolutions 706 and 712, but |
|
the Saddam regime rejected those proposals. The counsel |
|
eventually adopted U.N. Security Council resolution 986 in |
|
1995, which provided the legal basis for what became known as |
|
the Oil-for-Food Program. While council members were the |
|
drafters and negotiators of this text, the memorandum of |
|
understanding signed between the U.N. and the former government |
|
of Iraq was negotiated between Iraqi government officials and |
|
representatives of the Secretary General, in particular his |
|
legal counsel, on behalf and at the request of the Security |
|
Council. |
|
Under provisions of resolution 986 and the MOU, the Iraqi |
|
government, as a sovereign entity, retained the responsibility |
|
for contracting with buyers and sellers of Iraq's choosing and |
|
the responsibility to distribute humanitarian items to the |
|
Iraqi population. This retention of Iraqi authority was |
|
insisted upon by Saddam and was supported by a number of |
|
Security Council members, as well as other U.N. member states. |
|
The exception to this was for the three northern Governorates |
|
of Iraq where the U.N. agencies, at the request of the Council, |
|
served as the de facto administrative body that contracted for |
|
nonbulk goods and distributed the monthly food ration. |
|
The sanctions committee was established under resolution |
|
661 in 1990, also known as the 661 committee, monitored member |
|
state implementation of the comprehensive sanctions on Iraq, |
|
and also was authorized to monitor the implementation of Oil- |
|
for-Food Program after its inception. |
|
The 661 committee, like all sanctions committees, operated |
|
as a subsidiary body of the Security Council and was comprised |
|
of representatives from the same 15 member nations as the |
|
council. The committee was chaired by the Ambassador of one of |
|
the rotating 10 elected members of the council. The committee, |
|
during its life span, was chaired by the Ambassadors of |
|
Finland, Austria, New Zealand, Portugal, Netherlands, Norway |
|
and Germany. |
|
Decisionmaking in the committee was accomplished on a |
|
consensus basis. All decisions taken by the committee required |
|
the agreement of all its members. This procedure is used in all |
|
subsidiary sanctions committees of the Security Council. |
|
In providing oversight and monitoring of the sanctions, the |
|
committee and each of its members, including the United States, |
|
was responsible for reviewing humanitarian contracts, oil spare |
|
parts contracts, and oil pricing submitted on a regular basis |
|
by Iraq to the U.N. for approval. The committee was also |
|
responsible for addressing issues related to noncompliance and |
|
sanctions busting. In my previous testimony and statement for |
|
the record, I have provided an explanation of what we knew |
|
about issues relating to noncompliance, what we did to address |
|
them and the degree of success we had in addressing these |
|
issues within the confines of the 661 committee. |
|
When the United States became aware of issue related to |
|
noncompliance or manipulation of the Oil-for-Food Program by |
|
the Saddam regime, we raised these concerns in the committee, |
|
often in concert with our U.K. counterparts. At our request, |
|
the committee held lengthy discussion and debate over for |
|
example allegations of oil pricing manipulation, kickbacks on |
|
contracts, illegal smuggling and misuse of ferry services. To |
|
provide the 661 committee with additional insight on issues |
|
related to noncompliance, we also organized outside briefings |
|
by the commander of the Multilateral Interception Force and |
|
other U.S. agencies. Our success in addressing issues of |
|
noncompliance was directly related to the willingness of other |
|
members of the committee to take action. |
|
Given the consensus rule for decisionmaking in the |
|
committee, the ability of the United States and the U.K. to |
|
take measures to counter or address noncompliance was often |
|
inhibited by other Members' desire to ease sanctions on Iraq. |
|
As reflected in many of the 661 committee records which have |
|
been shared with your committee, the atmosphere within the |
|
committee, particularly as the program evolved by the late |
|
1990's was often contentious and polemic, given the fundamental |
|
political disagreement between member states over the Security |
|
Council's imposition and continuance of comprehensive |
|
sanctions, a debate exacerbated by the self-serving national |
|
economic objectives of certain key member states. |
|
Mr. Chairman, you have recently been to Baghdad and know |
|
that the voluminous Oil-for-Food documents are now being |
|
safeguarded for use by the board of supreme audit in their |
|
investigation. The American Embassy in Baghdad is currently |
|
working on a memorandum of understanding between the United |
|
States and the government of Iraq regarding access to these |
|
documents. We will keep this committee updated on the status of |
|
these negotiations. Mr. Chairman, as you and your fellow |
|
distinguished committee colleagues continue your review of the |
|
Oil-for-Food Program, key issues in your assessment likely will |
|
be whether the program achieved its overall objectives and |
|
whether the program could have been better designed at its |
|
inception to preclude what some have suggested were fundamental |
|
flaws in its design. |
|
In retrospect, had the program been constructed |
|
differently, perhaps by eliminating Iraqi contracting authority |
|
and the resulting large degree of autonomy afforded to Saddam |
|
to pick suppliers and buyers, then the allegations currently |
|
facing the program might not exist. One can postulate the |
|
elimination of this authority and the establishment of another |
|
entity to enter into contracts on behalf of the former |
|
government of Iraq, and this entity might have had tighter |
|
oversight of financial flows, thus inhibiting Saddam Hussein's |
|
ability to cheat the system through illegal transaction. |
|
The problem is, of course, that these specific decisions to |
|
allow the government of Iraq to continue to exercise authority, |
|
to let Saddam Hussein continue to determine who he could sell |
|
oil to and purchase goods from were all done in the larger |
|
context of a political debate on Iraq. It was reluctantly |
|
accepted to ensure that the significant sanctions program would |
|
remain in place, thus achieving a U.S. goal. |
|
Mr. Chairman, I want to reiterate a point that I made |
|
earlier on the issue of sovereignty. While we opposed the |
|
authoritarian leadership of the former Saddam Hussein regime, |
|
Iraq was, and is, a sovereign nation. Sovereign nations are |
|
generally free to determine to whom they will sell their |
|
national products, and from whom they purchase supplies. |
|
Members of the Security Council, as well as other member |
|
states, insisted on upholding this aspect of Iraq's sovereign |
|
authority. |
|
These were the arrangements that prevailed under the Oil- |
|
for-Food Program given this reality. Could alternate |
|
arrangements have been devised, such as authorizing the United |
|
Nations or some other entity to function as the contracting |
|
party representing the people of Iraq in oil sales, and |
|
humanitarian goods procurement? The answer, given that there |
|
was not the political will in the Security Council to use its |
|
authorities to take charge of Iraq's oil sales and humanitarian |
|
goods procurement depended on the Iraqi regime's agreeing. And |
|
it did not. |
|
Mr. Shays. Ambassador, I am going to have you summarize |
|
when we get back. We have a vote now, and I am going to go to |
|
that vote, so we are going to recess. |
|
[Recess.] |
|
Mr. Shays. Ambassador Kennedy, there is going to be another |
|
vote, but just complete your statement. We will put your |
|
statement on the record. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
The Security Council's original scheme for the Oil-for-Food |
|
Program outlined in resolution 706 and 712 in 1991 were for a |
|
program that would utilize the revenue derived from the sale of |
|
Iraqi oil to finance the purchase of humanitarian supplies for |
|
use by the Iraqi people. It was repeatedly rejected by the |
|
Saddam government. Even after the council adopted resolution |
|
986 on April 14, 1995, the resolution that established the Oil- |
|
for-Food Program, it took more than 13 months of protracted |
|
negotiations before Saddam Hussein finally agreed to proceed, a |
|
considerable delay given the ongoing and urgent needs of the |
|
Iraqi people. |
|
Mr. Chairman, any plan that would have denied the authority |
|
of the Iraqi government to select its own purchasers of Iraqi |
|
oil and suppliers of humanitarian products would have been |
|
rejected by a number of other key Security Council member |
|
states. You and your committee colleagues will recall that |
|
most, if not all, of the resolutions concerning Iraq adopted by |
|
the Security Council reaffirmed Iraq's sovereignty and |
|
territorial integrity. It would not have been possible |
|
politically to win support from various U.N. member states for |
|
any arrangement that denied Iraq its fundamental authorities as |
|
a sovereign nation and that would have endangered the |
|
durability of the sanctions regime that helped Saddam's access |
|
to war materials. |
|
Finally, Mr. Chairman, I want to underscore the obligations |
|
of all U.N. member states to implement and enforce the |
|
comprehensive multilateral sanctions imposed by the Security |
|
Council under resolution 661. It was not possible for the |
|
sanctions to be effective, nor to prevent Saddam Hussein from |
|
evading the sanctions through the smuggling of oil, and the |
|
purchase of prohibited goods without the full cooperation of |
|
other states. I appreciate that this committee is carefully |
|
reviewing this matter and I would encourage you to consider the |
|
actions of other states in the context of the Oil-for-Food |
|
Program. |
|
The United Nations, first and foremost, is a collective |
|
body comprised of its 191 members. A fundamental principle |
|
inherent in the U.N. charter is that member states will accept |
|
and carry out the decisions of the Security Council in |
|
accordance with the charter. In this regard, the effectiveness |
|
of the Oil-for-Food Program as well as the larger comprehensive |
|
sanctions regime against Iraq, largely depended on the ability |
|
and willingness of U.N. member states to implement and enforce |
|
sanctions. In the 661 committee, the subsidiary body of the |
|
Security Council tasked with monitoring sanctions compliance, |
|
sanctions violations could be addressed only if there was |
|
collective will and consensus to do so. |
|
As you review the effectiveness of the Oil-for-Food |
|
Program, and the sanctions against Iraq in general, I encourage |
|
you to keep in mind that a decision to take effective action to |
|
address noncompliance issues required consensus in the 661 |
|
committee, a consensus that repeatedly proved elusive. And in |
|
reviewing the effectiveness of the U.N. secretariat, it may be |
|
relevant to recall that the staff and contractors are hired to |
|
implement the decisions of the member states. They operate |
|
within the mandates given to them. |
|
In this regard, resolution 986 and the May 1996 memorandum |
|
of understanding between the United Nations and the former |
|
government of Iraq defined the mandate governing the work of |
|
the independent inspection agents, appointed by the Secretary |
|
General, who authenticated the arrival in Iraq of goods ordered |
|
under approved Oil-for-Food contracts. Lloyds Registry of the |
|
United Kingdom initially performed this function on behalf of |
|
the U.N. When the Lloyds contract expired, the Swiss firm |
|
Cotecna was hired by the U.N. to continue this authentication |
|
function. As defined in resolution 986 and the subsequent MOU, |
|
the independent inspection agents, Lloyds and then Cotecna, |
|
were tasked with inspecting only those shipments of |
|
humanitarian supplies ordered under the Oil-for-Food program. |
|
Lloyds Registry and Cotecna agents were not authorized by |
|
the Security Council to serve as Iraq's border guards or |
|
customs officials. They lacked authority to prevent the entry |
|
into Iraq of non-Oil-for-Food goods. That function and |
|
responsibility belonged solely to Iraqi border and Customs |
|
officers, given Iraq's sovereignty and to every U.N. member |
|
state given the sanctions in place. The United Nations and its |
|
agents Lloyds Registry, Cotecna and Saybolt were not |
|
responsible for enforcing sanctions compliance. In May 2001, |
|
the United States and U.K. delegations circulated a draft |
|
resolution to other Security Council members that would have |
|
tightened border monitoring by neighboring states as part of a |
|
smart sanctions approach to Iraq. Certain council members as |
|
well as representatives of Iraq's neighbors, strongly opposed |
|
the United States-U.K. text, and the draft resolution was never |
|
adopted. |
|
Resolution 986 and the May 1996 memorandum of understanding |
|
also called for monitoring by outside agents of Iraq's oil |
|
exports the Dutch firm Saybolt performed this function under |
|
the Oil-for-Food Program. Saybolt representatives oversaw oil |
|
loadings at the Mina al-Bakr loading platform and monitored the |
|
authorized outbound flow of oil from Iraq to Turkey. Saybolt |
|
monitors were not authorized by the Security Council to search |
|
out and prevent illegal oil shipments by the former Iraqi |
|
regime. This was the primary responsibility of each member |
|
state. The multi national maritime interception force operating |
|
in the Persian Gulf also was tasked with preventing Iraq's |
|
illegal oil smuggling. |
|
Mr. Chairman, now that the Oil-for-Food Program has ended, |
|
questions concerning the efficacy of the program have arisen in |
|
light of the appearance of the documents belonging to the |
|
former Iraqi regime. These documents were never publicly shared |
|
during Saddam Hussein's rule with the Security Council or the |
|
661 committee. |
|
A fair question to pose is what might have happened had the |
|
Oil-for-Food Program never been established. While any response |
|
is purely conjecture. It is fair to assume that the |
|
humanitarian crisis besetting the people of Iraq in the mid |
|
1990's would have only worsened over time, given the impact of |
|
the comprehensive sanctions on Iraq and Saddam Hussein's |
|
failure to provide for the needs of his own civilian |
|
population. |
|
A deteriorating humanitarian situation among the Iraqi |
|
people would have increased calls among more and more nations |
|
for a relaxation and/or removal of the comprehensive sanctions |
|
restrictions on Iraq, thereby undermining ongoing United States |
|
and U.K. efforts to limit Saddam's ability to rearm. While the |
|
United States and U.K. may have succeeded in formally retaining |
|
sanctions against Iraq, fewer and fewer nations would have |
|
abided by them in practice given the perceived harmful impact |
|
such measures were thought to be having on Iraqi civilians. |
|
This would have given Saddam even greater access to prohibited |
|
items with which to pose a renewed threat to Iraq's neighbors |
|
and to the region. |
|
Did the Oil-for-Food Program help to relieve the |
|
humanitarian crisis in Iraq and the suffering of the Iraqi |
|
people? Despite what might in the end be identified as inherent |
|
flaws, the Oil-for-Food Program did enjoy measurable success in |
|
meeting the day-to-day needs of Iraqi civilians. Could the |
|
program have been designed along lines more in keeping with the |
|
U.S. Government competitive bidding and procurement rules? Only |
|
if other council members and the former Iraqi government itself |
|
had supported such a proposal. In the end, the Oil-for-Food |
|
Program reflected three merged concepts: A collective |
|
international desire to assist and improve the lives of Iraq's |
|
civilian population; a desire by the United States and others |
|
to prevent Saddam from acquiring materials of war and from |
|
posing a renewed regional and international threat; and, |
|
efforts by commercial enterprises and a number of states to |
|
pursue their own national economic and financial interests |
|
despite the interests of the international community to contain |
|
the threat posed by Saddam's regime. |
|
Mr. Chairman, thank you for the opportunity to appear again |
|
before this committee. I now stand ready to answer whatever |
|
questions you or your fellow committee members may wish to |
|
post. |
|
[The prepared statement of Ambassador Kennedy follows:] |
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|
Mr. Shays. Thank you, what I will do since we have a vote, |
|
I will go back to the vote and then we will just start with |
|
questioning. The committee stands in recess. |
|
[Recess.] |
|
Mr. Shays. I call the hearing back to order. |
|
I thank you, Mr. Kennedy. I also want to apologize to the |
|
second panel for all of the delays. |
|
I would like to start by responding to your closing that |
|
suggests that, and let me be clear you accept this point, |
|
Ambassador Kennedy, basically you are saying because Saddam and |
|
Iraq were a sovereign nation, and because he was not willing to |
|
abide by a stricter Oil-for-Food Program, that we, the United |
|
Nations, conceded in allowing him to pretty much write his own |
|
ticket and that the alternative was, what? That is what I do |
|
not understand. In other words, are you suggesting that the |
|
sanctions worked? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Mr. Chairman, we do not believe that we |
|
permitted Saddam Hussein to write his own ticket. I think that |
|
is evident from the fact that it took almost 15 months between |
|
the time that resolution 986 was passed by the Security Council |
|
and the end of the negotiations to formulate the MOU. Saddam |
|
Hussein was obviously interested in achieving the maximum |
|
amount of flexibility that he could. The United States, the |
|
United Kingdom and others were interested in putting the |
|
maximum number of constraints on Saddam Hussein. We had a goal, |
|
Saddam Hussein had goals. All of these goals were in the |
|
context of other member states of the Security Council, and |
|
additionally, other member states of the United Nations, who |
|
have very different views on sanctions, some of them |
|
philosophical, some related to Saddam Hussein. The United |
|
States, United Kingdom and others pushed very, very hard to get |
|
the maximum amount of oversight of the sanctions regime. Those |
|
activities were resisted by others. |
|
What I am suggesting is that although the program certainly |
|
was not perfect, as the work that you and your committee |
|
members have done amply demonstrate, I am suggesting, though, |
|
that in the absence of these sanctions, we would have probably |
|
had a very, very less fulsome situation. |
|
I might note in 2002 the United States and the United |
|
Kingdom were holding, meaning denying permission, to over $5.4 |
|
billion in contracts that Saddam Hussein wished to execute. So |
|
it was a balance. The need to alleviate the horrible suffering |
|
of the Iraqi people, suffering brought on by Saddam Hussein, at |
|
the same time to put into effect the most rigorous sanctions |
|
regime that we could politically establish. |
|
Mr. Shays. I have to say you take my breath away. I feel |
|
like you are digging into a hole that I am sorry you are going |
|
into because it sounds to me like some critics' concern about |
|
the State Department's double speak. It sounds to me like |
|
double-speak, and let me explain why. |
|
The sanctions did not work, but we had this program to |
|
what, save face for the United States or whatever? We had a |
|
program that allowed Saddam to sell oil at a price below the |
|
market and get kickbacks and we had a program that allowed him |
|
to buy commodities above the price and get kickbacks. He had |
|
the capability to now take this illegal money in addition to |
|
the leakage that they had. We are looking at the Oil-for-Food |
|
Program as a $4.4 billion rip-off to the Iraqi people going to |
|
Saddam and then the $5.7 billion of illegal oil being sold |
|
through Jordan and Syria and Turkey. But let us just focus on |
|
the $4.4 billion. In addition within that Oil-for-Food Program, |
|
he had what was considered legitimate money that he could then |
|
pay for commodities and bought things that he was not what he |
|
was supposed to be purchasing. |
|
You need to tell me how those sanctions worked if he could |
|
do that. I don't know how you can tell me that they worked when |
|
that happened. |
|
Are you disputing that $4.4 billion was basically ripped |
|
off and ended up in his hands? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. No, sir, I am not. |
|
Mr. Shays. Are you in agreement this is not the Oil-for- |
|
Food Program, but it was the sanctions, are you in disagreement |
|
that he did not filter about $5.7 billion of oil sales |
|
illegally through the neighboring states? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Saddam Hussein engaged in oil smuggling |
|
which was not part of the Oil-for-Food Program. I think we all |
|
agree that Saddam Hussein was an evil man who attempted to |
|
manipulate any opportunity. |
|
Mr. Shays. I don't want to go down whether he is evil or |
|
not. I want to go back over how you can defend these sanctions. |
|
Why did you go in that direction? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. I think, Mr. Chairman, that the |
|
sanctions enabled Saddam Hussein to be deprived of weapons of |
|
war and dual-use items. |
|
Mr. Shays. Is it your testimony and your comfort level that |
|
$10.1 billion was not used to purchase weapons? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. No, sir. I am saying that the sanctions |
|
regime assisted. I said in my testimony that it is not a |
|
perfect system. He attempted to purchase materials under the |
|
sanctions through the U.N. Oil-for-Food process. We put holds |
|
on those. We stopped his purchasing of materials overtly, such |
|
as dual-use items. He attempted to purchase for example dump |
|
trucks and heavy equipment transporters. Dump trucks are easily |
|
convertible into rocket launchers because of the hydraulic |
|
mechanisms on the back. And a heavy equipment transporter that |
|
can move a bulldozer or a crane is the same piece of equipment, |
|
essentially, that you use to move tanks. |
|
Mr. Shays. Is it your testimony that you know what he |
|
bought? Are you comfortable with the documents that came from |
|
Saybolt and Cotecna? Are you testifying that when they testify |
|
and basically come before us and say that he was not abiding by |
|
the sanctions, bought material he should not have, are you |
|
saying that he bought material that he should have? You can't |
|
be saying that. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. No, sir. What I am saying is the |
|
contracts that ran through the Oil-for-Food Program ran through |
|
the 661 committee. When the United States, using the example of |
|
our own Nation, received those contract proposals, those |
|
contracts were vetted by any number of Washington agencies that |
|
were specialists in that regard. They vetted those contracts to |
|
make sure that none of the material included therein were |
|
weapons of war or potential dual-use items. |
|
Mr. Shays. Is it your testimony that you in fact believe |
|
those documents? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. I believe that the United States |
|
reviewed contracts and held on contracts that would have been |
|
given Saddam Hussein weapons of war and dual-use materials, |
|
yes. |
|
Mr. Shays. I am not asking that. What I am asking is: So |
|
you stopped some transactions, but are you testifying as a |
|
representative of the United States that this system, which |
|
this subcommittee certainly believes is a paper tiger, was not |
|
a paper tiger. Do you believe that Cotecna and Saybolt had the |
|
power to properly monitor? |
|
I want to say it again. Representing the United States of |
|
America, you come before this committee under oath, are you |
|
telling us that this system worked and that both companies were |
|
able to verify and properly manage this program? That is the |
|
question I am asking you. I want you to think long and hard |
|
before you answer it. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. I think, Mr. Chairman, that you are |
|
conducting an investigation, an investigation we welcome. If |
|
Saddam Hussein was moving materials into Iraq outside of those |
|
which were contracted for under the Oil-for-Food Program, he |
|
and someone else were engaged in smuggling sanctions. |
|
Mr. Shays. That is a no-brainer statement, but it is not |
|
answering my question. I want you to answer my question. I want |
|
you to think a second and answer the question. |
|
Is it your testimony representing the State Department, and |
|
representing the administration, that this program, that the |
|
way this program was set up, that these two companies were able |
|
to properly enforce the sanctions? That is the question. Were |
|
they given the power necessary? Were you given the cooperation |
|
necessary with the other members of the Security Council, the |
|
661 committee? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Absolutely not. Absolutely not. |
|
Mr. Shays. Let us work with that. You are digging yourself |
|
out of a hole right now. The bottom line is they were not, |
|
correct? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. That is correct. |
|
Mr. Shays. Tell me in your words what was the problem with |
|
the program? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. The problem was in the negotiating |
|
process that takes place in the international arena all of the |
|
time, the ultimate resolution passed by the Security Council, |
|
which was a process of negotiation, did not authorize either |
|
Cotecna or Saybolt or X or Y or Z, or anyone, to become all |
|
encompassing sanctioned enforcement agents. |
|
Mr. Shays. That is the extreme they did not do. Tell me the |
|
minimum that they did? What power did these companies have? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. They were empowered under the |
|
resolution to validate goods that were being shipped into Iraq |
|
that were declared to be part of the Oil-for-Food Program. |
|
Mr. Shays. You are familiar with this program? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Yes, sir. |
|
Mr. Shays. Were they able to do that? This is an |
|
investigation to know, and I want to know if my own government |
|
that is supposed to be overseeing this, that I frankly thought |
|
had problems with this program, I want to know if they were |
|
properly able to oversee this program? It is a simple and very |
|
clear answer. I want to make sure under oath you are stating it |
|
clearly, not something you want me to believe, but I want to |
|
know the truth and the committee wants to know the truth. I |
|
want to have some confidence that my government that was |
|
overseeing it knew what the heck was going on. |
|
Were they able to properly oversee this program? |
|
It is a simple answer. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Because of the efforts of Saddam |
|
Hussein, in that sense, no, sir, they were not. |
|
Mr. Shays. In any sense they were not able to. The reasons |
|
why we will explore later. But were they able to properly |
|
oversee this program? You do know they are testifying |
|
afterwards? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Yes, sir. |
|
Mr. Shays. And you are aware of the complaints they had, I |
|
hope? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Yes, sir. |
|
Mr. Shays. Even before this hearing, correct? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Absolutely. |
|
Mr. Shays. Were they properly able to fulfill their |
|
responsibilities and oversee this program? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Up to a point yes; and beyond that, no. |
|
Mr. Shays. You are going to have to tell me yes, up to what |
|
point and after what no. You tell me up to what point were they |
|
able to? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. They were empowered by the resolution |
|
of the Security Council to authenticate materials that were |
|
arriving. They authenticated those materials. |
|
Mr. Shays. Wait a second. Are you saying that they |
|
authenticated these materials? Are you saying they had a |
|
theoretical power to do it or are you saying they actually were |
|
able to do it? There is a difference. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. It was their mission---- |
|
Mr. Shays. I want to know if they were able to. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. I was not at every border station, sir. |
|
They authenticated the materials and submitted documents to the |
|
United Nations saying they had authenticated material. |
|
Mr. Shays. Isn't it a fact that they said they didn't |
|
always have the people? Isn't it a fact that they said |
|
sometimes they couldn't even look, that is, in terms of |
|
Saybolt, sometimes they could not even be there, and when they |
|
left, isn't it a fact that they had suspicious? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Absolutely. And we have testified to |
|
that effect. |
|
Mr. Shays. That is what is frustrating me. And you are |
|
someone who was in Iraq, a friend, and someone I have awesome |
|
respect for. What concerns me is you are giving a party line |
|
that even you do not believe. I feel very awkward having this |
|
public dialog with you, but it is so logical it is almost |
|
frightening to me that we cannot at least have the truth and |
|
then work from that as to what. I don't want to know why they |
|
were not able to authenticate the fact that this happened. I |
|
want to know if they did. Then we will explore why they |
|
couldn't. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Mr. Chairman, I have tried to answer |
|
the question the best I can. And I appreciate the compliment |
|
you just paid me. I believe that Cotecna and Saybolt attempted |
|
to carry out the functions that they had. |
|
Mr. Shays. We agree. They attempted to do that. On one |
|
level we are in agreement. The question is could they? The |
|
answer is a simple one. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Absolutely. The results were not |
|
perfect. |
|
Mr. Shays. I did not say perfect. Perfect is too much |
|
discretion. Perfect may mean 99 percent, and I don't think it |
|
was even close to 50 percent. I don't think they had the power |
|
and I don't think anyone who has looked at this program |
|
believes they had the power, and I think they are going to |
|
testify they did not have the power. What concerns me is you |
|
were basically trying to give the impression they were not |
|
perfect but, and I think that is misleading to the committee. I |
|
think it does not do you credit. |
|
I don't want you to say anything you do not believe. I just |
|
do not want you to speak in words that do not frankly help us. |
|
I want you to be more precise. |
|
Were they able to make sure that oil sales were actually |
|
the oil sales they were and that commodities that were |
|
purchased were actually what was bought to the amounts that |
|
were bought, the quality and so on? Were they? Maybe you can |
|
look at that note and hopefully somebody else is telling you to |
|
say no. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. It was the position of the United |
|
States and joined by the United Kingdom that we wanted a more |
|
robust inspection regime. We wanted more robust inspections. |
|
Obviously, I think I am trying to answer your point. I am |
|
saying yes, there were restraints inherent in the program that |
|
prevented Cotecna and Saybolt, and Lloyds before that. |
|
Mr. Shays. The problem with the word ``robust'' is like |
|
your word ``perfect.'' It was not robust, so to say that you |
|
wanted it to be more is almost meaningless in my judgment as I |
|
have looked at this. This was a program that was basically not |
|
working. I want you to start us off explaining why it was not |
|
working. You have given a justification as to why we basically |
|
allowed for this program to go forward even though it was not |
|
working. So you have given a lot of people cover, but you have |
|
not helped us understand whether you, the government, the State |
|
Department, this administration, felt this program worked. You |
|
are trying to give us the impression that it was working, but |
|
not perfect; that it was robust, but it could be more robust. |
|
That to me is misleading. That is what I am wrestling with, and |
|
I am trying to understand why. Why do you want me to have this |
|
impression? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Mr. Chairman, I grant you, and I am |
|
looking for another word other than ``perfect.'' |
|
Mr. Shays. Have you been instructed to say that this |
|
program worked when it did not work? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. No, sir. |
|
Mr. Shays. Was there any meeting did you had before that |
|
said under no circumstances are you supposed to agree that the |
|
program did not work? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. No, sir. |
|
Mr. Shays. Was the program working? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. The program accomplished some of its |
|
goals, as I have said. |
|
Mr. Shays. What were the goals? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. The goals of the Oil-for-Food Program |
|
were to relieve the humanitarian crisis of the Iraqi people and |
|
retain a sanctions regime on Saddam Hussein that would assist |
|
in restricting his desire to rearm. He had other means of |
|
attempting to rearm, as you rightly pointed out, sir. He |
|
attempted and he did utilize those means, but the program did |
|
deliver food and medicine and other supplies and equipment to |
|
the Iraqi people. |
|
Mr. Shays. That part we concede. I'm going to concede that |
|
part. Because we knew that Iraqis were starving and we knew |
|
they weren't getting medicine and we knew that Saddam Hussein |
|
was willing to starve and kill his people and deprive them of |
|
medicine, we decided to cave in and accept a program that |
|
simply on the face looked like we hadn't caved in, looked like |
|
there were sanctions, but in fact it was about as leaky as it |
|
could get. And I wanted to understand if you understood that it |
|
was very leaky. Instead you used words, I wanted it to be more |
|
robust and I want it to be perfect. |
|
But it wasn't perfect and it wasn't more robust. The bottom |
|
line was almost every transaction, it appears, may have been a |
|
rip-off, may have been a transaction that compromised the |
|
United Nations, compromised other people, and allowed Saddam |
|
Hussein to make money illegally without the world community |
|
having to agree that he was. That's the way I look at it. Tell |
|
me what's wrong with my picture. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Your picture is absolutely correct. |
|
Saddam Hussein--you mentioned earlier, sir, in our discussion |
|
that you take Saddam Hussein. He was sanction-busting from 1991 |
|
until the Oil-for-Food Program started in 1995--1996. He was |
|
sanction-busting. The Oil-for-Food Program was put into place. |
|
He attempted to get around the sanctions regime at every |
|
possible opportunity---- |
|
Mr. Shays. And the irony is---- |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. He priced---- |
|
Mr. Shays. Go on. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. He attempted to write contracts for oil |
|
where he priced the oil below the market rate and attempted to |
|
pocket that premium. We discovered that, and the United States |
|
and the U.K. raised that in the 661 committee, and then halted |
|
all price-setting under the old scheme until we achieved |
|
putting a new system into place which set the oil price |
|
retroactively after the sale; in other words, stopping him from |
|
getting a surcharge. |
|
Having blocked him in that regard, he then moved to another |
|
aspect which was kickbacks after sales. We attempted to block |
|
that. So it was almost--and I hate to say this--a chess game. |
|
He attempted to maneuver and we attempted with certain allies, |
|
but not enough of them, to seize and block his activities. |
|
And so I am agreeing that sanctions are leaky. The |
|
sanctions regime did not work as it was intended; i.e., to have |
|
100 percent effectiveness. |
|
Mr. Shays. No, don't say 100 percent, because I'm not even |
|
sure you had 50 percent. So don't say 100 percent. No, I mean, |
|
if the truth comes out, whatever the truth is, it may embarrass |
|
the United States. It may embarrass someone else. It may |
|
embarrass Congress. But it will be the truth. And from the |
|
truth we can learn from it. |
|
And my problem right now is what you are suggesting is that |
|
basically Saddam was willing to kill his people by not getting |
|
the food and not getting medicine and he wasn't willing to do |
|
an Oil-for-Food Program that we wanted, so ultimately we did a |
|
program that he wanted. He was able to buy or sell in euros. He |
|
was able to undersell his oil. He was able to overpay for |
|
commodities. He was able to get kickbacks. He was basically |
|
able to tell Cotecna and Saybolt basically they had no |
|
authority. He was basically able to ignore them. He was |
|
basically able to have more transactions than they could even |
|
handle so that they weren't even aware of some transactions. |
|
And he did this with the assistance of our allies. |
|
And it's not a bad thing that Americans and the world |
|
community have to contend with this because it suggests that |
|
even before a decision to go into Iraq, it suggests frankly to |
|
me that we didn't have the support of our allies, that |
|
President Clinton didn't have the support of our allies, and |
|
that it was somewhat of a joke. And that when you had a |
|
President finally trying to say, you know, we've got to make |
|
this program work and we also have to look at a regime change |
|
if he doesn't cooperate, and we still don't have the assistance |
|
of our allies, it says to me, well, what's new? What's new |
|
about it? |
|
Are you saying to us that the allies cooperated? No, your |
|
testimony was the reverse. Isn't it true that you said the |
|
allies did not cooperate and enable us to have a sanctions |
|
system that is working? Is that a fair statement? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. I totally agree sir. As I testified, we |
|
sought a sanction regime and we were unable to get the sanction |
|
regime we wanted, yes, sir because of the lack of willingness |
|
on the part of other members of the Security Council and other |
|
nations to agree to that sanction regime. |
|
Mr. Shays. OK. And so they didn't agree with it. And then |
|
we had a sanction that Saddam basically could live with; and |
|
isn't it true that on occasion, the United States protested |
|
some of the transactions? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. We contested many of the transactions. |
|
We were holding at one point, as I mentioned, sir, $5.4 billion |
|
worth of proposed transactions. |
|
Mr. Shays. Well, but isn't it true that there were actually |
|
transactions that happened that you objected to? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. No, sir the system operated on the |
|
consensus basis, and if any member of the 661 committee |
|
representing the member states of the Security Council, if any |
|
member objected to a transaction, that transaction was held---- |
|
Mr. Shays. OK. Why didn't you object to the fact that |
|
Saybolt and Cotecna did not have enough manpower and were not |
|
given the authority they needed to make sure that they were |
|
actually documenting the actual transactions? Why didn't the |
|
United States protest their inability to accurately document |
|
transactions? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. For example, sir, when we learned |
|
that--using the Essex case, the oil tanker in which--it was |
|
topped off after it had been loaded--we did raise that in the |
|
661 committee. We insisted that additional personnel, |
|
additional technical matters, whatever, we demanded to the 661 |
|
committee. |
|
Mr. Shays. And it didn't happen. And why didn't it happen? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Some of it happened, some of it didn't, |
|
because it was resisted by other members of the 661 committee. |
|
Mr. Shays. Most of it didn't. Most of it did not happen. |
|
And it didn't happen because it just took one member to object, |
|
correct? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Correct. |
|
Mr. Shays. OK. So you could theoretically prevent a |
|
transaction from happening that you knew about, but you |
|
couldn't make sure that Cotecna and Saybolt had the authority, |
|
the personnel, to make sure that they were properly running |
|
this program. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. The mandate to the companies came from |
|
Security Council resolution and from the 661 committee. |
|
Mr. Shays. Is that yes or a no? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. The answer is that their mandate was |
|
governed by the consensus requirements. And, yes, a member |
|
state could hold on that consensus and that would have the |
|
effect that you outlined. |
|
Mr. Shays. Why can't you say that the bottom line to it was |
|
that because member states would object if you wanted Saybolt |
|
or Cotecna to have more authority, more personnel and so on, |
|
because they objected to it, they didn't get it; and because |
|
they didn't get it, they couldn't do their job properly? Why is |
|
that so hard to say? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Phrased that way, sir, I have no---- |
|
Mr. Shays. Well, why don't you say it? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. The mandate to Cotecna, to Saybolt, was |
|
governed from the original Security Council resolution and then |
|
implemented in the memorandum of understanding and in the 661 |
|
committee. Efforts to achieve our goals on sanctions were |
|
blocked by other member states. |
|
Mr. Shays. That's not the same thing that I said, which you |
|
agreed with. What I wanted to know from you is whether you |
|
could say this. And if you can't, because you don't believe it, |
|
then tell me you don't believe it. But don't agree with my |
|
statement and then tell me something else in your answer. |
|
What I said was because a member state could block the |
|
United States or Great Britain from wanting Saybolt or Cotecna |
|
to have enough authority and enough personnel to properly |
|
document transactions because member states could veto that-- |
|
any one state, and did--that they did not have enough personnel |
|
and they did not and were not able to properly document |
|
transactions. |
|
What you said to me was you agree with that statement, but |
|
you can't say it in your own words, and I just don't understand |
|
why it's hard for you to say it in your own words that way. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. I guess, sir, because I think--the only |
|
distinction I am trying to draw, if I might, is that there were |
|
transactions outside the scope of the Oil-for-Food Program. |
|
Mr. Shays. We have put those aside. We're just focused on |
|
the Oil-for-Food. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. All right. Then, yes, Cotecna and |
|
Saybolt and their predecessor in one case did not always have |
|
the resources they needed to do their job, yes. |
|
Mr. Shays. Or the authority? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Yes. |
|
Mr. Shays. Yes, what? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Yes, they did not have the full |
|
authority to do their job because the mandate from the Security |
|
Council was not as broad as we wished it would have been. |
|
Mr. Shays. Wished it would have been. As it should have |
|
been; correct? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Should have been, yes. It was our goal, |
|
as I said, to have a more robust sanctions regime. That's---- |
|
Mr. Shays. Don't say more robust. It was not robust at all. |
|
It was a paper tiger, it was a leaky sieve, it enabled Saddam |
|
to get $4.4 billion. It was a joke. And you don't have to say |
|
it was a joke. I can say it was a joke. But you and I can |
|
certainly agree it wasn't robust. Was it a robust program? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. No, sir, it was not a robust program. |
|
Mr. Shays. OK. Was it close to being a robust program? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. I think I'm---- |
|
Mr. Shays. Was it close to being a robust program? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. No, it was not close to being a robust |
|
program. |
|
Mr. Shays. OK. Well let's leave it right there. |
|
Mr. Waxman. |
|
Mr. Waxman. Mr. Chairman, earlier today at this hearing I |
|
moved for two subpoenas, and we held off any vote on them. As I |
|
understand it, you're willing to issue the first subpoena to |
|
the Federal Reserve Bank in New York to get the information |
|
that we have requested; and rather than issue a second |
|
subpoena, you've suggested that you and I write a letter to the |
|
Department of Defense requesting the information that we wanted |
|
and would have subpoenaed. |
|
I want to thank you for your suggestion of resolving these |
|
subpoena questions in that way. I think it will be very helpful |
|
for us to issue the letter to Secretary Rumsfeld, insisting he |
|
comply with this request. And, of course, I take you at your |
|
word that the committee will followup aggressively if the |
|
Pentagon fails to provide the documents we have requested. |
|
I think this is a reasonable way to proceed, and rather |
|
than have a vote on it, I would like to have this understanding |
|
memorialized at this point in the hearing so that we can go |
|
ahead with the one subpoena and issue a joint letter from the |
|
two of us in lieu of the second subpoena. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank you. I appreciate the gentleman's, one, |
|
effort and interest in this issue. I think he is correct in |
|
wanting to get these documents. I do totally agree that the |
|
Bank needs a subpoena, and I also want to say to you that we've |
|
asked for 12 documents, records--more than 12--but we have made |
|
12 specific requests that are quite extensive, and it is my |
|
expectation that the Secretary will provide these documents, |
|
and if he doesn't then we need to followup with the subpoena. |
|
Mr. Waxman. Well, I thank you very much. I certainly agree |
|
with you, and I think it's a reasonable way for us to proceed, |
|
to have all of the information which our committee ought to |
|
have as we do the investigation and in all respects. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank you very much. |
|
Mr. Waxman. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank you. Thank you for being here. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank you. Mr. Murphy, you have the floor. |
|
Mr. Murphy. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I just have a couple |
|
of questions here that I--and I apologize if some of these were |
|
covered while I was on the floor of the House. |
|
But, Ambassador, I thank you for being here, and I wanted |
|
to know where do we stand with the status of gaining access to |
|
the United Nations Oil-for-Food Program documents for Congress |
|
now and--can you give me some background with where we stand |
|
right now? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. The State Department has asked Chairman |
|
Volcker of the independent investigating committee for the |
|
release of the documents, and up to this point he has declined, |
|
saying that he is using the documents and he intends to conduct |
|
his investigation. And he has declined to release them, sir. |
|
Mr. Murphy. Those would just be documents, official U.N. |
|
documents; is that what you're saying? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Yes, sir. |
|
Mr. Murphy. Is anyone trying to pursue documents from any |
|
other country, too? Is there any attempt to do that? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Yes, sir. Before I left Baghdad in |
|
August, I had presented to the acting chair of the Board of |
|
Supreme Audit a proposed memorandum of understanding between |
|
the United States and Iraq to release for use of government of |
|
Iraqi documents. And I understand that work is continuing and |
|
we hope to have a resolution to that request in the very near |
|
future. I checked with Baghdad just the other day and I am |
|
expecting those---- |
|
Mr. Murphy. So those documents are being scanned now. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. We are attempting to make an |
|
arrangement between various parties to scan those documents. |
|
Mr. Murphy. Now, how about the reverse? We have access to |
|
the Iraqi documents. Those will be released soon. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. The request has been made, sir, yes. |
|
Mr. Murphy. The request has been made. How about the |
|
reverse? Is there any attempts to obtain documents from some of |
|
these other countries that are part of this scandal: Russia, |
|
France, China, Syria? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. I believe that the request to other |
|
nations for their documents is within the jurisdiction of the |
|
independent investigating commission, Mr. Volcker's commission. |
|
Mr. Murphy. Are those nations cooperating? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. That is a question that would have to |
|
be posed to the independent investigating commission, sir. |
|
Mr. Murphy. Let me ask about another area here. When it |
|
became apparent--and it was some years ago--that the issue, the |
|
question of some corruption in this Oil-for-Food scandal began |
|
to take some legs on it, what was the responsibility of the |
|
U.N. Office of Iraqi Programs to maintain the integrity of this |
|
program, and did they act within the scope of their |
|
responsibility at that time? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. That is a question, sir, that is |
|
actually part of the investigation that is going on now by the |
|
Independent Investigations Commission. We are aware of |
|
information that did come to the attention of the United |
|
States, including some from the Office of Iraqi Programs; which |
|
then as a member state, as a member of the 661 committee, the |
|
United States, the United kingdom, did followup on. |
|
If there is other information that came into their |
|
possession that they should have followed up on that we are |
|
unaware of, of course we are unaware of that information, and |
|
that is one of the charges that was given to Chairman Volcker |
|
and his colleagues on the Independent Investigations |
|
Commission, to find out if there was any malfeasance, |
|
misfeasance. And I am not a lawyer, so I may not be using the |
|
appropriate words on the part of U.N. employees, but that is |
|
one of the mandates of the IIC, to look and see if U.N. |
|
employees conducted themselves as appropriate---- |
|
Mr. Murphy. But it appears that there is some lack of |
|
cooperation in releasing doubts that would help us know this. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Chairman Volcker has indicated to me |
|
that his investigation is ongoing and he intends to gets to the |
|
bottom of it and then file a full and complete report. I can |
|
only report, sir, what he has said to me. |
|
Mr. Murphy. Does he feel that he is getting cooperation |
|
from the member nations and from the U.N. itself, fully? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. He has indicated he is getting full |
|
cooperation from the United Nations Secretariat. I have not |
|
posed the question about discussions with other nations. |
|
Mr. Murphy. Also in the historical time line of this, what |
|
was the year in which the concerns about corruption first began |
|
to surface? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. First of all, corruption only within |
|
the Oil-for-Food Program itself, or issues about Saddam |
|
Hussein's sanctions-busting in general? I mean, the fact that |
|
he was engaged in oil smuggling came to our knowledge, you |
|
know, in 1991-1992. That's outside of the Oil-for-Food Program. |
|
And efforts were made then by the United States and others, and |
|
it led to the establishment of the multinational interdiction-- |
|
maritime interdiction force, which were United States and other |
|
nations' naval assets deployed in the Shatt al Arab and the |
|
Gulf to seize that. We first, I think, became aware of his |
|
schemes related to oil, the premium on oil pricing, in July |
|
2000, which is where he was---- |
|
Mr. Murphy. Did the involvement of other countries and the |
|
Oil-for-Food corruption continue after July 2000? So even after |
|
the United States became aware, did it continue? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. We began pushing for a system to bring |
|
this under control. It was resisted by other nations. We were |
|
challenged. We said, do you have hard evidence? Do you have---- |
|
Mr. Murphy. Wait. Who was asking for the hard evidence? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Other nations. |
|
Mr. Murphy. Which nations were they? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. I would have to go back and read the |
|
exact text again. |
|
Mr. Murphy. France. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. France. |
|
Mr. Murphy. Germany. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. France, Russia, and China would be |
|
the---- |
|
Mr. Murphy. Syria. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Syria was on the committee at one |
|
point. I mean, over the course of the 13 years, there were many |
|
nations on the--and in 2000 when this first came to our |
|
attention---- |
|
Mr. Murphy. So the very nations that are---- |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. The nations changed every year. |
|
Mr. Murphy. I want to make sure I understand what you're |
|
saying. So the nations that the allegations are against now, at |
|
that time were saying you don't have any evidence on us? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Yes, sir. They were saying, do you have |
|
hard proof? And we said, we are getting these stories, its |
|
being reported in industry trade publications, it's being |
|
reported elsewhere. This must be addressed. |
|
We pushed and we pushed and met a lot of resistance, and |
|
since we were meeting this resistance, if I might for a moment, |
|
sir, the program then was to set the oil price at the beginning |
|
of the month. And then what Saddam was playing off of was the |
|
volatility of the oil market where the price would move 10, 15, |
|
20, 50 cents a barrel over the course of the month, and then he |
|
would sell at one price and sell to a favored supplier and say, |
|
I'm going to sell to you at the peg price of $20.50, but now |
|
that the price for the rest of the month is $20.75, you keep |
|
the nickel and you kick me back 20 cents. When we saw that this |
|
is what he was doing, and then we met the resistance from |
|
others to our activities, what the United States and the United |
|
Kingdom then did was to refuse to set an oil price at the |
|
beginning of the month. So there was no oil price. Oil sales |
|
went on, but there was no price. |
|
We then agreed to an oil price at the end of the month that |
|
would then deprive Saddam Hussein of playing with the |
|
volatility of the market. And by setting a retroactive price, |
|
we believe that from the oil overseers--which were the |
|
professionals who had been engaged--that still he was |
|
potentially making something, but it might have been on the |
|
order of 3 to 5 cents a barrel as opposed to on the order of 25 |
|
to 50 cents a barrel simply because of the movements over the |
|
course of the month. |
|
Mr. Murphy. And what countries were involved with that |
|
after the United States has worked to deal with oil prices at |
|
the end of the month? What countries were still purchasing oil |
|
and giving him a kickback at that time? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. We do not know which country. That is |
|
part of the investigation now. I do not have in front of me a |
|
confirmed list of what countries were engaged in that. I should |
|
say these were national--these were companies that were |
|
purchasing the oil and giving kickbacks, not nations |
|
themselves. |
|
Mr. Murphy. Well that's an important distinction. Was there |
|
any role or awareness, for example, of the French, the Russian, |
|
Chinese governments of these kickbacks going on? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. We informed their members of the 661 |
|
committee. |
|
Mr. Murphy. So they were informed. Back in what year? Mid- |
|
nineties? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. In 2000, sir, when it came to our |
|
attention. It was first raised, I believe, in the July 13, 2000 |
|
meeting of the 661 committee on oil price. |
|
Mr. Murphy. So that's the definite date by which we know |
|
that those member nations were notified. And I'm assuming that |
|
in the U.N. investigation we may find that those member nations |
|
knew something prior to that, but we don't know. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. That would be speculation, sir, that I |
|
cannot comment on. |
|
Mr. Murphy. But they were notified at least in the year |
|
2000, and yet the Oil-for-Food purchasing continued on after |
|
this. It didn't end in 2000. It continued on; am I correct? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. We believe that because of the steps we |
|
took to put this retroactive pricing, that we drove the premium |
|
or surcharge down from, you know, multiple cents a barrel to 2 |
|
or 3 cents a barrel. But I cannot say that we ended it |
|
entirely, because Saddam Hussein was always looking for some |
|
way to get around the sanctions. |
|
Mr. Murphy. Mr. Chairman, I'm not sure. Could I have 2 more |
|
minutes or 1 more minute? |
|
Let me shift to a different line of questioning here. The |
|
total amount of money that I understand Saddam Hussein received |
|
from this Oil-for-Food corruption was of the nature of $10 |
|
billion, am I correct, $10.1 billion? In the whole package of |
|
things here. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. He achieved much more than that if you |
|
count in the oil smuggling that took place outside the scope of |
|
the Oil-for-Food Program, and it is very difficult to get an |
|
exact estimate. But I'm in no position to challenge the figure |
|
that we are talking about that was provided by the Government |
|
Accountability Office. I have every reason to believe that |
|
figure is probably in the ball park. |
|
Mr. Murphy. So it's probably in the ball park. It may be |
|
more. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Could be a little more, a little less. |
|
Yes, sir. |
|
Mr. Murphy. OK. And what did he do with the money? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. He did a wide variety of things, I'm |
|
sure. Some of the sumptuous palaces that are extant in Baghdad |
|
at this time are undoubtedly built with that money. And he may |
|
well have done other things, but I don't have direct and |
|
confirmed information about that. |
|
Mr. Murphy. Will we have information from these |
|
investigations with regard to what he spent that money on? For |
|
example, did he purchase weapons on a black market or directly |
|
with that money? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. I do not believe that is going to be |
|
the subject of the Volcker or the IIC investigation. That may |
|
come out through other U.S. Government channels, sir. |
|
Mr. Murphy. As we connect the dots, the thing that worries |
|
me intensely on this is not only the oppression Saddam Hussein |
|
kept his people under, the tortures and the murders, the |
|
killing fields which continued on at that time, but also it |
|
kept his regime going, much of it in sumptuous palaces which I |
|
have seen in Iraq. But the third, it kept his military going. |
|
And I would hope that somebody would find in this--I'm |
|
sure, Mr. Chairman, this is some of your concerns as well--that |
|
if one penny of that was used to buy any bullets or bombs or |
|
grenade launchers or anything else, I suspect on the black |
|
market, because he's not permitted to purchase them overtly-- |
|
and this is where we have to also connect the dots to find if |
|
those companies within those member nations of the U.N. have |
|
blood on their hands against our soldiers. |
|
And I would hope that is part of what this investigation |
|
brings out; that those nations who acted holier than thou in |
|
saying, you don't have any evidence, you don't know anything |
|
about what's going on, but also saying stay away from Iraq, |
|
they're nice people, leave them alone, could very well be--and |
|
this is the crux of what we have to find out from this |
|
investigation--if they were sending the money to Saddam Hussein |
|
which he used to arm his soldiers against the world. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. I agree. That is something that is |
|
absolutely abhorrent; absolutely, sir. |
|
Mr. Murphy. And I hope the world is paying attention to |
|
that, because all this time that people are looking at let's |
|
ask the United Nations, they're not an altruistic system. Let's |
|
ask other member nations to come out and somehow decide what is |
|
best for the United States. The fact is no Ambassador from |
|
another country is given a mission of deciding what's best for |
|
the United States. They're all supposed to represent their own |
|
nation. And I hope that people pay attention to this; that when |
|
you have this sort of absolute power to spend and to find that |
|
kind of money, that nations and the businesses that operate |
|
within them are not pure. And we may like to think about |
|
perhaps these other nations may have some pure motives, but |
|
quite frankly, there's too much in the negative column to |
|
suggest otherwise. |
|
And I would hope that the investigation of this committee, |
|
led by the chairman and by the United Nations, would give us |
|
that answer. I wish we could get that answer soon. But as it |
|
is, I go back to my opening statement, too, that it concerns me |
|
deeply that these nations which have been very quick to ask us |
|
for help when they needed it, when we ask them for help--if |
|
they knowingly participated, if it was active or passive |
|
participation in sending money to this murderer Saddam Hussein, |
|
which he then used to keep his military regime in power, which |
|
was then used against our own soldiers and citizens is |
|
disgusting. |
|
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Mr. Shays. I'll allow counsel to ask a few questions, and |
|
then I'll have a few more, Ambassador, and then we'll be all |
|
set. |
|
Mr. Halloran. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy, two areas. First, much of the document, |
|
many of the documents the State Department has provided are |
|
marked sensitive or classified because of their foreign origin, |
|
I believe. In particular, there has been recent media reference |
|
to a document produced by the Iraqi Oil Ministry soon after the |
|
Governing Council and the CPA was in place, characterizing in |
|
detail the Oil-for-Food Program and abuses. That report is |
|
marked sensitive and classified and not for distribution. |
|
I'm wondering what the process is for the U.S. Government |
|
to request or accomplish the declassification and public |
|
release of such a report. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Let me find out those exact parameters |
|
and get back to the committee for the record. |
|
Mr. Halloran. Thank you. |
|
The other area I want to explore is this concept of |
|
sovereignty, and try to plumb the depths and the parameters of |
|
that concept. It struck me in your testimony that it is not an |
|
absolute, that I--if you could describe other situations in |
|
which sovereignty has been described or observed differently in |
|
other U.N. regimes; that it's struck us in the documents that |
|
Saddam simply waited out those who had the most expansive view |
|
of sovereignty possible, but that other formulations of this |
|
problem were possible within a plausible concept of sovereignty |
|
for a nation that was already under an oppressive sanctions |
|
regime, that had already been documented as trying to avoid |
|
that sanctions regime. So, in one sense, the sovereignty had |
|
already been severely mortgaged. |
|
Could you describe those negotiations a little more, |
|
please? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. I will first plead that I am not an |
|
international lawyer and I am not qualified to provide you with |
|
a textbook definition of sovereignty. What I believe we are |
|
talking about here is, I will call it a political definition of |
|
sovereignty. The United States, the United Kingdom, other |
|
allies, sought to put into place, and did in 1990 after the |
|
invasion of Kuwait, a complete embargo on the movement of goods |
|
and services into Iraq. And then it was later amended to permit |
|
certain donations of food and medicines. |
|
But as we saw over the course of the years between 1991 and |
|
1995, you know, the mortality rate; the ability of the Iraqis |
|
to get basic basic nutrition, was just simply collapsing |
|
because of Saddam Hussein's own unwillingness to treat his |
|
people in a humane sense. This built political pressure on |
|
those nations who were in favor of sanctions. And we did not |
|
wish to see that sanctions regime end, because of our goal of |
|
doing whatever possible to restrict the movement of materials |
|
of war to Saddam Hussein so he could re-arm. |
|
So taking the political aspect of trying to keep the |
|
sanctions in place, but seeing the resistance, a series of |
|
negotiations took place within and among member states at the |
|
United Nations to formulate a new regime that eventually led to |
|
the Security Council resolution that established the Iraq |
|
program. |
|
Did we want a program that had more teeth in it than that? |
|
Absolutely. Could we get other nations to agree to that fully |
|
and completely? Could we get Saddam Hussein to tell the other |
|
nations that he was willing to accept that? The answer was no. |
|
Why---- |
|
Mr. Halloran. So we can conclude there is another |
|
formulation of the Oil-for-Food arrangement that would give |
|
Saddam less control but still observe the concept of the |
|
sovereignty. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. As I said in my testimony, yes, one |
|
could have had such another activity. However, in the |
|
negotiations that took place in the 661 committee and in the |
|
Security Council, we did not achieve that consensus on a regime |
|
with more teeth. |
|
Mr. Halloran. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank you, Ambassador. Let me ask you, how many |
|
months were you in Iraq? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. I was in Iraq for 6 months in 2003 and |
|
then I went back again for another 3 months' assignment in |
|
2004, sir. |
|
Mr. Shays. Was that a classified assignment, then, or can |
|
you tell us, bottom line, what you were involved in? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. No, sir. I can tell you. For the first |
|
6 months in 2003, I was the chief of staff of the Coalition |
|
Provisional Authority, and then when I went back in 2004, I was |
|
the chief of staff of a small unit that was working on the |
|
transition from CPA to American Embassy and the transition |
|
logistically from the Iraqi Governing Council to the Iraqi |
|
Interim Government. |
|
Mr. Shays. Well, we know those were not easy assignments, |
|
and we sincerely appreciate what you did during that time. I |
|
would like you to describe to me the Clovely incident, C-L-O-V- |
|
E-L-Y, the ship. Are you familiar with it? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. No, sir. I am aware of the Essex |
|
incident that took place several years ago, but, Mr. Chairman, |
|
I will be glad to research that and provide you information for |
|
the record. I apologize. I am unaware of such. |
|
Mr. Shays. You don't need to. If you don't know of the |
|
incident, I'd just as soon you not respond to it. |
|
When I listened to your statement, and I really--you know, |
|
we don't usually allow someone to speak for more than 10 |
|
minutes. I wanted to hear your whole statement. I think why I |
|
get uneasy is certain things seem so simple to me, and then |
|
they are the hard things. And then I think you have a big |
|
dialog about the hard things. |
|
The easy things are that it's clear Saddam starved his |
|
people and deprived them of medicine and would have continued |
|
to do that unless we had some way to allow him to get food and |
|
medicine for his people. And we basically decided to let him |
|
determine, really, how the program should function. He decided |
|
it was in euros, not dollars. He decided who could buy oil. He |
|
decided who he would buy commodities from. He basically set the |
|
price of oil. He set the price of commodities. He undersold his |
|
oil. No reason to do that. He overpaid for commodities. No |
|
reason to do it, unless he did what he did. And that was, he |
|
got kickbacks in both ways. |
|
And it seems very evident to me that both Saybolt and |
|
Cotecna did not have the capability, either in personnel or |
|
authority, to prevent bad things from happening in this |
|
program. And so they happened routinely, not on occasion. It |
|
seemed to me we could have just had a quick dialog. What is of |
|
concern to me, is there anything that I just said that you |
|
would disagree with? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. No, sir. If I do, is that one that |
|
neither Saybolt nor Cotecna set the price of oil or set the |
|
price of commodities. |
|
Mr. Shays. No, they didn't. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. No, sir. |
|
Mr. Shays. So everything I said was pretty accurate from |
|
your standpoint. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Except, sir, that he proposed the price |
|
of oil. |
|
Mr. Shays. He being---- |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Saddam Hussein. He proposed the price |
|
of oil, but the price of oil was then set by the 661 committee, |
|
not by Saddam Hussein. He---- |
|
Mr. Shays. And in some cases set it below market price. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. When it was set at the beginning of the |
|
month, when the market moved, it ended up being below market |
|
price, which is why the United States and the United Kingdom |
|
moved to set the price at the end of the month so that he could |
|
not take advantage of the natural market shifts. Yes, sir. |
|
Mr. Shays. And so I'm getting to my point. What concerns me |
|
is that you basically have described to me the reality that our |
|
allies who didn't support the embargo were pretty much shaping |
|
it, and that was the reality of this program; and that it was |
|
more important to have the program happen, even though it |
|
wasn't working properly. In other words, having the program and |
|
not having it work properly was better than not having the |
|
program at all. I conclude from that, because you felt the only |
|
alternative was that we would continue to see Iraqis starve and |
|
they wouldn't get the medicine. And I guess that's the |
|
conclusion of the State Department. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. I think, sir, if there had been massive |
|
starvation in Iraq, I think the belief at that time--and I was |
|
not there--was that the entire sanction regime totally would |
|
have collapsed, and then Saddam Hussein would have had no |
|
sanction regimes to have to deal with at all, and that free |
|
rein would have been not in the U.S. national interest. |
|
Mr. Shays. OK. But the bottom line is as a result, we had |
|
Saddam able to make a fortune in kickbacks. That was basically |
|
the compromise. And it is a fact that the United States knew |
|
this was happening. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Every time, sir, that we saw him move |
|
to abuse the system--pricing oil, kickbacks--we moved to try to |
|
counter that in the 661 committee; and, as you have rightly |
|
noted earlier, sir, met resistance from other member states. |
|
Mr. Shays. Who could veto. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Yes, sir. The way the Security Council |
|
procedures work, yes, sir. |
|
Mr. Shays. Ambassador, are you set to ask questions? Would |
|
you like to ask some questions? |
|
Ms. Watson. Yes. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank you. We have two Ambassadors here. |
|
Ms. Watson. I am a bit confused--thank you, Mr. Chairman-- |
|
because I just heard you say that every time you saw something |
|
appeared abusive, that there would be some response. However, |
|
we have been told how Saddam Hussein had taken the money |
|
intended for the people and food, and built magnificent |
|
palaces. It seems to me that this would be the time that some |
|
action should have been taken. Can you respond, please? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. There is no doubt, Madam Ambassador, |
|
that Saddam Hussein received kickbacks. That is a fact. We |
|
moved to counter those kickbacks, but during this period of |
|
time while he was making kickbacks, and as I testified before |
|
this committee several months ago, what he did was on very |
|
large quantities of goods, and he--remember, he was feeding a |
|
nation of some 23 to 25 million people--he would attempt to get |
|
very small kickbacks on very large sums. But the sums mount up |
|
over that kind of volume. He was receiving those funds. Yet the |
|
medicines and the foodstuffs were still going in. |
|
I am not defending what he was doing by any means. What he |
|
was doing is wrong. But the food and medicines were going in, |
|
and he was getting the kickbacks while we and our United |
|
Kingdom allies moved to cutoff either his attempt to manipulate |
|
oil prices or attempt to add surcharges or attempt to add |
|
after-sales service contracts. And so we took steps to block |
|
him as soon as we discovered it. And as we have discussed |
|
earlier, we were not successful in blocking all his activities. |
|
Ms. Watson. And I know, Mr. Ambassador how difficult this |
|
is. I have been there, too. However, I think you're the only |
|
one that can help our understanding of what went wrong so |
|
wrong. And so I understand that the Oil-for-Food Program helped |
|
provide food for 27 million Iraqi residents. It prevented |
|
malnutrition. It reduced communicable diseases. It eradicated |
|
polio, and was a major success for a period of time. We're |
|
focusing on $4.4 billion of a $67 billion humanitarian success |
|
story. |
|
So do you believe that this program met its objectives, and |
|
do you believe that we as the United States, and the monitors |
|
who were participating, were on the job? I need to know out in |
|
the field what it was that was lacking and how we lost so much |
|
of the fund to corruption. What was it that should have been |
|
done beyond what you've just described? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. The Oil-for-Food Program had multiple |
|
objectives. One objective was to ensure that foods, medicine, |
|
and other essential human needs of the Iraqi people were met. |
|
And so to that extent, it met its objective by ensuring that |
|
the infant mortality rate and maternal mortality rate, which |
|
had gone up, went back down. |
|
The nutrition was achieved by the Iraqi people. So yes, it |
|
met that objective. But in terms of being a sanctioned regime |
|
that stopped any attempt by Saddam Hussein to bust the sanction |
|
regime and keep him from cheating on the sanctions regime, |
|
busting it and then potentially using those funds to get other |
|
materials, it was not a total success. But---- |
|
Mr. Shays. Would the gentlelady suspend for a second? |
|
Ms. Watson. Certainly. |
|
Mr. Shays. When you say ``any attempt'' and ``it was not a |
|
total success'' as it relates to that part of it, you seem to |
|
be going back and suggesting that the abuses were infrequent. |
|
Is it your testimony that the abuses were infrequent? |
|
We've already conceded that people are going to get aid. |
|
They are going to get money and medicine. But on the other side |
|
of the equation, is it your testimony that it was just any |
|
attempt, we didn't succeed in any attempt? Where the abuse is |
|
more frequent, happened more than less? I want to know which |
|
way you see it. |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. The abuses, Mr. Chairman, were |
|
continuous. But they were, if I might, sir, they were different |
|
abuses each time. I mean, he abused it with oil smuggling |
|
outside of program. He abused it with kickbacks. He abused it |
|
with premiums on oil. He took different steps, so continuous |
|
abuse, different tools that he used each time to cause the |
|
abuses, sir. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank you. Thank you. |
|
Ms. Watson. If I might continue--and if you want to |
|
continue to respond to my last question, fine--but let me raise |
|
another issue. What other U.N. bilateral or multilateral |
|
mechanism besides the 661 committee could the United States |
|
have utilized to publicize and put an end to these practices? |
|
I'm concerned that too much of the oil moneys were diverted in |
|
other directions, and those who suffered were the Iraqi people. |
|
With the Coalition, what could have been done to end this |
|
misuse? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. With Saddam Hussein as the figure here, |
|
I don't know that anything would have stopped Saddam Hussein |
|
from attempting to get around any activities. |
|
Ms. Watson. Well let me just ask you this, then. What would |
|
have stopped the flow of funds into the program Oil-for-Food? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. The only thing that would have stopped |
|
it would have been if you had had a different sanctions regime. |
|
But the sanction regime that was put into place was the one |
|
that was the result of long, extensive, and arduous |
|
negotiations with other member states to achieve that sanctions |
|
regime. If you had had a regime in which, again, hypothetically |
|
a company had pumped all the oil, sold all the oil, and bought |
|
all the goods and sent them in, then there might not have been |
|
any leakage as you described. However, there was not the |
|
political will on the part of nations to impose that kind of a |
|
sanctions regime. |
|
Ms. Watson. What of our political will here? Did we make a |
|
strong enough effort, Security Council in the United Nations, |
|
to bring their attention and get a focus on possibly changing |
|
the kind of structure that we had? What was being done from |
|
within? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. I only arrived at the U.S. mission to |
|
the United Nations in the fall of 2001. But my preparation for |
|
this, my reading of the very extensive record, indicate that |
|
the U.S. Government made extensive efforts to get the most |
|
teeth into sanctions that it could, and met resistance from |
|
other member states who are unwilling to accept that. |
|
Ms. Watson. I understand how difficult it is when you're |
|
coming in and programs like this have been running. That is the |
|
reason why we were concerned on this committee with our |
|
oversight, and we wanted to see what records, what documents, |
|
documentation, what facts there are held by other departments |
|
and branches. I understand that there were 60 staffers and five |
|
different U.S. agencies who reviewed each of the Oil-for-Food |
|
contracts. If we had that information, then my questions might |
|
be answered. |
|
And I want to thank you for your service, and I want to |
|
thank you for coming here and being on the hot seat. But I |
|
think there should be some others that are on the hot seat so |
|
we can find where we went wrong, where it went wrong. |
|
We know that Saddam Hussein was wrong. But that doesn't |
|
excuse this whole thing. And so we would just like to get to |
|
the bottom of it. I appreciate your service and I thank you so |
|
much for trying to explain what happened before your duties |
|
started. But we are trying to seek truth. |
|
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank you. |
|
Just very briefly, Ambassador, do you feel this story |
|
should come out? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Absolutely. |
|
Mr. Shays. Do you feel this story should come out, even if |
|
it embarrasses our allies? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Absolutely. |
|
Mr. Shays. Do you believe it should come out, even if it |
|
embarrasses some allies and makes it more difficult to get |
|
their cooperation in Iraq? |
|
Ambassador Kennedy. Absolutely. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank you. Thank you very much. |
|
We are going to go to our next panel. Thank you. |
|
Our next panel, our last panel, and many hours later, David |
|
Smith, director, Corporate Banking Operations, BNP Paribas; |
|
Peter W.G. Boks, managing director, Saybolt International B.V; |
|
and Andre Pruniaux, senior vice president, Africa and Middle |
|
East, Cotecna Inspection SA. |
|
If you would all stay standing, we will swear you in. If |
|
there is someone else who might respond to a question, I would |
|
like them to be able to be sworn in as well. |
|
So we have David Smith, Peter Boks, and Andre Pruniaux. |
|
Thank you. And we swear in all our witnesses. If you'd raise |
|
your right hands, please. |
|
[Witnesses sworn.] |
|
Mr. Shays. Note for the record, our witnesses have |
|
responded in the affirmative. Gentlemen, thank you so much for |
|
your patience. And also, thank you for your cooperation. You |
|
all have been very cooperative. You all have tried to be |
|
consistent with your obligations that enable us to do our job |
|
as well, and we thank you for that. |
|
David Smith, we are going to have you go first. I'll just |
|
go down and you'll need to bring that mic closer to you. Plese |
|
bring it down a little further. And the lights on means your |
|
mic is on. Do you want to just tap it just to see? Thank you. |
|
So what we'll do is, you have the floor for 5 minutes, and |
|
then we roll it over for another 5 minutes. After 10, I'd ask |
|
you to stop. |
|
Mr. Smith. Thank you Mr. Chairman. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank you. |
|
|
|
STATEMENTS OF DAVID L. SMITH, DIRECTOR, CORPORATE BANKING |
|
OPERATIONS, BNP PARIBAS; PETER W.G. BOKS, MANAGING DIRECTOR, |
|
SAYBOLT INTERNATIONAL B.V; AND ANDRE E. PRUNIAUX, SENIOR VICE |
|
PRESIDENT, AFRICA AND MIDDLE EAST, COTECNA INSPECTION S.A |
|
|
|
Mr. Smith. Chairman Shays, members of the committee, I |
|
request that my written statement be submitted for the record. |
|
Mr. Shays. And it will, without objection. |
|
Mr. Smith. Thank you. Before responding to any particular |
|
inquiries members of this committee may have, I would like to |
|
make a brief statement which summarizes the key points of my |
|
written statement to the committee. |
|
My name is David Smith. Since September 2001, I have been |
|
employed by BNP Paribas, North America, where I serve as |
|
director of Corporate Banking Operations. In that capacity I |
|
have been responsible for overseeing the Bank's letter-of- |
|
credit processing operations, including those operations as |
|
they pertain to the Bank's agreement to provide banking |
|
services to the United Nations for the U.N. Oil-for-Food |
|
Program. |
|
First, as to the selection of BNP, according to a report of |
|
the General Secretary dated November 25, 1996, the selection |
|
process for the holder of the U.N. Iraq account began with the |
|
preparation of, ``a working list of major banks in all parts of |
|
the world with the necessary credit quality ratings, strong |
|
capital positions, and capabilities to provide the services |
|
necessary for the account.'' |
|
The report indicates that a short list of those banks, |
|
including BNP, were asked in June 1996 to submit written |
|
proposals to the U.N. for the provision of the required banking |
|
services. The U.N.'s request for proposals sought certain |
|
pricing information from each bank and inquired into each |
|
bank's capabilities to handle the business of the program's |
|
size. |
|
The Bank understands that four major international banks |
|
submitted formal offers in response to the RFP. The General |
|
Secretary reported in 1996 that, ``After careful consideration |
|
of the proposals received,'' BNP was selected on June 18, 1996 |
|
to be the holder of the U.N. Iraq account. Accordingly, a |
|
banking services agreement was executed by BNP and the United |
|
Nations after several weeks of negotiations. |
|
The Bank believes that several factors resulted in BNP's |
|
selection by the United Nations, including the following: one, |
|
its large international presence; two, its significant position |
|
in the commodities trade finance business; three, its high |
|
credit rating; four, its strong capital position; five, its |
|
willingness to assume the credit risk of other banks by |
|
confirming the oil letters of credit to be issued for the |
|
benefit of the program; six, its competitive pricing; and |
|
seven, its substantial trade finance support operation, located |
|
in New York City, where the U.N. is headquartered. |
|
Second, as to the services the Bank has provided to the |
|
United Nations, the role of the Bank under the banking services |
|
agreement has consisted of delivering nondiscretionary banking |
|
services to its customer, the United Nations. These services |
|
have related to both the oil and the humanitarian sides of the |
|
program. Generally on the oil side of the program, those |
|
services have involved the confirmation of letters of credit |
|
issued on behalf of U.N.-approved purchases of Iraq oil. Those |
|
letters of credit were issued by various banks for the benefit |
|
of the U.N. Iraq account. |
|
When a bank confirms a letter of credit, it takes upon |
|
itself the obligation to pay the beneficiary, here the U.N. The |
|
Bank's confirmation of the oil letters of credit was done at |
|
the request of the U.N. It was performed in accordance with |
|
standard banking practices, letters of credit practices, with |
|
several additional controls imposed by the United Nations, as |
|
described in my written statement. |
|
On the humanitarian side of the program, the Bank's |
|
services have involved the issuance of letters of credit at the |
|
direction of the U.N. for the benefit of U.N.-approved |
|
suppliers of goods to Iraq. Those letters of credit provided |
|
the necessary assurance to suppliers that they would receive |
|
payment for their goods once they had been delivered to Iraq in |
|
accordance with their contractual obligations. |
|
The processing by the Bank was performed in accordance with |
|
standard letter-of-credit practice, with a number of additional |
|
controls, again as detailed in my written statement. |
|
Significantly, the Bank has had no discretion over how |
|
money has been spent or invested under the program. The Bank |
|
did not select the buyers of the oil, sellers of the goods, or |
|
the goods to be supplied. |
|
Third, as to the Bank's legal and ethical obligations, the |
|
Banks provision of services pursuant to the banking services |
|
agreement was licensed by the U.S. Department of Treasury, |
|
Office of Foreign Asset Control [OFAC]. Moreover, all services |
|
provided by the Bank under the agreement were performed within |
|
a framework designed by the U.N. under the agreement, the |
|
United Nations, a universally known international organization |
|
of sovereign states, was the Bank's sole customer. |
|
As I have stated, all aspects of the transaction under the |
|
program, including the purchases of oil and the supplies of |
|
goods, as well as the nature, amount, and pricing of goods |
|
involved, were approved by the U.N. All letters of credit |
|
confirmed or issued by the Bank under the banking services |
|
agreement were governed by the Uniform Customs and Practices |
|
for Documentary Credits, a set of detailed procedures for |
|
letters of credit published by the International Chamber of |
|
Commerce. |
|
Program transactions were also subject to U.S. regulatory |
|
requirements, including in particular the screening of any |
|
program participants against lists of specially designated |
|
nationals published by OFAC. There also were, as described in |
|
my written statement, a number of additional controls imposed |
|
by the U.N. that were unique to the program. |
|
Notably, an article in Saturday's New York Times purports |
|
to quote from a briefing paper provided to members of this |
|
committee that suggests that the Bank was remiss because it |
|
``never initiated a review of the program or the reputation of |
|
those involved.'' |
|
Any such suggestion misunderstands the nature of the Bank's |
|
role under its banking services agreement with the U.N. Under |
|
that agreement, the U.N. was the Bank's sole customer. The Bank |
|
reasonably relied upon the sanctions committee of the Security |
|
Council for its review and approval of both purchases of oil |
|
and the suppliers of goods. The Bank provided specified |
|
nondiscretionary services to the U.N. under the banking |
|
services agreement, and it was not the Bank's place to |
|
substitute its judgment for that of the sanctions committee |
|
regarding who would be approved by the U.N. to participate in |
|
the program. |
|
Fourth, as to the unique challenges of the program, from a |
|
banking perspective the program has represented an enormously |
|
challenging and unique undertaking involving the process of |
|
over 23,000 letters of credit and the disbursement of billions |
|
of dollars for investment purposes at the direction of the U.N. |
|
Those investments have generated in excess of $2.7 billion for |
|
the benefit of the program. |
|
With the exception of a temporary backlog in processing of |
|
humanitarian letters of credit in mid-2000, the Bank believes |
|
that it has done a good job in handling the highly demanding |
|
banking assignment under a program of unprecedented scope and |
|
magnitude. |
|
Finally, as to the design of the program, the Bank believes |
|
that the use of letters of credit provided the correct banking |
|
framework for the program. Although outside the scope of our |
|
responsibilities it appears, with the benefit of hindsight, |
|
that the program might have been better structured in other |
|
respects to minimize the risk of abuse. In this regard, a well- |
|
managed competitive bidding process, both for the purchase of |
|
oil and for the sale of goods, might have been substituted for |
|
what was essentially a sole-source procurement process. This |
|
would have eliminated the Government of Iraq in the selection |
|
of prospective counterparties for U.N. approved Oil-for-Food |
|
transactions, and would have provided greater transparency |
|
regarding program participants. It might also have reduced the |
|
possibility that the program might not always have received the |
|
most favorable pricing. |
|
On behalf of BNP Paribas, I thank the committee for this |
|
opportunity to provide this statement. I would be happy to |
|
respond to any questions members of the committee may have. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank you, Mr. Smith. |
|
[The prepared statement of Mr. Smith follows:] |
|
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|
Mr. Shays. Mr. Boks. |
|
Mr. Boks. Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the |
|
subcommittee, my name is Peter Boks. I am an executive of |
|
Saybolt International which is headquartered in The |
|
Netherlands, just outside of Rotterdam. Thank you for inviting |
|
me to discuss with the subcommittee today the role of Saybolt |
|
International in the administration of the United Nations Oil- |
|
for-Food Program. Having submitted a more complete statement |
|
for the record, I will discuss my brief oral remarks on our |
|
principal responsibilities; namely, the monitoring of oil |
|
exports under the Oil-for-Food Program. |
|
Mr. Chairman, please bear with me that English is not my |
|
native language. So excuse me if things are unclear. |
|
Mr. Shays. Let me assure you that we hear you very well, |
|
and we appreciate you are speaking in English. |
|
Mr. Boks. Thank you. Saybolt won its contract with the |
|
United Nations in 1996 through a competitive bid process. Under |
|
that contract and multiple extensions, Saybolt deployed teams |
|
of inspectors selected on the basis of their prior experience |
|
in the industry. Oil inspectors were screened by Saybolt, |
|
approved by the United Nations, trained and briefed for this |
|
assignment and required to certify compliance with Saybolt's |
|
code of conduct. |
|
Under its contract with the United Nations, Saybolt's |
|
responsibility was to monitor the quality and quantity of oil |
|
exports from the two authorized Oil-for-Food export points, the |
|
offshore platform in Al-Bakr and the port of Ceyhan in Turkey, |
|
along with the remote monitoring station on the Iraq-Turkey |
|
pipeline near Zakho, close to the northern border with Turkey. |
|
The monitoring procedures follow: First, the United Nations |
|
oil overseers would review and approve contracts and letters of |
|
credit negotiated between the Iraqi oil company SOMO and the |
|
buyers of Iraqi oil. Coordinating through a common data base |
|
shared by Saybolt and the United Nations, Saybolt would monitor |
|
the quantity and quality of oil, pursuant to the approved |
|
contracts at the two authorized export points and report |
|
confirming figures to the United Nations. |
|
Also important were the limits of Saybolt's |
|
responsibilities. Saybolt had no responsibility, for example, |
|
with respect to the underlying contracts which were negotiated |
|
directly between the seller and buyer and reviewed by the |
|
United Nations. Saybolt had no control over the moneys that |
|
were involved in the underlying transactions--that was a matter |
|
for the sellers, buyers, and the United Nations--nor did |
|
Saybolt itself buy or sell Iraqi oil. |
|
Finally, from time to time, we reported irregularities that |
|
we observed to the United Nations or the Multilateral |
|
Interception Force. Saybolt had no responsibility for |
|
monitoring oil exports from any locations other than the three |
|
locations specified in its contract. In performing their |
|
responsibilities, Saybolt inspectors typically operated in |
|
remote locations in inhospitable work environments. Some days, |
|
for example, the isolated Mina Al-Bakr platform was without |
|
electricity or water and sometimes during heat that exceeded |
|
110 degrees. U.N. audits and reports confirmed the harsh |
|
working conditions and risk to personal safety. The entire |
|
program was also characterized by highly charged, political |
|
interests and sensitivities. |
|
The simultaneous operation of the humanitarian Oil-for-Food |
|
Program and a comprehensive U.N.-imposed sanctions regime |
|
created a variety of practical and logistical complications |
|
affecting everything from obtaining visas to paying for basic |
|
necessities. |
|
The job of monitoring authorized oil exports was also made |
|
more challenging by the poor state of the oil industry |
|
infrastructure and the deficiencies in equipment and technology |
|
in Iraq. Even before the program began, Saybolt informed the |
|
United Nations of problems with the metering equipment at each |
|
of the three sites. At Mina Al-Bakr, the Iraqi failure to |
|
install, repair, or calibrate metering equipment meant there |
|
were no counterpart measurements to cross-check against ship |
|
measurements at the point of loading on the Mina Al-Bakr |
|
platform. |
|
In the absence of calibrated metering equipment, Saybolt |
|
used the best alternative techniques accepted and widely used |
|
in the industry. Specifically, in the absence of metering, |
|
inspectors relied on calibration charts, vessel experience |
|
factors, and shipboard measurements to determine the quantity |
|
of oil loaded onto vessels, a methodology that the United |
|
Nations expressly accepted. |
|
Monitoring loadings without access to reliable meters is |
|
accepted industry practice but is less accurate than metering |
|
at loading points. Although falsification of calibration charts |
|
and VEF data is rarely an issue, the possibility exists. To |
|
avoid such a problem, Saybolt originally recommended that the |
|
volume of oil be measured at the foreign point offloadings, as |
|
well as at the loading points of Mina Al-Bakr and Ceyhan. For |
|
whatever reasons, his recommendation was not adopted. |
|
In January 1999 following discussions with the United |
|
Nations, Saybolt began requiring that each master sign a |
|
statement certifying the accuracy of the records provided to |
|
Saybolt. The United Nations was informed of this procedure and |
|
supported its recommendation. Over 7 years, Saybolt inspectors |
|
monitored more than 2,600 loadings involving a total of |
|
approximately 3.4 billion barrels of crude oil. Over that |
|
period of time, very few irregularities occurred. Two instances |
|
of loading excess quantities of oil, the unauthorized topping |
|
off, occurred in 2001, both involving the same vessel, the same |
|
vessel charter. Saybolt promptly investigated these incidents, |
|
made written and personal reports to the United Nations, and |
|
put in place additional safeguards to prevent any similar |
|
abuses in the future. Thereafter, Saybolt encountered no |
|
recurrences of the incidents experienced in 2001. |
|
Looking back on the program and the variety of challenges |
|
it faced, we can now identify the ways that the monitoring of |
|
oil exports under the Oil-for-Food Program might have been |
|
strengthened. These include requiring accurate metering |
|
equipment, the continued presence of at least one U.N. official |
|
at each loading location, incorporating from the outset various |
|
safeguards that Saybolt developed during the course of the |
|
program, and monitoring mechanisms for detecting unauthorized |
|
exports from other than the two U.N.-approved export points. |
|
More broadly, it now appears in hindsight that the ability for |
|
Iraq to contract directly with buyers of oil and sellers of |
|
goods introduced a significant opportunity for abuse. And to |
|
the extent that the member states of the United Nations |
|
disregarded or systematically violated the U.N. embargo against |
|
Iraq, that conduct obviously undercut fundamentally the |
|
objectives of the Oil-for-Food Program which was conceived to |
|
be an exception to the embargo. |
|
Saybolt and its professionals performed a difficult job |
|
under very difficult circumstances in Iraq. While not without |
|
blemishes, the monitoring of oil was done professionally over |
|
an extended period of time. I am happy to discuss that project |
|
with you today and to help extract from their experience any |
|
lessons which may be of value in conducting humanitarian |
|
programs in the future. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank you, Mr. Boks. |
|
[The prepared statement of Mr. Boks follows:] |
|
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|
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|
Mr. Shays. Mr. Pruniaux. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Mr. Chairman and distinguished members of the |
|
subcommittee, my name is Andre Pruniaux. Since 1998, I have |
|
been employed as Senior Vice President of Cotecna Inspection in |
|
Geneva, Switzerland, which has some 4,000 personnel in over 100 |
|
offices around the world. I appreciate the opportunity to |
|
appear before the subcommittee today to clearly establish for |
|
the public record the difficult task of Cotecna as a contractor |
|
of the U.N. Oil-for-Food Program. |
|
Mr. Chairman, my primary duties at Cotecna consisted of |
|
managing operations in Africa and the Middle East as summarized |
|
in my curriculum vitae included in my prepared statement. We |
|
hope to clarify Cotecna's responsibilities and authority under |
|
the Oil-for-Food Program in the United States and the CPA |
|
contracts. The documents we provided to the subcommittee |
|
clearly demonstrate our performance under the contracts has |
|
been fully consistent with our obligations. |
|
Since the inception of its contract in Iraq, Cotecna has |
|
authenticated the arrival of goods in Iraq worth a total of |
|
$29.2 billion, of which no single authentication has been |
|
proven to be erroneous. To fairly judge our performance, you |
|
must first understand what services Cotecna was and was not |
|
contracted to perform under the OFF program. Cotecna was not |
|
hired to perform inspection services in the traditional sense |
|
which would normally entail a broad range of tasks, in support |
|
of full customs inspection services, including, for instance, |
|
price analysis, quantity, quality inspection, and port-of- |
|
origin and/or port-of-destination. |
|
The 1992 request for proposal on which Cotecna was the |
|
successful bidder issued by the U.N. did incorporate broader, |
|
more traditional customs inspection mandates. That contract was |
|
never awarded, however, because the Iraqi Government would not |
|
give its consent. A subsequent contract was awarded in 1996 to |
|
Lloyds Register and included the narrower scope of |
|
responsibility and authority for authentication of goods under |
|
the 986 OFF program. The parameter of this contract were |
|
originally established by the Security Council working with the |
|
U.N. OIP and Lloyd's. In 1998 Cotecna presented the strongest |
|
technical proposal at the lowest price, and on that basis was |
|
awarded the contract succeeding Lloyds. |
|
Importantly, the term ``authentication'' in this context is |
|
unique to the U.N. OIP contract. In the world of customs |
|
inspection services, the term ``authentication'' does not |
|
appear. This reflects the limited role under the contract of |
|
authenticating the arrival of approved and permitted shipments |
|
in Iraq so suppliers could be paid. |
|
Under the narrow scope of the contract, Cotecna played a |
|
limited technical role in verifying that the goods entering |
|
Iraq matched the list of goods authorized for importation, and |
|
in the case of foodstuffs, assessing their fitness for human |
|
consumption. Our prepared testimony includes these details. |
|
Conversely, Cotecna was not involved in selecting the goods |
|
to be imported, establishing the specifications of such |
|
products, selecting the suppliers, negotiating the prices to be |
|
paid, nor designating any sales commissions. |
|
Further, Cotecna was not involved in handling any funds for |
|
the payment for any goods, but only with verifying that items |
|
that had been approved for import were delivered in Iraq. |
|
Mr. Chairman, it is important for this committee to |
|
understand that two types of goods were coming into Iraq under |
|
U.N. authority and approval. The first set of goods entered the |
|
country under the Oil-for-Food Program pursuant to Security |
|
Council Resolution 986. In addition, a separate volume of |
|
goods, valued by some to be worth double that of 986 goods, |
|
were imported under Security Council Resolution 661. These 661 |
|
goods were the subject of private contracting, were not |
|
financed by the OFF program and, therefore, Cotecna had no |
|
responsibility or authority to authenticate or inspect them. |
|
Under the contract, Cotecna authenticated the shipments |
|
entering Iraq under the 986 program, and was required to |
|
perform physical examination on up to 10 percent of them, with |
|
the exception of quality control testing of food basket items, |
|
as I have already mentioned. We consistently fulfilled each of |
|
these mandates. |
|
The company was operating in a difficult and challenging |
|
physical and political environment as detailed in part 4 of my |
|
prepared written statement. Relations with the U.N. officials, |
|
the Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq, the UNOHCI-Baghdad, were |
|
sometimes difficult, because Cotecna was required to report |
|
directly to OIP only, while UNOHCI-Baghdad was assisting |
|
Cotecna activities and inspections for logistics, visas, |
|
transportation authorizations, and complaints from the Iraqi |
|
authorities related to Cotecna inspectors. Also the |
|
relationship with U.N. humanitarian agencies was delicate and a |
|
source of tension because these humanitarian agencies adopted a |
|
more sympathetic attitude toward Iraqi and Kurdish entities. |
|
UNOHCI, for example, presided over monthly coordination |
|
meetings in Baghdad between these humanitarian agencies and |
|
Cotecna. Congestion in the port of Umm Qasr became a very |
|
serious problem, and suppliers began to complain that the |
|
government was refusing to remove containers from the port |
|
unless suppliers paid a fee to the port authority, and the |
|
government continuously sought ways to influence the |
|
authentication and payment process for financial gain. |
|
In direct response to concerns raised by Cotecna to U.N. |
|
OIP, this process stopped and the congestion situation |
|
immediately eased. Iraq frequently exerted pressure on Cotecna |
|
to resolve or retract authentication. Cotecna was directed |
|
under the contract to refer all such matters to U.N. OIP New |
|
York, but this did not alleviate the pressure from the |
|
government, particularly in Umm Qasr. |
|
Mr. Chairman, Cotecna has consistently performed its |
|
limited technical role in the authentication of goods under the |
|
986 OFF Program under difficult physical and political |
|
conditions. In so doing, the company fulfilled its contractual |
|
obligations as established by the U.N. Security Council. There |
|
were problems, and many. The company reported those problems. |
|
We have sought to cooperate with the subcommittee and have |
|
provided documentation of those communications to you. |
|
Mr. Chairman, this concludes my statement. I would be |
|
pleased to answer any questions members of the subcommittee |
|
might have. I would respectfully ask that my full statement be |
|
included in the record along with a letter I sent to you on |
|
October 1 regarding an article that appeared in the New York |
|
Post. |
|
Mr. Shays. Your letter and all of your statements will be |
|
in the record in their entirety. Without objection, that will |
|
happen. |
|
[The prepared statement of Mr. Pruniaux follows:] |
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|
Mr. Shays. Let me start with the counsel to ask some |
|
questions, and then I will have some questions. |
|
Mr. Halloran. Mr. Smith, in describing the factors that you |
|
say led the United Nations to select BNP as the provider of |
|
banking services, you said an established commercial trade |
|
operation in Europe. Did that include facilities for processing |
|
letters of credit of the kind that the program generated? |
|
Mr. Smith. The program in itself was unique. I don't think |
|
that any bank had facilities established to process the type of |
|
business that was created by the program itself. However, BNP |
|
had an existing trade finance operation which dealt with the |
|
issue of letters of credit in New York City. |
|
Mr. Shays. Could you just explain what made it unique? |
|
Mr. Smith. Potentially the size of the program, which was |
|
obviously a little bit unclear at the start of the actual |
|
program, but especially the additional controls that were |
|
included. The confirmations of arrival are unique. As far as I |
|
am aware, they are not used anywhere else as far as letters of |
|
credit are concerned. |
|
Normally a supplier of goods under a letter of credit would |
|
be paid as soon as they presented all of the required documents |
|
under the letter of credit, which is usually at the point they |
|
ship the goods. Under this program, no payment is possible |
|
until the goods have actually arrived in Iraq and been |
|
inspected and confirmed to be in accordance with the contract. |
|
Mr. Halloran. So that complicated the process both in terms |
|
of paper and time? |
|
Mr. Smith. It complicated the process. It gave us an |
|
additional amount of paper that we needed to check against the |
|
shipping documents and the letter of credit. |
|
Mr. Halloran. In that line of business with your client, |
|
the United Nations, when does the Bank get paid, based on what |
|
triggering event? |
|
Mr. Smith. The Bank basically gets paid for the issuance of |
|
the letter of credit. There are some associated fees relating |
|
to pure payments, to SWIFT messages, etc. But the actual fees |
|
charged under the program really related to the issuance of the |
|
letters of credit. |
|
Mr. Halloran. The Oil-for-Food Program was run in phases |
|
designated by the Office of the Iraqi Program? |
|
Mr. Smith. It was run in 6-month phases, yes. |
|
Mr. Halloran. Were there negotiations with the Iraqi |
|
Government and other entities from phase to phase as the |
|
program matured, and how did that change the Bank's operating? |
|
Mr. Smith. As far as the Bank was concerned, the banking |
|
service agreement was basically extended by the United Nations |
|
at each stage during the process. To the best of my knowledge, |
|
during the course of a series of extensions over what |
|
eventually were 13 phases of the program, there were some |
|
changes made to the way the business was conducted. |
|
Mr. Halloran. As the processing or the flow of business |
|
changed, what kind of capacity did the Bank have to discern |
|
trends or novelties in the business? For example, it has been |
|
suggested about phase 8, when Saddam got a little more |
|
sophisticated about oil vouchers as opposed to directly selling |
|
to end users, that the roster of those being paid would have |
|
changed both in quality and quantity, new people and a new |
|
number of people. Would that have been discernible by the Bank |
|
and would it have put a red light on the border anywhere for |
|
any reason? |
|
Mr. Smith. There was certainly an increase in the volume |
|
and the complexity of the business that the Bank was handling |
|
around about phase 8. As far as red flags are concerned, I |
|
would come back to my statement in that the United Nations was |
|
the Bank's customer. The United Nations was approving all of |
|
the counterparties on both the oil and the humanitarian |
|
contracts. In addition to that, I would remind you that all of |
|
this business was screened for OFAC purposes and reviewed |
|
against the various OFAC listings. |
|
Mr. Halloran. With those safeguards in place, the Bank felt |
|
confident that its business was being done according to the |
|
rules. But what can go wrong with a letter of credit? What |
|
would have sent a bell or red light off in a letter-of-credit |
|
transaction? |
|
Mr. Smith. Most of the immediate thoughts that come to mind |
|
regarding that question are purely from an operational point of |
|
view in how we check documents, etc., which would not really be |
|
caused under the program. |
|
Mr. Halloran. If the recipient of the shipment said this is |
|
not the quality or quantity of oil I ordered, and there is a |
|
rejection, the letter of credit is not claimed upon. |
|
Mr. Smith. The letter of credit is a written undertaking |
|
that a payment will be made on the presentation of documents |
|
that are specified within that letter of credit. So a letter of |
|
credit is constructed so that the buyer of the goods ensures |
|
that they have the necessary documents to give them the comfort |
|
that the goods are of the quality they want, of the quantity |
|
they want, and will be delivered in a timely manner. |
|
So, for instance, on the oil that was being lifted from |
|
Iraq, one of the documents that would need to be presented for |
|
payment would be a chemical analysis of the goods or the oil to |
|
prove it was of a specific quality. In addition, bills of |
|
lading confirming the shipment and the quantity of the shipment |
|
would also be presented, so the protection is in the documents |
|
which the Bank is dealing with. |
|
Mr. Halloran. In the course of these transactions, did BNP |
|
have occasion to be in contact with the Central Bank of Iraq? |
|
Mr. Smith. The Bank received the initial requests to issue |
|
letters of credit under the humanitarian program from the |
|
Central Bank of Iraq. Once those requests were received, they |
|
were referred to the United Nations, and the United Nations |
|
would give the approval to issue those letters of credit or |
|
not. |
|
As far as the inspection of the documents before payment is |
|
concerned, there would be no contact with the Central Bank of |
|
Iraq. The Bank would review those documents, check those |
|
documents in the same way that it would under any other |
|
commercial transaction, albeit with the additional documents |
|
and controls that are included in this program, and make a |
|
determination whether a payment should be made. If the Bank was |
|
comfortable that the documents were in order and a payment |
|
should be made, then we would approach the U.N. telling them |
|
that we had good documents and we were proposing to make a |
|
payment. They would confirm that payment. |
|
Mr. Halloran. The Central Bank of Iraq had no say as to who |
|
or how much got paid? |
|
Mr. Smith. That's correct. Once the letter of credit is |
|
issued, it governs the conditions of payment. As long as the |
|
correct documents are presented, payment should follow. |
|
Mr. Halloran. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux, describe a little more, if you could, the |
|
distinction that is being made in your testimony between |
|
authentication and inspection. Our perception from both your |
|
testimony, and other documents, is that it was a process that |
|
compared paper to paper, sometimes it did not matter what was |
|
in the truck behind you, and if the documents said the truck |
|
should contain 50 barrels of something, your obligation was |
|
fulfilled and you never got to look in the truck; is that |
|
correct? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Authentication is really matching documents. |
|
You know that we were present at four sites. The fifth one was |
|
opened in 2002, but it never really operated. It was at the |
|
border between Iraq and Saudi Arabia. The documents were |
|
ordered by U.N. OIP-New York in such a way it provided very |
|
detailed information on the goods which had been approved and |
|
for which the letters of approval had been issued. So the |
|
suppliers would send the goods, the shipments, to Iraq, and we |
|
would know beforehand that the goods were going to arrive |
|
through the secure transmission of documents coming from the |
|
U.N. OIP addressed to each individual site. No one--let me |
|
phrase it differently. |
|
The information provided to a certain site was not |
|
available to the other sites to keep confidentiality. For |
|
instance, at Trebil where we had most of the traffic, the |
|
trucks would arrive with containers, and they had to stop. The |
|
supplier's and the transporter's duty was to come to us and |
|
tell us, this is the shipment so-and-so, these are the |
|
references, these are all of the documents; and we would look |
|
at all these documents and see that they matched the |
|
information we had received from U.N. OIP. |
|
Mr. Halloran. When they did not match? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. There were three major reasons. Maybe the |
|
letter of approval had expired because it took more time for |
|
the goods to arrive in Iraq to be presented at the border. |
|
Sometimes--and very often the sites are changed, especially |
|
between Turkey--goods landed in Turkey or Jordan. Very often |
|
there was substitution in sites. Sometimes the documents were |
|
incomplete. That was mostly the case in Umm Qasr. So we would |
|
block in the sense that we would not authenticate, but we had |
|
no authority and no power to prevent the truck from crossing |
|
the border and entering into Iraq. The only thing, nobody would |
|
be paid because we had not authenticated. In such a case we |
|
would refer these problems to the U.N. OIP and it was up to |
|
U.N. OIP to discuss with the supplier and find the reason or |
|
maybe extend the validity of the approval. |
|
Mr. Shays. Did you know what the outcome was when you would |
|
disclose these transactions had taken place? Do you know how |
|
they were resolved? Or once they were passed on to the U.N. |
|
authorities, it kind of left your hands? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. No, I would not know. We would get |
|
information from U.N. OIP, yes, the approval has been extended, |
|
it was acceptable that the site be changed and the supplier was |
|
requested to provide the missing documents. On that basis, on |
|
that very specific information, requests from U.N. OIP Cotecna |
|
would authenticate by electronic mail--that was in 2002, but |
|
before that it was faxed and signed by the team leader on each |
|
site and it was sent to U.N. OIP so the payment of the supplier |
|
could be processed. |
|
Mr. Halloran. In your testimony you say the Iraqi |
|
ministries complained continuously that the authentication |
|
process favored the supplier, often claiming they had received |
|
substandard goods or delivery shortfalls. Iraq frequently |
|
exerted firm pressure on Cotecna to withhold or retract |
|
authentication. OIP directed Cotecna to refer all such matters |
|
to the U.N. What does that mean? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. To the U.N. Security Council. |
|
Mr. Halloran. Where did that get you? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Maybe I misunderstood. |
|
Mr. Shays. His question is what happened then? What was |
|
achieved by doing that? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. The Iraqi authorities in Umm Qasr, that is |
|
the place they put us under pressure. The Iraqi authorities |
|
would complain that we were authenticating goods which were |
|
sub-quality. We would not get involved in those discussions, as |
|
long as foodstuffs were fit for human consumption. Now, the |
|
fact that the Iraqis considered goods were substandard or were |
|
not exactly what they had ordered was a matter of commercial |
|
dispute between the supplier and the receiver. In fact, being |
|
in the business, in the profession, we always told everyone |
|
that it is normal practice in this kind of business, in |
|
commercial transactions, to appoint an independent inspection |
|
company to verify that the goods which are being purchased |
|
matched the contract, the detailed contract specifications, and |
|
that was told by the U.N. OIP to the Iraqi authorities to |
|
implement these kinds of procedures. |
|
Mr. Halloran. But they chose not to? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. They did that occasionally. I would like to |
|
mention, for instance, that one of the things that Cotecna was |
|
forbidden, we were forbidden from acting as a commercial |
|
inspection company providing our services to, of course, the |
|
Iraqi receivers and, of course, the suppliers. So there would |
|
be no conflict of interest between the independent inspection |
|
authentication that we were providing to the U.N. OIP and the |
|
commercial disputes between a receiver and the supplier. |
|
Mr. Halloran. That was a provision in your contract with |
|
the U.N.? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Yes. |
|
Mr. Halloran. Your testimony also says that one of the |
|
challenges you faced in executing this contract was that you |
|
had to navigate Cotecna's delicate web of contacts with U.N.'s |
|
Office of Humanitarian Coordinator for Iraq. Could you amplify |
|
on that? There are other references in testimony that |
|
particular office was a problem in terms of executing this |
|
program. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. I would not say it was a problem. It was a |
|
delicate, diplomatic way of having to coordinate on a daily |
|
basis in Iraq because we had from 54 to 67 inspectors living |
|
and traveling and eating and sleeping in Iraq. You have to |
|
realize also, to get into Iraq you need a visa to enter the |
|
territory, and the visas were provided only at the Embassy of |
|
Iraq in Amman, in Jordan, and if for some reason the visa was |
|
not granted, the inspectors would be stranded and cannot reach |
|
their sites. The only way to get some support to clear visas or |
|
get transportation authorization to travel in Iraq, you needed |
|
a very specific authorization, and that was provided by the |
|
Iraqi authorities. The Iraqi authorities for all of these |
|
problems of logistics and transportation was handled by the |
|
Office of the Humanitarian Coordinator in UNOHCI in Baghdad. |
|
Also and more importantly, a lot of complaints came from |
|
the Iraqis, unjustified and justified, on the behavior of |
|
certain of our inspectors on things which could have happened |
|
on some of the sites which have been reported to the Iraqi |
|
officials, and also complaints on the performance of Cotecna, |
|
especially in Umm Qasr where we were put under extreme pressure |
|
to shorten some of the delays that they were experiencing. |
|
In such case I have to be frank. UNOHCI was adopting a |
|
rather friendly attitude toward the requests from the Iraqi |
|
authorities; and this is what I mean, ``problem'' is maybe not |
|
the right word, but rather a ``delicate.'' |
|
Mr. Halloran. Right. Sounds like a problem to me. |
|
You also say that you had to deal with direct pressure from |
|
the Iraqis. What kind of pressure? There is some e-mail traffic |
|
describing pressure to move things through and not be so |
|
careful about things. Where did that pressure come from? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. From Iraqi officials. We have an example |
|
which I presented in the documents you have received where it |
|
was in 1999 there was a minister of I think of Kuwait, who came |
|
with armored guards to our site in Umm Qasr and told us that we |
|
would not be authorized to authenticate unless the goods had |
|
already been accepted in terms of quality by the Baghdad |
|
laboratories. As we brought in various correspondence which |
|
appear in the documents, the inspectors were very shaken on the |
|
ground. So we issued a formal complaint that came to my |
|
attention in Geneva, and I told the U.N. OIP-New York. But |
|
there was pressure of these kinds of things. |
|
Mr. Halloran. What would have been the problem of Baghdad |
|
checking off on the acceptance of goods? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. They would have blocked all authentication. |
|
Mr. Halloran. Until they got paid first? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Yes, and create a bottleneck so someone would |
|
have to pay to get the goods cleared by financial gains to the |
|
Iraqi officials. |
|
Mr. Halloran. After the Minister of Trade shows up with 20 |
|
or more armed guards and intimidates your crew, how was that |
|
demand resolved? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Diplomatically or politically I cannot |
|
respond. I can say technically that problem was solved because |
|
that did not occur again. However, as I said before, there was |
|
constant pressure, especially in Umm Qasr, on Cotecna to |
|
authenticate, in a speedy or in a slow way, so the Iraqi |
|
officials could exercise some pressure on the suppliers. |
|
Mr. Halloran. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Boks, there was an allegation in the Wall Street |
|
Journal 2 days ago that in the course of one oil transaction a |
|
Saybolt employee had been bribed to allow a topping-off of the |
|
ship. The company's response was that it had been investigated |
|
before. Do you have anything more to say about that? |
|
Mr. Boks. We have investigated that incident at the time we |
|
learned of the incident which was in October 2001. At that time |
|
we conducted a thorough investigation. We went through the |
|
whole process. We looked at off-loadings. We interviewed the |
|
team leader. We virtually took all of the events and |
|
circumstances and we submitted that report of the investigation |
|
to the United Nations with a briefing also to the 661 |
|
committee. |
|
What we have now learned from the article in the Wall |
|
Street Journal actually is for us a new allegation. We had no |
|
knowledge of that before it was published. You can rest assured |
|
that we will investigate this further. We will get to the |
|
bottom of it. Actually, as a matter of fact, our board has |
|
already instructed our general counsel to get a team of lawyers |
|
to investigate this to the bottom. |
|
Mr. Halloran. If you can supply the subcommittee with |
|
whatever product your investigation produces, that would be |
|
helpful. |
|
Mr. Boks. Sure. We will share this with the investigating |
|
commission. |
|
Mr. Halloran. The incident of the Essex, which was detained |
|
and found to have oil loaded in excess of the Oil-for-Food |
|
Program contract, what changes were made in the Saybolt |
|
inspection process and the U.N. inspection process as a result |
|
of that? What confidence do you have that it was effective in |
|
preventing the practice of topping off? |
|
Mr. Boks. That evening I heard we took immediate actions |
|
for temporary reasons to have an inspector sitting 24 hours, 7 |
|
days a week, on board a vessel if it was alongside the |
|
terminal. Given the staff levels, that was not something that |
|
we could continue, so we implemented new instructions in terms |
|
of sealing the ship's manifold after the loading had been |
|
completed and the loading arms were disconnected. These seals |
|
would have unique numbers and would be also inserted on the |
|
notification letter. The notification letter was a letter which |
|
we put on board with the U.N.-authorized quantity loaded on |
|
board that specific vessel, actually a procedure that only was |
|
implemented earlier in 2001. |
|
In addition to that, we would check the seals prior to |
|
departure of a vessel because a vessel would not always depart |
|
immediately after it completed its loadings. So before |
|
departing, we would check the integrity of the seals. If not, |
|
we would then remeasure the vessel. |
|
Other instruction was we would look at the draft of the |
|
vessel after its completed loading. Draft is, I would say the |
|
surface of the water and the keel of the vessel. Maximum draft |
|
is, say, 21 meters, so if a vessel would load with less than |
|
that, we would take reference of that and also check it prior |
|
to departure. |
|
Basically we would also look at potential vessels that |
|
would still have space after it had loaded its U.N.-authorized |
|
volume. So if that were the case, special attention would be |
|
required. Those new instructions have been adopted by the 661 |
|
committee at some stage. |
|
Mr. Halloran. The calibration of the measuring methods you |
|
describe in your testimony, of the 2,600 loadings, of those, |
|
how many were validated by you based on less than the type of |
|
methods you would have preferred? |
|
Mr. Boks. You mean did we ever? |
|
Mr. Halloran. In your testimony you said you would prefer |
|
to have the calibration and use other indirect methods to |
|
determine the amount of oil. |
|
Mr. Boks. The consideration is as follows. When we first |
|
came to Iraq and we did our fact-finding mission, we came to |
|
the conclusion there were no properly calibrated metering |
|
facilities in place. Actually the border station in Zakho did |
|
not have a metering station so the Iraqis had to cannibalize on |
|
the Syrian pipeline and build it there within a couple of |
|
weeks. |
|
Generally speaking, the metering equipment has never, |
|
during the whole of the Oil-for-Food Program, became on a level |
|
which would be able to be used for fiscalisation purposes. So |
|
all 2,600 loadings have been done by utilizing the methods that |
|
I have described in my statement. |
|
Mr. Halloran. In your experience, what is the potential |
|
margin of error? |
|
Mr. Boks. That is a very good question. Actually what we |
|
did was we made a total comparison of all of the volumes we |
|
lifted from Turkey. In Turkey we had a cross-check possibility |
|
of measuring prior to loading and after loading, and then the |
|
volume could be calculated, derived from those two |
|
measurements. And we did also the ship, applying the vessel |
|
experience factor, and of the 1.3 billion barrels which were |
|
loaded from that port, actually we found a surplus even; a |
|
small surplus of 0.04 percent, which would lead us to believe |
|
that method was applied very accurately, and, I would say, very |
|
professionally. |
|
Mina Al-Bakr was a different story because we could not |
|
cross-check. We did not have any ability. We only could rely on |
|
the ship's figures by applying the vessel experience factor. I |
|
could not give any estimate as to the accuracy of those |
|
figures. Although I would have to say that the percentages |
|
would be probably around maximum 2 percent. |
|
Mr. Halloran. Two percent, OK. |
|
Finally, for all three of you, what kind of oversight did |
|
you get on this contract with the U.N. from the U.N.? Were you |
|
subject to an audit or an inquiry by the Office of Internal |
|
Oversight at the United Nations, and if so, how often and what |
|
was the outcome? |
|
Mr. Smith. The Bank provided daily statements of the U.N. |
|
Iraq account to the United Nations. They also had copies of all |
|
of the letters of credit that we were issuing and the |
|
amendments that were made to those letters of credit and |
|
details of the payments. |
|
From that, I understand that there were internal audits |
|
within the U.N. based on that information. As far as I am |
|
aware, there was never a physical audit of the Bank or the |
|
Bank's premises in our conducting of the business. |
|
Mr. Halloran. But certainly the Bank, through perhaps other |
|
regulatory channels, had lines of business audited that crossed |
|
Oil-for-Food transactions? |
|
Mr. Smith. The Bank in itself had internal audits and |
|
external audits which included the trade finance area that |
|
provided the support to the United Nations. Sorry, my answer |
|
was the United Nations. |
|
Mr. Halloran. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Boks. |
|
Mr. Boks. In terms of audits, from what I know, the U.N. |
|
has audited us three times in total. At least I have seen three |
|
times the report; or let me say in two instances we only got a |
|
requirement to answer a few questions which basically were for |
|
us very easy to answer. |
|
In one instance there was done a full audit report of |
|
which, let us say, there were quite a few comments and we had |
|
to go through them and answer them point by point, which we |
|
obviously did. |
|
Mr. Halloran. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Because of the nature of our activities, we |
|
had almost 24-hour coordination with the U.N. OIP-New York, and |
|
U.N. OIP would call directly the sites to discuss technical or |
|
management matters on the sites. However, we were audited |
|
several times, maybe every 3 to 6 months. One of the senior |
|
customs officers from the U.N. OIP would go and visit the |
|
sites, with or without the Cotecna contract manager. We had an |
|
organization where we had a contract manager based in Amman and |
|
one working in Geneva working with me. We would go with them or |
|
without them. As a consequence, we would have meetings, regular |
|
meetings in New York every 3 months, and meetings also with the |
|
team leaders in Baghdad or Amman. That was an ongoing exercise |
|
that we conducted several times. |
|
Mr. Halloran. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Shays. I have a number of questions that I would like |
|
to go through. I don't think that they will take us long to |
|
answer. Some of them simply may not be relevant in the end, but |
|
since they are on my mind I want to ask and get them out of my |
|
brain if they were not relevant. |
|
Why were transactions carried out in euros instead of |
|
dollars? |
|
Mr. Smith. A decision was made part way through the program |
|
to change the pricing and the settlement of the oil sales from |
|
U.S. dollars to euros. That decision was made by the Security |
|
Council of the United Nations. |
|
Mr. Shays. So it was the Security Council and not Saddam |
|
Hussein? |
|
Mr. Smith. The decision was made by the Security Council, |
|
sir. |
|
Mr. Shays. What sort of challenges, if any, did this |
|
present? |
|
Mr. Smith. In banking terms, the additional challenges were |
|
minimal. Whatever currency we are dealing with, whether it is |
|
U.S. dollars or Euro's the process is basically the same. The |
|
physical payment process is slightly different. But again, it |
|
is a well-established process. |
|
Mr. Shays. And the charge that your Bank would make would |
|
be the standard charge made on every transaction? |
|
Mr. Smith. Yes. Pricing was agreed based on the |
|
transactions that were being undertaken on behalf of the United |
|
Nations. |
|
Mr. Shays. I am told the bank did not begin an internal |
|
investigation for the Oil-for-Food Program and allegations of |
|
the corruption began to emerge in 2001. One, is that true; and |
|
two, why not? |
|
Mr. Smith. The Bank undertakes regular reviews of the |
|
program. If your question relates to the rumors and the stories |
|
relating to overpricing---- |
|
Mr. Shays. They were rumors that turned out to be true. |
|
Mr. Smith. Right. From what the Bank could see from the |
|
details they had from the information that it had, from the |
|
letters of credit and the documents that were presented, there |
|
was no evidence that we could see that substantiated anything |
|
that was happening. We were dealing with documents presented |
|
under a letter of credit which determined what the amount of |
|
the payment was, and the payment was basically made to the |
|
beneficiary or their bankers. Anything that happened outside of |
|
the letter of credit arrangement, obviously, we had no |
|
knowledge of at all. |
|
Mr. Shays. So your company was not really in the field, |
|
this was more papers crossed your desk? |
|
Mr. Smith. We were dealing solely with paperwork, and we |
|
were dealing with it in Manhattan, in New York City. |
|
Mr. Shays. The bottom line is when there were rumors that |
|
ultimately turned out to be true, your bank pretty much decided |
|
that there was not sufficient knowledge to have you conduct |
|
your own internal investigation? |
|
Mr. Smith. We would certainly from an operational point of |
|
view look at whatever rumors were going around. Indeed, quite |
|
often we would discuss them at what were reasonably frequent |
|
operational communication meetings with the U.N. treasury, so I |
|
am aware that the U.N. was also aware of those rumors. At the |
|
end of the day, it was the Security Council that were |
|
sanctioning the various transactions. |
|
Mr. Shays. Did you have a sense, or lack thereof, of |
|
Saybolt and Cotecna's ability to verify transactions? |
|
Mr. Smith. We were obviously not on the ground in Iraq, so |
|
we did not see their operations at all. We were being provided |
|
with certificates that were required under the letters of |
|
credit. As far as the Cotecna certificates were concerned, they |
|
came to us directly from the United Nations, they did not come |
|
through any direct route. Again, the Saybolt inspections, all |
|
of the documentation for the payment of an LC relating to an |
|
oil shipment were presented to us by the United Nations. |
|
Mr. Shays. Mr. Boks, do you have any reaction, or did you |
|
have any reaction to the description in the Amman newspaper |
|
that said there was a Netherland company of SyBolt, S-Y, and |
|
then capital B-O-L-T, as receiving $3 million in oil? Did that |
|
get your attention? |
|
Mr. Boks. Sure. We looked at that. We were puzzled that our |
|
name appeared on that list because we had not received any |
|
allocation. That also would have been very unusual. I can say |
|
Saybolt did not buy or sell oil or vouchers. |
|
Mr. Shays. Being one in that list of 269, it would make us |
|
have to question some of the others on that list. In the Essex |
|
incident which was the illegal topping-off of oil, how were the |
|
Iraqis punished or censored for this obvious illegality? |
|
Mr. Boks. I'm sorry, I can't answer that question because |
|
that is beyond our mandate. |
|
Mr. Shays. So you don't know? |
|
Mr. Boks. I don't know. |
|
Mr. Shays. Your mandate, you basically reported the |
|
incident? |
|
Mr. Boks. Well, what happened is a letter was sent by the |
|
captain of that vessel with corresponding documents to the |
|
United Nations clearly stipulating what happened during the |
|
event, and actually said this all happened after the U.N. |
|
inspectors left the vessel, after they had completed. |
|
Mr. Shays. How did you respond? |
|
Mr. Boks. When we received that letter, we took immediate |
|
action. We changed immediately the working procedures and |
|
introduced the seals. |
|
Mr. Shays. Could you describe the Clovely incident? |
|
Mr. Boks. The Clovely incident was of a different |
|
magnitude. This vessel was nominated to load in February 2002, |
|
and when it arrived alongside the terminal, it was very close |
|
to the expiration of the letter of credit. |
|
Mr. Shays. I have no sense how long a letter of credit |
|
lasts. |
|
Mr. Boks. It was just a matter of days. |
|
Mr. Shays. Letters of credit give you a window of how much? |
|
Mr. Smith. It depends on the individual letter of credit. |
|
Normally the oil letters of credit--and they varied--but |
|
normally it would be a period of 4 to 6 weeks. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Boks. |
|
Mr. Boks. When the vessel arrived, we noticed, because we |
|
kept track and record of the expiration date of each individual |
|
letter of credit so we would make sure that the completion of |
|
the vessel would fall into that window; otherwise there would |
|
be problems by, I would say, drawing on the letter of credit to |
|
get payment for the oil lifting. |
|
So what we did was basically we instructed our team leader |
|
to notify SOMO of this event, and that loading would not be |
|
started until we had received from the U.N. oil overseers a |
|
revised date or window for the letter of credit. |
|
That took obviously some time, and irrespective of that, |
|
the loading master or the Iraqi people on the platform decided |
|
still irrespective of that problem to start loading the vessel. |
|
And luckily we were able to get the letter of credit arranged |
|
prior to the departure of the vessel. But on itself it was |
|
clearly, I would say, an abuse. |
|
Mr. Shays. This is for both Saybolt and Cotecna. How did |
|
the various U.N. offices that you work with coordinate their |
|
assistance and responses to your needs? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. I'm sorry? |
|
Mr. Shays. Both of you have complained about confusion |
|
within the United Nations, sometimes a lack of cooperation from |
|
the U.N. Both of you have said that. I want to know how the |
|
various U.N. offices that you worked with coordinated their |
|
interaction with you. Let me ask you this way: How many |
|
different parts of the U.N. did you need to interact with? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. On a daily basis and for technical matters, |
|
operational matters, it was only the U.N. OIP. However, when |
|
you negotiate a contract, or if you want to modify the content |
|
of the contracts---- |
|
Mr. Shays. You're talking about your own contract? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Yes. You have to deal with a completely |
|
different department or entities at the U.N. One of them is the |
|
Procurement Department, and, in fact, since I negotiated and I |
|
signed two contracts and several amendments, all the technical |
|
work was done with U.N. OIP. But all the rest, the negotiations |
|
on the financial conditions, that was done with the Procurement |
|
Department, and sometimes there was a lack of coordination |
|
between the two departments, which made it difficult for a |
|
company like Cotecna to fully and properly negotiate. And on |
|
top of that there was the Office of Legal Affairs. |
|
Mr. Shays. What affairs? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Office of Legal Affairs. |
|
Mr. Shays. Legal Affairs. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Yes, which was a very powerful department |
|
which included several very tough conditions, administrative |
|
contractual conditions, in our contracts. So, in fact, to |
|
operate under a contract, we had to work with U.N. OIP, but to |
|
implement the contract, we had to deal with three separate |
|
entities. That was in New York. |
|
Mr. Shays. Yes. Would that describe the same challenge for |
|
you, Mr. Boks? |
|
Mr. Boks. To a certain extent I underlined that we had |
|
similar problems with procurement. If our contract was up for |
|
renewal, you have--basically when they would not continue it, |
|
obviously you would need to have that information prior to the |
|
expiration of the contract. But sometimes the amendment was |
|
coming after the expiration date, which gave sometimes some |
|
problems with insurers, because obviously in Iraq, if you want |
|
to ensure yourself, then you need to make sure that there were |
|
reasons to be there in a certain country. |
|
With OIP I must say I haven't had any major difficulties |
|
other than that we have issues where we asked advice after |
|
irregularities were noted, and it took sometimes quite some |
|
time. The other contact points we had was with the U.N. |
|
overseers, with whom we basically on a daily basis had contact |
|
concerning the oil export, and here and there obviously delays |
|
were observed, but not to the extent that it was an unworkable |
|
situation. |
|
Mr. Shays. Both of you lacked power, and you lacked |
|
personnel. In other words, there are just certain things you |
|
couldn't tell the Iraqis to do. Did you try to get power, and |
|
did you have your contracts revised so that you could hire more |
|
people to do the job you needed to do? Mr. Boks. |
|
Mr. Boks. Shall I start? The staffing levels, the staffing |
|
levels in the oil program have to a certain extent always been |
|
sufficient. Where we faced major difficulties was in monitoring |
|
the spare parts and equipment, which were also purchased under |
|
the Oil-for-Food Program. When we started, we started with one |
|
inspector, very modest, because spare parts were ordered but |
|
came. |
|
Mr. Shays. You're talking about parts for the oil industry |
|
itself. |
|
Mr. Boks. Yes. Perhaps I should elaborate a bit on that. |
|
In 1998, the Secretary General had been to Iraq, and a |
|
proposal was made to change the cap of dollars that could be |
|
generated through a phase would be going up to five---- |
|
Mr. Shays. Greater production. |
|
Mr. Boks. Exactly. So at the same time, the oil prices were |
|
very low, and production was very low, so Iraq was not able to |
|
come up to those proceeds and to come up to that cap. And then |
|
the Secretary General appointed a group of experts to go to |
|
Iraq and, in consultation with the Government of Iraq, try to |
|
find ways of increasing production. We were that group of |
|
experts. And one of the conclusions as the industry was in an |
|
amendable state is that spare parts were needed and equipment |
|
was needed to bring the production up to the levels required. |
|
And for that purpose, the Security Council decided that they |
|
would allow Iraq to purchase spare parts and equipment, as long |
|
as there was a monitoring system that would keep track that |
|
those spare parts would also be used for their intended |
|
purpose. |
|
Mr. Shays. And so that's the area where you could have used |
|
more people. |
|
Mr. Boks. Absolutely. |
|
Mr. Shays. And did you request more people? |
|
Mr. Boks. Yes. That was on an ongoing basis because we were |
|
facing also difficulties in terms of the fact that the |
|
Government of Iraq insisted that our staff would be deployed |
|
only in Baghdad, and that we had to travel throughout the |
|
country to check all those sites, and we only had, let's say, |
|
at the top level, six, seven people. |
|
Mr. Shays. So the bottom line is you couldn't do the job |
|
properly with the staff you had. |
|
Mr. Boks. Well, we had to prioritize. |
|
Mr. Shays. OK. Did this mean that you then had to take |
|
people from one part of your program to put it in the other |
|
part, spare parts? Did you have to kind of cannibalize your |
|
program? |
|
Mr. Boks. Given the constraints in traveling, we have used |
|
mainly in the beginning some staff from Zakho to do in the |
|
northern part of Iraq also some checks on spare parts and |
|
equipment for a very short period of time, because his |
|
traveling was difficult as we were staying in a Kurdish area, |
|
so it was difficult to travel around. |
|
Mr. Shays. Let me ask you, Mr. Pruniaux, the whole issue of |
|
the lack of power, which you have described, and the lack of |
|
personnel, were both of these a serious problem at various |
|
times or not? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Mr. Chairman, respectfully, it was not really |
|
a question of having more power. The specifications of our |
|
mandate were clear enough for the authentication. There was no |
|
need to get further--in my opinion, further power, physical |
|
power, to implement and to do the work that we are doing on the |
|
sites. |
|
Mr. Shays. Yes, sir. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. However, sometimes because of the |
|
fluctuations in the volume of goods entering Iraq, or the fact |
|
that it was that the transporters were moving from one site to |
|
the other, made the work at certain sites more difficult, |
|
because all of a sudden we would have almost thousands of |
|
trucks arriving at Trebil, which was the border between Jordan |
|
and Iraq, or--and especially Umm Qasr, we would have an |
|
accumulation of ships and loading and containers being stored |
|
in the port. In such a case we would immediately try to ask the |
|
U.N. OIP permission to move staff between sites. |
|
In that sense we did not have the power to move at our own |
|
will an inspector from one site to the other. The contract |
|
specified that we were requested to put a certain number of |
|
permanent inspectors on a daily basis per site, let's say 12 in |
|
Trebil. So if you want to move that and do that, you are in |
|
contradiction with the obligations of the contract. So we had |
|
to ask permission. And to move an inspector from one place to |
|
the other in Iraq could take a couple of days, so we would rush |
|
people to Umm Qasr because there was an accumulation of volume |
|
in Umm Qasr. |
|
I must say that in order to have between 54 and 67 |
|
permanent inspectors in Iraq, Cotecna had to hire up to 95 |
|
permanent inspectors because of the rotation and those that are |
|
sick or going on vacation and so on. And this would be |
|
illustrated by the statistics that are available at U.N. We had |
|
more, always more mandates of inspectors especially in places |
|
like Umm Qasr. For instance, we were requested to have between |
|
17 and 22 permanent inspectors in Umm Qasr, but we would have |
|
always 25, 26 all paid by Cotecna. |
|
Mr. Shays. So sometimes you simply didn't have enough |
|
people. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Yes. |
|
Mr. Shays. But was the solution to get more, and did you |
|
request more, and did the U.N. say no or yes? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. It was a question of the decisions and |
|
convincing the U.N. OIP that it was not to increase our |
|
invoice, but we were generally asking for more inspectors on |
|
the sites. |
|
Mr. Shays. The bottom line is you don't have to worry about |
|
the U.N. making money off of this. I mean, their 3 percent, I'm |
|
assuming, helped pay your costs; is that right? Does anyone |
|
know? In other words, who paid you? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. The U.N. |
|
Mr. Shays. And they took a fee for---- |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. From the 2.2 percent. |
|
Mr. Shays. Right. There is nothing that we have seen so far |
|
that makes us think that they didn't cover their cost plus; in |
|
other words, they made money off of this. |
|
Would you say the U.N. sided more with your side when there |
|
was a dispute with the Iraqis or the Iraqis? Did they tend to |
|
dismiss--and I am asking both of you this. This isn't a trick |
|
question. At the end of the day, did you often feel that you |
|
lost more arguments with the United Nations, they just more or |
|
less sided with the Iraqis, or did they more or less side with |
|
you? I am asking both of you. Do you understand the question? |
|
Mr. Boks. Would you ask it---- |
|
Mr. Shays. In other words, when you had a dispute with some |
|
transaction, and you contacted the U.N. officials with some |
|
disappointment, did they tend more to dismiss it and just say, |
|
you know, don't worry about it, or did they take your complaint |
|
very seriously and try to deal with it? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. As far as Cotecna is concerned, they took it |
|
very seriously, very seriously, because they had the permanent |
|
missions to the U.N. from all the countries exporting to Iraq |
|
and back, plus they had the suppliers coming there and so on. |
|
And there was until 2002 until there was---- |
|
Mr. Shays. Well, taking it seriously means they paid |
|
attention to. It doesn't mean they took your position though. I |
|
mean, in other words, they realized they had something they had |
|
to deal with, so they dealt with it seriously. I don't want to |
|
put words in your mouth. Did they basically say you all were |
|
right, and they were wrong, and what was your feeling? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Ultimately somebody had to make a decision, |
|
and they told us to do the job with the number of people that |
|
you have, and that's it. So we tried to work under these |
|
conditions. |
|
Mr. Shays. Mr. Boks. |
|
Mr. Boks. And in terms of disputes, the U.N. would take it |
|
serious if--we have hardly had any disputes, but we have had |
|
loadings where the off-takers were dissatisfied for one or |
|
another reason. And I must say that OIP did try to come to a |
|
solution; not always, I would say, in a quick way, but at the |
|
end of the day, they always tried to solve and to assist. |
|
Mr. Shays. The number that is thrown out in these two sides |
|
of the equation, the Oil-for-Food Program suspected that Saddam |
|
basically took out $4.4 billion, and the smuggling, which we |
|
looked at the numbers being more like $5.7 billion. Did your |
|
inspectors ever identify or observe any smuggling? |
|
Mr. Boks. Although we had not the authority to look for |
|
smuggling, and we also have to realize that our inspectors were |
|
at very remote locations, we have---- |
|
Mr. Shays. In other words, there were a lot of sites were |
|
you not at? |
|
Mr. Boks. Absolutely. More than that we were. But we have-- |
|
-- |
|
Mr. Shays. There were more sites that you weren't at than |
|
you were at. |
|
Mr. Boks. Absolutely. |
|
Mr. Shays. OK. Is that true for you, Mr. Pruniaux, as well? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Well, we operated on the four or five sites. |
|
As I explained before, we were told that the goods were |
|
presented to us. But there was a permanent flow of goods |
|
entering into Iraq which had nothing do with the Oil-for-Food |
|
Program. And I visited Iraq several times, Mr. Chairman, and it |
|
could be--it was easy to see that, you know, visiting Baghdad |
|
there was plenty of goods which shouldn't have been on the open |
|
market. |
|
Mr. Shays. OK. So in observing smuggling, if you saw it, |
|
did you report it, or did you figure that wasn't your |
|
responsibility? |
|
Mr. Boks. Well, basically I can say that we have had |
|
instances that I felt that we had to report it, and I realized |
|
that was outside our mandate, but still felt that it had to be |
|
brought to the attention. |
|
Mr. Shays. Right. Mr. Pruniaux, tell me the response to |
|
that question. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. When you see goods entering Iraq outside of |
|
the Oil-for-Food Program, you do not know if these are the 661 |
|
goods or if these are smuggled. These were entirely left to the |
|
authority of the Iraqi Customs to check these goods entering |
|
Iraq. No, we would not report, because we did not know what |
|
kind of goods these were. |
|
Mr. Shays. What I see the difference is that in the Oil- |
|
for-Food Program, the oil part of the transaction, it seems to |
|
me, is a little easier to have policed. But if a ship came up |
|
and loaded up, that was something that you would simply step |
|
in. I mean, you weren't going to allow that kind of smuggling, |
|
correct? |
|
Mr. Boks. Well, it wasn't always ships, but at some states |
|
we also---- |
|
Mr. Shays. It could be a truck. |
|
Mr. Boks. We learned obviously there was traffic to Jordan, |
|
although that was more or less of an acceptable phenomena, and |
|
we have reported in our fact-finding missions that volumes were |
|
estimated at 80,000 barrels a day. But we also have seen the |
|
fact that had been used in early 2003, and we reported that to |
|
both the Multilateral Interception Force as well as the United |
|
Nations. |
|
Mr. Shays. So there would be some ships, though, that you |
|
would not have inspected, correct? |
|
Mr. Boks. Sure. But if they were loaded at a different |
|
terminal, we would not have staff available to do that. |
|
Mr. Shays. I mean, you know, that's kind of significant, |
|
how many terminals were you at versus how many terminals exist. |
|
Mr. Boks. Well, you had not only terminals. We have to make |
|
a distinction here. You have the pipeline to Syria. You have |
|
trucks to Turkey, trucks to Jordan. You had vessels in the |
|
Arabian Gulf, which were loaded at the Shatt al-Arab, which |
|
basically--and then we had also a terminal 10 kilometers north |
|
of Mina Al-Bakr called Khor al-Amaya. Those were, I would say, |
|
the points that activity has been observed, not by us, but by |
|
others. |
|
Mr. Shays. Why didn't Cotecna operate inspectionsites in |
|
neighboring countries as Saybolt did? Let me say it again. |
|
Saybolt had inspectionsites in neighboring countries; is that |
|
correct, Mr. Boks? |
|
Mr. Boks. We had one inspectionsite in Turkey. |
|
Mr. Shays. Right. And why were you in Turkey? |
|
Mr. Boks. Well, as a matter of fact, Iraq had from the |
|
beginning onwards two export points. One in the south we talked |
|
about. But the crude oil which was produced in the north was |
|
transshipped through the Iraq-Turkey pipeline to Ceyhan. And in |
|
Ceyhan there was a terminal, there is a terminal where that |
|
crude oil is stored and loaded subsequently in vessels which |
|
then proceed through the Mediterranean. |
|
Mr. Shays. Now, why wouldn't you have been in Syria then? |
|
If you were in Turkey, why wouldn't you have been in Syria? |
|
Mr. Boks. Well, that's an interesting question. I can't |
|
answer that. That is not up to me. It's beyond---- |
|
Mr. Shays. No. I understand it's not up to you, but the |
|
same logic that would apply that you should be in Turkey would |
|
apply, correct, that you should be in Syria as well, correct? |
|
Mr. Boks. Correct. We discussed that also at some states |
|
with OIP, that whether there could be coming a mandate to |
|
inspect also the Syrian part. But it was obviously up to the |
|
Security Council. |
|
Mr. Shays. And their response was? |
|
Mr. Boks. Well, again, that there was no mandate. Obviously |
|
Iraq has subsequently said that they were testing the pipeline. |
|
Mr. Shays. Well, I mean, that's absurd. I mean, what we are |
|
basically saying is that there was a very viable pipeline |
|
through Syria, very viable pipeline through Turkey. We were |
|
inspecting the pipeline through Turkey, and we were not |
|
inspecting the pipeline through Syria. And I just would like to |
|
have a sense of why. They had to give you some answer. |
|
Mr. Boks. It is an interesting subject. But having said |
|
that, if we would not have the authority, we couldn't do it, |
|
and the authority had to come from the Council. |
|
Mr. Shays. Let me just say this to you. You're cleared of |
|
all responsibility, so you can relax. But what you're doing is |
|
you're educating the subcommittee. I want to know what they |
|
would have said. I mean, it is a rather porous system that |
|
would--I mean, I have wondered how the smuggling could happen, |
|
and I didn't realize that we made it so easy. You must have had |
|
just general conversations with U.N. officials. Did they give |
|
you a logical reason as to why we wouldn't want you also to be |
|
in Syria? |
|
Mr. Boks. What I heard is that it has been discussed also |
|
merely during meetings of the 661 committee, and there was no |
|
agreement reached as to how to proceed on that. |
|
Mr. Shays. An agreement required a unanimous consent. It's |
|
kind of like the Senate in Washington, which doesn't give me |
|
any comfort. |
|
We're almost done here, gentlemen. And thank you very much. |
|
How often, Mr. Pruniaux, did goods avoid or ignore the |
|
authentication or inspection process? How often did you |
|
actually inspect goods? I get the feeling, given your mandate, |
|
given your personnel, that when ships lined up, when trucks |
|
lined up, you were more inspecting the paperwork than actually |
|
opening up the containers. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Yes. It mattered to match the documents and |
|
to authenticate. There are two things in your question. |
|
Mr. Shays. No, that is your mandate. The mandate was to |
|
match the papers, not verify that was what was in the container |
|
verified the papers. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. It was left to our appreciation as a |
|
professional inspection company to inspect, which means to |
|
open, for instance, the containers, or to open the trucks, |
|
talking of the land border sites. Now, in such a case, normal |
|
practice is about 2 percent, sometimes 5, 6 percent, 5, 6 |
|
percent. What we did was on an average basis was about 10 |
|
percent of the number of trucks or containers being presented |
|
to us were opened, and I have provided some pictures to |
|
illustrate this. |
|
Mr. Shays. But candidly, when there was the queuing up and |
|
a backlog, there was more pressure on you. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Then the trucks would wait. No. |
|
Mr. Shays. The trucks would wait. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. No. The trucks would wait. The drivers are |
|
educated. I mean, patience is a virtue in the Middle East, and |
|
they would just wait at the border. |
|
Mr. Shays. Patience is a virtue. So can I infer from that |
|
when there was pressure to--a backlog, that did not impact |
|
your--quality of the work. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. No. |
|
Mr. Shays. Well, here's the general feeling I get from your |
|
testimony, and I want you to tell me whether you agree or |
|
disagree. Mr. Smith, I get the sense that BNP basically |
|
believed--and I'm not passing judgment on this, I'm just saying |
|
what I believe--that your responsibility was to check |
|
documents. You were basically Iraq's bank selected by the |
|
United Nations, correct? |
|
Mr. Smith. We were the U.N.'s bank, in our opinion, |
|
maintaining an account for the United Nations, which was styled |
|
the Iraq account. |
|
Mr. Shays. OK. And I'm happy you're correcting me. You were |
|
the U.N.'s bank for Iraq, for Iraqi transactions. |
|
Mr. Smith. That's right. |
|
Mr. Shays. Dollars came in from the sale of oil, and |
|
dollars flowed out for the purchase of commodities, and that |
|
your responsibility was to make sure that--and you were giving |
|
letters of credit to make sure that this would all happen. But |
|
ultimately, your responsibility was to make sure that the |
|
paperwork matched. Is that a fair assessment of what I've heard |
|
you say? |
|
Mr. Smith. Our responsibility was to ensure that all of the |
|
paperwork was in accordance with the letters of credit before |
|
we made any payments. |
|
The one additional point I would add in there, that not all |
|
of the funds that were received for the sale of the oil were |
|
retained at BNP Paribas. A minimum of 41 percent, as I |
|
explained in my opening statement, was transferred away to |
|
another bank, the U.N.'s main bank, Chase Manhattan, because |
|
BNP Paribas was only involved in the part of the humanitarian |
|
program that affected the central and southern provinces of |
|
Iraq. |
|
Mr. Shays. Oh, the Kurdish area was not. |
|
Mr. Smith. The Kurdish area was within the funds that we |
|
moved to Chase Manhattan. |
|
Mr. Shays. OK. As long as your paperwork matched, then the |
|
transactions took place. |
|
Mr. Smith. Yes. Basically we were making payment against |
|
the letter of credits that we had issued on the U.N.'s behalf. |
|
Mr. Shays. OK. And with you, Mr. Boks, and you, Mr. |
|
Pruniaux, what I sense is a different challenge. With you, Mr. |
|
Pruniaux, you had lots of different commodities to check. You |
|
had ports, plus you four transaction points there. You were |
|
inspecting trucks, you were inspecting ships, but you were |
|
primarily processing paper. You weren't taking a good look at |
|
every--you were not able to verify whether or not the paperwork |
|
matched what was actually potentially in a ship or in a truck; |
|
is that correct? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. We were able to do that. Sometimes, as I |
|
mentioned before, there were pressures because of the volumes |
|
or for outside reasons, like the Iraqis trying to put pressure |
|
on us. But, no, we had IT technicians. The operations that we |
|
carried was a combination of physical inspections, as I said, |
|
10 percent or systematic sampling of foodstuffs. |
|
Mr. Shays. It was sampling of the cargo. It was a sample of |
|
it. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Of the food basket only, and for which we had |
|
to do 100 percent laboratory analysis. But it was a |
|
combination, as I said, of physical inspections, matching |
|
documents, and receiving and keying data and processing these |
|
data on these documents and sending them to New York. So the |
|
sites were busy 24 hours per day. |
|
Mr. Shays. But your testimony before the subcommittee was |
|
you didn't have enough people to do your job. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. On a case-by-case basis, not on a permanent |
|
basis. And that was especially, as I mentioned in my |
|
testimony--it was specially hard in 2001. And as a request |
|
there was an increase, I believe, when we were operating in Umm |
|
Qasr at--when there was this peak at the end of 2002, 2001, at |
|
the beginning of 2001, we had the total of 62--no, 57 permanent |
|
inspectors. And that was the following contract which was won |
|
again by us covered additional five inspectors for Umm Qasr. |
|
Mr. Shays. In both cases, neither of you were at all the |
|
sites that you needed to be in order to see all transactions, |
|
which enabled smuggling to take place. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. That was not our duty. |
|
Mr. Shays. I'm not saying it's your duty. I'm just saying |
|
that you were not at all the potential sites of transaction, |
|
either for oil or for commodities; is that correct? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. All the 986, all the Oil-for-Food |
|
transactions across the border, and we all authenticated them. |
|
Mr. Shays. What's that? |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. All transactions under the Oil-for-Food |
|
Program crossed the border. Those which crossed the border and |
|
we authenticated them. |
|
Mr. Shays. Right. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. There was nothing else for us to do but just |
|
to look for the---- |
|
Mr. Shays. You only looked for the Oil-for-Food |
|
transactions. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Yes. Absolutely. |
|
Mr. Shays. All the other transactions you did not look at. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. No. We did not know. |
|
Mr. Shays. And that's the case with you, Mr. Boks? |
|
Mr. Boks. That's correct. We were at the authorized export |
|
points, and, yes, that was about it. |
|
Mr. Shays. I'm sorry to keep you a little longer, but I |
|
just need to ask you this one other area. When he undersold his |
|
oil, did you have any responsibilities to deal with that issue? |
|
In other words, were there questions raised when he would sell |
|
oil for below market price because the U.N. approved it, that |
|
was good enough? In other words, I mean, any thinking person |
|
would wonder why would he undersell for oil. Did that raise |
|
questions in your mind? He undersold his oil. He sold it for a |
|
price below market. |
|
Mr. Boks. Well, obviously we didn't have anything to do |
|
with the transfers of money. Pricing was not---- |
|
Mr. Shays. A factor. You just looked at buying. When he |
|
offered to pay for commodities, you didn't look at pricing |
|
either. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. No, not at all. |
|
Mr. Shays. OK. Let me conclude by asking you, each of you, |
|
which is the weakness of the program? What was the greatest |
|
weakness of the program? Tell me, each of you, what you think |
|
the greatest weakness in the program from your perspective? I |
|
will start with you, Mr. Smith. If you were designing the |
|
program, what would you have designed differently to make sure |
|
there weren't the rip-offs that we know took place? |
|
Mr. Smith. As I said in my opening statement, from a |
|
banking perspective, I think the structure was right. From the |
|
program as a whole, more control was required over the |
|
procurement process and the pricing process. |
|
Mr. Shays. Mr. Boks. |
|
Mr. Boks. Yes. That is something I can't comment on, but I |
|
would say that the unauthorized export points, Syria came on |
|
line obviously in a much later stage than the inception of the |
|
programsm. But I think that is obviously a shame that it |
|
happened. |
|
Mr. Shays. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. |
|
Mr. Pruniaux. Well, Cotecna has contracts worldwide for the |
|
control of borders and especially provide services to the |
|
Customs of various countries in the world. When I say provide, |
|
it means really sometimes we replace the Customs or we control |
|
the Customs. |
|
Now, the Oil-for-Food Program and the authentication was |
|
something totally different, as I mentioned at the very |
|
beginning. If a comprehensive program had been designed even |
|
for the Oil-for-Food Program, it should have covered or it |
|
could have covered the various sectors of a complete control of |
|
imports, which is the price verification, the quality, quantity |
|
and so on. But that was not written. That was not requested in |
|
our mandate. |
|
Mr. Shays. You all have been extraordinarily patient, and I |
|
think you have changed your schedules, and you have had to stay |
|
later than even I thought would happen. And you have been very |
|
cooperative with us. You have tried to be, I think, |
|
extraordinarily helpful, which is a credit to all three of you |
|
and to your companies, and I thank you for that. |
|
Is there anything that you want to put on the record before |
|
we adjourn? Anything that you think needs to be on the record |
|
before we adjourn? |
|
Gentlemen, thank you very much. This hearing is adjourned. |
|
[Whereupon, at 4:45 p.m., the subcommittee was adjourned.] |
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[Additional information submitted for the hearing record |
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