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<title> - COMBATING THE GENERATIONAL CHALLENGE OF CCP AGGRESSION</title> |
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[House Hearing, 118 Congress] |
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[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office] |
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COMBATING THE GENERATIONAL |
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CHALLENGE OF CCP AGGRESSION |
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HEARING |
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BEFORE THE |
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS |
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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES |
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ONE HUNDRED EIGHTEENTH CONGRESS |
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FIRST SESSION |
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FEBRUARY 28, 2023 |
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__________ |
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Serial No. 118-2 |
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Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Affairs |
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[GRAPHIC NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] |
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Available: http://www.foreignaffairs.house.gov/, http:// |
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docs.house.gov, |
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or http://www.govinfo.gov |
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__________ |
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U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE |
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51-256PDF WASHINGTON : 2023 |
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COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS |
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MICHAEL T. MCCAUL, Texas, Chairman |
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CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey GREGORY MEEKS, New Yok, Ranking |
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JOE WILSON, South Carolina Member |
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SCOTT PERRY, Pennsylvania BRAD SHERMAN, California |
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DARRELL ISSA, California GERALD E. CONNOLLY, Virginia |
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ANN WAGNER, Missouri WILLIAM KEATING, Massachusetts |
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BRIAN MAST, Florida DAVID CICILLINE, Rhode Island |
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KEN BUCK, Colorado AMI BERA, California |
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TIM BURCHETT, Tennessee JOAQUIN CASTRO, Texas |
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MARK E. GREEN, Tennessee DINA TITUS, Nevada |
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ANDY BARR, Kentucky TED LIEU, California |
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RONNY JACKSON, Texas SUSAN WILD, Pennsylvania |
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YOUNG KIM, California DEAN PHILLIPS, Minnesota |
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MARIA ELVIRA SALAZAR, Florida COLIN ALLRED, Texas |
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BILL HUIZENGA, Michigan ANDY KIM, New Jersey |
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AMATA COLEMAN-RADEWAGEN, American SARA JACOBS, California |
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Samoa KATHY MANNING, North Carolina |
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FRENCH HILL, Arkansas SHEILA CHERFILUS-MCCORMICK, |
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WARREN DAVIDSON, Ohio Florida |
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JIM BAIRD, Indiana GREG STANTON, Arizona |
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MICHAEL WALTZ, Florida MADELEINE DEAN, Pennsylvania |
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TOM KEAN, JR., New Jersey JARED MOSKOWITZ, Florida |
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MIKE LAWLER, New York JONATHAN JACOBS, Illinois |
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CORY MILLS, Florida SYDNEY KAMLAGER-DOVE, California |
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RICH MCCORMICK, Georgia JIM COSTA, California |
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NATHANIEL MORAN, Texas JASON CROW, Colorado |
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JOHN JAMES, Michigan BRAD SCHNEIDER. Illinois |
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KEITH SELF, Texas |
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Brenden Shields, Staff Director |
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Sophia Lafargue, Staff Director |
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C O N T E N T S |
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Page |
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WITNESSES |
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Kritenbrink, Daniel J., Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian |
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and Pacific Affairs, U.S. Department of State.................. 8 |
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Estevez, Alan F., Undersecretary of Commerce for Industry and |
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Security, U.S. Department of Commerce.......................... 14 |
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Nathan, Scott, Chief Executive Officer, U.S. International |
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Development Finance Corporation................................ 27 |
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Schiffer, Michael, Assistant Administrator, U.S. Agency for |
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International Development...................................... 34 |
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APPENDIX |
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Hearing Notice................................................... 96 |
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Hearing Minutes.................................................. 98 |
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Hearing Attendance............................................... 99 |
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STATEMENT SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD FROM REPRESENTATIVE CONNOLLY |
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Statement submitted for the record from Representative Connolly.. 100 |
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RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD |
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Responses to questions submitted for the record.................. 102 |
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COMBATING THE GENERATIONAL CHALLENGE OF CCP AGGRESSION |
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Tuesday, February 28, 2023 |
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House of Representatives, |
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Committee on Foreign Affairs, |
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Washington, DC. |
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The committee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:11 a.m., in |
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room 210, House Visitor Center, Hon. Michael McCaul (chairman |
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of the committee) presiding. |
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Chairman McCaul. The Committee on Foreign Affairs will come |
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to order. The purpose of this hearing is to identify gaps in |
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pursuing a more holistic approach to capturing the Chinese |
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Communist Party. |
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I now recognize myself for an opening statement. |
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I would like to first say that one of our colleagues, |
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Joaquin Castro, is at MD Anderson and got diagnosed with |
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cancer. And let's offer our thoughts and prayers to him for a |
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speedy recovery. And if you can reach out to him personally, |
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that would be awesome. And, anyway, our prayers are with him. |
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There is no doubt that the growing aggression of the |
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Chinese Community Party poses a generational threat to the |
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United States, from using a spy balloon to surveil some of |
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America's most sensitive military sites to their theft of |
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upwards of $600 billion of American IP every year, much of |
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which goes into their military, to their continued military |
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aggression and expansion in the Indo-Pacific. |
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And now CIA Director Burns has recently stated U.S. |
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intelligence has reason to believe China is considering sending |
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weapons, lethal weapons, to Russia, all this ahead of the |
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upcoming meeting between Chairman Xi and Putin next week where |
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they will surely strengthen their unholy alliance. |
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We are living through one of the most dangerous periods in |
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American foreign policy in a generation. It is a struggle for |
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the global balance of power. And the primary battleground is |
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technology leadership. |
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This is an issue Congress and this Administration cannot |
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ignore. I commended the Administration for their recent export |
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control rules on semiconductors and semiconductor equipment. |
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And I look forward to hearing the details about your work with |
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the Dutch and the Japanese to harmonize these controls. |
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But I am concerned the Administration's efforts aren't as |
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all-encompassing as they should be. Congress authorized the |
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Bureau of Industry and Security with expansive powers to stop |
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the transfer of dual-use technology that the CCP is using to |
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build their military. Yet overwhelmingly, BIS continues to |
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grant licenses that allow critical U.S. technology to be sold |
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to our adversaries even though it is designed, designated as |
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threats to national security. |
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In just one recent 6-month time period, BIS approved |
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licenses worth $60 billion to Huawei and $40 billion to SMIC, |
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their semiconductor company. Both of these companies are |
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military companies for the CCP. And both are listed on the |
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entities list. |
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If BIS continues to mindlessly green light sensitive |
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technology sales, the CCP has proven they will use our own |
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inventions against us. Look no further than the recent spy |
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balloon that the Administration allowed to fly across much of |
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the continental United States. It has been reported western- |
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made components were found in this balloon. That is on top of |
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the recent hypersonic missile test, which circled the globe and |
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landed with precision. This was only possible through U.S. |
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technology that was sold to them. This should be a wake-up call |
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to all Americans. |
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I stand ready to work with the Administration and with the |
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Democrats on this panel to strengthen our export control |
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systems where needed and why I launched a 90-day review of BIS. |
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We are also falling behind on the ideological battlefield. |
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Congress appropriated $325 million to the State Department to |
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counter CCP's maligned influence around the world. But instead, |
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that money was used to fund bakeries in Tunisia, electric |
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vehicle charging stations in Vietnam. |
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And at the same time, the CCP continues to invest large |
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amounts of money in developing countries, building bridges, |
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roads, ports, and energy infrastructure, all the while growing |
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their influence over the people in these developing nations. |
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Both the USAID and the Development Finance Corporation play |
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key roles in developing lasting partnerships and long-term |
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development in trade with other countries. Every day we should |
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make sure people around the world know that our aid is not the |
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debt-trap diplomacy that the CCP uses to exploit developing |
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countries. |
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But we are not succeeding. Of the 6.3 billion people living |
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in developing countries, about 70 percent have a positive view |
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of both China and Russia, 70 percent. All the while, the threat |
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against Taiwan grows everyday. Yet arms sales to Taiwan, those |
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that the ranking member and I signed off on nearly 4 years ago, |
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have yet to be delivered despite the Administration admitting |
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Taiwan is facing an imminent threat from the CCP. We must |
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strengthen Taiwan's defenses through weapons and training. We |
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will not tolerate any attempts to delay notification to |
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Congress of arms sales to Taiwan. |
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But it is not too late to reverse this trend. As the |
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chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee, it is my priority to |
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make sure Congress and this Administration are working together |
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in a bipartisan fashion to confront this generational threat. |
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That starts with ensuring that we are using the tools we have |
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on the books like export controls to constrain the CCP's |
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military and surveillance systems. |
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And I stand ready to work with the Administration and those |
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on the other side of the aisle to strength our export control |
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systems where needed. We need tough diplomacy and real actions |
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to keep critical technologies and manufacturing capabilities |
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out of the grip of our adversaries. |
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So I look forward to hearing from each of you what you are |
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doing to address the China challenge and what steps you are |
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taking to dramatically shift your agency's priorities to meet |
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this challenge head on. From what I have seen over the last 2 |
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years, much more is needed. |
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It is time we move beyond the false belief that the CCP |
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will ever deal in good faith. Time and again they do not stand |
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behind their commitments. The CCP is acting in their own |
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interest. And it is time that we start protecting ours. |
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And with that, the chair now recognizes the ranking member, |
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the gentleman from New York, Mr. Meeks, for any statements he |
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may have. |
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Mr. Meeks. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
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And while I do not--first, let me just say also in regards |
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to our colleague, Mr. Castro, who has all of our prayers, I |
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have talked to a number of members of his staff. And they have |
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told us that the surgery has been very successful, that Mr. |
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Castro is hoping to be back after the next recess that we have. |
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He will be home shortly recuperating. And so, to him, I want to |
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make sure that everyone knows that every member of this |
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committee, he is in our hearts, our thoughts, and our prayers |
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as he recovers. |
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First, the aggregate data regarding license approvals and |
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denials provides no information about the transactions that |
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took place. To use them to conclude that problematic |
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transactions are taking place is both wrong and I believe |
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disingenuous. |
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Second, our export Administration regulations are published |
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publicly and spell out exactly which items and technologies are |
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not allowed to be exported to specific entities on the entity |
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list. Companies generally do not apply for a license when they |
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know it would be denied. So it should be no surprise that we |
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see far more approvals than denials. |
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The current entity list and licensing process gives the |
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Administration tremendous visibility into what goods and |
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services are being legally exported. One would think we would |
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want that. And the agency review process consisting of BIS, the |
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State Department, Department of Defense, and the Department of |
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Energy reviews these licenses. The public debate on the issue |
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should be done with this important context in mind. |
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Now, the PRC and its policies clearly present the greatest |
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geopolitical challenge that the United States faces today. And |
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I want to thank Chairman McCaul for making this the very first |
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hearing on the 118th Congress. And I thank all the witnesses |
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here today for your service and for appearing before this |
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committee. |
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And since this is our very first hearing this Congress, I |
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want to remind everyone what this committee is all about. The |
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House Foreign Affairs Committee must be at the forefront of |
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positioning the United States for success in the strategic |
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competition with China, as this is the only committee that is |
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focused on diplomacy. |
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Other committees have jurisdiction over military, over our |
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domestic institutions, over financial systems, and so on. Our |
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job on this committee is to make sure that the State |
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Department, USAID, the Development Finance Corporation, the |
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Bureau of Industry and Security have the tools and resources |
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they require to effectively compete with the People's Republic |
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of China. |
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So what does effective competition look like? An effective |
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China strategy is one that invests in the leverages, and that |
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leverages our strengths and one which does not exaggerate the |
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threats we face. A smart strategy is not simply about |
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responding to Chinese actions or provocations. It is one where |
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the United States leads by representing a positive agenda and a |
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vision for the rest of the world. If we are simply in the |
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countering China business, we are not living up to our |
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responsibilities to the American people. |
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First and foremost, we must complete and compete |
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diplomatically. Our alliances and partnerships are our |
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superpower and something Beijing cannot replicate. Instead of |
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taking unilateral steps that will be less effective and |
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alienate us from our allies and partners, we must focus on |
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working collectively to isolate Beijing. |
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Our generals are constantly telling me that the State |
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Department helps make their jobs much easier. So I hope this |
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committee will pass a bipartisan State authorization bill and |
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work to ensure that we adequately staff and resource our Indo- |
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Pacific strategy. |
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Second, we must show up diplomatically and stand up |
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rigorously for our interests. We need to work with our allies |
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and partners and in multilateral institutions to advance U.S. |
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interests and uphold a rules-based order. Whether it is about |
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calling out Beijing's genocide in Xinjiang, its provocations of |
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the Taiwan Strait and the South China Sea, or its coercion of |
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sovereign States, the United States cannot be silent about the |
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PRC's problematic behavior. |
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The Biden Administration deserves credit on this front. It |
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has directly shared our disagreements with China while |
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strengthening our diplomatic partnerships, whether by elevating |
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the Quad, starting new initiatives like Aukus, or elevating our |
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relations with partners in ASEAN and the Pacific Islands |
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through high level summits and strategies. |
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Third, it is critical that the United States remain the |
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responsible player in this competition. We all know what the |
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PRC is going to do. But the world needs to know what the United |
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States will play by the rules, that we will remain open to |
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cooperation with Beijing on areas of shared interests and |
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global concern, and that we are trying to keep channels of |
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communications open to ensure that this competition does not |
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slide into conflict. |
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Fourth, we need to recognize that war with China would be a |
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policy failure of catastrophic proportions. It would cost |
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countless American lives and devaState our economy. We must |
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make clear that we do not seek war, and we will work to avoid |
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it. However, we will continue to stand up to the PRC's |
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aggression against our interests. |
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And finally, we must not engage in a race to the bottom |
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with the Chinese Community Party when it comes to our values. I |
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have been deeply troubled by the spike in anti-Asian violence |
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spurred by the political rhetoric around COVID-19. I was |
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similarly dismayed when one of our colleagues just last week |
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questioned the loyalty of Congresswoman Judy Chu. There is no |
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place for that in our democracy and in our debate. We should |
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celebrate our diversity and safeguard our freedoms to present |
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and clear contrast with the CCP. |
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And what our committee does, it matters. It matters because |
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both the country and the world are watching. |
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And with that, I look forward to today's testimony. And I |
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thank Chairman McCaul. And I yield back the balance of my time. |
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Chairman McCaul. I thank the ranking member. |
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I have a housekeeping measure. Based on our consultation, |
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for purposes of Section 4820(h)(2)(B) of Title 50 of the United |
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States Code, premised upon the national interest determination |
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described therein, I ask unanimous consent that the committee |
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authorize a disclosure of some non-business confidential |
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aggregate data derived from documents provided to the committee |
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by the Department of Commerce that summarizes export licensing |
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decisions concerning those on the entity list as reflected in |
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the BIS licensing data report breakdown document that has been |
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provided to members. |
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Such authorization does not include the disclosure of the |
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applicant names, trademark, or brand names, item descriptions, |
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or ECCN, or license numbers. |
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Without objection, so ordered. |
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Other members are reminded--the ranking member is |
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recognized. |
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Mr. Meeks. Yes. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
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Let me just say quickly that while I do not oppose the UC, |
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I do want to provide some context as to what the data is and |
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what it represents. And I have concerns about whether the |
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information being authorized for disclosure is of utility for |
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the public on its own. In fact, I am concerned that it can, in |
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fact, be misleading and politicized without the adequate |
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context. |
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So we have asked BIS to provide an explanatory document |
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that will accompany the data being disclosed on the record. And |
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it is important that the data be considered alongside the |
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context regarding BIS's regulatory and licensing process. |
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Chairman McCaul. I appreciate the ranking member's remarks. |
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And we just want to see the data. It has never--we got one |
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production of a 6-month window of time. And I look forward to |
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your compliance with this committee, sir, Secretary Estevez. |
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And we have had great conversations about this issue. |
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Other members of the committee are reminded that opening |
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statements may be submitted for the record. |
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And we are pleased to have a distinguished panel of |
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witnesses before us today on this important topic. First, Mr. |
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Daniel Kritenbrink is the Deputy Assistant Secretary for East |
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Asia and the Pacific at the Department of State. Mr. Alan |
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Estevez is Undersecretary of Commerce for Industry and |
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Security. Mr. Scott Nathan is the Chief Executive Officer of |
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the U.S. International Development Finance Corporation. And Mr. |
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Michael Schiffer is USAID Assistant Administrator of the Bureau |
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for Asia. |
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I want to thank all of you for being here today. Your full |
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statements will be made part of the record. And I will ask that |
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each of you keep your remarks to 5 minutes in order to allow |
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time for the members to ask questions. |
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I now recognize Mr. Kritenbrink for his opening statement. |
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STATEMENT OF THE DANIEL J. KRITENBRINK ASSISTANT SECRETARY, |
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BUREAU OF EAST ASIAN AND PACIFIC AFFAIRS, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF |
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STATE |
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Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman McCaul, |
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Ranking Member Meeks, distinguished members of the House |
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Foreign Affairs Committee, thank you for this opportunity to |
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testify before you today. I am grateful for the bipartisan |
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approach of this committee regarding our competition with the |
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People's Republic of China. |
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The PRC represents our most consequential geopolitical |
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challenge, because it is the only competitor with both the |
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intent and increasingly the economic, diplomatic, military, and |
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technological capability to reshape the international order. |
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The scale and scope of the challenge posed by the PRC as it |
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becomes more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad will |
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test American diplomacy like few issues we have seen. We will |
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effectively compete with the PRC and are focused on managing |
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this relationship responsibly. In doing so, we have emphasized |
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the importance of open, sustained, and empowered channels of |
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communication. |
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To that end, Secretary Blinken met with Wang Yi, the |
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Director of the Chinese Community Party's Central Foreign |
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Affairs Office, on the margins of the Munich Secretary |
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Conference on February 18th. Their meeting was exceptionally |
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direct. |
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Regarding the unacceptable and irresponsible violation of |
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U.S. sovereignty and international law by the PRC high altitude |
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surveillance balloon, the secretary made clear that the United |
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States will not stand for any violation of our sovereignty and |
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that such an incursion must never happen again. We have also |
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exposed the breadth of the PRC's surveillance balloon program, |
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which has intruded into the airspace of more than 40 countries |
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across 5 continents. |
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The secretary condemned Russia's brutal war against |
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Ukraine. And he warned about the implications and consequences |
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if China provides material support to Russia or assistance with |
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systematic sanctions or export controls evasion. |
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The secretary also reaffirmed there has been no change to |
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our longstanding One China Policy, which is guided by the |
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Taiwan Relations Act, the Three Joint Communiques, and the Six |
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Assurances. He underscored our fundamental interest in |
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maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. |
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The secretary reiterated President Biden's statements that |
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the United States will compete and unapologetically stand up |
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for our values and interests, but that we do not want conflict |
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with the PRC and we are not looking for a new cold war. At the |
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same time, the secretary reiterated our commitment to |
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maintaining open lines of communication at all times so as to |
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reduce the risk of miscalculation that could lead to conflict. |
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We are continuing to implement the core pillars of our PRC |
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strategy, invest, align, compete. |
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With your help, we are investing in the foundations of our |
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strength at home with bipartisan bills like the CHIPS and |
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Science Act, the Inflation Reduction Act, and the Bipartisan |
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Infrastructure Law. |
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We are aligning with allies and partners on our approach |
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abroad to build collective resilience, close off |
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vulnerabilities, bolster security ties, and advance a shared |
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affirmative vision. |
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By harnessing these key assets, we are competing with the |
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PRC to defend our interests and build our vision for the |
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future. |
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We will continue standing up to PRC threats and |
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provocations, whether in the South and East China Seas or |
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across the Taiwan Strait, to its economic coercion aimed at |
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partners in Asia, Oceania, Europe, and elsewhere, and to |
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China's attempts to undercut U.S. and allied technological |
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advantages, and exploit our cutting edge technologies to |
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advance the People's Liberation Army military modernization. |
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We will continue to support the people of Hong Kong as they |
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confront the steady of erosion of their rights and fundamental |
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freedoms. And we will continue to call out the egregious and |
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unacceptable human rights abuses across China, including in |
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Xinjiang and Tibet. And we will hold accountable those involved |
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in these practices. |
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Our Indo-Pacific strategy, by contrast, presents the |
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positive, affirmative vision we have for a region that is free |
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and open, connected, secure, prosperous, and resilient. |
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Through our Indo-Pacific strategy, we are building regional |
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capacity and resilience, including to the challenges posed by |
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the PRC, by defending democracy and the rule of law, |
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strengthening the collective capacity of allies, partners, and |
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friends, as well as the regional architecture, through |
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collaboration with the Quad, ASEAN, and Partners in the Blue |
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Pacific, driving shared prosperity through the Indo-Pacific |
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economic framework, bolstering regional security through |
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enhanced maritime domain awareness, and more. |
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These efforts support the ability of our allies and |
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partners to make sovereign decisions in line with their |
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interests and values, free from external pressure, while |
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meeting their economic and development needs. |
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With the resources and authorities provided by this |
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committee and the Congress, we will continue taking concrete |
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actions to meet this moment. Again, we recognize the scale and |
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scope of the PRC challenge will continue to grow. |
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We will compete vigorously with the PRC while managing that |
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competition responsibly. And we remain willing to explore |
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cooperation with Beijing where it is in our interest to do so. |
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In closing, let me reiterate our commitment to approaching |
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our PRC strategy in a way that is consistent with our values, |
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with bipartisan efforts at home, and in lockstep with our |
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allies and partners abroad. |
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There are few issues where bipartisan action is more |
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critical. In coordination with the U.S. Government departments |
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and agencies, this committee, and colleagues across Capitol |
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Hill, we are confident we can sustain the resources and |
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policies needed to prevail in our competition with the PRC. |
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Thank you very much. |
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[The prepared statement of Mr. Kritenbrink follows:] |
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[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] |
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Chairman McCaul. Thank you, Mr. Kritenbrink. |
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I now recognize Mr. Estevez for his opening. |
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STATEMENT OF ALAN F. ESTEVEZ, UNDERSECRETARY OF COMMERCE FOR |
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INDUSTRY AND SECURITY, U.S. DEPARTMENT OF COMMERCE |
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Mr. Estevez. Thank you, Chairman. Chairman McCaul, Ranking |
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Member Meeks, distinguished members of the committee, thank you |
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for inviting me to testify this morning. This is my second time |
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appearing before this committee as Undersecretary for Industry |
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and Security. It is an honor for me to lead the dedicated |
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personnel of the Bureau of Industry and Security in the |
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Department of Commerce as we take on the challenge of the |
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People's Republic of China. |
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As President Biden notes in the 2022 National Security |
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Strategy, the People's Republic of China harbors the intention |
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and increasingly the capacity to reshape the international |
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order in favor of one that tilts the global playing field to |
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its benefit, even as the United States remains committed to |
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managing the competition between our countries responsibly. The |
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NSS goes on to State that the PRC presents the most |
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consequential geopolitical challenge. |
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Given the PRC's capability and intentions, as I told this |
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committee in my July 2022 testimony, I have directed and am |
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currently overseeing a top to bottom review of our export |
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control policies related to the PRC. |
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While my formal written statement goes into more detail, |
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Commerce is using our regulatory and enforcement authorities to |
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confront the PRC's military-civil fusion program and related |
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efforts to obtain advanced technologies for military |
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modernization, human rights violations, and other activities |
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that threaten U.S. national security. |
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In October of last year, we announced significant, robust, |
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new controls related to advanced computing and semiconductor |
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manufacturing. We added new controls on certain high capability |
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chips, components going into PRC supercomputers, semiconductor |
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tools, and items going into the PRC's advanced fabrication |
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facilities, or FABs. |
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We also imposed restrictions on certain activities of U.S. |
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persons, which limits the ability of Americans to support the |
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maintenance and operation of these technically complex machines |
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at the PRC's advanced FABs. |
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The threats posed by the PRC's military-civil fusion |
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strategy and its stated intentions for global dominance in |
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artificial intelligence are real. Unfortunately, many of the |
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powerful computer chips that come in consumer goods can also be |
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the foundation of systems for mass surveillance in Xinjiang or |
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modeling and development of nuclear missiles and other weapons. |
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So let me be clear. These actions were taken to protect |
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national security and foreign policy interests of the United |
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States. We are not engaged in economic warfare as the PRC |
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government often claims. |
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Our export controls work best when applied on a |
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multilateral basis with allies and partners, as demonstrated by |
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our 38-member coalition's response to Russia's atrocious and |
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illegal war in Ukraine. Conversations about coordinating |
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substantially similar controls by critical allied countries are |
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confidential due to their sensitivity. I would be happy to |
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brief further on this in an appropriate setting with the |
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appropriately cleared staff. |
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I would also note that we have implemented multilateral |
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controls on certain items and electronic design software |
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necessary for the production of advanced semiconductors. |
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In addition to these consequential rules, we have been |
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vigorous in identifying and adding entities to the PRC to our |
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entity list, which imposes requirements that exporters obtain |
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licenses approved by BIS and our colleagues at the Department |
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of Defense, State, and Energy before exporting items subject to |
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our jurisdiction. |
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Since the beginning of the Biden Administration, we have |
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taken aggressive posture, adding 160 PRC parties to the entity |
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list. Approximately 25 percent of all PRC listed entities were |
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added during this Administration. |
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Finally, we have been vigorous in our enforcement efforts, |
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both through our own administrative and civil authorities in |
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imposing criminal penalties in partnership with the Justice |
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Department. |
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My north star at BIS as it relates to the PRC is to ensure |
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that we are doing everything within our power to prevent |
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sensitive U.S. technologies from getting into the hands of |
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malign actors. We will continue to review our export control |
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policies, assess the threat environment, and work across |
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Federal Government with allies and partners, and act to protect |
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U.S. national security. |
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I look forward to your questions. |
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[The prepared statement of Mr. Estevez follows:] |
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[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] |
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Chairman McCaul. Thank you, Mr. Estevez. |
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I now recognize Mr. Nathan for his opening statement. |
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STATEMENT OF SCOTT NATHAN, CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER, U.S. |
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INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT FINANCE CORPORATION |
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Mr. Nathan. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Ranking Member Meeks, |
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and members of the committee, thank you for inviting me here |
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today. I appreciate this opportunity to testify about how the |
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Development Finance Corporation is meeting the challenge posed |
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by the People's Republic of China as it seeks to expand |
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influence in the developing world. |
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I would like to begin by thanking this committee for its |
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central role in creating the DFC through the passage of the |
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BUILD Act. DFC launched just over 3 years ago. And strong |
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bipartisan support since then has enabled DFC to build the |
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capacity to better pursue the dual mission Congress gave us, to |
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focus on making positive development impact in the poorest |
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countries of the world and at the same time advance the |
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strategic interests of the United States. |
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We meet this mission by financing private sector projects |
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across regions and sectors. I want to emphasize this point. |
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Unlike the development approach of the PRC, which often burdens |
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countries with unsustainable, sovereign-level debt, DFC's |
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efforts are directed toward supporting private entities, |
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mobilizing private capital, and through that activity, building |
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resilient market economies. |
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We are guided by the belief that developing a robust |
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private sector is the best way to alleviate poverty over the |
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long term and strengthen the economic and strategic positions |
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of our partners around the world. DFC's investments also carry |
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our values of openness, respect for local laws and conditions, |
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and high environmental, labor, and integrity standards. |
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That stands in sharp contrast to what the PRC offers. There |
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is no doubt that the PRC has put an immense amount of money |
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into projects around the world through its Belt and Road |
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Initiative. But they are using a different model. What they |
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offer frequently comes laden with burdens, not all of them |
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financial. When the PRC's State-controlled entities put money |
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into projects, they often bring their own workers rather than |
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create local jobs and show little respect for community, |
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environmental, or labor standards. When the workers go home, |
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the projects left behind are often inappropriate for local |
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conditions and are poor quality. |
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As I travel in our markets and meet with leaders from |
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developing nations, it is clear that many would prefer an |
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alternative to what the PRC offers them. The key is that we |
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need to show up and offer them that choice. That is why you |
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created DFC. And that is what we are striving to do every day. |
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And we have made significant progress in close partnership |
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with you. Last year DFC committed to financing 183 transactions |
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totaling over $7.4 billion, a record level of investment and |
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associated impact. This was across our product range, including |
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direct lending, loan guarantees, political risk insurance, and |
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importantly our new tools of technical assistance grants and |
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equity investments. |
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We are also working across sectors, from infrastructure and |
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energy to health care and support for small business, pursuing |
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private sector opportunities that improve people's lives and |
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strengthen the strategic position of our allies and partners. |
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In my written testimony, I describe many of DFC's recent |
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transactions of particular strategic importance. I would like |
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to now highlight just a few. |
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Strategic seaport investments are a high priority for us. |
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And DFC recently committed to lend $150 million to finance the |
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expansion and modernization of a container port in Ecuador. In |
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addition to ports, we are pursuing strategic and developmental |
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infrastructure investments around the world, including |
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airports, railways, and toll roads. |
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In the 21st century, we also need to think about |
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infrastructure more broadly, making investments to close the |
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digital divide in a secure and open manner. To that end, DFC is |
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supporting companies which have out-competed Chinese suppliers |
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for cell phone networks, data centers, and smart city systems. |
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For example, DFC recently worked with our Australian and |
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Japanese counterparts to enable Telstra to secure the digital |
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networks of six Pacific Island nations. |
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DFC financing is also promoting access to reliable energy |
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that is cleaner, more sustainable, and more secure. In the last |
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year, amongst other projects, we financed non-Russian gas |
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supplies for Moldova, enabled the construction of new solar |
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panel manufacturing plant in India, free from the problems of |
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the Chinese supply chain, and expanded our support for a gas- |
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fired power plant in electricity-starved Sierra Leone. |
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DFC is also actively pursuing new opportunities in nuclear |
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energy. And we are working to sustainably diversify the supply |
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and processing of critical minerals away from dependence on the |
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PRC. |
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We recently invested $30 million in the latest round of |
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equity financing for U.S.-aligned critical minerals platform, |
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TechMet Ltd., to support their investment in nickel and cobalt |
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production in Brazil. |
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So, to conclude, these are just some examples of the type |
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of transactions that offer an alternative to the activity of |
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the PRC in the developing world. I am proud of the work that |
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the fantastic team at DFC has done through these transactions |
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and many others. And although DFC is just 3 years old, we have |
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made great progress and are building on a record year of |
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impact. But I know we can and must do more. |
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I welcome the opportunity to keep the members of this |
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committee informed of our progress. Thank you. And I look |
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forward to your questions. |
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[The prepared statement of Mr. Nathan follows:] |
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[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] |
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Chairman McCaul. Thank you, Mr. Nathan. |
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I now recognize Mr. Schiffer for his opening statement. |
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STATEMENT OF MICHAEL SCHIFFER, ASSISTANT ADMINISTRATOR, U.S. |
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AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT |
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Mr. Schiffer. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Chairman McCaul, |
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Ranking Member Meeks, distinguished committee members, thank |
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you for inviting me here today to testify on USAID strategy for |
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engagement in the Indo-Pacific and for strategic competition |
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with the People's Republic of China. |
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As we enter the new year, there is no shortage of global |
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challenges, Russia's further invasion of Ukraine, which has |
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sparked a global food emergency, a climate crisis, which has |
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become a threat multiplier, and a global pandemic, from which |
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we are now emerging, but which for a moment allowed autocratics |
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to ride high and seek to control as the regular patterns of our |
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lives were upended. |
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Perhaps nowhere are these challenges more evident than with |
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the PRC under Xi Jinping's hyper-nationalist authoritarian |
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rule, intent to rewrite for its own narrow advantage the |
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existing global rules and norms. |
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In many significant respects, the challenge we face from |
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the PRC, geoeconomic as much as geopolitical or geostrategic, |
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is unlike any we have previously dealt with as a Nation. |
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For USAID, the response to this challenge does not begin |
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with the PRC however. It begins with our own nation's value |
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proposition, that democracy delivers, and a belief that |
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equipped with our ideas and our ideals and with congressional |
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support, the necessary resources, we can drive development |
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diplomacy that elevates democratic norms and supports a vision |
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for a rules-based international order congruent with our |
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Nation's interests and values. |
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And our results demonstrate our success. Eleven of our top |
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15 trading partners today benefited from U.S. and USAID's |
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foreign assistance as they developed. That I would offer is |
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what successful global leadership looks like. |
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Development outcomes in a very real sense are where |
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territorial integrity, sovereignty, and a free and open |
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architecture live. USAID does not weaponize development |
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assistance for our own benefit or in a transactional way to the |
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detriment of our partners, as the PRC often does. At the same |
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time, we are very clear-eyed about that what Beijing does |
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abroad can have a detrimental impact on our own affirmative |
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development agenda and the well-being of our partners. |
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In response, we are committed to work with our allies and |
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partners to shape the environment in which Beijing operates and |
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in so doing advance our vision for an open, transparent, and |
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rules-based world. |
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As we contemplate the challenges before us for the balance |
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of this century, there are four pillars to our approach. |
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First, USAID is prioritizing new development partnerships |
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to accelerate the flow of capital into the investments that are |
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critical for success in the 21st century. USAID's model enables |
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competition, fair and transparent dealmaking, free market, and |
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incentivizes investments and creates opportunities for American |
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workers. Through enterprise-driven development, USAID is |
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reducing dependency on PRC debt diplomacy, especially for |
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infrastructure. |
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Second, USAID is improving assistance outcomes through |
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digital technology and open and inclusive and secure digital |
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ecosystems. Our work enables U.S. firms to bring world leading |
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technologies to developing countries and to drive investment, |
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especially in key emerging markets. |
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Third, USAID is enabling partner countries and local |
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communities to become increasingly independent of and resilient |
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to authoritarian influence. We identify and address malign and |
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corrupting authoritarian narratives. And we amplify the |
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positive impacts of democratic governance. |
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And finally, we support vibrant civil societies. We support |
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anti-corruption efforts, human rights, and inclusive, locally |
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driven and locally owned development, including gender equality |
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and women's economic empowerment, all of which are vital |
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enablers for sustainable development. |
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In short, USAID is elevating our contributions, doubling |
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down on our commitment, and appealing to the best parts of our |
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rooted history in the countries where we work. That is how we |
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will continue to show our value, bolster American leadership |
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around the world, and outcompete the PRC in the years ahead. |
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Thank you for the opportunity to represent USAID and to |
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work with members of this committee in a bipartisan fashion to |
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advance our Nation's interests and values around the globe. I |
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look forward to answering any questions you may have. |
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[The prepared statement of Mr. Schiffer follows:] |
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[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] |
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Chairman McCaul. Thank you, Mr. Schiffer. |
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I now recognize myself for 5 minutes. |
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To Mr. Estevez and Kritenbrink, I just attended the Munich |
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Security Conference where we witnessed a showdown between the |
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Chinese Foreign Minister and the Secretary of State over the |
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recent spy balloon that happened across this country, spying on |
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this Nation, and then the advanced warnings their intelligence |
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has provided that China is now considering providing lethal |
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weapons to Russia. |
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Clearly China is supporting Russia in their war against |
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Ukraine currently by selling them satellite technology, micro |
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electronics, and buying Russian energy. I know that seven PRC |
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companies were put on the entities list because they were |
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contributing to Russia's military and defense industrial base. |
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I also commend the Secretary of State for saying, warning |
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China. But I hope that if that happens, that the information |
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will be declassified so the American people can see what is |
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really happening. |
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My question to both of you is, what is the precise nature |
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of the CCP support to Russia in this conflict, and what is |
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State and BIS doing about it? And second, what actions would |
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deter the PRC from providing these lethal weapons? Mr. |
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Kritenbrink. |
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Mr. Kritenbrink. Mr. Chairman, thank you for your |
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questions. |
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Mr. Chairman, as you indicated, the secretary made very |
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clear in Munich in his meeting with Director Wang Yi the |
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consequences and the implications if China were to provide |
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lethal support to the Russian military for use in its barbaric |
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invasion of Ukraine. |
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The secretary has also noted publicly that in many ways |
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China has been supporting Russia's war in Ukraine from the |
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beginning through its dissemination of Russian propaganda and |
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its own use of disinformation to support Russia's war there and |
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to blame inappropriately the war on the West, the United States |
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and NATO. We have seen China stepping up its economic |
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engagement in purchases from Russia. |
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And then also, Mr. Chairman, you recognized some of the |
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countries that we, or some of the entities rather, PRC entities |
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we put on the entities list for providing the assistance that |
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they did to Russia, including one firm, Spacety, that was |
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providing satellite imagery to the Wagner Group. |
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So we have made very clear that we will not hesitate to |
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take steps to hold to account PRC entities that assist Russia. |
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And we have made that very clear to the Chinese. The secretary |
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certainly did so in Munich. And, of course, the president and |
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the national security advisor have done so directly to the |
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Chinese on previous occasions. |
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Chairman McCaul. And I think we need to make it clear to |
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China this will not be tolerated, if in fact it is happening. I |
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know it is happening with respect to the seven entities, |
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companies listed on the entities list, but with respect to |
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lethal weapons, that it is not acceptable. |
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Mr. Estevez, do you have any comments on the seven |
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companies? |
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Mr. Estevez. Yes, it is actually 12 companies---- |
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Chairman McCaul. Now it is 12. |
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Mr. Estevez. Yes, we had some back in December that we also |
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put on. |
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Chairman McCaul. OK. |
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Mr. Estevez. Plus one that was supplying parts to the |
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Iranian drone program, so 13 if you count that one. |
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And we have made clear, as my colleague just said, that we |
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will not hesitate to put companies on the entity list as soon |
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as we see factual data that they are supplying Russia. And we |
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are looking across all third parties, but especially China in |
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that regard. |
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Chairman McCaul. I am glad you mentioned the Iranian drones |
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that are in Crimea, that the Ukrainians, I just back from |
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theater, cannot attack the Iranian drones without the longer |
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range artillery. |
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But having said that, components were found in these |
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Iranian drones that were from the United States of America and |
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also the spy balloon and also the hypersonic built on the |
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backbone of American technology. We got to stop doing this. |
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They steal it. We do not have to sell it to them. |
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We got a snapshot of your, Mr. Estevez, from January 2022 |
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to March 2022, BIS denied 8 percent of licenses applications |
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and approved more than $23 billion worth of license |
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applications to the PRC companies on the entities list. |
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How does this align with your statement that ``we are doing |
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everything within BIS's power to prevent sensitive U.S. |
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technologies from getting in the hands of PRC military, |
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intelligence services, or other parties' '? |
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Mr. Estevez. First, let me quickly address the Iranian |
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drone thing. As you know, we put companies in Iran on the |
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entity list, invoking the foreign direct product rule, so that |
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at ports that are American branded, not necessarily made in |
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America, also cannot go to that program. |
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For the point on licensing, which, of course, is an |
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interagency process that is done with my colleagues in Defense, |
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State, and Energy, we have specific licensing rules. The entity |
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list is not a blanket embargo. So going on the entity list may |
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have a particular rule. |
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And in the case of Huawei and SMIC, there were particular |
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rules. SMIC is now, of course, subject to the rule that we put |
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out in October on semiconductor manufacturing. The licensing |
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rule, the previous Administration that still stands for Huawei, |
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allows things below 5G, below cloud level to go. And, you know, |
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I will say that all those things are under assessment. |
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Chairman McCaul. OK. Thank you. I see my time has expired. |
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The chair recognizes the ranking member. |
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Mr. Meeks. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
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And I just want to say that, because I hear the chairman, |
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particularly with the work that BIS has. And one of the things |
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I think that is important, and maybe we can do this in a |
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bipartisan way, that, you know, for me, BIS may need additional |
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resources for all of the work that we are telling them that |
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they need to do, et cetera. So maybe we can talk about that at |
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some point and figure out how we can make sure that they have |
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more resources to do all the work that Congress is asking them |
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to do. So we will talk about that later. |
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But let me ask my question first to Mr. Kritenbrink, to the |
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secretary. I concur that I am very concerned about some of the |
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conversations that we have had with China contemplating giving |
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Russia weapons. And as indicated, you know, part of my |
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viewpoint is to make sure that is a line that cannot be |
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tolerated, if they are giving Russia the weapons to pursue |
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their illegal war. |
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Are we talking to and preparing our allies also so that it |
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is not, if there is a sanction, and that is what I hear, part |
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of it will take place as sanctions, so if there are sanctions |
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to be placed, if China does step over that line, so that it is |
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not just the United States, that if Russia, that China feels |
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the full force and power of us and our allies, similarly as |
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Russia is with NATO, EU, and our other allies in fighting the |
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war in Ukraine? |
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Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, sir, Mr. Ranking Member. Thank you |
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for your question. And, again, when we look at our invest, |
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align, compete strategy vis-a-vis China, I think one of the |
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most important pillars and certainly a real focus in the State |
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Department is the align pillar. So we are incredibly aligned |
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with allies and partners and friends, including on the |
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situation of Russia's illegal war in Ukraine. And, Mr. Ranking |
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Member, it's been quite striking to me how many partners in |
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Europe and Asia increasingly recognize that a security matter |
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in Europe cannot be separated from the security situation in |
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Asia. |
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So, yes, we have been in touch with our key partners in |
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both Europe and Asia on this matter, and I think it's, |
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obviously, everything that happens in Ukraine and Russia's |
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illegal war there remains a matter of significant concern. And |
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we've shared with them our concerns regarding China's |
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consideration in providing this illegal assistance, and I think |
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I'm confident to say that many partners share our concerns. |
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Mr. Meeks. So the other issue that I'm really, you know, |
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when I'm watching what the PRC is doing, the economic coercion |
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that they're having with our allies, and I was proud, along |
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with Representative Ami Bera and Representative Tom Cole, |
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bipartisan way, to introduce the Countering Economic Coercion |
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Act of 2023 which provides the President with new tools to |
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provide rapid economic support to partners and allies facing |
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economic coercion from the PRC. So how are your agencies |
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preparing for the next time that we see the PRC economically |
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coerce other nations over, for example, Taiwan and what |
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counter-coercion policies, responses, and tools are at your |
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agency's disposal for when this happens again, as we saw that |
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took place with Lithuania, and are there additional authorities |
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you require from Congress that would give you more flexibility |
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to support our allies and partners who have been targeted by |
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Beijing's economic coercion? |
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Mr. Kritenbrink. Mr. Ranking Member, I'll respond first and |
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see if other colleagues want to chime in. Mr. Ranking Member, I |
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fully agree that this is a significant threat posed by the PRC. |
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Beijing's increasing willingness to weaponize many aspects of |
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its external engagement, including its economic engagement, is |
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of deep concern. We've seen a number of countries who have been |
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subject to economic coercion. Certainly, you've mentioned |
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Lithuania. That's the most recent example, but many other |
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partners around the world, including Australia, Japan, the |
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Philippines, and others have been subjected to this. |
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At the State Department, we're developing a range of tools |
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to help respond to this. I know in the Lithuania case it was |
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helpful that we were able to provide Eximbank credits to assist |
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Lithuania, and we were able to organize reverse trade missions |
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and the like to assist them, and we certainly look forward to |
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working closely with Members of Congress to further develop |
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those tools because this challenge will only grow, Mr. Ranking |
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Member. |
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Mr. Meeks. And, last, what is the Administration doing to |
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support the people of Hong Kong in the face of Beijing's |
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growing crackdown there? |
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Mr. Kritenbrink. Well, Mr. Ranking Member, we share your |
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concern at the erosion of rights that we've seen over the last |
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few years in Hong Kong, which is deeply concerning. We continue |
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to speak out to condemn those actions. We have held to account |
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officials who have implemented the new national security law |
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and other draconian measures by subjecting them to U.S. |
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sanctions. We'll continue to speak out, and we'll continue to |
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stand with the people of Hong Kong so that their rights are |
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observed. |
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Mr. Meeks. My time has expired. I yield back, Mr. Chairman. |
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Chairman McCaul. Thank you, Ranking Member. The Chair now |
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recognizes Mr. Smith. |
|
Mr. Smith. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Secretary |
|
Kritenbrink, if I could ask you, we all know that China targets |
|
certain industries. They've done it with the pharmaceuticals, |
|
they've done it in a whole host of other products and issues |
|
that they would like to control the flow of money and the flow |
|
of research. They steal just about everything by violating |
|
international property rights. |
|
But let me ask you the question with regards to |
|
pharmaceuticals. Where are we in standing up either in |
|
countries that are friends or within a domestic capability |
|
those important pharmaceuticals and those chemicals that are |
|
all-important in the curative aspect of it, and I would include |
|
antibiotics there, as well. We know some of it is transshipped |
|
through other countries from China, but where are we on that? |
|
Second, no where in Africa is the CCP's malign impact more |
|
egregious than the DRC. I've been to the DRC. I've been to the |
|
mines. I've been not to the cobalt mines but others previously. |
|
And I chaired a hearing last Congress as part of the co- |
|
chairman of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission on the issue |
|
of cobalt, and the fact it's something on the order of 35,000 |
|
children, forced labor for children, many of whom get sick, |
|
some die. They do not have any protective equipment. They |
|
shouldn't be subjected to child labor anyway. And then the |
|
adults, something on the order of 200,000, are mining cobalt, |
|
all of which goes to China for refinement for batteries. You |
|
know, no matter where anybody comes down on EVs, you know, |
|
they're on the roads, they're everywhere, growing in number. |
|
But the supply chain should in no way be linked to such |
|
horrific practices as forcing children into those mines. |
|
And I'm wondering, I know there's been a standup of some |
|
kind of counselor or some organization. I do not believe |
|
anything has been done or will be done until that supply chain |
|
is attacked in a way that we find other sources or we make sure |
|
that all of this exploitation ends. Unfortunately, in the D.R. |
|
Congo, there's a great deal of buying of the government, and I |
|
believe that to be true. And, you know, when money talks, we do |
|
not have anything called the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act or |
|
anything that even comes close to it, it's easy to buy off a |
|
corrupt official. |
|
And, finally, on the implementation of a Hong Kong Human |
|
Rights and Democracy Act, are there gaps or are there things |
|
that we need to be doing to advance further that law? I was the |
|
House sponsor of it, and, when it passed, it took years to get |
|
passed. Introduced in 2014, everybody told me it was a solution |
|
in search of a problem. When we finally did, it was very many |
|
days late and lots of dollars short, but it still is a useful |
|
tool. |
|
If you could speak to those three issues. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you, Congressman. On |
|
pharmaceuticals, I think the general point that I would make, |
|
sir, and it gets at your question about the DRC, as well, is |
|
that we have tried to make clear to countries around the world |
|
that they need to have diverse supply chains. And so promoting |
|
the diversity of supply chains gives countries options and |
|
makes them less subject to coercion and undue influence. So |
|
that is the general principle that animates much of our work. |
|
Now, on the details of pharmaceuticals and of the |
|
activities in the DRC, I am not an expert on either issue, but |
|
I will just underscore our message to countries is you should |
|
not be overly dependent on any one country or any one entity |
|
for your supply chains because it makes you subject to undue |
|
influence, No. 1. No. 2, whether it's countries in Africa, |
|
Asia, or Latin America, we do encourage them to understand the |
|
implications of their engagements with the PRC, PRC |
|
investments, loans, and other activities that, again, could |
|
make countries subject to undue leverage and influence, which I |
|
think is the root of the problem of many of the issues you've |
|
outlined there. |
|
On the Hong Kong Human Rights Protection Act, thank you, |
|
Congressman, for your work there. I hope, through my comments, |
|
I've indicated how deeply concerned we are by the continued |
|
erosion of rights in Hong Kong, the continued harassment and |
|
arrest of individuals for simply speaking their mind and |
|
standing up for their rights. We look forward to working with |
|
you and other members to continue to implement the Act and to |
|
stand up for the values that we hold dear. |
|
Mr. Smith. In the final 10 seconds, there has been an |
|
announcement that Ford will enter into a contract with China or |
|
Chinese companies with regards to cobalt. How can we ensure |
|
that none of that cobalt is coming on the backs of African |
|
children? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Well, thank you, Congressman. Perhaps I |
|
should take that issue back with me. I'm happy to look into it |
|
and report back to you. Thank you, sir. |
|
Chairman McCaul. The Chair now recognizes Mr. Sherman. |
|
Mr. Sherman. Mr. Kritenbrink, China's hot. The Pacific |
|
Islands rarely are in terms of the attention. As co-chair, |
|
along with Mr. Bera, of the Pacific Islands Caucus, I'd like to |
|
know, now that what lies between the United States and China is |
|
the Pacific Islands and China is certainly making a play there |
|
in several different respects, can you assure us that you're |
|
giving a high priority to actually getting those compacts |
|
completed and renewed? Hopefully, that's a yes answer. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, it's an emphatic yes. We |
|
recognize the importance, obviously, of the Pacific Islands, |
|
and we certainly recognize the importance of the freely |
|
associated States. You may have seen, Congressman, that we have |
|
concluded MOUs with all three of the freely associated States, |
|
and we look forward to working with Congress to complete those |
|
deals. |
|
Mr. Sherman. It should be front burner. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, sir. Yes. |
|
Mr. Sherman. Mr. Chairman, I thank you for distributing a |
|
sheet describing how China controls our corporations, but |
|
there's much to be added. You point out that China forces a |
|
change slightly in marketing of Top Gun as to how it's marketed |
|
in China. Now and then, a movie is edited for presentation in |
|
China, so we figure China is controlling what the people of |
|
China see. No, China controls what Americans see and what the |
|
world see by limiting American studios to 40 movies going into |
|
China every year. |
|
What that means, of course, is nobody is going to make a |
|
movie, another movie about Tibet because it's not going to be |
|
shown in China. No, it means no studio is going to make any |
|
movie that offends China because none of their movies will then |
|
be admitted to China. And so China, you think we have a First |
|
Amendment in this country. In Beijing, they control our |
|
studios. Make a movie they do not like, none of your movies get |
|
in. |
|
JPMorgan is told you better advise your clients to invest |
|
in China 15 percent of their portfolios, or you won't be doing |
|
business in China. And I know that Lithuania is a success, but |
|
it's a small country, and we're talking about a very small |
|
amount of money. There are hundreds of billions dollars lost by |
|
American corporations who are treated unfairly in China or that |
|
would be lost if those corporations did not change their |
|
behavior unfairly in order to meet China's demands, and we need |
|
a program to collect billions and tens of billions and hundreds |
|
of billions from China so that we can make sure that every |
|
American corporation that's unfairly treated either currently |
|
or that dares to do something like maybe mention the Uyghurs is |
|
compensated for that unfair treatment. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink, there's a considerable dispute as to |
|
whether COVID came from a wet market or came from the lab. The |
|
reason for that dispute is that China was absolutely opaque. |
|
They failed to cooperate, they failed to come clean. Millions |
|
of people died around the world, and a substantial percentage |
|
of them died because of China's obfuscation at the beginning. |
|
The State Department has done almost nothing to tell the world |
|
how China's responsible, not maybe for the virus but certainly |
|
for their obfuscation and failure to cooperate afterwards. Is |
|
the State Department going to do a better job of informing the |
|
world of the Chinese Communist Party's responsibility here? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, thank you. On the issue of |
|
COVID, we have long stated that China needs to do a better job |
|
of being transparent. |
|
Mr. Sherman. But do people in India and Europe and South |
|
America who have lost relatives know that those relatives might |
|
be alive if China and its Communist Party had cooperated with |
|
the world in the first few months? The answer to that, I'll |
|
answer for you, is no because the State Department has done |
|
very little to tell the world. |
|
Third question, and that is Taiwan. Would the |
|
Administration support an immediate declaration now that if |
|
Taiwan is blockaded or invaded that that immediately ends MFN |
|
for China? Don't American corporations deserve to know whether |
|
that would be the case? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, on your last question, I'm |
|
happy to talk about our approach to the Cross-Strait situation |
|
in Taiwan. As I said in my remarks, we're committed to our One |
|
China policy, our longstanding One China policy---- |
|
Mr. Sherman. I'm asking you whether you--people are trying |
|
to run companies around--they deserve to know whether MFN for |
|
China would be ended if China blockades or invades. Can you |
|
give them that answer, or do they have to fly blind? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. What I can say, Congressman, is we are |
|
committed to maintaining peace and stability across the Taiwan |
|
Strait and---- |
|
Mr. Sherman. I think they already knew the---- |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink [continuing]. Taking a range of steps to do |
|
that. |
|
Mr. Sherman. They had already heard that. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you. |
|
Chairman McCaul. The Chair recognizes Mr. Wilson. |
|
Mr. Wilson. Thank you, Chairman Mike McCaul, for your |
|
leadership, and Ranking Member Greg Meeks for this bipartisan |
|
hearing on something so important as we understand the |
|
significance of the challenge of the Chinese Communist Party, |
|
also the relationship, actually, to the war in Ukraine. |
|
In fact, my appreciation of the people of China, my father |
|
served in the Flying Tigers in World War II, and so it was |
|
really, I grew up with such an appreciation of the Chinese |
|
people. He served in Kunming, (inaudible). And growing up, I |
|
just grew up with such, his affection for the people of China. |
|
And so we want the best for the people of China, but that |
|
obviously means we also want a free and independent Taiwan. |
|
And I appreciate the recognition a few minutes ago about |
|
Lithuania, how they've been taking a lead on providing to stop |
|
Chinese Communist Party influence in Europe. And I was, just |
|
last week, in Prague and the Czech Republic. They, too, are |
|
working hard to promote the independence of the people of |
|
Taiwan opposing the Chinese Communist Party influence. |
|
With that in mind, I want to thank all of you for being |
|
here today, but I believe the world is in a global competition |
|
between democracies with rule of law opposed by authoritarians |
|
with rule of gun. Today, the conflict is war criminal Putin's |
|
mass murder in Ukraine. Ukraine must be victorious to deter the |
|
Chinese Communist Party from attacking the 24 million people of |
|
Taiwan, and Ukraine must be victorious to stop Iran from its |
|
efforts to vaporize Israel as it develops intercontinental |
|
ballistic missiles to devaState American families. |
|
With that in mind, I would like to ask Secretary |
|
Kritenbrink, the Chinese spy balloon endangered the security of |
|
American families from Guam to my home community of South |
|
Carolina. And, yet, the President said he advised not to shoot |
|
down the balloon on January 28th when it was still over the |
|
Alaskan Aleutian Islands and not until over the U.S. mainland. |
|
What was the reason for such a delay? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, thank you. On the balloon, |
|
I've been honored to brief the House before on this issue |
|
together with a number of colleagues, and I'll reState here we |
|
tracked, we detected, we surveilled, and then we took down the |
|
Chinese high-altitude balloon when it was safe to do so. The |
|
President made a decision on the advice and in consultation |
|
with our military commanders. We took the steps to protect |
|
ourselves, to mitigate against any threat posed by that balloon |
|
and then made the decision, again, to take down that balloon |
|
once it was safe to do so. |
|
It's a massive structure, 200 feet tall. The payload |
|
underneath it is the length of three buses. So the concern was, |
|
in the modeling that was done, if you take that down over land, |
|
the debris field could be quite significant and could pose a |
|
real harm to Americans on the ground, and that's why the |
|
President made the decision to take it down when he did. |
|
But I can say, Congressman, we also learned a great deal by |
|
us surveilling that balloon while it flew in our air space, and |
|
we are learning more as we have collected the payload since we |
|
took it down. |
|
Mr. Wilson. Well, to me, it's very disappointing. It was a |
|
threat to my constituents. I representative Fort Jackson, and I |
|
represent Savannah River Nuclear Laboratory. To have a spy |
|
balloon come over our State, it's just, it's inconceivable. |
|
And, indeed, Governor Greg Gianforte, Senator Steve Daines, |
|
Congressman Ryan Zinke have all said that they would have |
|
welcomed to have the balloon shot down over Montana as being |
|
only a threat to prairie dogs. |
|
And so I just find that inconceivable, and I want to ask |
|
you if you could provide, and I've asked and not been given the |
|
information, what was the exact trajectory over South Carolina |
|
and North Carolina? I would like to know what counties the |
|
balloon traveled over; and, for some reason, that has been |
|
called classified, which it's on opensecrets.com, but this |
|
needs to be revealed to the American people and what a threat |
|
this was. And I sincerely disagree with you that the thought of |
|
shooting it down off of Surfside Beach South Carolina into the |
|
ocean, it should have been recovered in some way so that we |
|
could find out what type of threat there is from the Chinese |
|
Communist Party. |
|
With that, I yield back. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, thank you. Again, I do want |
|
to underscore, as I did in my opening statement, that China's |
|
introduction of this high-altitude surveillance balloon into |
|
U.S. sovereign territorial air space was irresponsible and |
|
unacceptable, full stop. But as I indicated, we tracked it from |
|
the beginning. We made an assessment of how to mitigate the |
|
risk and the determination the President and our military |
|
commanders was that it was not safe to take it down until it |
|
was off the waters of South Carolina. When we did, and in the |
|
water, we were able to recover the payload, and I'm confident |
|
we'll learn more from that. |
|
Chairman McCaul. The Chair recognizes Mr. Bera. |
|
Mr. Bera. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Yes, I've said this a |
|
number of times in my capacity as the chair, now ranking |
|
member, on the Subcommittee on Asian Pacific, you know, if we |
|
think about the geopolitical order in 75 years post-World War |
|
II, you know, it really was U.S.-led but peace, prosperity, |
|
lifting, you know, millions out of poverty, and creating |
|
stability. And, you know, prosperity for China, as well, in |
|
that. But there's no--Mr. Chairman, thank you for having this |
|
hearing because there is no questioning, you know, where a |
|
decade ago we may have hoped as China developed a broader |
|
middle class, an entrepreneurial class, they would go in a |
|
direction of more freedom and openness and open markets. Xi |
|
Jinping's policies have taken Beijing in a very different |
|
direction, and we do not have to guess that direction, and it |
|
really does set up for, and competition is fine, but the hope |
|
is to avoid confrontation. And much of this is led by, you |
|
know, the Chinese may say, well, the United States is changing |
|
this. It isn't. It is China changing the calculus here. The |
|
aggression in the South China Sea has changed the calculus in |
|
the South China Sea, aggression across the Taiwan Straits, |
|
human rights violations in Xinjiang, you know, what they've |
|
done in Hong Kong. |
|
The Ranking Member touched on economic coercion and how |
|
they use those tools of coercion. It really does mean a whole- |
|
of-government approach, not just here in the United States but, |
|
you know, I applaud the Administration for the alliances and |
|
renewal of, you know, the elevation of Quad coalition to the |
|
leaders' level is certainly incredibly important. You know, |
|
partnership around AUKUS, incredibly important for maritime |
|
security. |
|
You know, I was just in Japan last week, and Prime Minister |
|
Kishida's Administration efforts to get to 2-percent of GDP to |
|
increase their self defense capabilities. Again, the hope is to |
|
avoid confrontation, but, given the realities that we see in |
|
the Indo-Pacific, hugely important. |
|
Secretary Kritenbrink, I applaud and hope we get the |
|
compacts done as quickly as possible and the renewed interest |
|
and focus on the Pacific Islands. Let me touch on the economic |
|
coercion component of it and, you know, the Ranking Member |
|
touched on the bill that we introduced last week in a |
|
bipartisan way with Congressman Cole, that builds on a bill |
|
that we introduced last Congress, the Countering China Economic |
|
Coercion Act that I introduced with Representative Wagner that |
|
was signed into law by President Biden. That particular bill |
|
looks at how we can engage with the private sector on issues |
|
related to PRC economic coercion and how we can bridge that gap |
|
between the public and private sector. You know, Congressman |
|
Sherman touched on some of the coercive tactics that were used |
|
against our film industry, you know, used against the NBA |
|
players and the NBA, as well. |
|
I'd just be curious, and maybe this is a question for |
|
Commerce or State, you know, how should we think about the |
|
partnership across government and the private sector to make |
|
sure we've got tools and resiliency to counter some of these |
|
coercive behaviors? Maybe, Secretary Estevez, if you want to |
|
touch on that or---- |
|
Mr. Estevez. Thank you, Congressman. While not in the area |
|
of export controls in general, you know, first of all, to go |
|
back to the point of what do we tell companies. When companies |
|
come to see me, I point out the dangers of reliance on single- |
|
source supply chains and the need to diversify, to point out |
|
what happened to companies that were operating in Russia when |
|
Russia invaded Ukraine and how they had to pull out. And so |
|
companies need to take stock of their own risk calculus, and I |
|
believe they are all doing that, which will help all of us, |
|
quite frankly, as they diversify. |
|
The other thing we need to look at is things like chips, |
|
which, you know, my boss is rolling out today. Very important |
|
for bringing technology and important advanced technologies |
|
back to other United States. We're working with our friends, as |
|
well, so that we are not reliant on China for such things. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Well, Mr. Ranking Member, thank you for |
|
your comments again, and I'll reiterate we're committed to |
|
continue to step up our engagement across the Pacific Islands, |
|
including the compacts, and I know the special envoy, |
|
Presidential Envoy for Compact Negotiation. Joe Yun is working |
|
on that as we speak. |
|
On economic coercion, I do agree that we do need to work in |
|
partnership with the American private sector. I know, as a |
|
diplomat overseas, I'm incredibly proud to represent the |
|
world's finest private sector. When you look at the Indo- |
|
Pacific, $2 trillion in trade between the United States and the |
|
Indo-Pacific, a trillion dollars in U.S. investment, and almost |
|
a trillion dollars in investment from the region in the United |
|
States. This is a vitally important economic trading and |
|
investment relationship, and we look forward to working closely |
|
with our private sector to make sure that we stand up for our |
|
values and for American workers but also to protect critical |
|
technologies, as well. |
|
Chairman McCaul. The Chair recognizes Mr. Perry. |
|
Mr. Perry. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Secretary Kritenbrink, |
|
I want to take you down a stroll down memory lane here to fall |
|
of 2019 when China realized their first case of the Wuhan |
|
virus. Now, it wasn't until January of the next year until they |
|
reported it some weeks or months later, and then in February |
|
their top bioweapons expert took control of the lab. |
|
Now, the mantra from the press and from the party in the |
|
current Administration was is that it occurred naturally. And, |
|
of course, people like me, and speaking on behalf of myself but |
|
the millions of Americans who saw all the evidence in front of |
|
them that pointed to the lab as opposed to it occurring |
|
naturally, those people were vilified in the public, and the |
|
new Administration used the information to frighten Americans |
|
and confuse them and to distort the facts. |
|
Based on that, I'm just wondering did you, does the State |
|
Department have any irrefutable evidence that the Wuhan virus |
|
came from the wet market in China? Irrefutable evidence. Do you |
|
have any? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, I would point to comments |
|
that National Security Advisor Sullivan made on Sunday. He |
|
stated that there are a variety of views in the intelligence-- |
|
-- |
|
Mr. Perry. I know there are a variety of views, but the |
|
American people have been taken for a ride for 2 years, more |
|
than 2 years over this, and I want to know what evidence the |
|
State Department or you have that is used to debunk people's |
|
opinions based on what they see and what they know and what is |
|
reported as fact. What evidence--do you have a bat from the wet |
|
market? Does the State Department have one of these bats? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, I'll State again there is not |
|
a definitive answer that has emerged from the U.S. intelligence |
|
community on this question. |
|
Mr. Perry. I'm not asking---- |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Some elements of the IC---- |
|
Mr. Perry. Sir, sir, I'm not asking---- |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I'm sorry. |
|
Mr. Perry [continuing]. About differences of opinion. You |
|
work for the State Department. You're the undersecretary, |
|
right? You're almost in charge over there, and the State |
|
Department speaks for the United States of America, and |
|
Americans across the country were ridiculed and vilified for |
|
having a difference of opinion. |
|
So with all due respect, sir, what facts do you have? Do |
|
you have the pangolin where the virus jumped from the pangolin |
|
to a human? Do you have it? What facts do you have? Do you have |
|
any facts whatsoever to support your claim that the virus |
|
occurred in the wet market, as opposed to the Wuhan lab? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Well, Congressman, again, I'll State, if |
|
you look at what elements of the U.S. intelligence community |
|
have said, some have pointed to say they come down on the |
|
question that it looks like it was naturally occurring, some |
|
have come down on the other side of that. Some have said we do |
|
not have enough evidence to judge. |
|
Again, I will say, in conclusion, the intelligence |
|
community does not have a definitive answer on the COVID origin |
|
question. President Biden has directed from the beginning of |
|
his Administration to take all necessary steps, including all |
|
elements of our intelligence community, to get to the bottom of |
|
it. But the---- |
|
Mr. Perry. OK. Fair enough. If there are difference of |
|
opinions, then what authority does the State Department or this |
|
government have to refute the opinions based on facts that we |
|
do know? Because there are no facts at all that it occurred in |
|
a wet market, a wet market outside of Wuhan, right. There are |
|
zero. We all know that, right. But there's plenty of |
|
circumstantial evidence, if not more, because a bunch of it was |
|
destroyed. We know they destroyed the samples in the lab, |
|
right, so that nobody could see them. But if that's the case, |
|
will the State Department at least acknowledge, acknowledge |
|
that they were wrong and apologize to the millions upon |
|
millions of Americans that they disparaged for their opinions |
|
based on what they know happened in 2019 in the Wuhan Institute |
|
of Virology? Will the State Department acknowledge it and |
|
apologize? Will they ever do it? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, what I will acknowledge and |
|
commit to is to doing what the President has said: that we will |
|
use all elements, including in the IC, to get to the bottom of |
|
this. But as we stand right now---- |
|
Mr. Perry. And when they get to the bottom of it---- |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink [continuing]. There is not a definitive |
|
answer that has emerged from---- |
|
Mr. Perry. Mr. Secretary, when they finally do get to the |
|
bottom of it, if they ever do get to the bottom of it, knowing |
|
that the communist Chinese destroyed a bunch of the evidence, |
|
knowing that, if they do get to the bottom of it and they do |
|
determine that it is the Wuhan Institute of Virology, will they |
|
apologize? Will the State Department apologize to the American |
|
people it disparaged? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, the President has directed |
|
his team that we will share with Congress and the American |
|
people what we learn. I'll just reiterate there's not a |
|
definitive answer that has emerged from the intelligence |
|
community on this question. |
|
Mr. Perry. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Let me just say, when we were in the |
|
minority, we published a report finding by a preponderance of |
|
the evidence it did originate from the Wuhan lab. I feel the |
|
latest intelligence has confirmed our opinion, and that can be |
|
found on the House Foreign Affairs website. |
|
With that, the Chair now recognizes Mr. Cicilline. |
|
Mr. Cicilline. Thank you. I want to begin by thanking you, |
|
Chairman McCaul and Ranking Member Meeks, for giving us the |
|
opportunity to explore this important issue, and I really want |
|
to thank the four witnesses both for their service to our |
|
Nation but also for helping to inform today's discussion, for |
|
being with us. |
|
From the genocide against the Uyghur population in Xinjiang |
|
to the 2021 crackdown on democracy and the rule of law in Hong |
|
Kong, we've seen a glimpse at the values the People's Republic |
|
of China is trying to impress upon the world: a rejection of |
|
human rights, a commitment to authoritarianism, a silenced |
|
press, and the abandonment of the rule of law. Those values are |
|
antithetical to our own and must be confronted globally by |
|
American leadership, diplomacy, and investment. |
|
And in taking up this important work in today's hearing and |
|
those in the future while working on these issues, it's my hope |
|
that we can do so in a way that does not promote or advance |
|
xenophobic anti-China rhetoric, which we've seen lead to an |
|
alarming increase in hate crimes against Asian Americans across |
|
the country. We simply cannot allow this committee or others to |
|
give that rhetoric any oxygen because the consequences are too |
|
dangerous and too serious. |
|
I want to begin with, Mr. Schiffer. The PRC's repression of |
|
Uyghurs and other ethnic minorities is global in nature, and |
|
we've seen the PRC pressure governments in the Middle East and |
|
in South and Central Asia to cooperate with or overlook its |
|
campaign to intimidate, harass, detain, and deport Uyghur |
|
refugees and the diaspora members around the world. And there |
|
was a recent Wilson Center report that documented over 5,000 |
|
cases of Uyghur intimidation and worse. |
|
So I'd like you to speak to what USAID and the State |
|
Department are doing to urge nations to prevent the harassment |
|
and detention and deportation of Uyghurs and other ethnic |
|
minorities on their soil in the face of this kind of tremendous |
|
PRC pressure and really demands that they're making and what |
|
role we can play in Congress in supporting the work that you |
|
are doing. |
|
Mr. Schiffer. Thank you very much for that question. We |
|
have, at USAID, working with our colleagues at the Department |
|
of State, just launched a new international religious freedom |
|
and human rights assistance activity to work with members of |
|
the Uyghur community outside of the PRC and to try to provide |
|
them with the support that they need navigating this very, very |
|
oppressive environment that the People's Republic of China is |
|
trying to create for them both inside the PRC but also, as you |
|
so rightly pointed out, all around the world. |
|
We regularly engage with our partners and allies in |
|
conversations about what their governments can do, as well, as |
|
we look to align, as Secretary Kritenbrink offered, to make |
|
sure that the international community is fully engaged on this |
|
issue to speak out on the PRC's genocidal actions in Xinjiang |
|
and to support the Uyghur community wherever they may be. |
|
Mr. Cicilline. And is there anything that we should be |
|
doing additionally to support that work? |
|
Mr. Schiffer. Well, I certainly think the congressional |
|
leadership over the past several years, including legislation |
|
that the House has moved forward, has been an important part of |
|
creating the momentum that we need to be able to continue to |
|
press back against the PRC. So I would certainly look forward |
|
to working with you and your colleagues to continue to raise |
|
voices on this issue. |
|
Mr. Cicilline. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, would it be OK if I addressed |
|
that question, as well? I just want to underscore that, in |
|
response to the genocidal actions in Xinjiang, the United |
|
States has designated 12 persons under Global Magnitsky |
|
sanctions. We've imposed visa restrictions on another 7. We've |
|
coordinated with the EU, UK, and Canada on the imposition of |
|
sanctions, as well. That would be the first point, Congressman. |
|
The second point, any time we learn of Uyghurs who have |
|
been detained or harassed abroad and are threatened with |
|
forceful involuntarily return to China, we've engaged with |
|
those governments to try to stop that action. We will continue |
|
to do so. Thanks. |
|
Mr. Cicilline. Thank you. Mr. Nathan, just quickly, I know |
|
there's a lot of evidence that the Belt and Road Initiative is |
|
sort of running out of steam and financing for projects is |
|
becoming more difficult and many countries are now struggling |
|
to repay loans. Would you just speak to what the Development |
|
Finance Corporation is doing to finance projects that are in |
|
this position so that countries have an understanding that |
|
there are other options out there to deal with their needs? |
|
Mr. Nathan. Thank you for the question. For sure, when I |
|
travel and meet with leaders in the developing world, they are |
|
actively looking for an alternative and we need to be there to |
|
present it, whether that's in the Indo-Pacific, Africa, Latin |
|
America. Countries are actively seeking alternatives that are |
|
high standard that reflect values of the private sector and do |
|
not burden them with debt. I think they found out that, often, |
|
projects that are funded by the Belt and Road Initiative or by |
|
the PRC State-controlled entities turn out to be inappropriate |
|
for their local conditions and frequently not of high quality |
|
and leave them with burdensome debt loads. |
|
Mr. Cicilline. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield |
|
back. |
|
Chairman McCaul. The Chair recognizes Mr. Mast. |
|
Mr. Mast. Thank you, Chairman. I want to talk diplomacy |
|
because that's what we do here in this committee. And, hands |
|
down, one of the biggest things asked, I think, probably to all |
|
of us, either side of the aisle, is what are you doing. We see |
|
China visits Russia, Russia pulls out of New START. We see |
|
balloons flying over America. We see China testing hypersonics. |
|
And the question constantly is what are you doing. |
|
And one of those forms of diplomacy that we have to deal |
|
with this is the entity list, correct? I mean, that's one of |
|
the ways that we help deal with this to say, listen, you cannot |
|
get the nut, the screw, the bolt, the epoxy, the semiconductor, |
|
the pencil to draw it up if that's what we decide, you cannot |
|
get what you need, China, Chinese, you know, Communist Party |
|
company, you cannot get what you need to make those things that |
|
threaten America or our allies because we are going to put you |
|
on a list, correct? Correct understanding, Mr. Estevez? |
|
Mr. Estevez. I wouldn't call it a tool of diplomacy, but |
|
correct understanding. |
|
Mr. Mast. You wouldn't say, I mean, I look at diplomacy in |
|
this way, and I always ask this question is does our support |
|
equal our policy goals? So if we're allowing somebody to get |
|
something, that's a form of support. If we're stopping them |
|
from getting something, those are diplomatic efforts, right? |
|
Mr. Estevez. Close. |
|
Mr. Mast. All right. Well, I'll take that. You said close. |
|
We'll say it's close. So, sir, Mr. Estevez, looking at those |
|
entity lists, I'll call it a form of diplomacy. Whether we're |
|
going to let Chinese Communist Party entities get the supplies |
|
that they need to build things that are a threat to America, |
|
America's allies, and Americans, in order to do that, this |
|
list, how many have you published in the last year? How many |
|
have you recommended to go up to the Federal Register? I know |
|
you've talked about 12 recently. |
|
Mr. Estevez. We put 160 entities on the entity list since |
|
the beginning of this Administration. That's about a quarter of |
|
the entities in the PRC, and the entity list goes back to the |
|
90's. |
|
Mr. Mast. Very good. So when we look at this, and I want to |
|
bring Wendy Sherman into the conversation and say, you know, |
|
it's been the conversation, I believe, from Wendy Sherman that |
|
State agrees with the action of you guys having the end user |
|
review for that, but there's really somebody higher than you |
|
all, and that's whether it's Mr. Kritenbrink or Wendy Sherman |
|
or Blinken. They might ultimately decide if those end user |
|
reviews are going to be put into the Federal Register, correct? |
|
Mr. Estevez. There's an interagency process. We never go up |
|
that high, to tell you the truth. Only 1.1 percent of |
|
discussions over licenses or entity lists even go up to the |
|
assistant secretary for adjudication because usually there's |
|
pretty good consensus on what goes on the list based on the |
|
evidence that we have. |
|
Mr. Mast. There's a process. But even if you all recommend |
|
that that review goes forward and put it on the Register, if |
|
Secretary Blinken or Mr. Kritenbrink or Wendy Sherman decide |
|
they do not want that on there, that's not going on there, is |
|
it? |
|
Mr. Estevez. The process actually flows a little |
|
differently than that. |
|
Mr. Mast. Mr. Kritenbrink, would you like to---- |
|
Mr. Estevez. We have a vote. We put people on the list. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, yes. Thank you. I think we |
|
collaborate exceptionally well with our colleagues at Commerce |
|
and not just Commerce but Energy and DoD, as well, who are also |
|
part of this process. And our goal is to do exactly what you've |
|
outlined. The entities list is designed to prevent China or |
|
other actors from acquiring U.S. technology inappropriately or |
|
to use for their military modernization in ways that would |
|
threaten our interests. So we're very supportive of that |
|
effort---- |
|
Mr. Mast. So let's ask a specific question on that then. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, sir. |
|
Mr. Mast. I'm glad we have both of you sitting here. So how |
|
many PRC entities have passed that end user review, the |
|
committee, that have not been published yet? |
|
Mr. Estevez. I'm not aware of any. |
|
Mr. Mast. None? |
|
Mr. Estevez. None. |
|
Mr. Mast. Very good. That would be great to hear. Do you |
|
want to consult with your staff and make sure that that's the |
|
case? Anybody behind you? |
|
Mr. Estevez. I do not have to do that. |
|
Mr. Mast. Mr. Kritenbrink, are you familiar with any that |
|
Ms. Sherman might think that she agrees with the action but |
|
does not agree with the timing because it might piss off China? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, I would say that, once a |
|
proposed entity listing is approved by these four agencies, |
|
this regulatory action in ERC, it goes on the entity list. That |
|
is the process. |
|
Mr. Mast. It does not just go there. You all have the |
|
opportunity to pull that back as higher leadership in the State |
|
Department. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I think what I would say, Congressman, is |
|
that we feel like our job, the reason why we have this |
|
consultative body is to sit down these four agencies and to |
|
think through all of the implications. Is this proposed action |
|
going to achieve our goals? Is it potentially going to |
|
inadvertently harm our own interests or the interests of allies |
|
and partners? We have to think through all of those things, |
|
but, once we reach consensus and we vote, those actions go |
|
forward and are published on the entities list. |
|
Mr. Mast. Thank you for your time, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you. |
|
Chairman McCaul. The Chair recognizes Mr. Kim. |
|
Mr. Kim of New Jersey. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Thank you |
|
to our panelists for coming today. Mr. Kritenbrink, I wanted to |
|
start with you. I guess I just want to ask you how central to |
|
the work that we're trying to do in the Indo-Pacific, |
|
especially vis-a-vis China, how important is coalition building |
|
to our strategy and our efforts there? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Well, Congressman, I would say it is |
|
absolutely vital. It is central to what we do. As the Assistant |
|
Secretary of State for East Asia and Pacific, I spend the vast |
|
majority of my time and my bureau's time on building the |
|
coalitions that you're talking about and what we refer to as |
|
building the collective capacity of our allies and partners and |
|
friends to work together with us to support the rules-based |
|
international order and to counter all challenges, including |
|
those posed by the PRC. It is absolutely central, and I would |
|
argue it is the most important thing that we do. |
|
Mr. Kim of New Jersey. I very much agree with you that it |
|
is so central and, to your point, you said perhaps the most |
|
important thing that we are trying to do. And I think this |
|
committee, we have talked a lot about, in the context of |
|
Ukraine, just how central that coalition was for our efforts |
|
over there. But what we've also recognized is that, in many |
|
ways, our coalition in the Indo-Pacific, it is much more |
|
fragmented and segmented in some ways than it is over in the |
|
Transatlantic. |
|
So I guess I want to ask you what does this kind of |
|
coalition building 2.0 look like? What is this next level that |
|
we can do to try to take that and add some greater gravity to |
|
it and pull it together? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Well, thank you, Congressman. Again, we |
|
talk about building a latticework of an interlocking web of |
|
relationships. We start with our treaty allies, our five treaty |
|
allies in Asia: Japan, Korea, Australia, the Philippines, and |
|
Thailand. I would argue that our alliance relationships are |
|
stronger than they have ever been before, and we are working |
|
together not just in bilateral ways to improve our security but |
|
increasingly in trilateral and multilateral ways to advance our |
|
shared interests, not just in the security realm but in |
|
economics in terms of promoting our values. |
|
And then, beyond that, I am sure you've seen, Congressman, |
|
the President hosted an unprecedented summit with the leaders |
|
of ASEAN last year. He hosted another unprecedented summit with |
|
the leaders of the Pacific Island countries. We formed new |
|
informal mechanisms, such as the Quad, the Partners of the Blue |
|
Pacific, again forming these interlocking webs of relationships |
|
that we think are absolutely vital. |
|
Mr. Kim of New Jersey. And trying to build that trust there |
|
and that partnership there, it is so important---- |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Absolutely. And, sir, I feel like my No. 1 |
|
duty every day and the duty of my colleagues is to demonstrate |
|
the credibility of our commitment to the region and to our |
|
partners to let them know that they can count on us and let |
|
them know that we will all be better off, more prosperous, more |
|
secure, if we work together, including in countering threats |
|
from the PRC. |
|
Mr. Kim of New Jersey. There is a little bit of a debate |
|
here about how best to build this coalition. I want your |
|
thoughts on it. I have had a number of people come to me and |
|
say we should be applying greater pressure to some of these |
|
partners that we are working with in the Indo-Pacific, pushing |
|
them to more definitively choose between the United States and |
|
China. And I guess I wanted your thoughts on whether or not |
|
that would help or hurt your ability to build the coalition you |
|
need. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Well, Congressman, I would say, generally |
|
speaking, we do not try to force countries to choose. They tell |
|
us that they do not want to choose. Most countries in the Indo- |
|
Pacific do not need an education on the threat posed by the |
|
PRC. What they want to know is how can they work together with |
|
the United States and increasingly together in these |
|
interlocking webs of relationships to advance our shared |
|
interests. |
|
The way we look at it is we are not asking countries to |
|
choose. We are working to make sure countries have choices and |
|
to make sure they can make their own sovereign decisions free |
|
from coercion. And if we do that, I am confident that we will |
|
prevail in this competition and we will continue to preserve |
|
the free and open region toward which we are working. |
|
Mr. Kim of New Jersey. One thing that I have heard when I |
|
was out there in the region talking to some of our vital |
|
partners there is they do have concern about some of how we are |
|
approaching vis-a-vis China, our rhetoric, our posture. And I |
|
guess some of their concern was saying that they really want to |
|
work with us and to be a partner, but that may be more |
|
difficult for them if they feel like or see or is perceived |
|
like the United States is the instigator for aggression or |
|
provocation in that relationship between the U.S. and China. |
|
Do you hear the same from partners that you are talking to? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I do, Congressman. Look, I think it is |
|
important that we always demonstrate that the United States is |
|
a responsible actor, that we are committed to the rule of law, |
|
to peaceful resolution of disputes, committed to the rules- |
|
based regional order. And when we do that and when we work |
|
together with our partners, I think that is when we are most |
|
effective. And I think it is quite clear across the range of |
|
issues we have discussed today, I think it is quite clear which |
|
party is taking steps to undermine the rules-based---- |
|
Mr. Kim of New Jersey. And I think that is something we can |
|
highlight while underscore that we are that responsible actor. |
|
Thank you. I yield back. |
|
Chairman McCaul. The Chair recognizes Mr. Barr. |
|
Mr. Barr. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you for you |
|
and the Ranking Member holding this very important bipartisan |
|
hearing related to the threat from the Chinese Communist Party. |
|
Secretary Estevez, in your testimony, you State that in |
|
Fiscal Year 2, BIS and its interagency partners approved |
|
approximately 69.9 percent of license applications involving |
|
the PRC and denied or returned without action approximately 30 |
|
percent of such license applications. How many of those BIS |
|
licenses were approved for companies on either DoD's 1260H list |
|
of Chinese military companies or Treasury's Chinese military |
|
industrial complex companies list? |
|
Mr. Estevez. Unfortunately, Congressman Barr, I would have |
|
to get you that information, which I will be happy to---- |
|
Mr. Barr. Does BIS have that information at your |
|
fingertips? |
|
Mr. Estevez. When we vote through the interagency, |
|
obviously, Defense can bring, first of all Defense can propose |
|
anything they want and Defense can raise the concern over any |
|
license based on their list. |
|
Mr. Barr. Well, here is the concern I have. And you and I |
|
have had a good conversation about this: the lack of |
|
coordination and the lack of visibility across agencies, big |
|
problem, big problem. How important is it that Commerce entity |
|
list designations be coordinated or be cross-referenced by OFAC |
|
or Treasury or DoD for purposes of sanctions to prevent |
|
American investors from financing entities tied to the CCP or |
|
these Chinese military industrial complex firms that are still |
|
included in emerging growth index funds either on U.S. |
|
exchanges or foreign stock exchanges or even through private |
|
equity or credit investments? |
|
Mr. Estevez. So what was locked on back there, obviously, |
|
investors should be looking at all those lists. As far as |
|
coordination between myself, the Treasury Department, and the |
|
Department of Defense, we actually have pretty excellent |
|
coordination going on right now, certainly with regard to what |
|
we're doing---- |
|
Mr. Barr. Well, I am not sure we do. Sorry. Reclaiming my |
|
time. I am not sure we do because the OFAC list that is subject |
|
to the EOs, they are not aligned, frankly, with your entity |
|
list and certainly not with some of these other lists, the |
|
military end user list, the unverified list even. |
|
And here is what I would just say editorially, and we are |
|
going to be looking at this in the Select Committee on China |
|
and in this committee and in the Financial Services Committee |
|
on which I serve. Restrictions on capital flows to China should |
|
be aligned with our export controls regime and limited to |
|
capturing outbound investments that circumvent the spirit of |
|
existing export control rules. In other words, why should |
|
restrictions or notification regime on outbound American |
|
investments in China not also be applicable to what is on an |
|
export control list? |
|
Mr. Estevez. And, of course, we are working on an outbound |
|
investment program, and I know that the Congress is looking at |
|
that, as well. |
|
Mr. Barr. Do you have visibility into PRC entity list |
|
companies that remain in index funds listed on U.S. or other |
|
exchanges? |
|
Mr. Estevez. I do not. |
|
Mr. Barr. That is what we need. That is what we need. That |
|
is what we do not have right now. So we need list coordination |
|
because if we are worried about export controls, if we are |
|
worried about companies that are on this entity list, but |
|
American investors are financing, unwittingly financing these |
|
same companies, that is a problem. That is a gap that we have |
|
that we need to fix, and I appreciate your attention to that. |
|
Mr. Nathan, and also, believe me, we are going to be |
|
talking to Treasury about that problem because you are doing a |
|
good job, you have got a good entity list, but we need |
|
coordination so that we are not unwittingly financing these |
|
technologies even if we have export controls. |
|
DFC, Mr. Nathan, we have talked about this, DFC must |
|
prioritize a lower middle income economies defined by the World |
|
Bank, but there are some higher-income economies where Belt and |
|
Road is alive and well. Would you like to have the capability |
|
of going into some of those higher-income countries that are |
|
strategic, like Panama, where China is all over the Canal? |
|
Mr. Nathan. Thank you for the question, and I appreciate |
|
our previous discussions, Congressman. Congress has provided us |
|
the opportunity specifically for Energy to operate in high- |
|
income countries in Europe through the European Energies |
|
Security and Diversification Act. If Congress moved forward |
|
other legislation, we would obviously work together to make |
|
sure that that was aligned with our objectives and our mission |
|
under the BUILD Act. As you and I have discussed previously, |
|
some of the World Bank income classifications are a little bit |
|
clumsy in terms of the countries where we can operate. |
|
Mr. Barr. And last question to you. Due to budgetary |
|
treatment of DFC equity investment, DFC has not been able to |
|
fully unlock this tool. How can we help you with that? |
|
Mr. Nathan. Excellent question, and thank you for asking |
|
it. Equity is a very important tool for us to be forward |
|
leaning on risk to be able to fund infrastructure projects, |
|
companies, and other projects that meet the needs of the |
|
countries where we are operating and give them the choice that |
|
they are looking for as an alternative to the State-directed |
|
investment from the PRC. The current budgetary treatment does |
|
not allow us to fully realize the promise of the tool and I |
|
believe what the intention of the BUILD Act was. We are looking |
|
for a way to fix that so that we can have more certainty and a |
|
larger amount of equity to deploy to fulfill our mission. An |
|
equity fix would be very useful. |
|
Mr. Barr. Thank you. My time is expired, Mr. Chairman, but |
|
I look forward to working with you, Mr. Chairman, on this issue |
|
that companies on the BIS entity list need to be included on |
|
Treasury's CMIC sanctions list. And I yield. |
|
Chairman McCaul. And I agree with the gentleman, and I will |
|
be working very diligently on that. And I also agree with the |
|
equity issue. We need to fully fund the equity. Otherwise, you |
|
cannot fulfill what Congress intended. |
|
So with that, the Chair now recognizes Ms. Jacobs. |
|
Ms. Jacobs. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and thank you to our |
|
witnesses. Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink, I want to start |
|
with you and zoom out a little bit. I think we spent a lot of |
|
time talking about strategic competition, and I think the |
|
Administration has rightly identified the PRC as a challenge |
|
and taken several actions engaged in strategic competition. But |
|
I would like to hear from you what are we competing for, and |
|
what is the Administration's end goal with China so that we're |
|
not just talking about competition as an end in and of itself? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, ma'am. Thank you very much for the |
|
broad strategic question. We are competing for and fighting for |
|
the kind of region that we want to live in. We talk about a |
|
free and open region where countries can freely pursue their |
|
interests and where people in those countries can enjoy |
|
freedom. We are talking about an interconnected region where we |
|
work closely with our allies, partners, and friends. We are |
|
talking about a prosperous region, right, where everyone |
|
benefits from free and unfettered trade. We are talking about a |
|
secure region where disputes are resolved peacefully and we |
|
counter threats to security. And we are talking about a |
|
resilient region that has the capacity to respond to |
|
transnational threats, like climate change and pandemic |
|
disease. We are fighting for freedom and democracy, as well. |
|
That is what we stand for. It is an affirmative vision. That is |
|
where I start and end my day everyday. What are we doing |
|
everyday to advance those affirmative goals. |
|
As far as our end goal with China, we talked about the |
|
means that we use in our competition, but we also are |
|
interested in exploring cooperation where it is in our |
|
interests to do so. And at a minimum, whatever we do, we want |
|
to keep channels of communication open so that we do not have |
|
some kind of a miscalculation that could veer into unintended |
|
conflict. |
|
Ms. Jacobs. Thank you. |
|
And I just think it is really important that we stay |
|
focused on those end goals because China is not going anywhere, |
|
and we do not want to feed into the CCP's talking points around |
|
us just being out to weaken China for the sake of weakening |
|
them indefinitely, and figuring out what kind of world we |
|
actually want to try to get to. |
|
On the question of keeping lines of communication open, |
|
quickly, I know that Secretary Blinken told Wang Yi that we do |
|
want diplomatic engagement and open lines of communication and |
|
he would be prepared to visit Beijing as soon as the conditions |
|
allow. When exactly will conditions allow for the visit to be |
|
rescheduled? And what conditions are you looking to? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congresswoman, thank you for your |
|
question. |
|
Yes, the Secretary did make the decision, following the |
|
irresponsible, non-acceptable intrusion into our airspace of |
|
the Chinese high-altitude balloon, that he simply could not |
|
travel to China at that time and be able to conduct any of the |
|
business across the broad-ranging agenda that he had intended |
|
to. We did say that he would look to travel when conditions |
|
allow. We will determine what those conditions are and when. |
|
Ms. Jacobs. Thank you. |
|
Well, I think many of us on the committee would encourage |
|
keeping lines of communication as open as possible, recognizing |
|
that it takes two to be able to do that. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, ma'am. I would say, unfortunately, |
|
sometimes our Chinese friends have used those channels of |
|
communication as a source of leverage, and that is unfortunate. |
|
Ms. Jacobs. Yes. |
|
Assistant Administrator Schiffer, I want to go to you. You |
|
know, we have had a lot of talk about the Belt and Road |
|
Initiative and what China has been doing in that regard. I |
|
think we sometimes have a temptation to play Whac-A-Mole with |
|
our investments and just feel like we need to show up wherever |
|
China is showing up, even if it is not necessarily in our |
|
strategic interest. |
|
So, I just wanted to hear how USAID is viewing this part of |
|
their work and how you are thinking about prioritizing |
|
strategic investments where we have a comparative advantage, |
|
instead of just this sort of trying to match one-to-one. |
|
Mr. Schiffer. Thank you for that question. |
|
You know, it is absolutely critical, if we are going to be |
|
successful in creating a sort of world that we seek to create, |
|
as Secretary Kritenbrink laid out, that we are disciplined and |
|
strategic in our approach. And I would offer that I think we |
|
have been, as we look to work with countries that are on the |
|
front line of visioning this course of economic practices and |
|
countries and partners that are critical for our own security, |
|
and for being able to build the free and open architecture that |
|
we seek, whether it is in the Indo-Pacific or around the world. |
|
The challenge that we have is that, while Beijing's model |
|
for development assistance isn't actually about development |
|
assistance--it is about geostrategic advantage--our model is |
|
premised on being able to create bankable propositions that can |
|
attract capital and that can have market access for success. |
|
And that is a much trickier proposition. |
|
But we are seeking to fully align our work with the |
|
strategic priorities of the Administration, including in the |
|
Indo-Pacific. We are looking to expand our presence there |
|
significantly over the course of this year. |
|
Ms. Jacobs. Thank you, and I would just note we are already |
|
seeing many countries where the Belt and Road Initiative has |
|
backfired and where countries are starting to sour on Beijing |
|
as a result. So, I appreciate your strategic approach. |
|
And, Mr. Chairman, I yield back. |
|
Chairman McCaul. The chair recognizes now the chair of the |
|
Indo-Pacific Subcommittee, Mrs. Kim. |
|
Mrs. Kim of California. Thank you, Chairman McCaul and |
|
Ranking Member Meeks, for holding today's hearing on the |
|
generational challenge posed by the PRC. |
|
I want to ask the first question to Mr. Estevez. When you |
|
came before the committee more than 6 months ago, you stressed |
|
your desire to harmonize the various U.S. Government lists |
|
related to PRC companies. And I think most of us agree that is |
|
a common-sense policy that needs to be implemented. |
|
So, for example, CRRC, a giant, well-known PLA supplier, is |
|
not on the Commerce Entity List, but it is on the DOD military |
|
list, right? That seems like a glaring omission. So, what |
|
specific steps have you taken to work with DOD to harmonize |
|
these lists, and when can we expect this process to be |
|
implemented? |
|
Mr. Estevez. So, a couple of things about the lists, and I |
|
understand the confusion over different lists. Different lists |
|
have different authorities around them. So, the DOD list, which |
|
is required by the 1999 NDAA, I believe, has no consequence for |
|
the companies that are listed. Whereas, the Entities List, |
|
which requires factual and articulable information in order to |
|
put somebody on the Entity List, has consequences for the |
|
company. So, I need data in order to put someone on the Entity |
|
List, as opposed to research. Also, I really want to see if |
|
there are exports to that company, because, otherwise, it is a |
|
useless enterprise. But we do put people on the Entity List |
|
with very few exports. |
|
DOD, which sits on the committees that authorize licenses |
|
and put people on the Entity List, can always propose someone |
|
to go onto the Entity List, and then, we will take that up and |
|
we will look at the facts and the data around that. So, from |
|
the standpoint of whether DOD can put someone on the list, the |
|
absolute answer is yes, through the process. |
|
Mrs. Kim of California. So, you are referring to legal risk |
|
associated with harmonizing DOD lists with the Entity List. Let |
|
me tell you, our committee has consulted many lawyers and legal |
|
experts about this issue, but they have been told that BIS |
|
faces minimal legal risks. |
|
So, for instance, Congress expressly precludes BIS from the |
|
Administrative Procedures Act and sets a very low bar to clear |
|
for entity listings; that an entity be, or have the potential |
|
to be, a threat to U.S. national security and foreign policy |
|
interests. So, we have found only two recent cases in which PRC |
|
companies took BIS to court over an entity listing, and BIS |
|
prevailed both times. |
|
So, can you please explain the legal foundation for your |
|
assessment? |
|
Mr. Estevez. Representative Kim, I am not a lawyer. So, I |
|
am not going to give you the legal foundation that my lawyers |
|
happily articulate to me all the time, when I am saying, Why |
|
cannot we put this person on the list? Because we do need to |
|
have fact-based. We are not the PRC. We do not make it up. We |
|
actually follow a process and we live by the rule of law. |
|
Mrs. Kim of California. It sounds like, to me, it is more |
|
like a political concern than a legal one. |
|
Mr. Estevez. Zero political concern, ma'am. |
|
Mrs. Kim of California. Well, let me go on. How do you |
|
explain the declining rate of BIS entity listings? Because, by |
|
our count, there were 114 in 2019, 147 in 2020, 85 in 2021, and |
|
68 in 2022. So, can you explain that? |
|
Mr. Estevez. I would have to go back to look at that, but I |
|
do not see us having a declining rate. I actually---- |
|
Mrs. Kim of California. All right. |
|
Mr. Estevez [continuing]. See us as having an expedited |
|
rate on---- |
|
Mrs. Kim of California. All right. I will move on then. |
|
You know, I would like to ask a question to Mr. |
|
Kritenbrink. I am going to ask you about the backlog of $21 |
|
billion in sales to Taiwan. Last Congress, as you know, I |
|
introduced the Arms Exports Delivery Solutions Act, and that |
|
requires DOS and DOD to report to Congress on reasons for |
|
backlogged sales to Taiwan and the Indo-Pacific allies. And it |
|
provides the authority that Congress could use to expedite |
|
these deliveries. |
|
So, the legislation was already signed into law through |
|
NDAA. So, can you provide me with an update on the |
|
implementation of that law and what steps that the State |
|
Department is taking to expedite the delivery of arms to Indo- |
|
Pacific partners and allies, especially our allies who are |
|
facing threats from the PRC and North Korea? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Madam Chairwoman, thank you for your |
|
question on this, the specific question about a backlog in arms |
|
sales to Taiwan. |
|
I can assure you that the U.S. Government, and certainly |
|
the State Department, we are committed to meeting our |
|
obligations under the Taiwan Relations Act to assist Taiwan in |
|
maintaining a sufficient self-defense capability. |
|
Just last year, we notified 13 different sales to Taiwan, |
|
which is the largest single number of notifications for Taiwan |
|
in the last 20 years. I would say, ma'am, there are production |
|
and delivery delays worldwide, not just for Taiwan, but for |
|
other partners. We are working expeditiously to get through |
|
those. |
|
But I would also say, sometimes I think that the notion |
|
that there is a long backlog, some of that can also be |
|
misleading. Because when we notify the Congress of the intent |
|
to have a sale, it does take some time for the companies to, |
|
then, negotiate those contracts and implement them. |
|
But I can assure you we are doing everything that we can. |
|
The Biden-Harris Administration has notified more than $5 |
|
billion in foreign military sales to Taiwan, $37 billion since |
|
2010 and $21 billion since 2019. We are committed, not just to |
|
arms sales to help Taiwan grow its deterrent capability, but |
|
also diplomatically with allies, partners, and friends to |
|
support the peace and stability within international---- |
|
Mrs. Kim of California. Would you be able to tell us |
|
quickly the percentage of those sales that were signed off |
|
since President Biden has been in office? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I would have to do the math, but the |
|
figure, as we stand today, is $5 billion thus far. But I would |
|
also say, beyond just comparing the numbers, it is important to |
|
look at the kinds of systems. And again, in consultation with |
|
our partners in Taiwan, we are focusing on building Taiwan's |
|
asymmetrical defense capabilities, which we think--we both |
|
think is most effective in maintaining a deterrent capability, |
|
so as to maintain peace and stability. |
|
Mrs. Kim of California. Thank you. My time is up. So, I |
|
yield back. Thank you. |
|
Chairman McCaul. The chair recognizes Ms. Manning. |
|
Ms. Manning. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
And thank you to all of our witnesses for your service to |
|
our country. |
|
Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink, I have just returned from |
|
a congressional trip to Japan, where we met with the Prime |
|
Minister and a host of lawmakers who talked extensively about |
|
their concerns about Chinese aggression and their decision to |
|
double their military spending--really an unprecedented |
|
decision--but also about their deep economic relationship with |
|
China. |
|
How can our relationship with Japan enhance our position |
|
with regard to China, and what additional steps can we be |
|
taking? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Ma'am, thank you very much for your |
|
question. |
|
There is certainly no more important ally than Japan. And I |
|
think that our alliance has never been stronger, and our |
|
cooperation, both in a bilateral alliance sense, but, |
|
increasingly, globally, has really never been stronger. Japan |
|
is chair of the G7 this year, and we are working really |
|
diligently together with them, under their leadership, to make |
|
sure we take steps around the globe to promote peace and |
|
prosperity vis-a-vis the war in Ukraine, but also encountering |
|
Chinese economic coercion as well. Certainly, from an alliance |
|
perspective, we very much welcome the historic steps that Japan |
|
has taken under Prime Minister Kishida. |
|
The decision, as you noted, to increase their defense |
|
spending to 2 percent of GDP, their unprecedented national |
|
security strategy, which is almost completely aligned with the |
|
same vision that we have outlined, and that other partners |
|
across Asia and Europe have outlined, for their vision of the |
|
kind of world that we want to live in--I think our alliance |
|
collaboration and coordination is closer than ever before. We |
|
have collaborated as well in ways that the U.S. military will |
|
be adjusting its force posture in Japan, which also we believe |
|
will further contribute to regional stability. |
|
And increasingly, ma'am, maybe the thing I am most excited |
|
about is that Japan has become our partner across the region |
|
and across the world, in Southeast Asia, certainly in the |
|
Pacific Islands, and on the Ukraine war as well. Japan has |
|
played an absolutely leading role, and we are very grateful for |
|
that. And again, I think our alliance is stronger than ever, |
|
and we both benefited from the agreement. |
|
Ms. Manning. Thank you. |
|
Under Secretary Estevez, can you share with us details |
|
about the recent deals the U.S. has reached with Japan and with |
|
the Netherlands on export controls that are important to our |
|
efforts to deal with China's aggressive behavior? |
|
Mr. Estevez. What I can say, Congresswoman, is that, first, |
|
multilateral controls are critically important when we do these |
|
types of things. We are always in deep discussion with our |
|
allies around that. And further than that, I would have to say |
|
we need to talk in a closed hearing. |
|
Ms. Manning. OK. Thank you. |
|
So, Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink, I am going to go back |
|
to you. One of the other things that we learned from our |
|
friends in Japan is that fewer Japanese students are coming to |
|
the U.S. to study, as opposed to a large number of Chinese |
|
students who are now studying in the U.S. Is this an issue of |
|
concern, and if so, how can we increase the number of Japanese |
|
students to strengthen that relationship among different |
|
generations? And also, how can we harness the talent of the |
|
Chinese students who are studying here to help our country? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, Congresswoman. Thank you. Vitally |
|
important questions. |
|
I continue to believe that people-to-people ties are an |
|
absolute essential element of many of our partnerships around |
|
the world. Certainly, that is the case with Japan. And I can |
|
speak from personal experience, having been an exchange student |
|
as an undergrad in Japan for a year, which was a really |
|
wonderful and life-altering experience. |
|
We have been concerned to see the decrease in the number of |
|
Japanese students studying in the United States. And my team, |
|
together with colleagues across the State Department, across |
|
the interagency, and our fantastic embassy in Tokyo, are taking |
|
steps to further highlight the benefits of studying in the |
|
United States and the benefits of growing those people-to- |
|
people ties, which remain, obviously, very deep between the |
|
United States and Japan. |
|
But, ma'am, I would say as well, you could say the same for |
|
the importance, continued importance, of people-to-people ties |
|
between the United States and China. There are some 290,000 |
|
Chinese students in the United States right now. I think, as |
|
one of the Members of Congress made clear earlier, we should |
|
always distinguish between the Chinese Communist Party and the |
|
Chinese people. |
|
I am confident that the study that is carried out, the |
|
legitimate study carried out by Chinese students in the United |
|
States benefits them, benefits the United States as well. And I |
|
know a large number of those very talented students end up |
|
staying in the United States and contribute to our society and |
|
our economy here as well. |
|
And the final point, ma'am, that I'll make, that a Member |
|
made earlier as well, I hope that we are also very careful, as |
|
we focus on legitimate concerns about the Chinese Communist |
|
Party, as we focus on some of the concerns about how some of |
|
these exchange programs were in some instances not used for |
|
legitimate purposes, we do have to make sure, again, we are |
|
distinguishing between the Chinese people and the Chinese |
|
Communist Party. And we also have to make sure that none of our |
|
actions contribute to a disturbing rise in discrimination and |
|
hate directed at Asian Americans. |
|
Thank you. |
|
Ms. Manning. Thank you. My time has expired. I yield back. |
|
Chairman McCaul. The chair now recognizes the chair of the |
|
Western Hemisphere Subcommittee, Ms. Salazar. |
|
Microphone? |
|
Ms. Salazar. Yes, thank you, Chairman, for holding this |
|
very critical hearing. |
|
And as we have spoken, the penetration of China in Latin |
|
America is real and terrifying. It has reached a level where |
|
our national security is in danger. Almost 30 percent of |
|
China's global lending goes to Latin America. That is almost |
|
$140 billion. China has a physical presence in 25 out of the 31 |
|
Latin American countries and is the second largest user of the |
|
Panama Canal. |
|
But we know that the Chinese are not here for trade; they |
|
are here for war. And why do I say that? Because 10 years ago, |
|
China sold Hugo Chavez/Venezuela VN1 tanks and advanced radar |
|
systems. Bolivia, via Evo Morales, is using right now Karakorum |
|
fighter jet planes, one of China's most advanced fighter jets. |
|
And now, Argentina--that is very concerning--is considering |
|
opening Chinese fighter jet factories. Chairman Xi Jinping has |
|
been to Latin America more times than Presidents Obama, Trump, |
|
and Biden combined in the last 10 years. And I will explain to |
|
you what bothers me the most at this moment, and it should |
|
scare all of us. |
|
Assistant Secretary, Mr. Kritenbrink, thank you for being |
|
here and for wanting to answer our questions. |
|
Ten years ago, |
|
[inaudible], who is today Argentina's Vice President, |
|
Cristina Fernandez, who has been accused of corruption and who |
|
stole millions of dollars from the Argentinians, now she has |
|
sold her soul to the Chinese by allowing them to have this, a |
|
deep space station the size of 400 football fields in the |
|
middle of the Patagonia desert--400 football fields. I am sure |
|
the Chinese are very interested in studying the stars and every |
|
constellation, but from the Argentina skies. But the problem is |
|
that Argentina has no idea what is going on there because the |
|
Chinese do not let them in. They do not let them in on |
|
Argentinian soil. |
|
So, my question to you is, how dangerous is this station |
|
for our national security, sir? I am asking you, Assistant |
|
Secretary, are you as concerned as we are, yes or no? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I will say two things, ma'am. One, we are |
|
concerned with China's efforts around the world to increase its |
|
military presence, No. 1. And we---- |
|
Ms. Salazar. But I am talking about this space station, in |
|
particular. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. No. 2, I would have to consult with my |
|
colleagues across the interagency and get back to you. And |
|
perhaps it would be more appropriate---- |
|
Ms. Salazar. You do not know anything about this? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Perhaps it would be more appropriate in a |
|
classified session. |
|
Ms. Salazar. But I am asking you, do you know about this |
|
deep space station in Patagonia? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I am not an expert on this situation. |
|
Ms. Salazar. You are not? So, you did not know this |
|
happened? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I am not an expert on the issue that you |
|
raise---- |
|
Ms. Salazar. Four hundred football fields in the middle of |
|
Patagonia. I mean, isn't that concerning? Does this have |
|
anything to do with the Chinese balloon that was flying over |
|
our territory? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Again, I'll say, ma'am, that we are aware |
|
of a number of steps that China has taken around the world to |
|
increase its military presence---- |
|
Ms. Salazar. I'm talking about Latin America and I'm |
|
talking about this---- |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Understood. |
|
Ms. Salazar. You do not? You do not know about this? |
|
Interesting. OK. So, who does? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Ma'am, as I said, I would be delighted to |
|
consult with my colleagues in the interagency and get back to |
|
you. And perhaps it would be most appropriate to do so in a |
|
classified session. But I would be happy to do that. |
|
Ms. Salazar. OK. So, interesting. Right. |
|
So now, let me ask you something else. Do you also know |
|
that Cristina Fernandez, the actual Vice President, wants to |
|
buy 18 Chinese JF-17 fighter jets? They want to buy them from |
|
the Chinese. Are you aware of that? And then, not only that, to |
|
build a fighter jet factory in Buenos Aires and sell those |
|
fighter jets to other neighbors, meaning Paraguay, Uruguay, |
|
Chile, Bolivia. Are you aware of that? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Ma'am, again, I'm not an expert on either |
|
of those questions, and I would be happy to take that back and |
|
come back to you. |
|
Ms. Salazar. OK. So, we certainly hope that either you or |
|
one of your colleagues can come back to this forum and explain |
|
to us---- |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. We look forward to that. Thank you. |
|
Ms. Salazar. I would imagine that it is pretty concerning. |
|
So, since we cannot get any answers from you, then, I was |
|
going to use this forum to send a message to the Argentinians, |
|
specifically to the Vice President. And I'm going to do it in |
|
Spanish, because maybe they are not hearing from you, but maybe |
|
they will hear it from me. And I'm going to forewarn them that, |
|
if they decide to build a fighter jet factory of Chinese |
|
fighter jets, it is a very bad idea for them, and moving |
|
forward, and everything that has to do with the relationship |
|
with the United States. So, that is why I am going to say it in |
|
Spanish, and I beg your pardon, if you do not understand. |
|
[Ms. Salazar speaks in Spanish.] |
|
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Thank you, Ms. Salazar. |
|
And I will be requesting a classified briefing on this very |
|
issue. |
|
Ms. Salazar. Thank you. |
|
Chairman McCaul. The chair now recognizes Mr. Dean. |
|
Ms. Dean. Well, it is Madeleine. |
|
Chairman McCaul. I'm sorry, Madeleine Dean. What am I |
|
saying? Excuse me. Apologies. |
|
Ms. Dean. Thank you. Thank you, Mr. Chairman McCaul, |
|
Ranking Member Meeks, and to all of our witnesses for |
|
testifying. |
|
I hope you know that some of our absences in this room |
|
reflects not at all on the subject matter and your work, but on |
|
a markup in another committee at the same time. |
|
So, with the limited time that I have, I would like to |
|
examine and understand China's role in illicit fentanyl and |
|
what the United States is doing about it. We all know that |
|
fentanyl is wreaking havoc on our Nation, on our communities. |
|
In the year ending September 2022, CDC estimates that |
|
synthetic opioids, mainly fentanyl, were responsible for about |
|
73,000 overdose deaths, 70 percent of all drug overdose deaths, |
|
which topped 108,000 in a single year. Those numbers are |
|
staggering. That is 300 people a day dying of overdose. |
|
Some of you may know this is an issue personal for me. I |
|
have a son in recovery, long-term recovery, from opioid |
|
addiction, now for over a decade. By the grace of God, he is in |
|
that space. But we know too many of our children and adults are |
|
not, and we are losing them. |
|
China was the primary source of illegal fentanyl entering |
|
the United States until the PRC imposed controls in 2019. |
|
Today, Mexican drug cartels rely on PRC-sourced precursor |
|
chemicals to produce fentanyl. While cooperation between the |
|
United States and PRC has yielded some success in curbing |
|
illegal fentanyl, recent tensions have hindered that progress. |
|
Under Secretary Estevez, Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink, |
|
how is the Biden Administration working to pressure the PRC to |
|
improve further controls on fentanyl precursors? And what is |
|
the Administration doing, what progress is being made, to |
|
pressure the PRC to come back, financial flows, from illicit |
|
fentanyl? Under Secretary Estevez or--either one, yes. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Ma'am, thank you very much for your |
|
question. |
|
Certainly, we recognize the tragedy and the travesty caused |
|
by these opioids, synthetic opioids, and certainly fentanyl. I |
|
think you have described it very well, ma'am. China did take |
|
steps in 2019 to control fentanyl, which brought direct |
|
shipments of fentanyl down to almost zero. Now, the problem, |
|
ma'am, has transformed into precursor chemicals that are coming |
|
out of China are being diverted elsewhere, and then, |
|
manufactured into fentanyl, synthetic opioids, and brought into |
|
the United States. |
|
I would say we have done two things. One, in our |
|
engagement, direct engagement, with the PRC, we have made |
|
cracking down on this precursor fentanyl problem one of our |
|
absolute highest priorities. We have told the Chinese they need |
|
to take a number of steps to make sure that they and their |
|
entities know to whom they are selling these precursors, to try |
|
to prevent their diversion, to make sure that they are properly |
|
labeled, and the like. And I will say, candidly speaking, |
|
ma'am, our conversations have not been very satisfactory on |
|
that for a variety of issues, partly related to the broader |
|
bilateral relationship, partly related to some of the concerns |
|
that the Chinese have, which we think are unfounded. But I can |
|
assure you this is an absolute top priority in our engagement |
|
with China. |
|
The second major thing that we are trying to do is work |
|
with other countries in the world to together put pressure on |
|
China to take the right steps. We are not the only country that |
|
suffers from this scourge. Certainly, in North America, others |
|
do, but this has increasingly been becoming a global problem. |
|
Thank you. |
|
Mr. Estevez. And if I could? |
|
Ms. Dean. Yes, please. |
|
Mr. Estevez. Unfortunately, there is no exports going to |
|
the fentanyl or precursor manufacturer in China. However, we |
|
are working with DEA right now to assess whether we can put |
|
restrictions on machinery or lab equipment that they use for |
|
that. So, we are doing that kind of assessment, working both |
|
with law enforcement and my Export Administration side to see |
|
what we can do to crack down on that. |
|
Ms. Dean. And if I could followup, Mr. Kritenbrink, you |
|
said that direct engagement is not going very well. So, what do |
|
we do in the face of that? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I would say two things. One, we haven't |
|
given up in our direct engagement with the Chinese and using |
|
all tools and all leverage at our disposal to try to make |
|
progress directly with the Chinese. |
|
But I think, as I hope I have made clear here today, I |
|
think equally important in our diplomacy writ large with China, |
|
and on the fentanyl issue as well, is to work together with our |
|
partners and friends who are also suffering from the diversion |
|
of these precursor chemicals, and together, to engage the |
|
Chinese and put pressure on the Chinese to do the right thing, |
|
to control these chemicals in a way that prevents their |
|
diversion in illegal manufacturing of fentanyl. |
|
Ms. Dean. Well, I hope you will call upon me and call upon |
|
all of us to be partners with you in making sure that we do |
|
everything possible--and we have to think outside the box-- |
|
everything possible to reduce the trafficking, the manufacture |
|
of fentanyl, the trafficking of fentanyl. |
|
We now know that it is being laced into almost anything and |
|
you do not have to be an addict to die of this. We heard |
|
testimony from a father whose 15-year-old son Noah recently |
|
died of fentanyl poisoning, thought he had purchased a Percocet |
|
pill. So, you do not have to be an addict. It is not one thing |
|
or another. |
|
This is extraordinarily deadly in our communities. So, |
|
anything we can do to partner with you, Congress can partner |
|
with you, please call upon us. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, ma'am, and thank you for your |
|
leadership on this issue. Thank you. |
|
Chairman McCaul. And thank you, Ms. Dean, and I look |
|
forward to working with you and the ranking member on this very |
|
important issue. This is, obviously, a very bipartisan issue, |
|
and we would like to get something done. And it touches |
|
thousands of lives, and I think 100,000 young people died just |
|
this last year. So, thank you for bringing that up. |
|
The chair now recognizes Mrs. Radewagen. |
|
Mrs. Radewagen. Talofa |
|
[speaking Samoan]. Good morning. |
|
Thank you, Chairman McCaul, Ranking Member Meeks. |
|
And thank you all for testifying today. |
|
Secretary Estevez, my questions are for you. Why is it |
|
appropriate for BIS to let U.S. technologies be exported to |
|
SMIC to advance the CCP's military modernization efforts? |
|
Mr. Estevez. Thank you for that question. |
|
SMIC is on the Entity List. It is on the Entity List with |
|
not a complete stop. It is we prevent the most advanced |
|
capabilities for making semiconductors from going to SMIC. So, |
|
they cannot make semiconductors below 14 nanometers. |
|
Mrs. Radewagen. Thank you. |
|
Following up on that, does BIS think it has visibility into |
|
where the chips produced by a CCP military company are going? |
|
Mr. Estevez. Most chips actually made in China are consumed |
|
in China. However, we are watching to see if they are moving |
|
chips to Russia in violation of our sanctions. |
|
Mrs. Radewagen. Is increased dependency on the PRC for |
|
these types of chips a national security issue? And how many |
|
PRC chips are you comfortable in having in DOD systems and U.S. |
|
critical infrastructure? |
|
Mr. Estevez. So, my export controls do part of the job |
|
here. The other part of the job is what we call in Commerce |
|
``playing defense''; the other part plays offense. |
|
I want to thank Congressman McCaul for his support of the |
|
CHIPS Act, being rolled out as we speak. |
|
Developing capability in the United States for the most |
|
advanced chips is critical. And for me personally, no chip in a |
|
DOD system should come from anywhere else but the United |
|
States. |
|
Mrs. Radewagen. If these are risks, why is BIS failing to |
|
act and mitigate this threat, when it can easily use existing |
|
authorities? |
|
Mr. Estevez. I'm sorry, ma'am, I believe that we are |
|
stopping the most advanced chips from being made in China. |
|
Chips are a ubiquitous commodity at the legacy level. |
|
Mrs. Radewagen. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I yield back. |
|
Chairman McCaul. The chair now recognizes Mr. Crow. |
|
Mr. Crow. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
And thank you, all of you, for your testimony today. |
|
My first question is about Afghanistan and China's efforts |
|
to capitalize on some of the mining opportunities there. In |
|
2008, under the Karzai Administration, the Afghans signed a 30- |
|
year contract with a Chinese joint venture company to extract |
|
high-grade copper from Mes Aynak. Can one of you give me an |
|
update on Chinese involvement with regard to that contract and |
|
their operations to try to get copper out of Afghanistan? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Representative Crow, thank you for your |
|
question. I would have to take that back and get back to you. |
|
I'm not familiar with the details of that deal. I know of it in |
|
general terms, but not in any detailed way. But I would be |
|
happy to bring that back. |
|
Mr. Crow. Yes, that would be great for the record. Thank |
|
you. |
|
Then, the second is a broader question about Chinese |
|
infrastructure generally. I mean, we I think sometimes view the |
|
Chinese as 10-feet tall, but they, obviously, have problems |
|
upon problems of their own, one of which is pretty substantial |
|
blowback in certain areas on One Belt, One Road Initiative |
|
efforts. |
|
I have spoken with a number of Ambassadors and heads of |
|
State in Africa, and they have relayed to me not only the |
|
predatory economics and high debt financing terms of a lot of |
|
these investments, but the infrastructure itself is not great |
|
and it is failing; plus, a lot of it is built with Chinese |
|
labor, which is causing domestic turmoil within a lot of |
|
African countries, as they see Chinese workers come in to build |
|
projects, while their unemployment rate remains very, very |
|
high. |
|
Can you talk to me about some of the blowback that you are |
|
seeing with regard to their practices, particularly in Africa? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Why do not I take an initial stab, |
|
Congressman? I think you have outlined the problem well. We |
|
hear the same complaints from partners around the world. |
|
And what we have done is, one, to caution countries to be |
|
well aware of what they are getting into when they sign into |
|
one of these deals, whether it is the predatory finance that |
|
you mentioned; the fact that the quality of the infrastructure |
|
can be in question, and then, through the use of PRC labor, |
|
oftentimes, the economic benefits do not redound to that |
|
country--not to mention whether the product will be--or the |
|
project will be sustainable, including in environmental terms. |
|
But the other thing we try to do is offer alternatives. And |
|
I wonder if my colleagues would like to speak to that. |
|
Mr. Nathan. Thank you, Secretary. |
|
I completely agree with what you said, Congressman. I mean, |
|
our experience is that, not only do projects by the PRC not |
|
often accrue to the economic benefit of the countries, then |
|
they do burden countries with debt. But they also frequently |
|
involve environmental hazards, labor violations, poor quality, |
|
inappropriateness for local laws and conditions. |
|
But this is why we have experienced strong demand for our |
|
product. Countries are looking for choice, and particularly, |
|
the choice that we and our allies offer, which is high |
|
standard, which respects local laws and conditions, just |
|
transparent, which is funding at the private level. This is the |
|
value proposition that the Development Finance Corporation is |
|
presenting around the world. |
|
Mr. Crow. And with regard to the Development Finance |
|
Corporation, which I think is a phenomenal program, what |
|
barriers are you seeing in really scaling that and expediting |
|
it? And what would you need from Congress to, frankly, double |
|
down on that effort? |
|
Mr. Nathan. Thanks for that question. |
|
You know, the DFC is just over 3 years old, and I think we |
|
have made extraordinary progress in that time. But the BUILD |
|
Act contemplated a new tool set for DFC, importantly, one that |
|
includes the ability to make equity investments. Equity |
|
investments would allow us to take more risk, to be forward- |
|
leaning on the type of opportunities that we pursue in |
|
infrastructure and other companies around the world. |
|
We have made progress, but we have limitation from a |
|
budgetary treatment of equity, limitation in our ability to |
|
realize the full promise of the equity tool. We look forward to |
|
working with this committee and others to remove those barriers |
|
and realize the full potential BUILD Act contemplated for DFC. |
|
Mr. Crow. Thank you. |
|
And I just wanted to finish on this topic of China having |
|
their own problems and just being very clear to China and to |
|
everyone listening that there has been a lot of talk about |
|
Ukraine emboldening China and strengthening China and weakening |
|
the West, given the attrition and the amount of weapons and |
|
equipment we are pouring into Ukraine. |
|
I actually think it is the opposite. I think the United |
|
States, NATO, and the West are greatly formalizing and |
|
increasing the intelligence-sharing and our analysis. We are |
|
strengthening our Defense Industrial Base by, essentially, |
|
doing a real-time audit of some of our weaknesses and |
|
shortfalls, but we are fixing it and moving fast to fix it. We |
|
are increasing our partner training. We are learning about |
|
weapon systems and how ours perform vis-a-vis old Soviet |
|
systems, or strengthening NATO and increasing investments and |
|
modernizing the NATO alliance. So, this is, I think, an |
|
opportunity for us to show the strength of the West and how |
|
China is on the wrong side of history. |
|
Thank you. I yield back, Chairman. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Thank you. |
|
The chair now recognizes Mr. Huizenga. |
|
Mr. Huizenga. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I appreciate the |
|
opportunity to be here. |
|
For those of you that we are questioning today, this is my |
|
first term and first time being here at the Foreign Affairs |
|
Committee. I sit on the Financial Services Committee. And the |
|
reason why I mention that is because, in one of my past jobs, |
|
it was chairing what at the time was called the Monetary Policy |
|
and Trade Subcommittee, where I had the opportunity to look at |
|
our review process here in the United States when it came to |
|
sensitive technology. |
|
And I am going to briefly touch on something here regarding |
|
a battery company, A123, that we reviewed at the time. But, |
|
obviously, COVID exposed a real issue with our supply chains |
|
and our dependence, whether it is chips, but certainly |
|
batteries. And coming from Michigan, I do not have any of the |
|
direct manufacturers, but I have all the suppliers, all the |
|
Tier 1, Tier 2, Tier 3 automotive suppliers that are in my |
|
district, both past district and current district, including |
|
battery companies. |
|
But the A123 battery deal at the time was somewhat |
|
controversial. And I know I was in on some classified briefings |
|
on that. And yet, that seemingly went through the process |
|
pretty quickly, and I felt like I was arguing against our own |
|
government, frankly, at times about why this would be, could be |
|
problematic. |
|
And I'm curious, Under Secretary Estevez, do you mind, just |
|
very quickly, is dependence on China for batteries a national |
|
security issue? |
|
Mr. Estevez. First of all, I want to note that the 123 deal |
|
went through CFIUS and---- |
|
Mr. Huizenga. Yes. Yes. Yes, I'm aware. I am aware. |
|
Mr. Estevez. It is probably not the best decision that |
|
CFIUS made, but that is---- |
|
Mr. Huizenga. Well, we are finding consensus there then. |
|
Mr. Estevez. Yes, look, there is a whole bunch of |
|
technologies that we need to start doing investment on in the |
|
United States. We should not be reliant on China for batteries, |
|
for chips, for pharmaceutical precursors, for rare earths. And |
|
we need to--and my colleagues to my left are more in the |
|
engagement with allies---- |
|
Mr. Huizenga. Yes. |
|
Mr. Estevez [continuing]. To buildup those capabilities. I |
|
mean, the stopping from the Chinese to get stuff. |
|
Mr. Huizenga. Yes. |
|
Mr. Estevez. But we certainly need to look at our supply |
|
chains better. |
|
Mr. Huizenga. Sure. And we had a review of the CFIUS |
|
process, and Representative Barr, who is also on this |
|
committee, who followed me as the chair of MPT, was a crucial |
|
part of that. |
|
I do want to move on here in my last 2 minutes. For Mr. |
|
Kritenbrink, has the State Department refused to approve or |
|
requested the delay of sanctions to hold the PRC accountable |
|
for human rights violations against the Uyghurs? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, what I would say is, as I |
|
indicated earlier, human rights remains central to our foreign |
|
policy. |
|
Mr. Huizenga. I understand that. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. We have taken a range of---- |
|
Mr. Huizenga. But has there been a request for a delay? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. We have taken a range of steps to impose |
|
costs on those who are carrying out genocide in Xinjiang, |
|
including sanctioning, under Global Magnitsky, 12 officials |
|
and---- |
|
Mr. Huizenga. OK. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink [continuing]. And another seven who have |
|
been placed under restrictions. |
|
Mr. Huizenga. All right. I have got a minute and a half |
|
here. Let's get very specific. Has Deputy Secretary Sherman |
|
refused to approve or requested any delay in implementation of |
|
congressionally mandated the Uyghur Human Rights Policy, or |
|
UHRPA, sanctions? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. What I would say, sir, is we continue to |
|
take a number of steps, and we will take a number of steps, to |
|
hold accountable those in China who are---- |
|
Mr. Huizenga. That is--that's a yes-or-no kind of question, |
|
though. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, I will--I will just reiterate |
|
what I have said. We are committed to---- |
|
Mr. Huizenga. Well, either you know or you do not know. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, we are committed to taking |
|
steps. I'm happy to take that back and come back to you. |
|
Mr. Huizenga. Please do. Yes, that is the purpose of this. |
|
And have you personally supported any delay in UHRPA? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I support making sure that we take steps |
|
to ensure that we hold to account those in China who are |
|
carrying out---- |
|
Mr. Huizenga. I understand that, but, respectfully, that's |
|
not my question. Both for Ms. Sherman or for yourself, have you |
|
felt it was in the best interest for a delay? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I think it is in America's national |
|
interest to continue to carry out our steps to hold account |
|
those people who are doing that---- |
|
Mr. Huizenga. And are you doing everything that you can do |
|
to push forward on those steps and implementing those steps, as |
|
has been congressionally mandated? In a bipartisan manner, I |
|
might add. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, sir, I'm confident that all of my |
|
colleagues and all of my leadership are committed to making |
|
sure that we hold to account those in China who---- |
|
Mr. Huizenga. And moving ahead in a timely fashion? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, sir. |
|
Mr. Huizenga. OK. We are going to hold you to that. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. We are committed, again, to holding to |
|
account those who are carrying out genocide in Xinjiang, in |
|
China. |
|
Mr. Huizenga. OK. We expect that action to continue. |
|
And with that, Mr. Chairman, my time has expired. I yield |
|
back. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Thank you. |
|
The chair recognizes Mr. Stanton. Mr. Stanton is |
|
recognized. |
|
Mr. Stanton. Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, for holding |
|
this important hearing. This is my first hearing as a member of |
|
this committee, and I am honored to be here. |
|
Last year, Republicans and Democrats came together to pass |
|
the CHIPS and Science Act, an historic investment in American |
|
ingenuity and advanced technology. Few States stand to benefit |
|
more than my home State of Arizona, as we welcome $40 billion |
|
in investment from TSMC in north Phoenix, expand Intel's |
|
footprint in my district in the East Valley, and support |
|
innovation from dozens from other companies. |
|
That is why I am gravely concerned about the theft of |
|
American intellectual property by the PRC. Last fall, FBI |
|
Director Wray warned that, not only does Chinese IP theft |
|
threaten these companies' bottom lines, but it jeopardizes our |
|
economic competitiveness and our national security. |
|
Mr. Estevez, last October, the Biden Administration imposed |
|
controls designed to limit the development of production in |
|
China of advanced node semiconductors, semiconductor production |
|
equipment, advanced computing items, and supercomputers. That |
|
was a very important step. What other steps is the Department |
|
of Commerce taking to combat IP theft, particularly for |
|
semiconductor technology? |
|
Mr. Estevez. So, let me start off by saying thank you for |
|
the notice on chips, very important. |
|
We put those sanctions on, export controls on semiconductor |
|
equipment and related technologies for national security |
|
reasons, not necessarily for IP theft. However, when we find |
|
companies that it is provable that they have stolen IP, we will |
|
take action against those companies. Full stop. |
|
Mr. Stanton. What additional tools do you need from |
|
Congress to better protect American enterprise from IP theft? |
|
Mr. Estevez. From the export control perspective, I think I |
|
have the authorities that I need. From a greater perspective of |
|
cyber theft, you know, companies need to invest in their cyber |
|
protection and they need to notify when such breaches happen. |
|
Mr. Stanton. Thank you. |
|
I want to piggyback on questions from my colleague, |
|
Madeleine Dean earlier. More than five Arizonians die every day |
|
from opioid overdoses, nearly half of which involve fentanyl. |
|
Unfortunately, the PRC continues to play a deadly role by |
|
allowing export of precursor chemicals, the core ingredients |
|
that some bad actors, like the Mexican drug cartels, can use to |
|
make fentanyl. The PRC seems to have backed off cooperating |
|
with the United States on stopping the flow of fentanyl |
|
substances. They attribute that to U.S. entity listings and |
|
export controls, including on institutions implicated in human |
|
rights violations. |
|
Mr. Estevez, this question is for you as well. What is your |
|
analysis? What is really going on here? Has the PRC stopped |
|
cooperating out of retaliation or have some of our controls |
|
truly complicated their ability to cooperate? |
|
Mr. Estevez. That is really a better question for my State |
|
colleague. But from a national security perspective, it is |
|
important that we exercise our authorities with export |
|
controls. |
|
Mr. Stanton. Mr. Kritenbrink, please. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, thank you very much for your |
|
question. Again, this is vital national security issue |
|
important to the lives and the health and safety of American |
|
citizens. We have made it one of our absolutely top priorities |
|
in engaging with the Chinese. Unfortunately, they have put up |
|
various roadblocks to cooperation lately. They have complained |
|
about regulatory steps that we have taken that allegedly impede |
|
that cooperation. We do not agree with that view, and we do not |
|
believe that there are any steps that the United States has |
|
taken from a regulatory perspective that ought to impede |
|
cooperation. We believe that China has a responsibility to take |
|
steps to impede the flow of these precursor chemicals. |
|
As I indicated earlier, in 2019, they did take steps to |
|
schedule fentanyl, which stopped the shipment of fentanyl to |
|
almost zero. Now, the problem is these precursor chemicals |
|
which are diverted, and then, illegally manufactured into |
|
fentanyl. We have made clear in our bilateral engagement that |
|
China needs to do better and needs to take steps to make sure |
|
that their companies know to whom they are selling; that these |
|
chemicals are appropriately labeled, and the like. |
|
And then, Congressman, I would hasten to add, we are also |
|
working with other international partners to put pressure on |
|
the Chinese to do the same. |
|
Mr. Stanton. OK. I have time for one rather quick question. |
|
On export control, obviously, we have shown real leadership on |
|
that issue, the Biden Administration, but, obviously, we need |
|
our partners around the world to do the same thing. We cannot |
|
act in a unilateral way. What steps--what other countries are |
|
we engaging with to impose multilateral export controls? And |
|
that is for any of our witnesses. |
|
Mr. Estevez. Yes. So, for any control we put on, we |
|
generally engage multilaterally, unless we, the United States, |
|
are the only country that makes a piece of equipment. I cannot |
|
talk in specifics around the semiconductor export controls, but |
|
we have engaged multilaterally on that. And I would be happy to |
|
talk in a classified setting about what we have done there. |
|
And just look what we have done on Russia: 38 nations put |
|
on like controls to what we put on. That eventually will stifle |
|
the Russian industrial base, so they cannot reconstitute their |
|
military. |
|
Mr. Stanton. Thank you very much. I yield back, Mr. |
|
Chairman. |
|
Chairman McCaul. The chair recognizes Mr. Davidson. |
|
Mr. Davidson. Thank you, Chairman. |
|
Despite the World Trade Organization membership China |
|
enjoys, China is neither a market economy nor a developing |
|
nation. As a condition of membership, China committed to be a |
|
market economy. They are also allowed to pretend that they are |
|
still a developing economy. Claiming this special status allows |
|
the People's Republic of China to exploit the developed nations |
|
like ours through various perks, such as restricting imports to |
|
protect certain industries and complying with fewer WTO |
|
obligations. |
|
The failure of our country and others to enforce the |
|
obligations of World Trade Organization membership on China has |
|
been disastrous for America's economy, our manufacturing |
|
sector, in particular, and our middle class. The consequences |
|
are especially harmful in my home State of Ohio. |
|
Are any of you aware that the Chinese Communist Party |
|
military intelligence units have conducted cyberattacks on U.S. |
|
businesses resulting in intellectual property theft of dual-use |
|
technology? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, thank you for your question. |
|
The cyber threat posed by China is vast, highly |
|
significant. We are taking a number of steps to counter it. |
|
But, certainly, the cyber-enabled theft of intellectual |
|
property rights and trade secrets remains a top concern. |
|
Mr. Davidson. Are whole-of-government uses of intelligence |
|
units to steal intellectual properties characteristics of |
|
market economies? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, I would say that it is |
|
unacceptable for any country, regardless of status, to use |
|
cyber-enabled means to steal intellectual property and trade |
|
secrets. |
|
Mr. Davidson. I agree with your statement there, and thank |
|
you for that. |
|
Is China unique in its use, as a World Trade Organization |
|
member, of its intelligence units to steal intellectual |
|
property of American companies on behalf of the companies that |
|
they are trying to benefit inside China? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I can speak with confidence to the |
|
challenge posed by China. I would have to take back your |
|
question as to whether there are others that pose a similar |
|
threat. |
|
Mr. Davidson. Thank you. And that is concerning. |
|
But, you know, Mr. Estevez, in 2020, BIS published a report |
|
which revealed some concerning information regarding AK Steel, |
|
which is now owned by Cleveland Cliffs. It stated, quote, ``If |
|
AK Steel's Grain-Oriented Electrical Steel, GOES, operation |
|
were to close, the United States would lack the ability to |
|
produce transformers of any power-handling capacity without |
|
relying on foreign sources.'' Does this assessment sound |
|
accurate? |
|
Mr. Estevez. I would have to go back and look at that, but |
|
I would be happy to get a detailed discussion on GOES with you, |
|
if you would---- |
|
Mr. Davidson. Yes. So, you know, your organization |
|
publishes a lot of these reports. So, I wouldn't expect you |
|
know all of them, but this is work that BIS did do, and it |
|
highlights how important it is to understand the particular |
|
sectors that are vulnerable. And China, when they use these |
|
powers and exploit their membership status in WTO, they are |
|
shaping market access, and they are targeting specific |
|
companies and specific intellectual property. |
|
This Grain-Oriented Steel produced by AK Steel, or |
|
Cleveland Cliffs now, is the only U.S. source for this. And as |
|
we look at the sensitivity of our electrical grid and |
|
vulnerabilities there, this is just one of the core issues. |
|
And as I have just a little bit of time, Mr. Kritenbrink, I |
|
just want to highlight, with the abuses in fentanyl and tools |
|
there, would it help if we designated cartels, in particular, |
|
which are moving this product, as enemies of our country, and |
|
made people that support those cartels by supplying precursor |
|
chemicals, for example, or moving money and cash back and forth |
|
eligible for sanctions and intelligence collection? Would that |
|
be helpful? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Well, Congressman, I think, as a matter of |
|
general principle, we would be supportive of looking at any |
|
step we can to get at this scourge. But I would need to take |
|
your question back to the experts, both in our Department and |
|
across the interagency, and come back to you with a more formal |
|
answer. |
|
Mr. Davidson. Thank you. I hope to do just that, because it |
|
highlights the important relationship between the Financial |
|
Services Committee, which I also serve on, and this committee. |
|
Because when you look at the sanctions regime and OFAC, it |
|
is an important tool, the financial intelligence that we look |
|
at. The cartels are in this business for money, and I think we |
|
have to get at all of the corrupt influence the People's |
|
Republic of China is doing. And the Chinese Communist Party |
|
does not allow these things to go on unchecked. We have to |
|
believe they have the power to change course. And I hope that |
|
we will use all the tools in the kit bag to check the abusive |
|
influence of the Chinese Communist Party and the negative |
|
impact on our country, our economy, and our culture. |
|
I yield back. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Thank you, Mr. Davidson. You raise a great |
|
point. Why is China still under a developing nation |
|
designation, which entitles them to interest-free loans by the |
|
World Bank or very low interest rate loans? And then, it allows |
|
them, then, to use that for their Belt and Road Initiative with |
|
usurious interest rates. And then, they rape the rare earth |
|
minerals. They bring in their own workers; take over a port or |
|
base. And then, when they fail, then the IMF goes in to bail |
|
them out. |
|
I think they are extraordinary, and I give them an A+ for |
|
being very clever the way they can manipulate the global |
|
institutions and take advantage of them. I am sure all of you |
|
agree with that, but I won't ask you for a comment on that. |
|
But I thank the gentleman for raising the point. I think we |
|
should be taking a hard look at that. |
|
The chair recognizes Mr. Phillips. |
|
Mr. Phillips. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
I think it is fair to say that Russia's invasion of Ukraine |
|
has forced Central Asian countries to reassess their |
|
relationship with Moscow. So, I am curious, Mr. Kritenbrink, |
|
based on your assessment, how has China's approach to the |
|
region changed, and how receptive are the member countries in |
|
Central Asia to their overtures? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you, Congressman, for your question. |
|
I would note Central Asia is outside of my area of |
|
responsibility. So, I will quickly outstrip the level of my |
|
expertise. |
|
But I would say, certainly, China has stepped up, yes, its |
|
engagement in the region, but so has the United States. And I |
|
think you can see that including through our senior-level |
|
travel. |
|
But I would have to take back any detailed questions on |
|
Central Asia. |
|
Mr. Phillips. Can you speak about--you just mentioned our |
|
approach, though. How has our approach changed? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I think it would be safer if I would take |
|
that back to my---- |
|
Mr. Phillips. OK. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink [continuing]. Assistant Secretary colleague |
|
to answer in an expert way. |
|
Mr. Phillips. OK. |
|
Let me ask, also, about Iran. I know President Raisi |
|
visited President Xi in China recently. Your assessment of that |
|
visit? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Well, I can, again, speak in general |
|
terms, and beyond that, I would have to take your question |
|
back. |
|
We are concerned about the deepening ties between Iran and |
|
the PRC, make no mistake about it. And it concerns us in a |
|
number of ways, both the oil purchases for sure, but also other |
|
concerning areas of cooperation that I think pose a national |
|
security threat to the United States and the international |
|
community. |
|
Mr. Phillips. OK. Let me turn to Mr. Schiffer and Mr. |
|
Nathan, if I might. |
|
How successful has China been in the Middle East and |
|
Central Asia with their Belt and Road Initiative? If you can |
|
speak to either, starting with you, Mr. Nathan? |
|
Mr. Nathan. It is hard for me to say how successful it is. |
|
They definitely spend a lot of money. I think that is the |
|
overall issue with the Belt and Road Initiative, is that they |
|
have exerted influence, spent money, burdened countries with |
|
debt, left projects behind that are poor quality, often |
|
inappropriate, and then, use that as a way to extract other |
|
concessions. |
|
When we make investments, it is based on our values, our |
|
standards, the private sector, and we are not attaching strings |
|
to them in some way. |
|
Mr. Phillips. So, let me ask--I'm glad you mentioned that, |
|
Mr. Nathan, because we quantify their influence by dollar |
|
amounts. |
|
Mr. Nathan. Right. |
|
Mr. Phillips. Is it fair to say in some cases it actually |
|
might be backfiring, as they layer on burdens, |
|
responsibilities, commitments that cannot be fulfilled on |
|
countries that have been beneficiaries? Are there any examples |
|
of that that you might share? |
|
Mr. Nathan. Well, I do not have at my fingertips any |
|
examples, but I think it is absolutely the case that it |
|
backfires. When I travel and talk to leaders, they are very |
|
interested in our projects, in our funding, that comes with |
|
high standards. It is free from the kind of integrity and |
|
corruption problems, environmental and labor standards, that |
|
BRI projects often entail. |
|
Mr. Phillips. And Mr. Schiffer? |
|
Mr. Schiffer. Yes, it is a very, very important set of |
|
questions that you are asking. And I can certainly offer one |
|
example in our wheelhouse. |
|
You know, we have had the opportunity to engage with the |
|
Kyrgyz Republic over the past year, because they have become |
|
increasingly concerned about the amount of debt that they owe |
|
to China's Exim Bank. And so, they have worked with us to |
|
support efforts to provide better analysis of their debt burden |
|
and to build better capital controls into their system to |
|
manage that debt relationship with the PRC going forward. |
|
So, we do see opportunities like that---- |
|
Mr. Phillips. OK. |
|
Mr. Schiffer [continuing]. In Central Asia where we are |
|
looking to find opportunities for AID, our colleagues at DFC, |
|
and across the interagency, to be able to play smarter and |
|
better in that region. |
|
Mr. Phillips. So, on that subject, Mr. Schiffer, you know, |
|
I am getting personally a little bit tired and concerned of us |
|
completely or spending most of our time pointing out how we are |
|
failing in our competition with China. How can we do better |
|
vis-a-vis your perspectives, especially you, Mr. Nathan and Mr. |
|
Schiffer, in competing with them? What can our Congress do to |
|
support your efforts? |
|
Mr. Schiffer. Well, look, we certainly welcome any |
|
opportunity to work with Congress to be able to shine more of a |
|
light on the efforts that we are undertaking, whether it is in |
|
Central Asia, across the Indo-Pacific, or around the world, |
|
that demonstrates the value proposition that we bring to the |
|
game and the importance of American leadership. |
|
Mr. Phillips. We just have a few seconds left, but, Mr. |
|
Nathan? |
|
Mr. Nathan. Yes, I would say one of the missions that we |
|
were given by the BUILD Act explicitly was to offer an |
|
alternative to authoritarian government, State-controlled |
|
investments in the developing world. Part of the commitment of |
|
the BUILD Act to give us that tool was the equity investment |
|
authority that we were given. And finding a budgetary treatment |
|
that allows that tool to fully realize its potential I think |
|
would be critical. |
|
Mr. Phillips. Indeed. Thank you. |
|
Thank you all for your time today. |
|
I yield back. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Thank you, Mr. Phillips. |
|
Mr. Nathan, I understand that you have a hard stop at |
|
12:50, and clearly we are now exceeding that, so I would |
|
request that if members have questions for you that you would |
|
be able to respond in writing, if that is OK. |
|
Mr. Nathan. That's absolutely OK. I really appreciate it. |
|
Thank you very much. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Thank you. |
|
With that, I will recognize Mr. Kean. |
|
Mr. Kean. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Thank you for your testimony here today. |
|
And, Mr. Nathan, thank you. You can leave while I speak. |
|
Don't worry about that. I will be directing some of my |
|
conversations to your right. Thank you. |
|
Assistant Secretary Kritenbrink, my district in New Jersey, |
|
7th congressional District, just like many districts around the |
|
country, has been impacted by fentanyl. We see time and time |
|
again intercepts in human--and that impacting all of a--all |
|
Americans. |
|
In a January 30, 2003 State Department press release |
|
announcing sanctions against U.S. fentanyl traffickers, you-- |
|
department *125221 any mention of fentanyl--of China or that |
|
the designees of relationship to OFAC designate Chinese |
|
chemical transportation company Shanghai Fast Fine Chemicals, a |
|
stark contrast from Treasury's press release. Why is that? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I'm sorry, Congressman. I do want to make |
|
sure I understand your question, that there was a sanctions |
|
announcement on January 30 that did not include Chinese |
|
entities. Is that right, sir? |
|
Mr. Kean. Yes, whereas Treasury's press release did and the |
|
Department's--and your State Department did not. Why is that? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, I'll--I'll have to take that |
|
back. I--I'm--I'm not sure what the--the precise answer to that |
|
question is, but I'm happy to take that back--go back, too. And |
|
I will, as I mentioned earlier, certainly stopping the flow of |
|
fentanyl precurses from China is an absolutely top priority and |
|
happy to talk about what we're doing on that. But I'll have to |
|
take your question back, sir. |
|
Mr. Kean. Thank you. Also to you, can you--I know that |
|
Chairman McCaul also mentioned the impact on--in Ukraine and |
|
China and the Russia partnership therein. Can you speak to how |
|
China is helping Russia evade sanctions that have been put in |
|
place due to Putin's invasion of Ukraine? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Well, Congressman, this is what I can say: |
|
We've made very clear including most recently when Secretary |
|
Blinken was in Munich and met with Director Wang Yi what the |
|
implications and consequences could be for China if it engaged |
|
in providing material assistance to the Russian military in |
|
Ukraine or assisted China--assisted Russia in systematic |
|
sanctions evasion. |
|
I think what I could say, sir, is we do have a concern for |
|
some of the steps that China has taken to support Russia's war |
|
in Ukraine: its--its--its spreading of disinformation about the |
|
cause of the war and about Russian activities there, its |
|
shielding of Russia in the U.N. and--and--and other areas, some |
|
of its economic activities. We have sanctioned certain Chinese |
|
entities who--who have provided assistance to Russia. Perhaps |
|
my colleague would want to respond to that in more detail. |
|
Mr. Estevez. That's correct, Congressman. First of all, I |
|
want to recognize that my sister lives in your district. |
|
Mr. Kean. OK. |
|
Mr. Estevez. In Mendham. We have put 12---- |
|
Mr. Kean. Great community. |
|
Mr. Estevez. Yes, it is. We've put 12 Chinese entities on |
|
the entity list, meaning that cannot get exports from the |
|
United States, under a licensing regime that we put on because |
|
they were backfilling Russia, providing dual-use technology to |
|
Russia. We also put one Chinese entity on the entity list for |
|
providing parts that go into Iranian drones. |
|
Mr. Kean. Yes. |
|
Mr. Estevez. So we constantly work this with our colleagues |
|
at State Defense and Energy and with the intelligence community |
|
to assess trade flows and identify companies that may be |
|
violating our sanctions. And if they are, we'll take care of |
|
them. |
|
Mr. Kean. And sanctions are obviously part of these |
|
conversations. Why have they potentially not been enacted |
|
sooner? |
|
Mr. Estevez. For an entity listing we need specific data |
|
about a--a specific entity, so specific and articulable facts |
|
that when we see something going on that we can legally put |
|
them on the list. |
|
Mr. Kean. Thank you. |
|
Yield back my time. Thank you. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Thank you. |
|
With that, I will go ahead and recognize Mr. Allred. |
|
Mr. Allred. Well, thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
And thank you all for being here. I know it has probably |
|
been a long day. I hope we can have a bipartisan response to |
|
our concern with Beijing's actions, but I want to be clear: We |
|
have so many strengths that the CCP could only dream of |
|
bringing to the table. |
|
And as I have had a chance to see firsthand in my travels |
|
as a member of this committee around the world, from Africa to |
|
the Indo-Pacific with our allies there to even former Soviet |
|
States and Central Asia, everyone would prefer to trade with |
|
us, to attract our investment, and even to have us as their |
|
preferred security partner. And we need to keep in mind that as |
|
this President has made a central focus of his foreign policy |
|
that we are in a global competition but that we should be |
|
confident in our abilities. And I sometimes worry that some of |
|
the discussions here make us sound like we are afraid. And I |
|
think we have nothing to be afraid of. As I said, I think we |
|
have real strengths. |
|
But I am concerned in particular with the Chinese expansion |
|
of their influences in the global south and wanted to, if I can |
|
find the question, ask about our USAID process and timelines. |
|
Just give me 1 second. This is the problem when you have too |
|
many questions and you go to this stage of the hearing. |
|
So how do our USAId project timelines--so 5-year projects, |
|
1-year budget planning compare to the types of investments and |
|
projects that are funded by the PRC and how do those timelines, |
|
if they do or at all, inhibit longer-term consistent U.S. |
|
engagement in partnerships around the world, particularly in |
|
the global south? |
|
Mr. Schiffer. You know, in--in--in some significant |
|
respects it--it does place us at a disadvantage in the sense |
|
that our--our friends in--in--in Beijing can, as you pointed |
|
out, operate with a--a long timeline and without the sort of |
|
economic and--and market logic that constrain--constrain our |
|
activities. And--and the reality of the congressional |
|
authorization and appropriation cycle and how we work--work |
|
through that system to be able to--to obligate for--for |
|
projects can--can create a certain tension in--in the process, |
|
if I can put it that way. |
|
Mr. Kean. Well, this is your opportunity to let us know how |
|
Congress can provide USAID with additional tools, or resources, |
|
or authorities to allow you to better compete, because I think |
|
it is an important component of our competition. We talk a lot |
|
about our defense deterrence. We are going to talk a lot about |
|
our controls. But this is one of our most important tools and |
|
everywhere I go, especially in the global south, I hear that we |
|
are not doing enough. |
|
Mr. Schiffer. I mean, at--at the liberty of suggesting that |
|
you have a--a--a conversation with your friends on the |
|
Appropriations Committee, if it were possible to have multiyear |
|
appropriations, that would go a very, very long way toward |
|
allowing us to do the sort of longer-term planning that--that |
|
would allow us to be more competitive. |
|
Mr. Kean. Well, I just want to say to my colleagues this is |
|
the damage that is done when we do not make long-term |
|
investments. If you want to talk about competing with China, it |
|
is in having a strategic vision that you can carry out also |
|
with our soft power, and I think we should keep that in mind. |
|
So I do want to ask about--Secretary Kritenbrink and Under |
|
Secretary Estevez, we are seeing further integration of China's |
|
civilian and military industries as their policy of civil- |
|
military fusion continues. And as more and more dual-use |
|
technologies come on the market how do we effectively control |
|
exports of these products and technologies to China? |
|
Mr. Estevez. Yes, let me start off with--with that. |
|
Obviously we look at this all the time. You know, as I talked |
|
about earlier, in the advanced fabrication semiconductor area |
|
we just cut them off from the most advanced semiconductors |
|
because I cannot tell whether it's being used for a benign |
|
activity, you know, a gaming system or for artificial-- |
|
artificial intelligence for military applications. So we just |
|
stop it. |
|
And then after that it becomes a little bit of like |
|
assessing company by company whether we see them facilitating |
|
Chinese military use. We'll stop that. Specific technology |
|
areas usually in the advanced technology area, we'll stop that. |
|
Things around quantum computing, for example. So it's--it's--we |
|
have to assess the technology, assess what they're doing with |
|
it. And if we're likely using it for those type of |
|
applications, we want to ensure that they're not. |
|
Mr. Kean. Yes. Tough to know the difference. |
|
Do you have anything to add, sir? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Well, Congressman, I'd just say thank you |
|
for the question. Very important. Agree that it's the civ-mil |
|
fusion that--that poses the real threat here. It's why the U.S. |
|
Government, including my colleagues in Commerce and elsewhere, |
|
have taken these targeted steps to prevent China from getting |
|
its hands on these technologies that assist its military |
|
modernization and which threaten our national interest. |
|
Mr. Kean. Thank you. I yield back. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Thank you, Mr. Allred. |
|
With that, I will recognize Mr. McCormick. |
|
Mr. McCormick. Thank you, Chairman. |
|
It is know that China obviously has a lot more debt that we |
|
do, up to $20 trillion more debt, yet they have a smaller GDP. |
|
My question is how are they allowed to use this money that |
|
they basically fabricate by manipulating their monetary policy |
|
without a true central banking system like we have that when we |
|
call the Federal Reserve--the Federal Reserve, most people |
|
understand, it is neither Federal nor the reserve--but yet |
|
China gets away with having a fake monetary policy and spending |
|
trillions of dollars per year more than we do around the world |
|
expanding their global presence in the Western Hemisphere, |
|
expanding their military, expanding their technologies on this |
|
while simultaneously investing near a trillion dollars in our |
|
national debt, which we pay interest to their economy with? Why |
|
do we allow that to happen and can Congress do something about |
|
that? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, thank you very much. I'll-- |
|
I'll have to take that back because matters of currency and the |
|
global economy. I think it would be best if I take that back to |
|
colleagues at the Treasury and elsewhere to come back to you. |
|
But apart from the monetary questions that you asked, |
|
obviously the whole focus of our conversation here today has |
|
been trying to counter the malign influence that we have seen |
|
posed by the PRC in a--in a range of areas. And we try to |
|
address that. But I--I think it's safer, sir, that I take your |
|
monetary question and currency question back. |
|
Mr. McCormick. Here is what is upsetting me, because I have |
|
been asking this for about 2 months to multiple government |
|
agencies, multiple Congressman about something that is as |
|
central to the future of America and the global security as |
|
anything, which is money. Money is power. Money is what |
|
develops technologies. Money is what buys military power. Money |
|
is what buys strategic influence on foreign national |
|
governments. And they have literally been cheating for at least |
|
a decade and they have run up $20 trillion more debt than us; I |
|
am going to emphasize that, with a smaller GDP and that the |
|
world does not see this as a house of cards that needs to |
|
crumble. |
|
They do not have the inflation that they should have with |
|
that. They do not have a normal monetary policy. And for a |
|
decade nobody has asked that question? How do we not know the |
|
answer this far into it? Fifty trillion dollars into a |
|
question, we do not have an answer, and this hasn't been--this |
|
is not a new question. I do not understand why we have to go |
|
back to staff to ask a question that is very fundamental to the |
|
existence of our influence strategically to the rest of the |
|
world versus a rising power that is cheating. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I appreciate your question, Congressman, |
|
but I--I'm--I'm confident in my areas of expertise and areas |
|
that are outside of my area of expertise. I'm going to take |
|
that back. I commit--I commit to you we will get you and |
|
answer. |
|
Mr. McCormick. I get it. It is frustrating because it seems |
|
like everybody I ask has the same answer and I am not really |
|
sure who to ask anymore. |
|
But with that I will yield since nobody has those answers. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Understood, sir. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Thank you, Mr. McCormick. |
|
With that, I will recognize Mr. Moran. |
|
Mr. Moran. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Secretary Kritenbrink, I want to start with you. I am going |
|
to move down the line. You mentioned in your testimony about |
|
the three core pillars of the U.S. strategy: invest, align, and |
|
compete. Seems to me however that frankly our efforts have been |
|
meager compared to the Chinese efforts when we look at what |
|
they are doing to invest, align, and effectively dominate |
|
economically in the world. |
|
Mr. Nathan noted in his testimony some examples about U.S. |
|
investment globally and he noted two specific examples: $150 |
|
million loaned to Ecuador to expand and modernize a container |
|
port; $48.4 million to the country of Georgia to expand and |
|
modernize a port there. But when I look at some of the |
|
transactions that China is doing across the world: $1.4 billion |
|
in loans to Djibouti; $6.7 billion in loans to Pakistan; $1 |
|
billion of loans to Montenegro for a highway project; $3.1 |
|
billion in Chinese investments to the Dominican Republic, which |
|
effectively cut ties with Taiwan over that. |
|
Would you agree that China is flexing more economic muscle |
|
around the world and as a result is influencing the foreign |
|
policies of many countries in a manner inconsistent with the |
|
foreign policy and national security goals of the United |
|
States? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, what I would say is that |
|
we're very confident in the capabilities and the tools that we |
|
bring to the table. We--we have different capabilities and we |
|
play a--a very different, quote/unquote, ``game.'' China is in |
|
the--in the game of--of State-backed loans and--and State- |
|
directed enterprises. What we stand for is catalyzing primarily |
|
U.S. private sector investment, which is unrivaled across the |
|
world, just in my region of the world and in the Pacific a |
|
trillion dollars in American investment across the--the Indo- |
|
Pacific, larger than--than--than any other country. So that |
|
would be point one. |
|
And point two, sir, I--I would say that we've also tried to |
|
demonstrate to countries the--the downside oftentimes of |
|
signing up to those loans and those projects by the Chinese, |
|
because you have to be careful about the debt trap you might |
|
find yourself in, again concerns raised by another member on |
|
the quality of the infrastructure and also the labor used in |
|
them. |
|
And then third and finally--my colleague Mr. Nathan isn't |
|
here anymore, but we do obviously strive to offer alternatives. |
|
But I'll go back to point one. Oftentimes we try to catalyze |
|
U.S. private sector investment rather than State-led. |
|
Mr. Moran. And I certainly understand that. The $7.4 |
|
billion from Fiscal Year 2022 that Mr. Nathan references in his |
|
testimony does seem meager compared to what the Chinese are |
|
doing across the globe and is having an effect no doubt on the |
|
foreign policies of these other nations. |
|
I want to go back to what you mentioned though about |
|
private sector investments. What are we doing to--if anything, |
|
to incentivize private sector companies to effectively unwind |
|
with their economic ties to China? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I would say what--what we're doing, sir, |
|
is we're taking a number of steps to try to make sure that |
|
through our economic engagement with China that our national |
|
security is not undermined. And so we're looking at ways in |
|
careful select narrowly defined ways to achieve those goals. |
|
But we are not pursuing decoupling. |
|
We have a $750 billion trading relationship with China, but |
|
I think the point that we're making here today, both-- |
|
particularly my--my colleague from Commerce in talking about |
|
entity list decisions and other regulatory tools, is we're |
|
trying to take narrow targeted steps that prevent China from |
|
using those interactions in particular to increase the |
|
capabilities of the PLA that would endanger American national |
|
security. |
|
Mr. Moran. Secretary Estevez, I want to pose a question to |
|
you as it relates to targeted aspects of how we deal with China |
|
economically. In my district I hear all the time that as it |
|
relates to the entity list and export controls against Chinese |
|
companies that companies in my district tell--are telling me |
|
that China easily escapes this by--escapes these restrictions |
|
by setting up dummy companies in other nations and running |
|
through--their exports through them. They are also telling me |
|
that when they get caught there is really not much teeth to |
|
this and these individuals behind these attempts simply go set |
|
up additional dummy companies and continue on with getting |
|
around U.S. law. |
|
Do you agree that additional enforcement and prevention |
|
measures are needed to stop Chinese violations in this regard |
|
to undercut American companies and American law? |
|
Mr. Estevez. Thank you for that question. We have a fairly |
|
robust enforcement capability in the Department of Commerce. |
|
You know, just the other day, I think yesterday we fined a |
|
company $2.8 billion, revoked their export privileges for |
|
violating export controls related to China. |
|
Mr. Moran. But did you get to the individual behind those |
|
companies so they couldn't move on to set up new companies? |
|
Mr. Estevez. This was a U.S. company that violated export |
|
control law. |
|
Mr. Moran. Same question: Did you get to the individual |
|
behind the company? |
|
Mr. Estevez. Absolutely. Absolutely in this case. |
|
Now there is a bit of whack-a-mole out there. Companies put |
|
up a facade. We go after that. And we'll put that company on |
|
the entity list as well. I cannot stop people from being--you |
|
know, doing illicit things, but we're going to after them. And |
|
we do take action. |
|
Mr. Moran. Yes, I would suggest that we can and we should |
|
take additional hard actions against the individuals behind |
|
those actions. |
|
Thank you. I yield back. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Thank you, Mr. Moran. |
|
With that, I will turn it over to Mr. Issa. |
|
Mr. Issa. Thank you. I am going to follow right back up on |
|
that question. That $2.8 billion fine, did they successfully |
|
export sensitive data? |
|
Mr. Estevez. They exported data that was in violation of |
|
our export controls. |
|
Mr. Issa. So they succeeded and you are now fining them? |
|
Mr. Estevez. That's correct. |
|
Mr. Issa. So in the game of whack-a-mole what you are |
|
saying is after they have succeeded and they try--well, in the |
|
case of software, we know they try millions of times a day, but |
|
they certainly try in the case of hardware hundreds or |
|
thousands of times every day. And they succeed sometimes and |
|
you succeed in fining those who do it sometimes. Is that a fair |
|
assessment without adding too much either way? |
|
Mr. Estevez. I also stop shipments from going. |
|
Mr. Issa. Sometimes you catch them in advance? |
|
Mr. Estevez. That's correct. |
|
Mr. Issa. Those are the successes, the best part of whack- |
|
a-mole, but often it is reactive, not proactive, correct? |
|
Mr. Estevez. We try to be as proactive as possible. |
|
Obviously when someone breaks the law and I catch them doing |
|
it, we take action. And it's unfortunately after-the-fact. |
|
Mr. Issa. And currently you punish U.S. companies |
|
effectively because by definition you cannot punish the Chinese |
|
company who lives to fight another day and try to circumvent |
|
the law another day. |
|
Mr. Estevez. Well, I would certainly entity list the |
|
Chinese company. |
|
Mr. Issa. OK. Let me ask you a question: What do you think |
|
the most important transnational challenges are facing the |
|
United States in its China relationship? |
|
Mr. Estevez. Well, you know, from a--from the Commerce-- |
|
from the export control universe it is their chase after dual- |
|
use technology for military modernization through their civil- |
|
military fusion strategy. |
|
Mr. Issa. And does that and should that define the U.S.- |
|
China relationship in a major way? |
|
Mr. Estevez. That--that is part of the China relationship. |
|
And again, I'm going to turn it over to Assistant Secretary |
|
Kritenbrink to answer---- |
|
Mr. Issa. Yes, briefly answer in another direction them, |
|
Mr. Secretary, how would you--would you say there is something |
|
different than that answer that is equally important? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes. Yes, sir, Congressman. If I |
|
understand your question correctly about transnational |
|
challenges, I--I would--I would list several. Certainly climate |
|
change would be one. Certainly food security would be one. |
|
Pandemic disease would be another. Proliferation would be |
|
another. |
|
Mr. Issa. So you would list those that I have got on the-- |
|
-- |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I would--yes, I would |
|
[inaudible]. |
|
Mr. Issa. Well, that's 90 minutes--for 90 minutes when the |
|
President met with President Xi that is all he talked about. He |
|
did not talk about the export relationship. He did not talk |
|
about the stealing of intellectual property. In other words, to |
|
China this is what the President thinks, not your partner |
|
there's recognition of a constant pervasive attempt and success |
|
in stealing from America. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, I would say that the |
|
meeting--the most recent meeting between President Xi and |
|
President Biden in Bali was wide-ranging and exceptionally |
|
candid and covered a--a much broader agenda than just the |
|
transnational challenges that you've listed there, sir. |
|
Mr. Issa. OK. In the remaining time that I have I am going |
|
to back to the BIS for a second. Secretary Ashew worked very |
|
hard for his nearly 4 years to limit what China got. You are |
|
doing the same thing. Both of you have successes that you can |
|
point to and both of you have those failures where you get a |
|
fine, but money does not make up for the fact that China has |
|
succeeded. |
|
Let me ask you a larger question for a moment: It is |
|
outside your jurisdiction, but it is not outside your mandate. |
|
Every day in America thousands of Chinese nationals come here |
|
supposedly for an education. I just left the Science Committee; |
|
several hours there on the same subject. China is constantly |
|
sending over spies, either official spies or would-be spies in |
|
the form of students. |
|
You have no authority over limiting them within your |
|
jurisdiction, but according to the dollar figure, over half a |
|
trillion dollars a year, isn't that probably the greatest |
|
leakage of sensitive futuristic data, not what you are dealing |
|
with on a daily basis, which is important, but in fact the |
|
technology that they are stealing as a matter of policy |
|
particularly using the people they imbed in our universities? |
|
Mr. Estevez. Thank you for that question. First, I do not |
|
want to leave the idea that all Chinese students are Chinese |
|
spies. |
|
Mr. Issa. But all Chinese students are--have family back in |
|
China and potentially are raked for their knowledge in the |
|
future. That is well established. |
|
Mr. Estevez. Basically, sir, it's not subject to our export |
|
controls, however certain technical data is subject to our |
|
export controls. We have a university outreach program. I wrote |
|
letters to every university that does--big research |
|
universities and offered expertise from our export control |
|
officers to come in and talk to them. We go out regularly. I |
|
was just out at universities talking to them about how they can |
|
protect the technical data that is subject to export controls. |
|
Mr. Issa. And for the record would you followup with an |
|
answer to the question of should you in fact have some form of |
|
jurisdiction over universities and that--should that be added |
|
to your portfolio? If you would opine on that. |
|
Mr. Estevez. I will followup. |
|
Mr. Issa. Thank you. |
|
Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Thank you, Mr. Issa. |
|
With that, I will recognize the gentleman from Texas, Mr. |
|
Self. |
|
Mr. Self. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
I want to congratulate everyone that is still here. We will |
|
call ourselves the survivors. |
|
We do have votes in just a few minutes, so I will make this |
|
quick. I just returned with the chairman from Germany, Poland, |
|
and Ukraine. There is a lot of media attention on the funds |
|
that we are providing to Ukraine. Are they being properly--do |
|
we have proper oversight over them? And I think we ought to ask |
|
the same question to some of the funds that we provided to the |
|
State Department here. You may have heard that the chairman |
|
indicated that part of the Countering Chinese Influence Fund |
|
was used to fund a bakery, and other examples like that. |
|
We also have the CHIPS Act where--so we have committed to |
|
something like a billion-and-a-half dollars over the last--the |
|
next 5 years for the Countering Chinese Influence Fund and we |
|
have also committed to $500 million. So that is well over $2 |
|
billion. |
|
My concern here is measurable objective standards for the |
|
use of those funds. Now I have heard a lot of--I have heard the |
|
phrase ``take steps'' often in this hearing this morning, but I |
|
am interested in the measurable objective standards that you |
|
use, because obviously we have mounting debt and deficit in the |
|
Congress. It will be one of our primary objectives to get a |
|
handle on that. |
|
So can you share with us the measurable objective standards |
|
that you use for the use of the U.S. taxpayer dollars? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, thank you for your question. |
|
I first want to thank Congress for providing these funds. We |
|
think the Countering PRC Influence Fund is a very powerful |
|
tool. It's something that is used to counter Chinese influence |
|
globally. There have been more than 100 projects approved over |
|
just the last 2 years. I'd have to come back to you, |
|
Congressman, if--if you're looking for more details and--and |
|
more instances of success, but I do know that--that through |
|
these programs we've been able to influence countries to resist |
|
Chinese attempts to get them to sign onto 5--their 5G, for |
|
example. It's also been used to make sure to highlight the |
|
issues involved in--in forced labor, products produced using |
|
forced labor coming out of Xinjiang. |
|
But I--I'd be happy to take that back, but we think it's a |
|
powerful tool. It's one that we take very seriously and that we |
|
use we think very judiciously and effectively. But I'd be happy |
|
to take your question back to come back in more detail, |
|
Congressman. |
|
Mr. Self. Thank you. I am not looking for success stories. |
|
I am looking for the measurable objective standards that you |
|
use as the guidelines, the guide rails for the use of these |
|
funds. |
|
And since I do have some time remaining, something that we |
|
have not addressed today that I am very surprised has not been |
|
addressed is what are the diplomatic actions that you are |
|
taking against the Chinese basically annexing waters well |
|
beyond their international waters in the South China Sea, |
|
because that is in my mind a dangerous precedent that we are |
|
allowing to happen? So what diplomatic actions are you taking |
|
against that? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you, Congressman. Another very |
|
important question. We are deeply concerned about Chinese |
|
activities in the South China Sea. Many of their activities and |
|
many of their positions have no basis in international law. I |
|
would say we're doing three primary things, both on the |
|
diplomatic and the military front. |
|
First, diplomatically we're engaging with partners across |
|
the region to make sure that we all stand up for defending |
|
international law. We stand up for freedom of navigation, |
|
freedom of overflight. We ensure that when countries make their |
|
claims that those claims are based in international law. And |
|
it's through that diplomacy we also point out many of the de- |
|
stabilizing actions the Chinese have taken including harassment |
|
of other countries, of their boats, of their fishermen, and-- |
|
and the illegal reclamation that they've carried out in the |
|
South China Sea. |
|
Second, both the State Department and the DoD have very |
|
significant programs to build the maritime capacity of our |
|
partners in the South China Sea, building their maritime domain |
|
awareness, building their security capabilities so they can |
|
understand what is happening in their own waters, better deter |
|
threats posed by China, and also ensure that they have access |
|
to the minerals in their waters to which they're rightfully |
|
entitled. |
|
And then third and finally, we support the operations of |
|
our colleagues at DoD who regularly exercise both presence |
|
operations and freedom of navigation operations to make sure we |
|
demonstrate that the United States of America will fly, sail, |
|
and operate everywhere that international law allows and that |
|
other countries should enjoy those same rights. Those are the-- |
|
the--the top three activities, sir, that we're carrying out in |
|
the South China Sea. |
|
Mr. Self. Thank you. I yield back. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Thank you, Mr. Self. |
|
Gentlemen, again I really appreciate your time and coming |
|
today. |
|
I had noted in your, Assistant Secretary's statement that |
|
you said to reiterate we seek competition, not conflict. Can |
|
you define conflict for me? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Well, yes, sir. What--what we're referring |
|
to there is we welcome competition. We think that's healthy. |
|
This--this is what we do as Americans. What we do not want to |
|
see is some kind of a miscalculation that veers into conflict, |
|
potentially military conflict. That--that is what we are |
|
seeking to avoid and we're trying to make clear. Competition |
|
does not equal conflict in our mind. |
|
Chairman McCaul. No, understood. So your definition of |
|
conflict though is from the kinetic element. It is not |
|
discussing the economic, resource, cyber, and other types of |
|
malign activities that the PRC and the CCP are engaged in |
|
currently. |
|
As we know that China is continuing their Road and Belt |
|
Initiative, they have a geopolitical alignment between China, |
|
Russia, Iran, and North Korea whereby they are already seeking |
|
to utilize Ukraine as Eurasian expansion. They are taking over |
|
Mariupol and the waterways, Africa, Oceania, recreating the |
|
maritime Silk Route in an attempt to try and cutoff Western |
|
Hemisphere supply chain while simultaneously controlling the |
|
ports as we talked about and the waterways as Ms. Salazar |
|
discussed in Panama, which would essentially cutoff all of our |
|
supply chain. |
|
Now in addition to this, we also know that they are |
|
continuing to buy in the billions farmlands and other areas |
|
around our military bases and we continue to see where they are |
|
utilizing billions of dollars of intellectual property theft |
|
from American businesses. They are continuing to try and |
|
utilize surveillance and espionage techniques. |
|
So do you not determine that that is in fact conflict? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, I would say that we share |
|
your concerns over many of the activities that you outlined. |
|
Chairman McCaul. But the question is do you consider that |
|
conflict? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. The--the way that we have used conflict in |
|
a way that I |
|
[inaudible] moment ago is--is--is kinetic. |
|
Chairman McCaul. [Inaudible] or do you consider that to be |
|
in any way a conflict from them to us? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. What I consider that to be are |
|
unacceptable steps that pose a threat to our national security |
|
and other interests to which we are responding proactively on a |
|
daily basis. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Understood. And just to stay on the topic |
|
of unacceptable, you did talk about the egregious and |
|
unacceptable human rights abuses that are across China. We know |
|
exactly what they are doing with the human rights abuses |
|
against the Uyghur. We know that they are illegally doing organ |
|
harvesting, that they have denied Hong Kong of the one country, |
|
two system framework, that they are in conjunction with Iran |
|
and Russia from an economic support perspective. |
|
Why is it that you do not view decoupling an adversarial |
|
nation that is out to try to eliminate the U.S. dollar from the |
|
global currency and remove us from being a superpower? Why |
|
would you not advise that that is good to decouple? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Well, Congressman, again as I hope we've |
|
made clear here today, we have deep concerns across a whole |
|
range of activities including several of which that you have |
|
outlined and we are responding to them forcefully. But our |
|
policy is not to pursue decoupling. Our policy is to respond to |
|
those and counter those behaviors in a way that we think best |
|
serves the American national interest. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Do we as America determine that Iran--we |
|
labeled them as a State sponsor of terrorism, is that correct? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. That is my understanding. |
|
Chairman McCaul. So what would you call then the Nation who |
|
actually helps to support and fund in a proxy utilization--what |
|
would that country then be? Would that not also be a State |
|
sponsor of terrorism? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Again, Congressman, I've tried to outline |
|
here that where we have concerns with Chinese behavior and |
|
actions we've taken resolute steps to respond to them. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Sir, I am just asking a simple question, |
|
which is that we already have defined that Iran is a State |
|
sponsor of terror. If another nation is in conjunction |
|
supporting that State sponsor of terror, does that not then |
|
also lean to them doing the same? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. I'll just say, Congressman, we'll--we'll |
|
respond to the actions of--of China that are of concern to us |
|
and we'll do it in a way that supports our national interest. |
|
Chairman McCaul. No, that is understood. And again, our |
|
national interest seems to be on the ideas of what is |
|
economically beneficial. |
|
Can I ask a question to you, Mr. Schiffer? How much money |
|
does USAID invest in China? |
|
Mr. Schiffer. We do not invest any money in China. |
|
Chairman McCaul. No programs? No projects that are being |
|
done in China at a taxpayers' expense? |
|
Mr. Schiffer. There are programs that we undertake to |
|
support Tibetans and others who are victims of China's |
|
oppression and human rights violations. |
|
Chairman McCaul. So we will allocate and spend money to |
|
help the people in China who China will not help, but in return |
|
we will also continue to give hundreds of billions of dollars |
|
in trade to China while they sponsor countries like Iran, who |
|
we have noted as a State sponsor of terror, or Russia, who is |
|
engaged in war in Ukraine. But yet we still won't determine |
|
that they are a nation in which we are in conflict with. We |
|
won't decouple. We won't stop and actually hold them |
|
accountable noting that they are an adversary. Is that my |
|
understanding of everyone's testimony right now? |
|
Mr. Schiffer. Well, in terms of the programs that--that-- |
|
that we support; and be happy to talk to you more about them in |
|
a--in--in a different setting, we believe that it's important |
|
for the United States to stand up to oppressed people who are |
|
victims of human rights violation, cultural genocide, and--and |
|
more. |
|
Chairman McCaul. And I completely agree with that. I think |
|
we should always be trying to help those who are engaged in |
|
human right abuses or denials. |
|
One question: Do you believe that TikTok is a threat or a |
|
national security issue? And this is for everyone on the panel. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, on--on your--your previous |
|
question I would just say obviously we're taking a range of |
|
resolute steps that we've outlined here today to advance our |
|
national interest and push back on concerning China's behavior. |
|
On--on--on TikTok I think you're aware that we have banned |
|
the use of TikTok on all U.S. Government devices. My |
|
understanding is CFIUS is looking at a number of--of steps |
|
related to--to TikTok. But I think it would be safer to refer |
|
questions to Treasury and the CFIUS process regarding those |
|
details. |
|
Mr. Estevez. I would also say TikTok is a threat. And like |
|
Secretary Kritenbrink just said, CFIUS is adjudicating that |
|
process right now. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Thank you so much, gentlemen. |
|
With that, I will recognize Mr. Burshett. |
|
Mr. Burchett. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is Burchett, but |
|
close. I appreciate it. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Hey, it is close enough, right? |
|
Mr. Burchett. Yes, it is close enough. |
|
I fear that the U.S. Government has been compromised by the |
|
Communist Chinese. Our own President when this surveillance |
|
balloon, or whatever you want to call it, flew over our |
|
country, the President called, from what I--the earlier reports |
|
were that he called for it to be shot down. And then our own-- |
|
from what I understand General Milley said no, it should not. |
|
And then it was allowed to transverse the entire |
|
Continental United States of America. Came over my area, Oak |
|
Ridge National Laboratory. I believe Y-12 in that mix. |
|
And he was the same general under President Trump at the |
|
end of his presidency that actually spoke with the Chinese, |
|
apparently unbeknownst to the White House. And this is the same |
|
man who is telling our President not to shoot this thing down. |
|
And Leon Panetta, former CIA Director, former Chief of Staff |
|
under Obama, he--I saw him in an interview and he said he would |
|
have shot it down over Alaska. |
|
I say that just as a preempt. Doesn't have anything to do |
|
with my questions, but it is something I think that needs to be |
|
said. |
|
But, Secretary Estevez, I am concerned about the |
|
possibility research conducted at ORNL, Oak Ridge National |
|
Laboratory, which may result in matters of national security |
|
could fall into the Chinese Communist Party's hands. And I know |
|
Oak Ridge is part of the Department of Energy, but does the |
|
Department of Commerce have export controls in place to stop |
|
this from happening? |
|
And I believe they are calling for votes. Is that correct? |
|
Yes, I am good. |
|
OK. Go ahead, brother. |
|
Mr. Estevez. That's a--it is a better question for the |
|
Department of Energy. I doubt that Oak Ridge is exporting |
|
anything to China, but we certainly have controls around |
|
nuclear--nuclear goods, nuclear-related items going to China, |
|
full stop. |
|
Mr. Burchett. OK. Secretary Kritenback--brink--how do--is-- |
|
did I say your name right, Kritenbrink? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, sir. |
|
Mr. Burchett. OK. I got it right. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you. |
|
Mr. Burchett. They cannot get Burchett right, but we get |
|
Kritenbrink right. I know you all woke up this morning and |
|
thought, gosh, we are getting to go to testify before Congress. |
|
This is going to be great. |
|
There are many researchers at Oak Ridge National Laboratory |
|
with ties back in China, and these people are very loyal folks. |
|
They are good folks. But what is being done to protect these |
|
researchers and their families from Chinese Communist Party |
|
influence? From what I understand that they--people will get |
|
approached, not necessarily at Oak Ridge, but they could be |
|
get--approached and they will say, hey, you got family back |
|
here. Basically they imply they are going to disappear, which |
|
is greatly within the possibility of Communist China. Is there |
|
something that could done about that? Is there something we can |
|
do about that? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, thank you for your question. |
|
I--I will have to take that back because I do not know the |
|
details of that program. But I'm happy to take that back and |
|
provide---- |
|
Mr. Burchett. Would you please do, not just do the--not use |
|
the usual---- |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, sir. |
|
Mr. Burchett. I realize it as the 435th most powerful |
|
Member of Congress I am not at the top of your list, but |
|
[inaudible]. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. No. No, sir. I'm happy to. Could I respond |
|
very briefly on the balloon as well---- |
|
Mr. Burchett. Yes. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink [continuing]. And I had the opportunity to |
|
mention earlier, Congressman, we--we detected, we tracked the |
|
balloon. President ordered that it be taken down. And that was |
|
done as soon as it was determined it could be done safe--safely |
|
and not in a way that rained debris down potentially on top of |
|
the heads of American citizens that could have injured or |
|
killed them. |
|
I would also say that at the President's direction we took |
|
a number of steps to shield ourselves from any vulnerability |
|
from that balloon. We learned a--a lot from that balloon by |
|
tracking it and we're going to learn even more now that we have |
|
taken it down and recovered the debris. |
|
Mr. Burchett. Yes, sir. I fear that with it dropping in |
|
salt water the electronics will be fried. And also since it--it |
|
could have been dropped in Montana. The Democrat U.S. senator |
|
from there even said it should have been dropped there. |
|
I said this jokingly, but it is the truth: You dropped it |
|
off the coast of Myrtle Beach. You are more likely to hit some |
|
guy with a mullet and a tie-dyed t-shirt riding in a shrimp |
|
boat that you were to hit somebody in Montana. |
|
I mean, you have got all these computer models and you can |
|
tell us where stuff drops. To me that is just very hard to--I |
|
am not calling you a liar, but I am calling somebody a liar |
|
because they are not telling us the truth about this thing. And |
|
it is the type of thing we will never hear about or if we do it |
|
will be in some expose later and then--and nobody will bat an |
|
eye. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Well, Congressman, again I'll just say |
|
that when--when the U.S. military and others did this modeling, |
|
that was the precise concern. You have a balloon that's 200 |
|
feet high and the--the payload, the--the collection apparatus |
|
is the length of three buses---- |
|
Mr. Burchett. I realize that, but---- |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink [continuing]. You shoot that down from that |
|
height, debris scatters over a very wide field. |
|
Mr. Burchett [continuing]. We have models that can---- |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, sir. |
|
Mr. Burchett [continuing]. That can read the data off a |
|
dime on the pitcher's mound at Yankee Stadium. |
|
Real quickly, is China--I know China is involved in the |
|
fentanyl crisis. Is the State Department doing anything to |
|
combat that? And I am out of time, I realize, but if you can |
|
just answer that? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, sir. |
|
Mr. Burchett. Maybe have somebody come to the office and |
|
get to me. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. We will. Fentanyl is an absolute scourge. |
|
We're engaging the Chinese aggressively. And perhaps most |
|
importantly we're engaging our partners to collectively put |
|
pressure on China to take their right steps that they should. |
|
We'd be happy to brief you, sir. |
|
Mr. Burchett. I wish you would. I hope you all just lock |
|
them down because I do not believe they have anybody's best |
|
interest--and I worry about the good folks in Tennessee that |
|
have family back in China. Thank you, brother. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Thank you, Mr. Burshett. |
|
With that, I will recognize---- |
|
Mr. Burchett. Burchett. Birch like the tree and ett like I |
|
just ett dinner. Ett. Burchett. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Yes, but if I say it correctly, you won't |
|
correct me. |
|
Mr. Burchett. Burshett? What is that? Come on. |
|
Chairman McCaul. I am giving you the French version. |
|
Mr. Lawler? |
|
Mr. Lawler. Thank you for correctly pronouncing my name. |
|
Secretary Estevez, earlier this month Chairman McCaul and I |
|
sent you a letter requesting information on the Department of |
|
Commerce's implementation of U.S. export control laws regarding |
|
Chinese exports to State sponsors of terrorism. I ask unanimous |
|
consent that a copy of the letter be entered into the hearing |
|
record. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Without objection. |
|
[The information referred to follows:] |
|
|
|
*********COMMITTEE INSERT********** |
|
Mr. Lawler. Between 2010 and 2016 Chinese company ZTE |
|
illegally exported tens of millions of dollars worth of U.S.- |
|
origin equipment to Iran, clearly violating U.S. sanctions and |
|
export control laws. And I am sure this is not the only case of |
|
illicit activity. |
|
What has BIS done to enforce compliance with enhanced |
|
controls on State sponsors of terrorism? |
|
Mr. Estevez. Thank you for that question. On ZTE, of course |
|
ZTE is under criminal penalty regarding their violation of--of |
|
law there. |
|
Tracking trade from China to other benign--or--or malicious |
|
actors in the world, you know, we can track the trade. What |
|
that is and whether there is American content in those items is |
|
harder to discern. So we have a 10 percent de minimis rule for |
|
stuff going to a State sponsor of terrorism. So we're doing |
|
assessment of what we can do there. That's the most I can say |
|
at this point. And obviously we're going to respond to your |
|
letter. |
|
Mr. Lawler. Thank you. Is BIS able to conduct end-use |
|
checks in China for diversions of two State sponsors of |
|
terrorism like Iran? |
|
Mr. Estevez. We are able to use--to do end-use checks on |
|
our goods that go to China and how they're being used to ensure |
|
they're not being diverted from China. China exports going out |
|
are not subject to our end-use checks. However, we can ensure |
|
that, you know, if--if they're exporting stuff from the United |
|
States, we can start to, you know, do an assessment of how much |
|
content there is. |
|
Mr. Lawler. Do you believe there are certain technologies |
|
that we should not be exporting to China? |
|
Mr. Estevez. If there's technologies that we're--should not |
|
be exporting to China, my job is stopping those. So my view is |
|
no, but as technology advances, we're always taking action |
|
appropriately. |
|
Mr. Lawler. OK. Thank you. |
|
Secretary Kritenbrink, I am deeply concerned with recent |
|
reports that China may be sending ammunition and other military |
|
equipment to Russia in support of its war against Ukraine. How |
|
is the Administration working to prevent this arms transfer and |
|
how would the Administration respond if a deal goes through? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, yes, you're right, we are |
|
deeply concerned that--our understanding is China is |
|
considering taking steps to provide lethal assistance to the |
|
Russian military in Ukraine. We have not seen them take that |
|
step yet. We've tried to signal very clearly, both in private |
|
in Munich and then publicly, our concerns. We've talked about |
|
the implications and the consequences if they were to do so. |
|
And we also know that many of our like-minded partners share |
|
those--those concerns. So I think we've--I think we've made |
|
that very clear. |
|
Mr. Estevez. And if I could, Congressman? |
|
Mr. Lawler. Yes, please. |
|
Mr. Estevez. For dual-use items that are part of our |
|
sanctions package, our export control package that we and 38 |
|
other nations have put on regarding support to Russia, we have |
|
put 12 Chinese entities on the entity list for providing |
|
support to Russia. |
|
Mr. Lawler. Thank you. As we all know, the CCP has been |
|
conducting vast espionage operations in our country for years, |
|
long before this most recent episode with the Chinese spy |
|
balloon. What specific steps are the--is the Administration |
|
taking to counter China's espionage efforts over the past 2 |
|
years? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Congressman, I think it would be safer if |
|
I take that back and have colleagues in the intelligence |
|
community brief you in--in a classified setting. |
|
Mr. Lawler. That would be great. |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Thank you, sir. |
|
Mr. Lawler. Last, how is the Administration working with |
|
the ASEAN countries to push back on China's militarization of |
|
the South China Sea? |
|
Mr. Kritenbrink. Yes, sir. Well, I'd say a--a--a couple of |
|
things: First of all, our engagement with ASEAN, the 10 |
|
countries of ASEAN, soon to be 11, is really vitally important |
|
to the United States. Collectively these--these countries form |
|
the world's fourth largest economy and with 650 million people |
|
are--or collective 1 billion people I think have a bright |
|
future together. |
|
But specifically with countries in ASEAN and especially the |
|
subset of ASEAN States who are South China Sea claimants we do |
|
several things: We're engaged with them diplomatically to make |
|
sure that they and all countries promote the peaceful |
|
resolution of disputes, the respect for international law |
|
including international maritime law, and that we work |
|
diplomatically to preserve the freedom of navigation and |
|
freedom of overflight. |
|
Second, we are providing, both the State Department and |
|
DoD, a--a--a great deal of assistance to build these partners' |
|
maritime capacity including their maritime domain awareness |
|
capacity and defense capacity so they better understand what's |
|
happening in their waters, they can better deter China and |
|
others from violating their rights and they can better secure |
|
the minerals in their waters to which they're entitled. |
|
And then third and finally, we work very closely with our |
|
partners at DoD who on a daily basis are, through their |
|
presence operations and freedom of navigation operations, |
|
demonstrating that we'll fly, sail and operate anywhere |
|
international law allows. And every other country should be |
|
entitled to the same right. |
|
Mr. Lawler. Great. Thank you. I yield back. |
|
Chairman McCaul. Gentlemen, thank you so much. I want to |
|
thank the witnesses for their valuable testimony as well as the |
|
members for their questions. The member of the committees may |
|
have some additional questions for the witnesses, and we would |
|
ask that you respond to these in writing. |
|
Pursuant to committee rules all members may have 5 days to |
|
submit statements, questions, and extraneous material for the |
|
record subject to the length limitations. |
|
Without objection, the committee stands adjourned. |
|
[Whereupon, at 1:41 p.m, the committee was adjourned.] |
|
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APPENDIX |
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[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] |
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STATEMENT FOR THE RECORD FROM REPRESENTATIVE CONNOLLY |
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[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] |
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RESPONSES TO QUESTIONS SUBMITTED FOR THE RECORD |
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[GRAPHICS NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT] |
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[all] |
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