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<title> - NO TAXPAYER FUNDING FOR ABORTION ACT</title> |
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[House Hearing, 112 Congress] |
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[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office] |
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NO TAXPAYER FUNDING FOR ABORTION ACT |
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HEARING |
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BEFORE THE |
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SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE CONSTITUTION |
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OF THE |
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COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY |
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HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES |
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ONE HUNDRED TWELFTH CONGRESS |
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FIRST SESSION |
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ON |
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H.R. 3 |
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__________ |
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FEBRUARY 8, 2011 |
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__________ |
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Serial No. 112-9 |
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Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary |
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Available via the World Wide Web: http://judiciary.house.gov |
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U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE |
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64-404 WASHINGTON : 2011 |
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For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, |
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http://bookstore.gpo.gov. For more information, contact the GPO Customer Contact Center, U.S. Government Printing Office. Phone 202�09512�091800, or 866�09512�091800 (toll-free). E-mail, <a href="/cdn-cgi/l/email-protection" class="__cf_email__" data-cfemail="fb9c8b94bb988e888f939e978bd5989496">[email protected]</a>. |
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COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY |
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LAMAR SMITH, Texas, Chairman |
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F. JAMES SENSENBRENNER, Jr., JOHN CONYERS, Jr., Michigan |
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Wisconsin HOWARD L. BERMAN, California |
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HOWARD COBLE, North Carolina JERROLD NADLER, New York |
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ELTON GALLEGLY, California ROBERT C. ``BOBBY'' SCOTT, |
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BOB GOODLATTE, Virginia Virginia |
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DANIEL E. LUNGREN, California MELVIN L. WATT, North Carolina |
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STEVE CHABOT, Ohio ZOE LOFGREN, California |
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DARRELL E. ISSA, California SHEILA JACKSON LEE, Texas |
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MIKE PENCE, Indiana MAXINE WATERS, California |
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J. RANDY FORBES, Virginia STEVE COHEN, Tennessee |
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STEVE KING, Iowa HENRY C. ``HANK'' JOHNSON, Jr., |
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TRENT FRANKS, Arizona Georgia |
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LOUIE GOHMERT, Texas PEDRO PIERLUISI, Puerto Rico |
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JIM JORDAN, Ohio MIKE QUIGLEY, Illinois |
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TED POE, Texas JUDY CHU, California |
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JASON CHAFFETZ, Utah TED DEUTCH, Florida |
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TOM REED, New York LINDA T. SANCHEZ, California |
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TIM GRIFFIN, Arkansas DEBBIE WASSERMAN SCHULTZ, Florida |
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TOM MARINO, Pennsylvania |
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TREY GOWDY, South Carolina |
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DENNIS ROSS, Florida |
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SANDY ADAMS, Florida |
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BEN QUAYLE, Arizona |
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Sean McLaughlin, Majority Chief of Staff and General Counsel |
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Perry Apelbaum, Minority Staff Director and Chief Counsel |
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------ |
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Subcommittee on the Constitution |
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TRENT FRANKS, Arizona, Chairman |
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MIKE PENCE, Indiana, Vice-Chairman |
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STEVE CHABOT, Ohio JERROLD NADLER, New York |
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J. RANDY FORBES, Virginia MIKE QUIGLEY, Illinois |
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STEVE KING, Iowa JOHN CONYERS, Jr., Michigan |
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JIM JORDAN, Ohio ROBERT C. ``BOBBY'' SCOTT, |
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Virginia |
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Paul B. Taylor, Chief Counsel |
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David Lachmann, Minority Staff Director |
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C O N T E N T S |
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---------- |
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FEBRUARY 8, 2011 |
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Page |
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THE BILL |
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H.R. 3, the ``No Taxpayer Funding for Abortion Act''............. 4 |
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OPENING STATEMENTS |
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The Honorable Trent Franks, a Representative in Congress from the |
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State of Arizona, and Chairman, Subcommittee on the |
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Constitution................................................... 1 |
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The Honorable Jerrold Nadler, a Representative in Congress from |
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the State of New York, and Ranking Member, Subcommittee on the |
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Constitution................................................... 13 |
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WITNESSES |
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Richard M. Doerflinger, Associate Director of the Secretariat of |
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Pro-Life Activities, United States Conference of Catholic |
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Bishops (USCCB) |
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Oral Testimony................................................. 21 |
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Prepared Statement............................................. 24 |
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Cathy Cleaver Ruse, Senior Fellow for Legal Studies, Family |
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Research Council |
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Oral Testimony................................................. 34 |
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Prepared Statement............................................. 36 |
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Sara Rosenbaum, Harold and Jane Hirsh Professor, Health Law and |
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Policy, and Chair, Department of Health Policy, The George |
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Washington University School of Public Health and Health |
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Services |
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Oral Testimony................................................. 45 |
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Prepared Statement............................................. 47 |
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LETTERS, STATEMENTS, ETC., SUBMITTED FOR THE HEARING |
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Prepared Statement of the Honorable Jerrold Nadler, a |
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Representative in Congress from the State of New York, and |
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Ranking Member, Subcommittee on the Constitution............... 16 |
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Prepared Statement of the Honorable Eleanor Holmes Norton, a |
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Representative in Congress from the District of Columbia....... 18 |
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Material submitted by the Honorable John Conyers, Jr., a |
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Representative in Congress from the State of Michigan, Ranking |
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Member, Committee on the Judiciary, and Member, Subcommittee on |
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the Constitution............................................... 61 |
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APPENDIX |
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Material Submitted for the Hearing Record |
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Prepared Statement of the Honorable Mike Quigley, a |
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Representative in Congress from the State of Illinois, and |
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Member, Subcommittee on the Constitution....................... 71 |
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Addendum to the Prepared Statement of Cathy Cleaver Ruse, Senior |
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Fellow for Legal Studies, Family Research Council.............. 74 |
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Letter from Cardinal Danile N. DiNardo, Archbishop of Galveston/ |
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Houston, Chairman, Committee on Pro-Life Activities, United |
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States Conferece of Catholic Bishop............................ 75 |
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Letter from Sr. Carol Keehan, DC, President and CEO, Catholic |
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Health Association of the United States........................ 77 |
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Prepared Statement of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU).. 79 |
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Prepared Statement of the Center for Reproductive Rights......... 88 |
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Material submitted by Cory L. Richards, Executive Vice President, |
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and Vice President for Public Policy, the Guttmacher Institute. 101 |
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Prepared Statement of Douglas Laube, MD, MEd, Board Chair, |
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Physicians for Reroductive Choice and Health................... 112 |
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Letter from Cassing Hammond, MD, Director, Section of Family |
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Planning & Contraception, Associate Professor of Obstetrics and |
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Gyncology, Northwestern Feinberg School of Medicine, and Chair, |
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National Abortion Federation Board of Director................. 116 |
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Prepared Statement of the National Abortion Federation........... 119 |
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Prepared Statement of Silvia Henriquez, Executive Director, the |
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National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health.............. 125 |
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Prepared Statement of Debra Ness, President, and Judith Lichtman, |
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Senior Advisor, the National Partnership for Women & Families.. 128 |
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Prepared Statement of Rabbi David Saperstein, Director and |
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Counsel, Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism............. 132 |
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Prepared Statement of Nancy Keenan, President, NARAL Pro-Choice |
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American Foundation............................................ 134 |
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Prepared Statement of Nancy Ratzan, President, National Council |
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of Jewish Woman................................................ 143 |
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Material submitted by the Center for Reproductive Rights......... 146 |
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Material submitted by DC Vote.................................... 151 |
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Press Release from the National Abortion Federation (NAF)........ 152 |
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NO TAXPAYER FUNDING FOR ABORTION ACT |
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TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 8, 2011 |
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House of Representatives, |
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Subcommittee on the Constitution, |
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Committee on the Judiciary, |
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Washington, DC. |
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The Subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 4:05 p.m., in |
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room 2141, Rayburn House Office Building, the Honorable Trent |
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Franks (Chairman of the Subcommittee) presiding. |
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Present: Representatives Franks, Pence, Chabot, King, |
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Jordan, Nadler, Quigley, Conyers, and Scott. |
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Also Present: Representatives Goodlatte and Jackson Lee. |
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Staff Present: (Majority) Paul Taylor, Subcommittee Chief |
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Counsel; Sarah Vance, Clerk; (Minority) Heather Sawyer, |
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Counsel; and Veronica Eligan, Professional Staff Member. |
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Mr. Franks. The Subcommittee will come to order. |
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Good afternoon to all of you. Pursuant to notice, the |
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Subcommittee on the Constitution meets today to consider H.R. |
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3, the ``No Taxpayer Funding for Abortion Act.'' This is the |
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very first Constitution Subcommittee hearing in this, the new |
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112th Congress, and it is such a privilege to be the new |
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Chairman of the Subcommittee and to offer a heartfelt welcome |
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to all of the Members, the witnesses, and the observers. |
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Let me take a little side note here. Rule XI of the House |
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rules provides that the Chairman of the Committee may punish |
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breaches of order and decorum by censure and exclusion from the |
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hearing. Presently we have people standing and it makes the |
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order not in order in the hearing room. So members of the |
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audience must behave in an orderly fashion. I say that |
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respectfully, but otherwise they will be removed from the |
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hearing room. So I hope you all will sit down. |
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Daniel Webster once said, Hold on, my friends, to the |
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Constitution and to the Republic for which in stands, for |
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miracles do not cluster and what has happened once in 6,000 |
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years may never happen again. So hold on to the Constitution |
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for if the American Constitution should fall, there will be |
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anarchy throughout the world. |
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Our Founding Fathers wrote the words of our Constitution |
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down for us because they did not want us to forget their true |
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meaning, or to otherwise fall prey to those who would |
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deliberately undermine or destroy it. This has always been the |
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preeminent reason why we write down documents or agreements or |
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declarations or constitutions in the first place: To preserve |
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their original meaning and intent. |
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Protecting the lives of innocent Americans and their |
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constitutional rights is why those of us in this room are all |
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here, and indeed this is why Congress itself exists. The |
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phrases in the Fifth and 14th Amendments capsulate our entire |
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Constitution when they proclaim that no person shall be |
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deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of |
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law. |
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Those words are a crystal clear reflection of the |
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Proclamation and the Declaration of Independence that declares |
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that all men are created equal and endowed by their Creator |
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with certain unalienable rights, those being life, liberty, and |
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the pursuit of happiness. Those words are the essence of the |
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America, and our commitment to them for more than two centuries |
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has set America apart as the flagship of human freedom in the |
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entire world. And yet unspeakable suffering and tragedy have |
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occurred whenever we have strayed from those words. |
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Our own United States Supreme Court ruled that millions of |
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men, women, and children were not persons under the |
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Constitution because their skin was black. It took a horrible |
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Civil War and the deaths of over 600,000 Americans to reverse |
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that unspeakable tragedy. And we saw the same arrogance in 1973 |
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when the Supreme Court said the unborn child was not a person |
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under the Constitution. And we have since witnessed the silent |
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deaths of now over 50 million innocent little baby boys and |
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baby girls who died without the protection the Constitution |
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gave them and without the protection this Congress should have |
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given them. |
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H.R. 3 is a bipartisan bill that takes a step to turn |
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America away from that tragedy. The bill forms part of the new |
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majority's pledge to America, codifying the Hyde amendment by |
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permanently prohibiting taxpayer funding of abortion across all |
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Federal programs. In addition, the bill protects health care |
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workers' rights of conscience so that they cannot be coerced to |
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participate in abortion procedures as a condition their |
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employment. |
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The Capitol Police are in the process of restoring order |
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here and we are going to go ahead and continue and would ask |
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them to continue. |
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The Speaker of the House, John Boehner, directed that this |
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bill receive the designation H.R. 3 as ``one of our highest |
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legislative priorities.'' H.R. 3 is intended to continue the |
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same policy as the Hyde amendment. The Hyde amendment prohibits |
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taxpayer funding of abortion except in cases of rape, incest, |
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or to save the life of the mother. |
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Contrary to discussion in the press, this bill with not be |
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a departure from the decades of implementation of the Hyde |
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amendment policy. Sponsors of the bill are reviewing clarifying |
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language for amending H.R. 3 to assure lawmakers that funding |
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policy as it relates to cases of rape will not be altered by |
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this bill. |
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The second part of this bill provides necessary protection |
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for health care workers who will not perform or refer for |
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abortions as a matter of conscience. Those who believe that a |
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pregnancy is a circumstance which presents with two patients, |
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the mother and the unborn child, cannot in good conscience do |
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harm to that unborn child and therefore should not be coerced |
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into performing abortions as would be required under the |
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current health care system. |
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Now, it is said that government is what it spends. Planned |
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Parenthood alone aborts over a quarter of a million unborn |
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babies every year, all the while it receives hundreds of |
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millions of dollars in Federal, State or local taxpayer funds. |
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This legislation is really about whether the role of America's |
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government is to continue to fund a practice that takes the |
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lives of over 1 million little Americans every year. |
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Even some of those who do not consider themselves pro-life |
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strongly object to their taxpayers going to pay for abortion-- |
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their dollars. |
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Now I believe the intensity of this debate has something to |
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do with our collective conscience. Perhaps it is because |
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ultrasound technology has begun to demonstrate to all |
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reasonable observers both the humanity of the victim and the |
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inhumanity of what is done to them. |
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We are beginning to realize as Americans that somehow we |
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are bigger than abortion on demand and that 50 million dead |
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children is enough. We are beginning to ask the real question, |
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does abortion take the life of a child? If it does not, then |
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all of this here today is a non-issue. But if it does, then |
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those of us sitting here in the chambers of freedom are in the |
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midst of the greatest human genocide in the history of |
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humanity. |
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Thomas Jefferson said that the care of human life and its |
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happiness and not its destruction is the chief and only object |
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of good government. And ladies and gentlemen, using taxpayer |
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dollars to fund the killing of innocent, unborn children does |
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not liberate their mothers. It is not the cause for which those |
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lying out under the white stones in Arlington National Cemetery |
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died, and it is not good government. |
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Abraham Lincoln called upon all of us to remember America's |
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Founding Fathers and, ``Their enlightened belief that nothing |
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stamped with the divine image and likeness was sent into the |
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world to be trodden on or degraded and imbruted by its fellows. |
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He reminded those he called posterity that when in the distant |
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future some man, some factions, some interests should set up a |
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doctrine that some were not entitled to life, liberty, and the |
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pursuit of happiness that ``their posterity"--that's us, ladies |
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and gentlemen--"their posterity might look up again to the |
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Declaration of Independence and take courage to renew the |
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battle which their fathers began.'' |
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May that be the commitment of all of us today. I look so |
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forward to hearing from the witnesses, and I now recognize the |
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Ranking Member of the Subcommittee, Mr. Nadler, for his opening |
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statement. |
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[The bill, H.R. 3, follows:] |
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__________ |
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Mr. Nadler. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I first want to note |
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that this is our first Subcommittee hearing of the 112th |
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Congress and your first as Chairman. I want to congratulate |
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you. Although our jurisdiction includes some of the most |
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difficult issues before the Congress, some of which have |
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historically been very contentious, I look forward to working |
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with you in the spirit of comity to give what we both know are |
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strong and sincerely held views the fair hearing that they |
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deserve. |
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Having chaired this Subcommittee for two Congresses and |
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having served as the Ranking Member for several Congresses |
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before that, I appreciate what a challenge this Subcommittee |
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can be and I look forward to working with you. |
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Today's hearing concerns what may be the most difficult and |
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divisive issue we will have the opportunity to consider: A |
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woman's right to make decisions about her own body. Whether to |
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become pregnant, whether to continue a pregnancy, or whether to |
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terminate it has long been a right protected by the |
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Constitution. Whether or not people think that is a good idea |
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or a fair reading of the Constitution or morally correct, it |
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remains the law of the land. |
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Congress has for more than three decades used economic |
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coercion to try to prevent women from exercising their |
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constitutionally protected choice by prohibiting use of Federal |
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funds for abortions, the only legal health care procedure |
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subject to such a ban. Until now that coercion was directed |
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against the poor and against women dependent upon the |
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government for health care, military personnel and their |
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dependents, prison inmates, and Federal employees. We have thus |
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developed a two-tiered system in which people with means have |
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the right to choose but members of vulnerable populations do |
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not. |
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Now comes the No Taxpayer Funding for Abortion Act, H.R. 3, |
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which is really misnamed, because it has very little to do with |
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taxpayer funding for abortions, it goes way beyond that |
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question and places government in the middle of private choices |
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by families and businesses about how they wish to spend their |
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own health care dollars. This legislation represents an |
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entirely new front in the war against women and their families. |
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After 2 years of hearing my Republican colleagues complain |
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that government should not meddle in the private insurance |
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market or in private health care choices, I was stunned to see |
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legislation so obviously designed to do exactly that. |
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It seems that many Republicans believe in freedom, provided |
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no one uses that freedom in a way they find objectionable. That |
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is a strange understanding of freedom. Even more stunning, this |
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bill contains a huge tax increase on families, businesses, and |
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the self-employed if they spend their own money--let me repeat |
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that, their own money on insurance that covers abortions or |
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abortion services. |
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The power to tax is the power to destroy and here the |
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taxing power is being used quite deliberately to destroy the |
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right of every American to make private health care decisions |
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free from government interference. A Republican tax increase, |
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Republican support for government intrusion into private health |
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care choices--I am supposed to say you heard it here first, but |
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if you read the bill you saw it there first. |
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I am equally surprised to find out that my Republican |
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colleagues think that a tax exemption or credit is a form of |
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government funding. What happened to all the about the rhetoric |
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about its being our money, or does that apply only in certain |
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circumstances? Will we now have to call every tax exemption or |
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credit a form of government funding for the recipient? I am |
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sure there will be many businesses, charities, and religious |
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denominations that will be alarmed to find out that they are |
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receiving government subsidies. |
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I also join many other Americans in being absolutely |
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horrified--well, before I get to that, let me say that among |
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others who should be horrified are all the churches, and |
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synagogues and mosques that will now presumably have to give up |
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their tax exemptions, because if tax exemptions are government |
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subsidies then that is a direct establishment of religion and |
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the logic is inexorable. Either a tax exemption is government |
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funding, in which case we cannot give tax exemptions to |
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churches and synagogues and mosques, or it is not, in which |
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case this bill has no claim on anything. |
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I also join many other Americans being absolutely horrified |
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that the sponsors of this bill seem not to know what rape and |
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incest are. Rape, according to this legislation, is only |
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``forcible'' rape. Date rape drugs, sex with minors, with the |
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mentally impaired are, at least according to the sponsors of |
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this bill, not really rape anymore. Incest also is no longer |
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incest. Instead it is now only incest with a minor that we have |
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to be concerned about, which means I guess that incest with a |
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high school senior doesn't count. |
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Have the extremes really taken such a hold on this debate |
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that we cannot even agree to help children and teenagers who |
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are the victims of predators? Is there no compassion left in |
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this Capitol? |
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I have heard that the rape and incest provisions are going |
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to be removed from this bill or modified because of the outcry |
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they have raised. But first, we have not seen such an amendment |
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yet. And second, what does this provision, even if amended, |
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what does the provision in the first place say about the |
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mindset and intent of the sponsors of the legislation? |
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There is also a provision in this bill that in the name of |
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conscience of health care providers would allow any health care |
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provider or institution to refuse to provide an abortion to a |
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woman who would die if she doesn't get the abortion. They would |
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be allowed to refuse to provide an abortion in the emergency |
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room, even if the medical judgment is that without that |
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abortion she would die. They would let that woman die right |
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there in the emergency room and the government would be |
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powerless to do anything to penalize that or to prevent it. In |
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fact, if the government, under the provisions of this bill, |
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insisted that the hospital not let the woman die, section 311 |
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of the bill would allow the hospital to sue the government and |
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in the case of a State or locality strip that community of all |
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Federal funding until the jurisdiction relented and allowed |
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women to die if they needed an abortion to prevent the death. |
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That is the new definition it seems of pro-life. |
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So, Mr. Chairman, let's start off on the right foot. The No |
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Taxpayer Funding for Abortion Act is not really about taxpayer |
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funding; it is about government interfering with private |
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healthcare decisions. It is not about protecting the innocent; |
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it is about creating appalling, even life threatening |
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situations for women. It is a tax increase of historic |
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proportions. |
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Finally, if passed, it would eliminate the private market |
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for abortion insurance coverage. The chief sponsor of this |
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legislation, the gentleman from New Jersey, Mr. Smith, has been |
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very clear about his purpose. When he introduced this bill, he |
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cited a study by the Guttmacher Institute that showed a decline |
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in the rate of abortions of approximately 25 percent when |
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funding is cut off. What that proves, if it proves anything, is |
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that economic coercion works, and the remarks we have just |
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heard from the Chairman made crystal clear that the unashamed |
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purpose of this bill is to use economic coercion to prevent |
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women and families from exercising their constitutional right |
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to make a choice of abortion even with their own funds. |
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It is an unprecedented attack on women, on families, on |
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their rights under the Constitution and, for that matter, on |
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the private insurance market. Let's not pretend this bill has |
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anything to do with government funding. It does not. |
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I yield back the balance of my time. |
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Mr. Franks. Thank you, Mr. Nadler. And without objection, |
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other Members' opening statements will be made part of the |
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record. |
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Mr. Nadler. Mr. Chairman, may I be recognized for a |
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unanimous consent request? |
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Mr. Franks. Certainly. |
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Mr. Nadler. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Chairman, I ask |
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unanimous consent to place into the record testimony submitted |
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by our colleague, the gentlewoman from the District of |
|
Columbia, Ms. Norton. The gentlewoman had requested that she be |
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allowed to present testimony in today's hearing because there |
|
is a provision in the bill that specifically pertains to her |
|
district, the District of Columbia, and to no other, but we |
|
were told that the Chairman of the full Committee has denied |
|
that request. I am sorry. I regret that she was denied |
|
permission to testify, and I hope that this has been a |
|
misunderstanding and that in the future Members of Congress |
|
will be, as was the practice when I was Chairman of the |
|
Subcommittee, permitted on request to testify as witnesses, |
|
especially if it has something to do specifically with their |
|
own district. So I ask unanimous consent to place her statement |
|
and my statement in the record. |
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Mr. Franks. Without objection, your statement and hers will |
|
be placed in the record. |
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[The prepared statement of Mr. Nadler follows:] |
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Mr. Nadler. I thank the gentleman. |
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Mr. Franks. Just to clarify the issue, Mr. Nadler, Chairman |
|
Smith has decided that as a general policy the Judiciary |
|
Committee and its Subcommittees will only have one panel of |
|
witnesses for each hearing and that the panel will consist of |
|
no more than four witnesses. The minority is able to select a |
|
witness. And if they would like to invite a Member to testify, |
|
that is certainly something they can do. The Chairman did not |
|
refuse Ms. Norton's ability to be here; she just had to be |
|
chosen as one of the minority witnesses. |
|
There may be times when the Committee is not able to |
|
accommodate every individual who wishes to testify. However, |
|
the record always remains open for 5 legislative days for |
|
others to submit testimony if they wish. This is a bright line |
|
rule that is not meant to discriminate against any particular |
|
potential witness. It is meant to ensure that hearings are |
|
succinct enough so that Members are able to hear all of the |
|
witnesses and participate in a meaningful way. |
|
Mr. Nadler. Mr. Chairman? |
|
Mr. Franks. Mr. Nadler. |
|
Mr. Nadler. Thank you. I simply would like to comment on |
|
that. I have never objected--I mean, some Committees in this |
|
Congress have three and four panels, I certainly have never |
|
objected and indeed I sometimes welcome that this Committee |
|
generally only has one panel. It makes life easier and more |
|
succinct. I am not objecting to that now. |
|
However, when the minority only has only one witness, which |
|
has been the practice under the Democrats and Republicans and |
|
certainly that is not a change here, but in certain |
|
circumstances it presents a quandary. Here we have a bill |
|
dealing for the most part with a broad issue of taxpayer |
|
funding of everything that I talked about and a specific |
|
provision dealing with the District of Columbia. To say that |
|
the minority could have Ms. Norton as the witness to talk about |
|
D.C. is to say that we couldn't talk about the basic provisions |
|
of the bill. And if we choose to have one witness on the basis |
|
of the provisions of the bill, then Ms. Norton is denied the |
|
opportunity to talk about the specific application to her |
|
district. That is why when I was Chairman we--if a Member |
|
desired to testify, especially if there was something to do |
|
with his or her district, we would always provide a separate |
|
panel for that Member, and for partisan purposes you might say, |
|
all right, if it's a Republican we will have a Democrat testify |
|
about something, too. But you would allow that flexibility |
|
under the general rule. And I would hope in the future that |
|
flexibility would be attended to. |
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Mr. Franks. Thank you, Mr. Nadler. |
|
If the witnesses would come forward and be seated. We have |
|
a very distinguished panel of witnesses today. |
|
Each of the witnesses' written statements will be entered |
|
into the record in its entirety, and I ask that each witness |
|
summarize his or her testimony in 5 minutes or less. Now to |
|
help you stay within that time there is a timing light on your |
|
table. When the light switches from green to yellow, you will |
|
have 1 minute to conclude your testimony. When the light turns |
|
red, it signals that the witness' 5 minutes have expired. |
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Our first witness is Mr. Richard M. Doerflinger, associate |
|
director of the Secretariat of Pro-Life Activities, United |
|
States Conference of Catholic Bishops, where he has worked for |
|
over 30 years. His writings on medical ethics and public policy |
|
include contributions to the Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics, |
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Duquesne Law Review, the Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal, |
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the National Catholic Bioethics Quarterly, and the American |
|
Journal of Bioethics. The May 22nd, 2004 issue of National |
|
Journal featured Mr. Doerflinger as one of the 12 experts whose |
|
ideas are shaping national debate on the use and abuse of |
|
biotechnology. |
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Our second witness is Cathy Ruse, Senior Fellow for Legal |
|
Studies at the Family Research Council's offices. Mrs. Ruse |
|
worked previously as FRC's Legal Director, as well as the Legal |
|
Counsel and Program Director for the National Center for |
|
Children and Families. We are proud to note that Mrs. Ruse--Ms. |
|
Ruse has served as Chief Counsel of this very Subcommittee. |
|
Wired Magazine has called her one of the most influential |
|
opinion shapers in the country. |
|
Our third witness is Professor Sara Rosenbaum, the Harold |
|
and Jane Hirsh Professor of Health Law and Policy and Chair of |
|
the Department of Health Policy at George Washington University |
|
School of Public Health and Health Services. Professor |
|
Rosenbaum also directs the Hirsch Health Law and Policy Program |
|
and the Center for Health Services Research and Policy and |
|
holds appointments in the Schools of Medicine and Health |
|
Sciences and Law. |
|
Now without objection, all Members will have 5 legislative |
|
days within which to submit materials for the record. |
|
It is the practice of this Subcommittee to swear in the |
|
witnesses, so if you will all please stand and raise your right |
|
hand. |
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[Witnesses sworn.] |
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Mr. Franks. Thank you, and please be seated. |
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I now recognize our first witness, Richard Doerflinger, for |
|
5 minutes. |
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Mr. Doerflinger. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
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Mr. Franks. Sir, would you turn on that microphone? |
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Mr. Doerflinger. Is this it? |
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Mr. Franks. Yes, sir. Thank you. |
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TESTIMONY OF RICHARD M. DOERFLINGER, ASSOCIATE DIRECTOR OF THE |
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SECRETARIAT OF PRO-LIFE ACTIVITIES, UNITED STATES CONFERENCE OF |
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CATHOLIC BISHOPS (USCCB) |
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Mr. Doerflinger. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for this |
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opportunity to present our views in support of the No Taxpayer |
|
Funding for Abortion Act. This bill will write into permanent |
|
law policy on which there has been strong popular and |
|
congressional agreement for over 35 years: The Federal |
|
Government should not use tax dollars to support or promote |
|
elective abortion. That principle has been embodied in the Hyde |
|
amendment and in numerous other provisions governing a wide |
|
range of domestic and foreign programs, and has consistently |
|
had the support of the American people. |
|
Even courts insisting on a constitutional right to abortion |
|
have said that alleged right ``implies no limitation on the |
|
authority of a State to make a value judgment favoring |
|
childbirth over abortion and to implement that judgment by the |
|
allocation of public funds.'' |
|
In 1980, the U.S. Supreme Court said the Hyde amendment is |
|
an exercise of the ``legitimate congressional interest in |
|
protecting potential life,'' adding: ``Abortion is inherently |
|
different from other medical procedures because no other |
|
procedure involves the purposeful termination of a potential |
|
life.'' In our view the Court's only mistake here was the |
|
phrase ``potential life.'' In our view, unborn children are |
|
actually alive, until they are made actually dead by abortion. |
|
While Congress's policy has been consistent for decades, |
|
its implementation in practice has been piecemeal, confusing |
|
and sometimes sadly inadequate. Gaps or loopholes have been |
|
discovered in this patchwork of provisions over the years, |
|
highlighting the need for permanent and consistent policies |
|
across the Federal Government. |
|
Last year, Congress passed major health care reform |
|
legislation with at least four different policies on abortion |
|
funding, ranging from a ban on such funding in one section of |
|
the bill to a potential mandate for such funding in another. |
|
If H.R. 3 had been enacted before that debate began, the |
|
debate would not have been about abortion. A major obstacle to |
|
support by Catholics and other pro-life Americans would have |
|
been removed, and the final legislation would not have been so |
|
badly compromised by provisions that place unborn human lives |
|
at grave risk. |
|
H.R. 3 would prevent problems and confusions on abortion |
|
funding in future legislation. Federal health bills could be |
|
debated in terms of their ability to promote the goal of |
|
universal health care, instead of being mired in debates about |
|
one lethal procedure that most Americans know is not truly |
|
health care at all. |
|
H.R. 3 would also codify the Hyde-Weldon amendment, a part |
|
of the annual Labor-HHS appropriations bills since 2004, and I |
|
would say one of many conscience provisions, beginning with the |
|
Church amendment in 1973, named after Senator Frank Church of |
|
Idaho, which has tried to protect the rights of health care |
|
providers not to be coerced into abortion. |
|
The Hyde-Weldon amendment was recently reaffirmed, |
|
unanimously, as part of the House version of health care reform |
|
legislation in Congressman Waxman's Health Subcommittee. It was |
|
approved by voice vote without dissent, but sadly it did not |
|
survive in the final legislation. |
|
Hyde-Weldon ensures that Federal agencies, and State and |
|
local governments receiving Federal funds, do not discriminate |
|
against health care providers because they do not take part in |
|
abortions. And I emphasize that because this is a modest bill |
|
that has the Federal Government essentially policing itself. It |
|
is government restraining itself from coercing abortion; it |
|
does not reach out into private actions. |
|
It is long overdue for the Hyde-Weldon policy as well to |
|
receive a more secure status. Here also Congress's policy has |
|
been clear for 38 years, but the mechanism for achieving it has |
|
suffered from drawbacks and loopholes, including a failure even |
|
to specify where or how providers may go to have their rights |
|
enforced. |
|
H.R. 3 writes this essential civil rights protection into |
|
permanent law, allows for modest and reasonable remedies to |
|
ensure compliance, provides for a private right of action, and |
|
designates the HHS Office for Civil Rights to hear complaints |
|
as well. |
|
The need for more secure protection in this area is clear. |
|
The American Civil Liberties Union, for example, has been |
|
urging the Federal Government to force Catholic and other |
|
hospitals to violate their moral and religious convictions by |
|
providing what the ACLU calls emergency abortions. By this it |
|
means all abortions to serve women's life or health, which it |
|
surely knows has been interpreted by the Federal courts to mean |
|
social or emotional well-being. |
|
This is an obvious threat to access to life affirming |
|
health care. Catholic hospitals alone care for one in six |
|
patients in the United States each year and provide a full |
|
continuum of health care through more than 2,000 sponsors, |
|
systems, facilities and related organizations. They have been |
|
shown to provide higher quality and more effective care, |
|
including care for women, than anyone else in various studies. |
|
If Congress wants to expand rather than eliminate access to |
|
lifesaving health care, including lifesaving health care for |
|
women and particularly for the poor and the underserved, it |
|
should be concerned about any effort to attack the rights of |
|
these providers and undermine their continued ability to serve |
|
the common good. |
|
Just to give short answers to some questions raised about |
|
H.R. 3, with longer answers in our prepared text, H.R. 3 does |
|
not eliminate private coverage for abortion but specifically |
|
allows such coverage when purchased without Federal subsidy. It |
|
does not create an unprecedented policy of denying tax benefits |
|
to abortion, but follows the recently enacted Affordable Care |
|
Act in this regard, which I believe had some Democratic |
|
support. It is that Act which said use of tax credits for |
|
abortion is, ``Federal funding of abortion.'' This simply |
|
follows the precedent. |
|
This bill does not depart from precedent by saying that |
|
Federal law does not compel States to fund any abortions. In |
|
this regard as well, it follows a policy actively supported by |
|
the Democratic leadership in the last Congress and stated no |
|
less than three times in the Affordable Care Act. |
|
Finally, its conscience clause does not place women's lives |
|
at risk. What places women's lives at risk, as we recently |
|
learned from the story of Dr. Gosnell in Philadelphia--but he |
|
is only the tip of the iceberg--what places women's lives at |
|
risk is the abortion industry itself as well as that same |
|
industry's attacks on the continued viability of the most |
|
effective providers of lifesaving care in the world. |
|
My prepared text provides additional details, and I would |
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be happy to answer questions. Thank you. |
|
[The prepared statement of Mr. Doerflinger follows:] |
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__________ |
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Mr. Franks. Thank you, Mr. Doerflinger. We now recognize |
|
Mrs. Ruse for 5 minutes. |
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TESTIMONY OF CATHY CLEAVER RUSE, SENIOR FELLOW |
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FOR LEGAL STUDIES, FAMILY RESEARCH COUNCIL |
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Ms. Ruse. Thank you for inviting me to provide testimony |
|
this morning, this afternoon, on the No Taxpayer Funding for |
|
Abortion Act. And it is nice to be back, a little less work on |
|
this side of the dais but not much. |
|
Thirty-five years ago something of a consensus was reached |
|
between those who support legal abortion and those who oppose |
|
it. Whatever our differences on the underlying question of |
|
legality, a majority of Americans came together and supported a |
|
proposition that the Federal Government should not subsidize |
|
abortions. That consensus took the form of the Hyde amendment |
|
in 1976, which limited abortion funding appropriated under |
|
Labor-HHS to cases where an abortion was necessary to save a |
|
mother's life and later the cases involving rape and incest. |
|
The Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the Hyde |
|
amendment in Harris v. McCrae and in so doing made a sharp |
|
distinction between abortions and other medical procedures. In |
|
the words of the Court, no other procedure involves the |
|
purposeful termination of a potential life. |
|
That abortion is scandalous to many is understandable. That |
|
it is exceptionally controversial in the United States is |
|
beyond dispute. For these reasons it is entirely appropriate |
|
that abortions not be subsidized in any way by the Federal |
|
Government. The No Taxpayer Funding for Abortion Act implements |
|
this legal and political consensus on a government-wide basis. |
|
Over the years the Hyde amendment and others like it have |
|
been included in various appropriations bills renewed annually |
|
by Congress. What has been lacking is a single, simple law |
|
prohibiting government funding of abortion across the board |
|
wherever Federal dollars are expended. |
|
We taxpayers paid for 425 abortions in fiscal year 2008 and |
|
220 last year. Without the Hyde amendment and the patchwork of |
|
other appropriations writers, that number could skyrocket to as |
|
many as 675,000 government-financed abortions every year, |
|
according to the CBO. |
|
Now two measures passed in the last Congress also |
|
threatened to escalate the number of government-funded |
|
abortions dramatically. The D.C. appropriations bill opened the |
|
door for Federal funding of any and every abortion in the |
|
District of Columbia, and the Patient Protection and Affordable |
|
Care Act, known popularly as ObamaCare, authorized Federal |
|
funding for elective abortions directly and through private |
|
health insurance plans. A detailed accounting of the abortion |
|
subsidies in ObamaCare is included in my written testimony. |
|
Because these programs are directly appropriated and not |
|
subject to further appropriation under Labor-HHS, they are not |
|
subject to the Hyde amendment. As for the Executive order |
|
purporting to nullify abortions in ObamaCare, last month former |
|
White Chief of Staff Rahm Emanuel admitted that he ``came up |
|
with an idea for an Executive order so that the abortion |
|
funding restrictions would not exist by law.'' On this he and I |
|
are in agreement with each other and also with Planned |
|
Parenthood, who issued a statement calling the Executive order |
|
a symbolic gesture. |
|
It is axiomatic that when government subsidizes conduct, it |
|
encourages it. Our Tax Code is replete with pertinent examples. |
|
The Supreme Court in Maher v. Roe acknowledged the truth of |
|
this proposition in the context of abortion. |
|
Most abortions in America are purely elective. Ninety-two |
|
percent of abortions every year are performed on healthy women |
|
with healthy babies, according to the Alan Guttmacher |
|
Institute. In light of this fact the abortion funding question |
|
is quite literally a matter of life and death for many |
|
thousands of American children. |
|
Now, President Obama has urged Americans to find common |
|
ground on the controversial issue of abortion. Americans have |
|
come together, 67 percent of us, in what may be the only truly |
|
bipartisan agreement possible that whatever our differences on |
|
the issue of abortion we can agree that the Federal Government |
|
should not subsidize it. This is the common ground issue on |
|
abortion in America today. H.R. 3 would make that common ground |
|
statutory law. |
|
Thank you. |
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[The prepared statement of Ms. Ruse follows:] |
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Mr. Franks. Thank you, Mrs. Ruse. We now recognize |
|
Professor Rosenbaum for 5 minutes. |
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TESTIMONY OF SARAH ROSENBAUM, HAROLD AND JANE HIRSH PROFESSOR, |
|
HEALTH LAW AND POLICY, AND CHAIR, DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH POLICY, |
|
THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF PUBLIC HEALTH AND |
|
HEALTH SERVICES |
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Ms. Rosenbaum. Thank you very much for inviting me here |
|
today to appear before you. I would like to make three points |
|
in my testimony. I have submitted a longer statement for the |
|
record. The first has to do with the baseline from which we are |
|
working in considering H.R. 3. The second has to do with the |
|
changes in the bill. The third has to do with the impact of |
|
these changes. |
|
Insofar as the baseline is concerned, I think it is very |
|
important to understand what the Affordable Care Act does and |
|
does not do. The Affordable Care Act, where tax credits are |
|
concerned, allows women to obtain tax credits, to use those tax |
|
credits to buy insurance products, and if they choose to do so, |
|
to use their own money to buy additional coverage for abortion. |
|
If they make that choice and use their additional funds, their |
|
own funds, to buy abortion coverage, the tax credits remain |
|
completely available for the abortion product. |
|
I emphasize this because it underscores the unprecedented |
|
nature of the bill. The bill would actually for the first time |
|
move the Hyde amendment far beyond where we have known it for |
|
the past 30 years directly into the Tax Code. Its reach in the |
|
Tax Code is extremely broad under this bill. It reaches |
|
deductions, and credits, it reaches advance tax credits even |
|
when those tax credits have to be repaid at a later date. It |
|
reaches health savings accounts, it reaches flexible spending |
|
accounts, it reaches money that we as individuals put aside for |
|
our medical care needs. It even potentially reaches employers |
|
and employer deductions for insurance because of a critical |
|
ambiguity in the drafting of the bill. It is unclear actually |
|
where the bill stops. |
|
The impact of the bill insofar as its tax policies are |
|
concerned is enormous. The first fallout is on the Internal |
|
Revenue Service (``IRS''), which heretofore has not played a |
|
role in implementation of the Hyde amendment. The IRS is going |
|
to have to implement extremely complex provisions of the Tax |
|
Code that regulate tax favored health benefit plans and medical |
|
care payments. The IRS will have to issue a raft of |
|
implementing policies. The Internal Revenue Service will need |
|
to define rape, potentially forcible rape, incest, potentially |
|
incest involving minors as opposed to incest not involving |
|
minors, physical conditions endangering life and physical |
|
conditions that don't endanger life. The IRS will have to |
|
clarify what evidentiary standards will be required for |
|
individual claimants and employers who choose to buy products |
|
or make expenditures that wander into any of these areas. |
|
There also will have to be a claims reviews process. For |
|
example, is a spontaneous abortion or a miscarriage an |
|
allowable expenditure under a flex fund? Does it for some |
|
reason cross the line? What will be the appeals procedures?How |
|
will plans be audited to make sure that their coverage stops at |
|
the allowable points under the statute? |
|
The fallout on plans is equally serious. My own analysis, |
|
both of this bill and previous bills that attempted to do |
|
similar things in terms of the impact on the insurance |
|
industry, leads me to conclude that what we will see in fact is |
|
a complete exodus of health plans from the abortion coverage |
|
market. I realize that may be the long-term goal here, but of |
|
course because there are not a lot, but a small number of very |
|
serious medically indicated abortions, this would be an |
|
enormous problem. |
|
The third fallout of course is on the women themselves, not |
|
only because they can no longer secure coverage for medically |
|
indicated abortions, but because the typical practice in a |
|
health plan is to exclude not only specific procedures required |
|
under law, but follow-on procedures and treatments that are |
|
related to the original excluded treatment. So to use an easy |
|
example, a woman who needs an abortion because she has |
|
eclampsia, that is, stroke level hypertension, and who then |
|
needs subsequent treatment for the hypertension could find that |
|
she in fact is disqualified for the treatment of that |
|
hypertension because of the hypertension arose as the result of |
|
a condition that led to an excluded abortion. So there is no |
|
stopping point. |
|
I would finally note that were the conscious clause |
|
provisions of this law to be enacted, it would begin the first |
|
great unraveling of EMTALA and the absolute duty on the part of |
|
hospitals to provide lifesaving treatment regardless of the |
|
underlying medical condition. |
|
[The prepared statement of Ms. Rosenbaum follows:] |
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__________ |
|
Mr. Franks. Thank you, Professor. I thank all of you for |
|
your testimony. And I will now begin the questioning by |
|
recognizing myself for 5 minutes. I will start with you, Mr. |
|
Doerflinger. |
|
Absent the enactment of H.R. 3, what does a health care |
|
provider risk if the provider obeys his or her conscience and |
|
refuses to perform an abortion? |
|
Mr. Doerflinger. Well, I don't want to overstate this, Mr. |
|
Chairman, because in my view H.R. 3 basically codifies and |
|
makes more permanent protection that has long been in law. The |
|
problem is that--and this was illustrated in one case in New |
|
York very recently--the existing conscience laws aren't very |
|
clear on what it is you do to actually protect your rights. So |
|
a nurse by the name of DeCarlo at Mount Sinai Medical Center in |
|
New York recently found that although she was forced to |
|
participate in a late term abortion, after having her statement |
|
accepted initially by the hospital staff that she would not be |
|
required to assist in these abortions, she was forced anyway. |
|
She was given the job of reassembling the body parts on a table |
|
in the operating room to make sure they got all of the pieces |
|
of the baby. She has had nightmares ever since and had a |
|
terrible time. And she was told that she would be fired if she |
|
didn't do this. And what she found when she went to court was |
|
that because the Federal conscience laws don't have anything in |
|
them that say you have a private right of action to go to |
|
court, she had no recourse. All she could do is file a |
|
complaint with the Department of Health and Human Services. And |
|
a year and a half after the abortion she still has not heard |
|
from them. |
|
The cases in which there continue to be efforts to get |
|
governmental bodies to discriminate against pro-life health |
|
care providers occur almost every week. There was a recent case |
|
here in my hometown, Montgomery County, in which Holy Cross |
|
Hospital seems to be on course now, approved by the State of |
|
Maryland, to build a new hospital in northern Montgomery |
|
County, because it made the best case for being able to provide |
|
excellent care to the women and men of the county. But there |
|
was a very serious effort by abortion activists to say you must |
|
not give this contract to Holy Cross Hospital, you must give it |
|
to someone else, even if their general health care proposal is |
|
not as good, because if you give it to Holy Cross, you will not |
|
have access to abortions through the hospital up there. |
|
So these efforts to discriminate against health care |
|
providers on this basis occur all the time, and we are just |
|
trying to make sure the protection is actually there and is |
|
working. |
|
Mr. Franks. Mr. Doerflinger, there was a controversy in |
|
2007 and 2008 concerning the extent of conscience protections |
|
for health care workers, specifically changes in the ethics |
|
guidelines propounded by ACOG, American Congress of |
|
Obstetricians and Gynecologists, and changes in the certifying |
|
criteria for the certifying agency of OB/GYNs, that is ABOGs. |
|
There are all these acronyms. American Board of Obstetrics and |
|
Gynecology. And it caused physicians to question whether |
|
refusal to perform an abortion can result in decertification, |
|
ending their career actually. Would you explain this |
|
controversy and how it led to the conscience regulations put in |
|
place at the end of the Bush administration? |
|
Mr. Doerflinger. Yes, the Ethics Committee opinion from the |
|
American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists came out in |
|
2007, but despite all the controversy it was reaffirmed by the |
|
organization in 2010. And what really sent a chill of fear |
|
across many OB/GYNs throughout the country who do not perform |
|
abortions is that very often the ethical principles articulated |
|
by ACOG become standards for certification as an OB/GYN by the |
|
partner organization, the American Board of OB/GYN. |
|
And so this was one of the reasons why the Bush |
|
administration decided to try to clarify regulations to uphold |
|
these providers' rights, regulations which the Obama |
|
administration has proposed to rescind. But the ACOG document |
|
is breathtaking in its disregard for any OB/GYN whot doesn't |
|
want to do abortions. They say that these OB/GYNs must |
|
nonetheless be willing to refer for abortions. If there is no |
|
one to refer them to, they must do them themselves. And they |
|
even said that if you are an OB/GYN who does not do abortions, |
|
you should make sure you locate your practice near an abortion |
|
provider to make sure that it is easy for everybody to get from |
|
you to the abortion. |
|
So one talks about the tail wagging the dog, this is the |
|
tick on the tail of the dog wagging the entire health care |
|
system, saying people have to disrupt their lives and |
|
livelihoods and change even where they practice to make sure |
|
they are as close as possible to an abortionist. |
|
Mr. Franks. Well, I am not going try to get another |
|
question in here, my time is about gone. So I am going to yield |
|
to the distinguished gentleman Mr. Nadler for his questions. |
|
Mr. Nadler. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Ms. Ruse, you take the position that the reduction of |
|
taxation is a form of government subsidy. Now this is flatly at |
|
odds with what your organization, the Family Research Council, |
|
stated about tax credits and deductions in the context of |
|
tuition for religious schools. If it isn't Federal--where you |
|
said there is no government spending on religion here, it's |
|
people's private money that they send to various student |
|
tuition organizations. If it isn't Federal funding when people |
|
use their private money to fund religion tuition at a parochial |
|
school and receive a tax deduction or credit for doing so, how |
|
is it Federal funding when people use their private money to |
|
pay for their medical care or insurance coverage? |
|
Ms. Ruse. As a general proposition, tax reduction is a form |
|
of government subsidy. |
|
Mr. Nadler. And by tax reduction, you mean like a tax |
|
credit or something? |
|
Ms. Ruse. Correct, that's right. And I would just direct |
|
you to, and I will get you the citation if you need it, but |
|
ObamaCare itself makes this distinction. It calls, or makes |
|
this equation I should say, it calls tax credits for buying |
|
insurance on State exchanges, it calls those a creature of |
|
Federal funding. If you have an argument with me---- |
|
Mr. Nadler. Excuse me. I am asking you. |
|
Ms. Ruse. Yeah. |
|
Mr. Nadler. It seems inconsistent, either it is or it |
|
isn't. How can you say that for religious schools it is--it is |
|
not and for health insurance it is? How do you make that |
|
distinction? |
|
Ms. Ruse. Well, I appreciated your opening statement where |
|
you said it is our money. And that is what the Republicans |
|
often say and I think that is accurate. |
|
Mr. Nadler. In which case you shouldn't be arguing what you |
|
are arguing with respect to health care. If it is our money, |
|
then it is not a government subsidy, as you said in the |
|
Arizona--or your organization said in the Arizona case. If it |
|
is not our money and it is a government subsidy, then it is the |
|
contrary. Both things can't be true. |
|
Ms. Ruse. And I would say your argument is with President |
|
Obama and his health---- |
|
Mr. Nadler. That may be, but I am asking you how you |
|
justify saying it is a government subsidy here but not there. |
|
Which is it and why is it different? |
|
Ms. Ruse. As a general proposition tax reduction is a form |
|
of government subsidy, as a general proposition. |
|
Mr. Nadler. But not with respect to religious schools? |
|
Mr. Doerflinger, let me ask you. As a general proposition |
|
government tax exemptions, tax subsidies, or what you call |
|
government spending, you said it was a tax? What did you say? |
|
As a general proposition it is a form of government subsidy. If |
|
tax exemptions are a form of government subsidy, how do we |
|
justify tax exemptions for the Catholic church, the Jewish |
|
synagogue, the Protestant church or anybody else or any other |
|
government---- |
|
Mr. Doerflinger. I think the first reason churches are not |
|
taxable is simply that they don't make a profit or are |
|
nonprofit organizations. |
|
Mr. Nadler. Wait a minute. They are exempt from--all right. |
|
What about the individual who gives money to the church that is |
|
not taxable? |
|
Mr. Doerflinger. Right. |
|
Mr. Nadler. Under your definition isn't that a government |
|
subsidy to the church? |
|
Mr. Doerflinger. I think the Federal Government has made a |
|
policy decision a very long time ago that charities and |
|
churches---- |
|
Mr. Nadler. Excuse me, it is not a question of a policy |
|
decision, because if it is a public subsidy to the church, it |
|
is unconstitutional because of the establishment clause. So |
|
either if government--a tax credit to the individual |
|
contributing to the church is not a government subsidy, then |
|
these things aren't government subsidies. If it is a government |
|
subsidy, then you have got an establishment problem under the |
|
First Amendment, have you not? |
|
Mr. Doerflinger. It is not unconstitutional to give public |
|
subsidies to a charitable or church organization, as long as |
|
you are serving a legitimate secular purpose. |
|
Mr. Nadler. Excuse me. But wait a minute. You are--we are |
|
not talking about that. |
|
Our policy, we, if you give a tax--I'm sorry, a |
|
contribution, when I give a contribution to my synagogue it is |
|
not for general purposes, it is for religious purposes. |
|
Mr. Doerflinger. Right. |
|
Mr. Nadler. And I take a tax deduction for that. Now under |
|
your definition that is a government subsidy of the synagogue |
|
of the church and it should be therefore a violation of the |
|
First Amendment. |
|
Mr. Doerflinger. That is not my definition, sir. I disagree |
|
with your basic premise, which is that all of these things are |
|
the same and it is all one thing. |
|
Mr. Nadler. You are just trying to have your cake and eat |
|
it too, because either a tax exemption is a government subsidy |
|
or it is not. If it is not a government subsidy the whole point |
|
of this bill. |
|
Mr. Doerflinger. I---- |
|
Mr. Nadler. Excuse me, I am talking. The point of this bill |
|
is wrong. If it is a government subsidy, then this bill may be |
|
right, but then we have to question--not just question but then |
|
tax subsidies, government subsidies for religious institutions |
|
are probably unconstitutional as violations of establishment |
|
clause of the First Amendment. |
|
Professor Rosenbaum, do you agree with Ms. Ruse's position |
|
that H.R. 3 does not affect employer provided plans? |
|
Ms. Rosenbaum. I do not. For the reasons stated in my |
|
written testimony I find section 303(2) ambiguous. It |
|
specifically refers to any deduction covering not only medical |
|
care but health benefit plans and I think that the ambiguity is |
|
critical on this point. |
|
Mr. Nadler. Thank you. I am told my time has expired. |
|
Mr. Franks. Thank you, Mr. Nadler. And just to clarify the |
|
point, both tax preferred status and appropriations have been |
|
recognized in the courts as being allowed for a public good, |
|
and I think the consideration here is that abortion is not a |
|
public good. And so it really doesn't need to reach Mr. |
|
Nadler's point, which I think he has some elements to his |
|
point. It doesn't matter if it is a tax preferred status or |
|
not. The government should still have the right to shape the |
|
Tax Code in favor of a public good or against something that |
|
they consider not a public good. |
|
With that, I would recognize the distinguish gentleman from |
|
Indiana, Mr. Pence, for his questions. |
|
Mr. Pence. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And let me also join |
|
the Ranking Member in congratulating you on your appointment. |
|
As Chairman of the Subcommittee, I think you know that I can |
|
think of no one in the newly minted majority in Congress that I |
|
think is more appropriate to lead this Subcommittee than you. |
|
And I found your opening remarks powerful and eloquent and I |
|
wish to offer you my congratulations, as I do to all the |
|
Members in the majority and the minority on this Subcommittee. |
|
Thanks for holding this hearing. I appreciate the |
|
opportunity to participate in a discussion of H.R. 3, and I |
|
commend Congressman Chris Smith for his leadership on this |
|
issue. As our witnesses have testified, with the passage of the |
|
Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act, the need for a |
|
permanent government wide prohibition on taxpayer funding for |
|
abortion has probably never been more important. Sadly, |
|
Congress last year traded in 30 years of statutory protections |
|
for taxpayers for a piece of paper signed by the most pro- |
|
abortion President since Roe v. Wade. The need to pass this |
|
legislation I believe is self-evident when we think about the |
|
extraordinary subsidies, both direct and indirect, in the |
|
``Patient Protection Affordable Care Act'' for abortion across |
|
government spending. |
|
Let me say I also think now is the time to end taxpayer |
|
funding not only for abortion but also for abortion providers. |
|
That is why I have authored a bill, the Title X Abortion |
|
Provider Prohibition Act, that would end all Title X family |
|
planning funding to abortion providers. |
|
Specifically, Planned Parenthood is sadly back in the news |
|
today. A new undercover video has been released showing |
|
multiple violations by Planned Parenthood employees in New York |
|
to go along with scandalous videos from Planned Parenthood |
|
clinics in New Jersey and Virginia. The videos show Planned |
|
Parenthood employees presumably advising an undercover sex |
|
trafficker on how to secure secret abortions, STD testing and |
|
contraception for child prostitutes. And I just have to tell |
|
you, Mr. Chairman, as the father of two teenage girls I can not |
|
be dispassionate about video evidence of individuals |
|
facilitating the abuse of minor young women in this way. |
|
We have introduced this legislation, and along with H.R. 3, |
|
I hope the Congress will take up the Title X Abortion Provider |
|
Prohibition Act. |
|
Planned Parenthood received over $363 million in taxpayer |
|
dollars, principally through Title X; and in 2008 alone, they |
|
performed 324,008 abortions. With more than a million abortions |
|
performed annually in this country, abortion is a heart- |
|
breaking billion dollar industry that mostly benefits Planned |
|
Parenthood. Planned Parenthood is far and away the largest |
|
abortion provider in America, and they are also the largest |
|
recipient of Federal funding under Title X. And I believe the |
|
time has come for that to end. |
|
With that said, let me direct a question to Mrs. Ruse whose |
|
testimony I found compelling, as I do appreciate her leadership |
|
on this issue across the country. You spoke about the CBO |
|
projection that without the protections of this legislation, |
|
there could be as many as 675,000 government-financed abortions |
|
in this country. With this growing video record of Planned |
|
Parenthood employees, is there any doubt in your mind that |
|
Planned Parenthood would be the largest recipient of abortion |
|
support if H.R. 3 was not enacted into law? |
|
And I guess my specific question, Mrs. Ruse, is if we do |
|
not succeed in passing H.R. 3 and banning public funding of |
|
abortion across government systems broadly, would that not be a |
|
windfall specifically for Planned Parenthood? |
|
Ms. Ruse. I think the word ``windfall'' is accurate. Last |
|
year, Planned Parenthood committed 324,008 abortions in the |
|
United States of America. If you open the doors to Federal |
|
funding, Federal subsidies of abortion in the way that |
|
ObamaCare will do it, there is no question that the chief |
|
recipient of those funds will be Planned Parenthood who is |
|
showing itself to be internally corrupt and unable to handle |
|
their finances, at a minimum, given what we know about what is |
|
happening in California. And more than that, aiding and |
|
abetting in the abuse of minors as these videos come out one |
|
after another. |
|
And incidentally, those who try to minimize Planned |
|
Parenthood--the expose' on Planned Parenthood as a single |
|
situation or one bad egg, I just want to remind this Committee |
|
that these videos, these undercover videos have been coming out |
|
for the last 4 years. They have not gotten as much play as |
|
those recently, and come from over 10 States: Alabama, Indiana, |
|
New Jersey, New York, Virginia. It suggests there is a system- |
|
wide problem with Planned Parenthood and they do not deserve |
|
one million dollars a day of taxpayer dollars. |
|
Mr. Pence. I thank you. This hearing is obviously on H.R. 3 |
|
and on the issue of direct public subsidy for abortion, and so |
|
we will not in this hearing discuss how the hundreds of |
|
millions of dollars that flow into Planned Parenthood, |
|
organizations that operate as title 10 indirectly support the |
|
abortion efforts of Planned Parenthood, but I look forward to |
|
that hearing, Mr. Chairman, perhaps in another Committee. |
|
I commend the members of this panel for your thoughtful |
|
comments. |
|
I yield back the balance of my time. |
|
Mr. Franks. I thank the gentleman, as always. |
|
I now call on Mr. Quigley for 5 minutes. |
|
Mr. Quigley. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Congratulations on |
|
your new post. |
|
I hate to begin by respectfully disagreeing with you, but I |
|
would only suggest that the public good that private health |
|
insurance is providing health insurance, and the incentive is |
|
to encourage employers to provide health insurance to everyone |
|
possible. But let me, if I can, Mr. Doerflinger, I guess the |
|
fair question to your points is how far does this go? And since |
|
you are the one testifying, I think it is fair, with your |
|
personal beliefs or any particular church. I would suppose |
|
that--I know the church, I'm not sure about you, believes that |
|
the use of modern birth control, the pill, is morally wrong. So |
|
would you then say that we don't want to use tax subsidies, or |
|
you call funding, to health insurance companies that provide |
|
birth control pills for women? |
|
Mr. Doerflinger. I think it is a very different moral |
|
issue, Congressman. |
|
Mr. Quigley. It is still the same directive from the |
|
Catholic Church, isn't it? |
|
Mr. Doerflinger. Yes, but we are not against Federal |
|
funding of abortion because Catholic moral teaching is against |
|
it. We are against abortion because it is a violation of the |
|
most fundamental right. It is something rejected not only by |
|
Catholics, and many other religions, but by the Hippocratic |
|
Oath that gave rise to medicine as a profession. |
|
It is against the considered moral judgment of millions of |
|
Americans who have no particular religious affiliation at all. |
|
And it has been seen in the past as a crime. Of course today, |
|
there is at least one abortion procedure that is a Federal |
|
crime. And it is the killing of children who in any, other |
|
context, are seen even in Federal law as persons who have a |
|
right to be protected from lethal harm, the Unborn Victim of |
|
Violence Act. There is an arbitrary exception for abortion. |
|
Mr. Quigley. Let's go to another example, embryonic stem |
|
cell research. Do you believe Congress should impose tax |
|
penalties on people who purchase insurance policies that cover |
|
medical cures derived from such research? |
|
Mr. Doerflinger. I think that is a--well, let's say it is a |
|
very farfetched thing to have happen. |
|
Mr. Quigley. Respectfully, you don't think people's lives |
|
are saved with embryonic stem cell research? |
|
Mr. Doerflinger. I'm sorry? |
|
Mr. Quigley. You don't think people's lives are saved with |
|
embryonic stem cell research? |
|
Mr. Doerflinger. I don't think that the evidence exists to |
|
say that embryonic stem cells will ever be used in actual |
|
clinical treatment. They are far too uncontrollable. They cause |
|
far too many tumors when used in animals. You can't tell what |
|
they are going to do once they are in a human body. So I think |
|
it is an imaginary question. But let me answer that I think |
|
what we are concerned about here is the use of tax dollars, tax |
|
subsidies, tax support for something that actually takes life. |
|
We are against Federal funding of embryonic stem cell |
|
research itself when it involves the taking of life of an |
|
embryonic human being. In some States, Pennsylvania is one, the |
|
killing of an embryo for experimental purposes is a felony, and |
|
yet the Federal Government is funding it. |
|
Mr. Quigley. Let me turn to the Professor. It appears that |
|
our issue here is primarily whether or not this is Federal |
|
funding. Can you elaborate, to a certain extent, on the policy |
|
implication once it is decided that, I guess it was the Supreme |
|
Court in Walz versus the Tax Commission, that the court upheld |
|
property tax exemptions for such property. Once that is |
|
crossed, what are the other implications legally for not for |
|
profits, not just religious? |
|
Ms. Rosenbaum. Well, I think they are, as has already been |
|
said, most eloquently by Mr. Nadler, the conversion of what has |
|
been tax advantaged private spending, which is understood in |
|
society as private spending, it is simply not subjected to |
|
certain otherwise applicable taxes, into an overt public |
|
financing of certain activities. It has profound implications. |
|
It has profound implications to the extent to which, as has |
|
been noted, certain recipients of those exemptions are suddenly |
|
receiving public funding for certain purposes not permitted |
|
under the Constitution. But also, it has implications for the |
|
kinds of conditions that can be attached to entities that do |
|
receive exemptions. It becomes a much more government-intrusive |
|
process in which government is setting the terms and |
|
conditions, as in the case of H.R. 3, for the receipt of a tax |
|
exemption. In this case, an entity can only receive favorable |
|
tax treatment if it does not seek or provide medically |
|
necessary care, certain types of medical care. |
|
Mr. Quigley. I thank you. |
|
Mr. Franks. I thank the gentleman. I now recognize the |
|
former Chairman of this Committee, Mr. Chabot. |
|
Mr. Chabot. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I want to commend you |
|
as Mr. Pence did. I know you are going to be a great Chair of |
|
this Committee. I did have the honor to serve for 6 years. And |
|
I wanted to go to a Committee where we knew the problems would |
|
be a little bit easier to solve. I know this is a controversial |
|
Committee; it always has been. We are assured of success on the |
|
Committee that I'm going to be chairing. I am going to be |
|
chairing the Foreign Affairs Committee's Subcommittee on the |
|
Middle East, so that is going to be interesting. |
|
Mr. Franks. After this, it will be easy; won't it? |
|
Mr. Chabot. I think so. That's right. This hearing itself |
|
is showing evidence of that. |
|
You know, I couldn't help, it was mentioned that--Ms. Ruse |
|
I think mentioned there were 329,000 abortions a year committed |
|
by Planned Parenthood. I happen to represent the first district |
|
of Ohio and the largest entity, governmental entity in that |
|
district is the city of Cincinnati, and abortions in this |
|
country almost wipe out the population of Cincinnati every |
|
year. It is just amazing when you think how many little boys |
|
and little girls don't ever experience the life that we have |
|
all had the opportunity to experience because of this procedure |
|
which is still allowed in this country. |
|
I was struck, again, going back to my district, Cincinnati, |
|
I was reading the story in the Cincinnati Enquirer some weeks |
|
ago about this doctor, Dr. Kermit Gosnell in west Philadelphia, |
|
and the headline in there was ``House of Horrors,'' and it |
|
certainly was. But I would argue that what goes on in these |
|
abortion clinics all over the country is certainly houses of |
|
horror and we shouldn't be funding it at all as far as I am |
|
concerned, but certainly not with tax dollars of people who |
|
don't want their tax dollars going to carry out that type of |
|
behavior. |
|
Talking about that doctor, Dr. Gosnell, according to the |
|
grand jury report on the activities that were conducted by him |
|
at his clinic, and it was called the Women's Medical Society in |
|
west Philadelphia, on page 4 of the report, it says, and I'm |
|
quoting this, When you perform late term abortions by inducing |
|
labor, you get babies--live, breathing, squirming babies. By 24 |
|
weeks, most babies born prematurely will survive if they |
|
receive appropriate medical care, but that was not what the |
|
Women's Medical Society was about. Dr. Gosnell had a simple |
|
solution for unwanted babies: he killed them. He didn't call it |
|
that. He called it ensuring fetal demise. The way he ensured |
|
fetal demise was by sticking scissors into the back of the |
|
baby's neck and cutting the spinal cord. He called that |
|
snipping. Over the years, there were hundreds of snippings. |
|
I would ask you, Professor Rosenbaum, do you think American |
|
taxpayers should have to pay for this kind of activity? |
|
Ms. Rosenbaum. Mr. Chabot, I don't really see the |
|
connection between what is absolutely a terrible, terrible |
|
story and the tax finance issue here. |
|
Mr. Chabot. Let me draw the connection then for you. If he |
|
was doing this outside the womb, if he had snipped those spinal |
|
cords within the womb, that would be perfectly legal in this |
|
country; wouldn't it? And should we use tax dollars to pay for |
|
that type of activity? |
|
Ms. Rosenbaum. I think your question suggests that this |
|
bill involves tax dollars. |
|
The Hyde amendment is a very clear statement about the use |
|
of---- |
|
Mr. Chabot. Reclaiming my time. |
|
Mr. Nadler. Would the gentleman yield? |
|
Mr. Chabot. I only have a very short time here, and I have |
|
a couple of other points I would like to make. |
|
Let me ask the other two witnesses, is that legal? Would |
|
that be legal in the first trimester, second trimester, that |
|
type of activity in abortion clinics, or are there restrictions |
|
relative to what they can do to destroy that child in the womb? |
|
Ms. Ruse. Very likely, yes. The only procedure that |
|
currently is not legal is the partial birth abortion procedure. |
|
So unless he followed the steps outlined in the partial birth |
|
abortion procedure, and my reading of the grand jury report is |
|
that he was not taking those steps, then what he was doing |
|
would be perfectly legal if it was done just before delivering |
|
the baby. |
|
Mr. Chabot. I see my time has expired. I thank you, Mr. |
|
Chairman. I yield back. |
|
Mr. Franks. I thank the gentleman. It should be noted the |
|
gentleman was a prime sponsor of the partial birth abortion, |
|
and will forever be a hero to me because of that. |
|
I now yield to Mr. Conyers, the distinguished former |
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Chairman of the Committee, and we're going to call him Ranking |
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Member for now. |
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Mr. Conyers. I thank you very much. My congratulations. I |
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could observe that the view isn't quite as good from this end |
|
as it used to be when we were on the other side, but I'll get |
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use to it again. |
|
I also wanted to welcome Mike Pence to the Committee and |
|
appreciate his coming aboard. What he has got against the |
|
Planned Parenthood people I have yet to discover. They have |
|
done, I thought, a pretty good job, but he is bound and |
|
determined to defund them, and I think do a great disservice to |
|
a very effective organization that has brought help and |
|
assistance to women over the years. |
|
Now, Mr. Chairman, we talked about the fact that Eleanor |
|
Holmes Norton was not permitted to testify. Was the author of |
|
this bill prevented from being a witness here today, too? |
|
Mr. Franks. Mr. Conyers, that was discussed earlier. The |
|
author of the bill could have been the witness here if they had |
|
been chosen as the Democrat witness. It is the Committee |
|
structure of the panel for witnesses. |
|
Mr. Conyers. You didn't want the author of the bill to |
|
testify? |
|
Mr. Franks. I would have had no problem with that |
|
whatsoever, sir. |
|
Mr. Conyers. Did he ask to testify? |
|
Mr. Franks. I'm not sure he asked to testify. I think Ms. |
|
Norton asked to testify, and if she wanted to be the Democrat |
|
witness, that would have been all right. |
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Mr. Conyers. But the author of the bill, who I presume is |
|
here today, we are in the first few weeks of the 112th Session, |
|
and this is a major piece of legislation, and he is not here. |
|
Mr. Franks. Mr. Conyers, I have just been told that the |
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author made the decision not to testify. We don't know the |
|
reasons. |
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Mr. Conyers. Okay. |
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Well, let me ask Ms. Ruse this question: The title of this |
|
bill is No Taxpayer Funding For Abortion Act. Do you know of |
|
any Federal funding for abortion that goes on in this country |
|
presently? |
|
Ms. Ruse. The potential funding of abortion and the |
|
potential subsidies of abortion are numerous. The debate last |
|
fall over the Burris amendment in the Senate, opening up our |
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military facilities to allow elective abortions to be done |
|
then, that would be impacted by H.R. 3. That is still an open |
|
question. We may see reversal of that policy. And as you know, |
|
under the Clinton administration, that policy was reversed and |
|
opened up to elective abortions on military hospitals. That is |
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one example. |
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So these policies, that being just one example---- |
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Mr. Conyers. And you would object to that? |
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Ms. Ruse. Yes. |
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Mr. Conyers. And if you knew of any others, you would |
|
object to them as well? |
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Ms. Ruse. Yes. I would object to the funding of or |
|
subsidizing of elective abortions with Federal funding, |
|
absolutely. That's right. |
|
Mr. Conyers. So you think this is an appropriate title of a |
|
bill then, No Taxpayer Funding For Abortion Act, because women |
|
in service may be able or might be able to get an abortion? |
|
Ms. Ruse. Yes, that is one example. |
|
Mr. Conyers. Well, that is the only example that I know of. |
|
If you know of others, let me know. |
|
Ms. Ruse. Well, the District of Columbia appropriations |
|
bill last Congress also opened up Federal funding for abortions |
|
in the District of Columbia. So that is currently an area that |
|
needs to be corrected by H.R. 3 by employing the long-standing |
|
principal of the Hyde amendment. And the District of Columbia |
|
often does have that appropriations rider applied. It was just |
|
taken off just a few months ago. So that would be corrected by |
|
H.R. 3. |
|
Mr. Conyers. All right. It is my impression that this is a |
|
misleading title of the bill, not Federal funds, D.C. taxpayers |
|
funds, not funds from Fed Treasury. That is just a staffer. |
|
You're the expert witness. |
|
Let me turn to another consideration. Has my time expired? |
|
One final question, Mr. Chairman, and thank you. Section |
|
311 of this bill protects individuals who refuse to provide |
|
abortion services. As I read it, Ms. Ruse, this would mean that |
|
someone who refused to provide life-saving treatment and |
|
allowed a woman to die as a result might escape any |
|
consequences if that were to happen; is that your |
|
understanding? |
|
Ms. Ruse. No, not at all. What this section of H.R. 3 does |
|
is simply codify the long-standing principle of the Church |
|
amendment which allows health care providers to decline to |
|
participate in abortions. That has been around for 38 years. In |
|
that history of the Church amendment, we have never seen a |
|
situation where women were dying at the hands of outside an |
|
abortion clinic because they weren't able to have an abortion. |
|
Now, I would also like to mention that EMTALA has never |
|
been used to require an emergency provision of an abortion, |
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with is the Emergency Medical Treatment Act. That has come up |
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earlier in the meeting. So we have a long history of this |
|
conscience protection section. The only additional new part of |
|
it is allowing remedies, allowing someone who has been |
|
discriminated against, like this nurse, DeCarla, to have a |
|
cause of action. So that is the new part. But the conscience |
|
language itself is just codifying this long-standing policy. |
|
Mr. Conyers. I would like to have unanimous consent to put |
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in some articles from The Nation Magazine, and the New York |
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Review of Books as well. |
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Mr. Franks. Without objection. |
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I thank you, Mr. Conyers. |
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__________ |
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Mr. Franks. I now recognize for 5 minutes the distinguished |
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gentleman from Iowa. |
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Mr. King. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I welcome you also as |
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Chairman of this Committee. I have had the privilege to serve |
|
on this Committee now starting my 9th year, and I am really |
|
glad to see you here with the gavel. And I am also delighted to |
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see my former colleague and now current colleague, again, Mr. |
|
Chabot, back on this Committee and back on the subject matter |
|
that he led so well on. I look back at those debates here in |
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this Committee when we were dealing with the terminology called |
|
``dilation and extraction'' which was a nice term for partial |
|
birth abortion. |
|
And Steve Chabot laid that out in a very good and clear |
|
way, and it was one significant piece of progress that this |
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Congress has made, and there haven't been many over the last |
|
decade or so. That was dilation and extraction. Now we have |
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Federal funding for dilation and evacuation, which I have asked |
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them to put this poster up here so we know what we are talking |
|
about. And I recognize we have experts on the law here, but we |
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are dealing with human lives. I would ask if each of you have |
|
reviewed this process that I will call dismemberment abortion. |
|
If each of you, and I would ask on the record, starting with |
|
Mr. Doerflinger, are you familiar with this dismemberment |
|
abortion? |
|
Mr. Doerflinger. From the point of view of a nonmedical |
|
professional, yes, sir. |
|
Mr. King. Ms. Ruse? |
|
Ms. Ruse. My answer is the same. |
|
Mr. King. And Professor Rosenbaum? |
|
Ms. Rosenbaum. It would be the same. |
|
Mr. King. You all are familiar with this procedure where |
|
the tool is used to dismember the baby and pull the parts of |
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the baby apart, in utero dismemberment, and as they count the |
|
pieces up piece by piece, if it looks like you get down to the |
|
point where often the head is so well formed and the bone is so |
|
well structured that it has to be crushed and then pulled out, |
|
collapsed and then suctioned to make sure that the bone |
|
fragments don't bring about a high degree of hemorrhaging. For |
|
me I can't see much difference between partial birth abortion |
|
and dismemberment abortion, but we are here talking about |
|
legalities, talking about a complicated, convoluted tax policy |
|
that might be prohibitive for us to prohibit Federal funding |
|
for a procedure like this, this dismemberment abortion. |
|
I know the positions of Mr. Doerflinger and Mrs. Ruse, but |
|
Professor Rosenbaum, you have not addressed this from a |
|
standpoint other the complications of the taxes. I would just |
|
ask: Should government fund a procedure like this? |
|
Ms. Rosenbaum. Again, I would have to respond that I am not |
|
prepared today to answer this question. I was focused on a bill |
|
that is dealing with what I don't consider to be government |
|
funding. |
|
Mr. King. But Professor, you understand that---- |
|
Ms. Rosenbaum. If I could just finish. As far as I can |
|
tell, there is no public funding for this procedure right now, |
|
except in those situations in which one of the three very |
|
limited categories has been satisfied under Federal law. So my |
|
answer would be we are not publicly funding these procedures |
|
now, and the bill before us is not a public funding bill. |
|
Mr. King. I have before me data that shows about 142,800 of |
|
these dismemberment abortions taking place in America just last |
|
year by the Guttmacher Institute. We could go into the |
|
disagreement we might have, but I would ask you, you are aware |
|
that if your testimony has impact here, then it might bring |
|
about this procedure that we are looking at now, and more of it |
|
funded by Federal tax dollars. So I am going to ask you then: |
|
Do you have a moral position on this or is it just a legal one |
|
on taxes? |
|
Ms. Rosenbaum. I prefer actually to keep my moral positions |
|
out of this hearing. I have very strongly held religious and |
|
moral views on many things. |
|
In terms of today's hearing, as I said, I don't think I see |
|
any example of public financing for this procedure except in |
|
the excepted circumstances. |
|
Mr. King. Since you don't, if we could resolve that there |
|
is Federal funding for abortions in this country, and there has |
|
been testimony to that effect by Mr. Doerflinger in particular, |
|
and I think also by Ms. Ruse, if we establish that point, are |
|
you in a position to change your position? |
|
Ms. Rosenbaum. I truly am having trouble following the |
|
question. |
|
Mr. King. Let me go another route. You have reviewed this |
|
procedure. Could you step into an operating room and witness |
|
it? |
|
Ms. Rosenbaum. I am a law professor, so I presume I would |
|
never be in an operating room to see it. |
|
Mr. King. You can't answer that question then whether you |
|
could observe it or not. I'm going to also understand that if I |
|
asked you if you could actually conduct that procedure, you |
|
would answer the same way. But I won't ask you that question, |
|
Professor. I just make this point, that this is a ghastly, |
|
gruesome and ghoulish procedure, and it is dismemberment |
|
abortion. And I have known people who could not vote for a |
|
death penalty because they couldn't conduct it themselves, and |
|
they take that moral position. I understand that psychology. |
|
But when we look at something we are asking taxpayers to |
|
fund against their will that is so ghastly, so gruesome and so |
|
ghoulish that we can't abide even looking at it or watching it, |
|
or watching a full video of it or listening to the sounds that |
|
go on there, and we are funding it and compelling taxpayers to |
|
fund this kind of a dismemberment abortion, I think that |
|
illustrates what we are up to here, and we should go to all |
|
steps to stop Federal dollars from going to abortion. |
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I thank you, and I yield back. |
|
Mr. Franks. I thank the gentleman. |
|
I would now yield to Mr. Scott of Virginia. |
|
Mr. Scott. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and I join the others |
|
in congratulating you on your new position and look forward to |
|
working with you. |
|
Mr. Doerflinger, Professor Rosenbaum talked about the tax |
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deduction and the wording seems a little unclear. Is it your |
|
belief that the tax deduction should still go to the health |
|
policy but just not that portion that pertains to abortion? Or |
|
should the entire policy lose its deductibility if it includes |
|
abortion coverage? |
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Mr. Doerflinger. Congressman, this is one of the problems I |
|
had with trying to be helpful to Mr. Nadler. I think there are |
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a lot of different ways in which the Tax Code gets implicated |
|
in this, and there are some cases that are much more |
|
straightforward than others. I think with regard to the premium |
|
tax credits in the Affordable Care Act, the policy that was put |
|
in place was that premium tax credits will not go directly to |
|
an abortion procedure itself, but they will go to an overall |
|
health plan that includes such abortions without limit. And |
|
then there will be a little accounting procedure within the |
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plan to try to keep the Federal and private funds separate. My |
|
problem with that is that---- |
|
Mr. Scott. Just in terms of the bill, is it your intent |
|
that the entire, if someone has a policy that includes abortion |
|
coverage, should the employer lose the entire deductibility of |
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the whole policy or just that portion that pertains to the |
|
abortion coverage? |
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Mr. Doerflinger. Congressman, my understanding from the |
|
analysis of this bill by the Congressional Research Service is |
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that it does not cover the employer deduction. |
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Mr. Scott. Well, whatever deduction we are talking about, |
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tax benefits, credits, are we just talking about the abortion |
|
portion or the entire policy? |
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Mr. Doerflinger. There are two questions: One is whether |
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this is Federal funding, and somebody has to draw a |
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nonarbitrary line. |
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Mr. Scott. The answer is it is not clear. |
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Mr. Doerflinger. The second question is whether, if we |
|
consider that it does cross the line into being a subsidy, |
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whether you ban the subsidy just for abortion itself or for a |
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plan that includes it. That policy decision was made many years |
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ago in the Hyde amendment. The Federal employees health |
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benefit---- |
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Mr. Scott. We are here talking about the legislation. |
|
Professor Rosenbaum, you mention that there is a lack of |
|
clarity as to whether the whole policy would lose its |
|
deductibility, or whether just the portion attributable to |
|
abortion coverage would not be deductible; is that right? You |
|
said it is unclear? |
|
Ms. Rosenbaum. No, actually I think it is very clear that |
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the entire policy, whatever is affected under this bill, the |
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entirety would lose its deductibility, its tax advantage. What |
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is not completely clear to me because of the term ``any |
|
deduction'' is whether the deductibility applies only to |
|
individual taxpayer deductions, or in fact, could at some point |
|
be interpreted to reach employer deductions. But I do believe |
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that the deduction would be struck in its entirety if the |
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product sold is a product that includes one of the prohibited |
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abortion procedures, hence the extraordinarily difficult |
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problems for the IRS in determining when the deductibility |
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standard would be met. |
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Mr. Scott. The question I had was whether that was the |
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intent and we couldn't get an answer, so it must be unclear. |
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Mr. Doerflinger, should government funds be used for |
|
capital punishment? |
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Mr. Doerflinger. My organization is against capital |
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punishment. I think if you are going to have capital |
|
punishment, it pretty much has to be tax funded. But we are |
|
against that. We believe in the abolition of the death penalty. |
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Mr. Scott. Good. Should we work together, you and me, to |
|
prohibit government funds to be used for capital punishment? |
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Mr. Doerflinger. Unless the intent is to put it out into |
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the private sector, yes. |
|
Mr. Scott. Could you explain the exception for rape, why |
|
that is there? |
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Mr. Doerflinger. This recent debate about rape and forcible |
|
rape? |
|
Mr. Scott. No. Why there is an exception? |
|
Mr. Doerflinger. Why there is an exception? I think you |
|
would have to get that answer from someone who supports it. I |
|
can understand why some people want that exception. They want |
|
to be able to say that if the woman had no part in the decision |
|
to have sex, to get pregnant, then she should not have to bear |
|
this child that was part of no decision by her. My problem with |
|
that is, although that is a horrible thing, and there are a lot |
|
of things that the health care system and the government should |
|
do for women who have been victims of rape. I can't help |
|
thinking that there is another person involved now who has also |
|
has a right to live. I have met some kids who were conceived in |
|
rape. They and their mothers are great people and they are glad |
|
it was not an abortion. |
|
But I think the recent debate about forcible rape was |
|
simply an effort on the part of the sponsors to prevent the |
|
opening of a very broad loophole for federally funded abortions |
|
for any teenager. The objection to that, which I thought was |
|
very interesting and helpful and clarifying, the objection to |
|
that was by people saying it doesn't mean that. Rape already |
|
means forcible. So if you say forcible rape, that is redundant |
|
and courts are going to read that as requiring some level of |
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violence or brutality that goes beyond rape itself. |
|
When Congresswoman Wasserman Schultz objected to the phrase |
|
``forcible rape,'' she said: ``Rape is when a woman is forced |
|
to have sex against her will. That is whether she is conscious, |
|
unconscious, mentally stable, not mentally stable.'' |
|
I think that is a pretty good definition, and I think that |
|
the Subcommittee could sort of stipulate in legislative history |
|
that is what we all mean. We are talking about cases where |
|
force is used or women have been subjected to this against |
|
their will, and move on. |
|
Mr. Chabot. I would like to thank Mr. Scott and thank all |
|
of our witnesses for their testimony today on this very crucial |
|
issue to humanity itself. |
|
Mr. Quigley. Mr. Chairman, a procedural question, if I |
|
could? |
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Mr. Franks. Yes. |
|
Mr. Quigley. In your opening statement, I believe you |
|
talked about perspective changes that you intended for the |
|
legislation. I believe you talked about what was just |
|
mentioned, that was rape. If I missed it, I'm apologizing, as |
|
it relates to incest as well? |
|
Mr. Franks. I know that there are ongoing deliberations and |
|
they are trying to deal with at least the rape question. I |
|
can't speak to the incest question, but I am sure that will be |
|
part of their thought process. And I would invite you to be |
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involved in that process. |
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Mr. Quigley. Absolutely. |
|
Mr. Franks. Without objection, all Members will have 5 |
|
legislative days to submit to the Chair additional written |
|
questions for the witnesses, and we will forward and ask the |
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witnesses to respond as promptly as they can so that their |
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answers may be made part of the record. |
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Without objection, all Members will have 5 legislative days |
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within which to submit any additional materials for inclusion |
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in the record. |
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With that, again, I thank the witnesses and I thank the |
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Members and observers. This hearing is adjourned. |
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[Whereupon, at 5:36 p.m., the Subcommittee was adjourned.] |
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A P P E N D I X |
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Material Submitted for the Hearing Record |
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Prepared Statement of the Honorable Mike Quigley, a Representative in |
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Congress from the State of Illinois, and Member, Subcommittee on the |
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Constitution |
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Addendum to the Prepared Statement of Cathy Cleaver Ruse, |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<F-dash> |
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Letter from Cassing Hammond, MD, Director, Section of Family Planning & |
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Contraception, Associate Professor of Obstetrics and Gyncology, |
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Northwestern Feinberg School of Medicine, and Chair, National Abortion |
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Federation Board of Director |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<F-dash> |
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Prepared Statement of the National Abortion Federation |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<F-dash> |
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Prepared Statement of Silvia Henriquez, Executive Director, |
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the National Latina Institute for Reproductive Health |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<F-dash> |
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Prepared Statement of Debra Ness, President, and Judith Lichtman, |
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Senior Advisor, the National Partnership for Women & Families |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<F-dash> |
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Prepared Statement of Rabbi David Saperstein, Director and Counsel, |
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Religious Action Center of Reform Judaism |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<F-dash> |
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Prepared Statement of Nancy Keenan, President, |
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NARAL Pro-Choice American Foundation |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<F-dash> |
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Prepared Statement of Nancy Ratzan, President, National Council of |
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Jewish Woman |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<F-dash> |
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Material submitted by the Center for Reproductive Rights |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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__________ |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<F-dash> |
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Material submitted by DC Vote |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<F-dash> |
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Press Release from the National Abortion Federation (NAF) |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<GRAPHIC(S) NOT AVAILABLE IN TIFF FORMAT> |
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<all> |
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</pre><script data-cfasync="false" src="/cdn-cgi/scripts/5c5dd728/cloudflare-static/email-decode.min.js"></script></body></html> |
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