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A strong stable society is based upon strong families, who are based around the male and female lifelong bonding pair.
Our pseudo society has effectively destroyed this base, by means of feminism, sodomy, the destruction of traditional morality, and with legally enforced no fault divorce.
This destruction of our society, has left an awful lot of men, in the rubble.
These men, are bound to pay for a family who has no loyalty to them.
These men are legally in effect serfs.
These men are the most obvious first demographic that nationalists in the West should appeal to, for these men have no illusions about the system's benevolence nor do they believe in any of its lies.
These men are simply waiting in the soup kitchens, underneath bridges, sleeping in their cars, for a glimmer of hope, for a light to guide their way.
Essentially they are waiting to find new purpose, so that they can do what men do and that is to build the basis for social and political organization, by means of their economic cooperation organization.
If this sounds complex but what it means is that men naturally work together to create value which value is then used as the basis for social and politic order thus the Men's economic efforts are the basis for social and political stability and society, just as the stable family is the basis for the man's ability to work and build value effectively.
So in effect nationalists must go to these men and become their extended family.
Then from this will flow the natural productive forces which come from people cooperating to a common end, if this family is giving even the most nominal organization, and understands that hierarchy and discipline are essential to any large scale organization affecting its long-term goals.
Once nationalists have this family, drawn together from the outcasts of modernity then, they will need to organize to consolidate and to conceptualize a long- term plan(s). Organization is important because it teaches large groups of people how to work together for common interests.
There are many different forms of organizations available different forms of charities nonprofits, for profit corporations, single proprietorship businesses, and a host of others, but the essential element of all of them is that there is a planning principle, which is able to save capital for the enterprise to use later upon long-term goals.
For nationalists I would posit that a worthy goal that these men could save towards, would be to purchase rural and suburban lands that are unwanted or run down, move the new family there and then worked to build them up.
This would allow their new family's to learn to work together and to learn to submerge their personal interest in the common cause.
This work would also allow the family to produce wealth which could be exchanged or traded with the local population, in such a way as to gain goodwill with them and show that nationalist care about them and their interests.
Or it could be used to provide charitable relief to them again to show by actions the Nationalist intent for the commons.
The Goal will be to house, feed and cloth all the family members; make money; create capital; generate good will among the locals; and live successful lives.
Once the family the nationalist family, has established itself, on at least one parcel of land and is doing economically and socially well then I would advise creating other corporate enterprises to expand its functional reach and to allow the family the room to grow it will need in order to become a great Nation.
First is a Land Management Corporation to mutually manage the 'families' holdings and to assign various family members their parcel to work.
The LMC will own the families holdings in total but members will posses and use them.
From Many One.
The Second (set of two) to function as a local market (Farmers market) and as a local regulatory agency (Producers cooperative ) this would allow for the family and for the local people to learn that their work and effort is the basis for all economic value.
The Third a credit union, which would be capitalized by the labors of the family and the local people.
This credit union organization would allow them, them being all the people who worked in this area, to fully capitalize upon the fruits of their own labor.
It would allow them to invest in their own future, in the future of their children, and in the future of the community.
In effect it would allow them to be free of the international market and the International Bankers.
The fourth being a charitable nonprofit designed to help others while spreading the message by example not empty words.
The fifth would be a political society with the goal of securing control of both parties at a local level and all non partisan offices available.
Sixth a media corporation.
It is essential to have control of Our own message from print to pronouncement.
Nationalists cannot rely upon the internationalist media.
Seventh an educational fund.
The youth's education is the future.
After all of the above has been established, now the family --who started as unwanted outcasts and has been's -- has a family of family's, in a functioning organic local community, who take care of their own economic/banking system, their own social order, and are well on their way to having full political power over their own destiny.
The key is the first group of men becoming family who then work to become family toward the locals in their area of operations.
The men will find women and have children, raise them to have respect for the values that allowed all this to happen and .... from this follows all the rest.
From the Rubble cometh Forth the Family to Found a Great Nation! The things is to NOT provide them with a head or body to hit.
Use names like 'X County Public Improvement Council' such as this .... BLAND AND HARMLESS.
Wise and effective.
Stay legal.
Work Hard.
Do not advertise! Work to build the base for politics in economics based on a tight knit community built from the ground up ... not pie in the SKY Charlie Brown Politics nonsense but steady real progress towards power over our peoples future.
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V.ON THE ROMAN CONSTITUTION AT ITS PRIME From the crossing of Xerxes to Greece
and for thirty years after this period, it was always one of those polities which was an object of special study, and it was at its best and nearest to perfection at the time of the Hannibalic war, the period at which I interrupted my narrative to deal with it.
Therefore now that I have described its growth, I will explain what were the conditions at the time when by their defeat at Cannae the Romans were brought face to face with disaster.
I am quite aware that to those who have been born and bred under the Roman Republic my account of it will seem somewhat imperfect owing to the omission of certain details.
For as they have complete knowledge of it and practical acquaintance with all its parts, having been familiar with these customs and institutions from childhood, they will not be struck by the extent of the information I give but will demand in addition all I have omitted: they will not think that the author has purposely omitted small peculiarities, but owing to ignorance he has been silent regarding the origins of many things and some points of capital importance.
Had I mentioned them, they would not have been impressed by my doing so, regarding them as small and trivial points, but as they are omitted they will demand their inclusion as if they were vital matters, through a desire themselves to appear better informed than the author.
Now a good critic should not judge authors by what they omit, but by what they relate, and if he finds any falsehood in this, he may conclude that the omissions are due to ignorance; but if all the writer says is true, he should admit that he has been silent about these matters deliberately and not from ignorance.
These remarks are meant for those who find fault with authors in cavilling rather than just spirit.
In so far as any view of matter we form applies to the right occasion, so far expressions of approval or blame are sound.
When circumstances change, and when applied to these changed conditions, the most excellent and true reflections of authors seem often not only not acceptable, but utterly offensive.
The three kinds of government that I spoke of above all shared in the control of the Roman state.
And such fairness and propriety in all respects was shown in the use of these three elements for drawing up the constitution and in its subsequent administration that it was impossible even for a native to pronounce with certainty whether the whole system was aristocratic, democratic, or monarchical.
This was indeed only natural.
For if one fixed one's eyes on the power of the consuls, the constitution seemed completely monarchical and royal; if on that of the senate it seemed again to be aristocratic; and when one looked at the power of the masses, it seemed clearly to be a democracy.
The parts of the state falling under the control of each element were and with a few modifications still are as follows.
The consuls, previous to leading out their legions, exercise authority in Rome over all public affairs, since all the other magistrates except the tribunes are under them and bound to obey them, and it is they who introduce embassies to the senate.
Besides this it is they who consult the senate on matters of urgency, they who carry out in detail the provisions of its decrees.
Again as concerns all affairs of state administered by the people it is their duty to take these under their charge, to summon assemblies, to introduce measures, and to preside over the execution of the popular decrees.
As for preparation for war and the general conduct of operations in the field, here their power is almost uncontrolled; for they are empowered to make what demands they choose on the allies, to appoint military tribunes, to levy soldiers and select those who are fittest for service.
They also have the right of inflicting, when on active service, punishment on anyone under their command; and they are authorized to spend any sum they decide upon from the public funds, being accompanied by a quaestor who faithfully executes their instructions.
So that if one looks at this part of the administration alone, one may reasonably pronounce the constitution to be a pure monarchy or kingship.
I may remark that any changes in these matters or in others of which I am about to speak that may be made in present or future times do not in any way affect the truth of the views I here state.
To pass to the senate.
In the first place it has the control of the treasury, all revenue and expenditure being regulated by it.
For with the exception of payments made to the consuls, the quaestors are not allowed to disburse for any particular object without a decree of the senate.
And even the item of expenditure which is far heavier and more important than any other — the outlay every five years by the censors on public works, whether constructions or repairs — is under the control of the senate, which makes a grant to the censors for the purpose.
Similarly crimes committed in Italy which require a public investigation, such as treason, conspiracy, poisoning, and assassination, are under the jurisdiction of the senate.
Also if any private person or community in Italy is in need of arbitration or indeed claims damages or requires succour or protection, the senate attends to all such matters.
It also occupies itself with the dispatch of all embassies sent to countries outside of Italy for the purpose either of settling differences, or of offering friendly advice, or indeed of imposing demands, or of receiving submission, or of declaring war; and in like manner with respect to embassies arriving in Rome it decides what reception and what answer should be given to them.
All these matters are in the hands of the senate, nor have the people anything whatever to do with them.
So that again to one residing in Rome during the absence of the consuls the constitution appears to be entirely aristocratic; and this is the conviction of many Greek states and many of the kings, as the senate manages all business connected with them.
After this we are naturally inclined to ask what part in the constitution is left for the people, considering that the senate controls all the particular matters I mentioned, and, what is most important, manages all matters of revenue and expenditure, and considering that the consuls again have uncontrolled authority as regards armaments and operations in the field.
But nevertheless there is a part and a very important part left for the people.
For it is the people which alone has the right to confer honours and inflict punishment, the only bonds by which kingdoms and states and in a word human society in general are held together.
For where the distinction between these is overlooked or is observed but ill applied, no affairs can be properly administered.
How indeed is this possible when good and evil men are held in equal estimation? It is by the people, then, in many cases the offences punishable by a fine are tried when the accused have held the highest office; and they are the only court which may try on capital charges.
As regards the latter they have a practice which is praiseworthy and should be mentioned.
Their usage allows those on trial for their lives when found guilty liberty to depart openly, thus inflicting voluntary exile on themselves, if even only one of the tribes that pronounce the verdict has not yet voted.
Such exiles enjoy safety in the territories of Naples, Praeneste, Tibur, and other civitates foederatae.
Again it is the people who bestow office on the deserving, the noblest regard of virtue in a state; the people have the power of approving or rejecting laws, and what is most important of all, they deliberate on the question of war and peace.
Further in the case of alliances, terms of peace, and treaties, it is the people who ratify all these or the reverse.
Thus here again one might plausibly say that the people's share in the government is the greatest, and that the constitution is a democratic one.
Having stated how political power is distributed among the different parts of the state, I will now explain how each of the three parts is enabled, if they wish, the counteract or co-operate with the others.
The consul, when he leaves with his army invested with the powers I mentioned, appears indeed to have absolute authority in all matters necessary for carrying out his purpose; but in fact he requires the support of the people and the senate, and is not able to bring his operations to a conclusion without them.
For it is obvious that the legions require constant supplies, and without the consent of the senate, neither corn, clothing, nor pay can be provided; so that the commander's plans come to nothing, if the senate chooses to be deliberately negligent and obstructive.
It also depends on the senate whether or not a general can carry out completely his conceptions and designs, since it has the right of either superseding him when his year's term of office has expired or of retaining him in command.
Again it is in its power to celebrate with pomp and to magnify the successes of a general or on the other hand to obscure and belittle them.
For the processions they call triumphs, in which the generals bring the actual spectacle of their achievements before the eyes of their fellow-citizens, cannot be properly organized and sometimes even cannot be held at all, unless the senate consents and provides the requisite funds.
As for the people it is most indispensable for the consuls to conciliate them, however far away from home they may be; for, as I said, it is the people which ratifies or annuls terms of peace and treaties, and what is most important, on laying down office the consuls are obliged to account for their actions to the people.
So that in no respect is it safe for the consuls to neglect keeping in favour with both the senate and the people.
The senate again, which possesses such great power, is obliged in the first place to pay attention to the commons in public affairs and respect the wishes of the people, and it cannot carry out inquiries into the most grave and important offences against the state, punishable with death, and their correction, unless the senatus consultum is confirmed by the people.
The same is the case in matters which directly affect the senate itself.
For if anyone introduces a law meant to deprive the senate of some of its traditional authority, or to abolish the precedence and other distinctions of the senators or even to curtail them of their private fortunes, it is the people alone which has the power of passing or rejecting any such measure.