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INDIA HEWS CHUNE http://www.indianembassy.org
Address to the Nation by The President of India K.R. Narayanan on the Eve of Independence Day
Fellow citizens, Friends,
On the eve of the 52nd anniversary of India's Independence, I have great pleasure in extending to all fellow citizens, whether living in India or abroad, my warm greetings and felicitations.
I send a special word of greeting and felicitation to our brave
jawans and to our kisan and mazdoor brothers and sisters, who toil and sweat from dawn to dusk and keep our country going.
I would like, this year, to convey the boundless admiration and gratitude of the nation to our Defence and Para-military Forces. It is the death-defying courage of our young men, hailing from every State, and every part of India, the sons of our common folk, fighting on the bleak and hazardous heights of Kargil, Batalik and Dras that protected India's sovereignty and territorial integrity, driving the intruders from our sacred soil across the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir.
Tomorrow when the national tri-colour flies atop the ramparts of the historic Red Fort and over a multitude of humble dwellings across the land, it will flutter in salute to the flower of our youth who sacrificed everything to preserve the honour of our flag. We must resolve now that their sacrifice does not go in vain.
Years ago, our First Prime Minister Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru had noted a common failing of our country and observed that "the basic fact remains that we have yet to develop as a unified nation... Under some calamity or external danger, we may well unite. When the immediate danger is removed, we fall back into our respective shells and lose the
Message from Ambassador Naresh Chandra
Once again, the 15th of August comes as a day of pride for Indians all over the world. I feel privileged in extending greetings to all my fellow citizens in the United States as well as the Indian-Americans who have contributed so much to the glory of India. In over 50 years, India has emerged from an exploited colony to a resilient, free and strong democracy. Our progress in several fields of development has been widely recognised. Our great pool of technical manpower, impressive strides in agriculture and industry and creative achievement in science and space research have made India a front-ranking country among the leading nations of the world. Challenges and many problems still remain, and these require greater effort and endeavour on our part.
This year as we unfurl the National Tricolour, our first thoughts go the valiant officers and men of the Indian armed forces whose sacrifice and courage have once again enabled us to defeat the aggression on our soil. We share the grief of the bereaved families and commit ourselves to their welfare. The country owes them, as we do our freedom fighters, an everlasting debt of gratitude. Let us take pledge to honour their memory not only with memorials but also with renewed commitment to strengthening our nation/state to realise the full potential of the people of India, both at home and abroad.
sense of the whole. We try to get out of these shells and then, something happens that lays bare our inner urges and failings. Whether it is provincialism or caste, we still live in a tribal age". Kargil has shaken us out of our narrow shells and forged a new national unity in the crucible of the common danger suddenly imposed on us. Friends, we hear voices from the other side threatening more Kargils
Continued on page 6
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india_news_p000007.jpg | Kargil and Beyond
Speech by Sh. Jaswant Singh, Minister of External Affairs at India International Centre on July 20, 1999
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen,
It is now time to look ahead; to look beyond Kargil. But even in charting our course for the future we have to assess what Kargil 1999 was all about? What were the challenges - military and diplomatic? What new facets of our total national commitment and endeavour emerged? What lessons for the years that lie ahead? 'Operation Vijay' - as the Prime Minister said some days back - has resulted in 'Vijay' for India. As we re-examine the military and diplomatic challenges that then confronted us, and which were successfully managed, we need to have a preliminary analysis, draw some first conclusions and above all, looking beyond Kargil, draw a route chart for the tomorrows to come.
First, the military dimension. Kargil was a military aggression by Pakistan, with Pak army regulars, across a stretch of the LoC, in four pockets, from the Mushkoh Valley in the west to Tartuk in the Yaldor-Batalik sector in the East. Initially, with the aggressor - as with all aggressors lay the element of surprise. This was soon countered locally. Initially, the terrain, too, conferred some advantage to the aggressor. They had intruded along ridgelines to occupy some key heights and features that dominated a vital road link, between Dras and Kargil. The depth of the ridge-
lines north of the LoC and their gradients, along with nullah approaches enabled the Pakistan army to provide crucial logistical and administrative support to their troops.
The Indian army's response to the military challenge was measured yet swift, it was focussed, thus effective. The first task was to contain the intrusion. For this an accurate assessment was necessary about the degree and extent of it. This involved, amongst other activities the drawing of fire. Simultaneously, a redeployment of troops took place. Through a successful containment of the aggressor's intrusion was ensured the inevitable defeat of this misadventure by Pakistan. The element of surprise was countered by the Indian army through the speed and lethality of its response. On 26th May, the Air Force swung into action in support of the ground operations.
Our military objective had been clearly spelt out to the intruders retreat or the Indian army shall evict you. In any event once the intruder's aim of interfering with the Dras-Kargil Highway had been thwarted the whole rationale of this aggression had got defeated. A mere holding of heights was militarily a counter productive venture. They were bound to be evicted - in detail - one by one; for their occupation served scant military purpose. For India, occupation of territory, south of the LoC, was
simply not acceptable both physically and as a violation of a principle. Tactical surprise having been lost early by the aggressor, the military principles of superior force, concentration and firepower were bound to tell. And they did, decisively. This phase of eviction did not, indeed could not be a phase of battles of maneuver. The nature of the terrain, the adversary's dispositions plus most importantly our self-imposed restraints about the LoC, precluded those options. The battles for the heights thus became classic infantry actions in high altitude, combining mountaineering and fighting, against fixed enemy positions at a higher elevation. They were actions that demanded grit, stamina and dauntless courage. Our troops displayed all these qualities in full measure.
Let us be clear about one other vital aspect. This aggression in Kargil sector was by the Pak regular army, it had the logistic and administrative support of not the Pakistani Army alone but of their total state machinery. Secondly, this misadventure was not aimed at infiltrating into the Srinagar Valley, it was to occupy territory in Kargil and in holding that. This purpose, too, was defeated.
The Kargil aggression is not an extension of the problem of externally aided and abetted cross border terrorism that we have combated uptill now. It is an
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india_news_p000008.jpg | overspill of the 'Afghanistan' disorder syndrome'. That is also why it had to be defeated.
In parallel to the military, we also had major diplomatic challenges on our hands. A firm signal had to be conveyed to Pakistan, as also a clear and unambiguous message to the international community. Let us accept that in today's age no conflict, least of all one between two nuclear weapons possessing states can escape global media spotlight. This was an additional and a new factor. Managing all these required a qualitatively new level of coordination between the two wings of the South Block - the Ministries of Defence and External Affairs. This, too was achieved to demonstrable effect.
Of course, Kargil posed a challenge both to the substance of our foreign policy as also to the conduct of our diplomacy. The Prime Minister had at the very beginning directed the MEA that the true challenge lay in turning back the aggressor, in defeating all his designs, in reversing the aggression but with the maximum of restraint. The MEA had, therefore, also placed before itself the objective of protecting the international flank of the MoD; so that our operations on the ground and in the air could go on unhindered. This was also achieved in no insignificant measure. The first requirement, thus was establishing the fact of Pakistan's intrusion and aggression. I would venture to claim that we succeeded in doing so. The next requirement was to spell our objectives with clarity, consistency and candour. This was done early, repeated whenever necessary and can be summed up, sequentially, as the following irreducible minimums.
They were:
A] Pakistan's armed intrusion in Kargil will be evicted and its aggression vacated. All Pakistan regular troops and extremist elements under its command and control will have to withdraw. For this purpose, our armed forces will take all necessary action on our side of the Line of Control.
B] Once this intrusion has been cleared, Pakistan would need to reaffirm the inviolability and sanctity of the Line of Control.
C] Dialogue, as part of the Lahore process, which afterall, was initiated by us could only then be resumed.
Our diplomatic machinery was geared fully to convey these objectives to the intemational community, as being valid and worthy of support. Continuous interaction was maintained, with all the major powers, and the rest of the intemational community through our diplomatic missions abroad, the diplomatic community in New Delhi and through personal interaction. It is a measure of the justness of India's cause that what I have cited above, as the irreducible minimums, found such a large community of countries standing up in support. Principally, let me repeat, it was because India's stand was recognised as just, thus it was acted upon. I wish to also emphasize that the importance of the inviolability and sanctity of the Line of Control, for maintaining peace and tranquility, was totally accepted by the international community, and Pakistan was held as having violated this Line. Its efforts
at terming it as imprecise also failed. Even more, the intemational community accepted India's view that Pakistan was guilty also of transgressing the territory of trust. The intemational community also concurred with our assertion that Kargil was a manifestation of this medieval malevolence spilling over from Afghanistan, that these were no freedom fighters, thus there was a need to confront such impulses; in the interest not just of our region but of the larger global community.
It is noteworthy that under the leadership of the Prime Minister the Ministries of External Affairs and the Ministry of Defence worked as one, the combined synergy of which demonstrated the true power and effectiveness of the Indian State. This is, of course, how it should be. But it is a matter of satisfaction nevertheless, that this was achieved at a time of trial, a time which tests the mettle of any Government's machinery. In this is also a lesson for the future.
There was an added dimension to our total national endeavour. It was the role of our media during Kargil operations. It was marked by exuberant enthusiasm bordering, at times, on the reckless. These young men and women of the media, who were in Kargil brought the valour of our troops, in the face of great odds, directly into the homes of our citizens. They touched our hearts and eyes with the tales of the bereaved and the families of the fallen. This was our first experience of conflict in the TV/ information age. We learnt as we went along. It would be no exaggeration, therefore, to say that the role of the electronic
See KARGIL, Page 4
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india_news_p000009.jpg | and the print media, in fully informing and mobilizing public opinion, was an invaluable part of the total national effort to meet the challenge of Kargil.
Why did Pakistan undertake such an ill-conceived misadventure? Perhaps, they thought that they could translate the advantage of tactical surprise into a strategic gain by bringing about a defacto realignment of the LoC, in the region, thus rendering the Srinagar-Leh National Highway vulnerable. They were wrong. They miscalculated India's resolve, they did not comprehend the sense of national outrage at this blatant breach of trust, the sheer motivation of the Indian soldiers and the leadership quality of the Indian Army officers who led from the front.
Perhaps, Pakistan calculated on provoking India into an escalation. They were wrong again because the decision of not crossing the LoC was taken early and maintained scrupulously, in the face of high casualities and even when the decision to employ air power was taken. The area of conflict was not expanded. Pakistan having disowned its troops as "freedom fighters", could hardly thereafter have opened up a new front, to ease pressure in Kargil.
What of the future? Looking beyond Kargil provides us an opportunity to renew our faith in ourselves, our society, our polity and our nation. It compels us to look ahead in all fields of national endeavour but particularly, in the spheres of national security and foreign policy. One simple message emanating from
Kargil is that adequate resources have to be made available for national defence, that the kind of relegation of defence needs that we witnessed in the late eighties and nineties is unsound policy, that technological upgradation cannot be postponed, that the nation must always think of the welfare of those who are in the first rank of its defence.
Kargil has many pointers for our foreign policy and diplomacy too. As in the present instance, we should always be ready to engage with the world as full and responsible members of the international community, but, of course, keeping our national priorities and interests as the guiding principle; we ought to have no reluctance, leave alone fear, in engaging with the world on any issue. Indeed, we serve the national interest when we engage the world on the basis of equality and mutual respect. Such engagement is the very substance of diplomacy. That is not any internationalization of an issue. Nor does it imply mediation or any acceptance of intermediaries.
Issues have to be addressed bilaterally between concerned countries, and in the case of India and Pakistan, that is what the Lahore process is all about. We would like to renew that process and we would like Pakistan to facilitate a resumption of the process, by reaffirming the inviolability and sanctity of the Line of Control. Clearly, a sponsorship of terrorism across the Line of Control, or elsewhere, is a violation of the Line of Control, as indeed of Simla Agreement and Lahore Declaration. There
is a need, for Pakistan, to abjure sponsoring, aiding or abetting cross-border terrorism. These are not any pre-conditions for dialogue. We are after all, the initiators of this dialogue process and our commitment to it is firm and abiding. But it is only right for our nation, at this juncture, to expect that Pakistan will repair the damage that it has done to trust, that it demonstrates this through concrete and tangible steps. Trust is not built by engaging in dialogue in winter and committing aggression in summer. Continuous calls for Jihad can also hardly be read as messages for dialogue and peace. And it is in this vein that I suggest that high pitched propaganda against India also does not inspire confidence in Pakistan's interest in dialogue.
I would venture to suggest that Pakistan, too, has to come to terms with its history, as indeed with its geography. It has to realize that there simply is no military solution to what it presumes is its locus-standil in Jammu and Kashmir. It is, of course, for Pakistan to determine its priorities but fomenting religious fundamentalism can hardly be employed as a tool against want and poverty. India recognizes the permanance of the sovereign state of Pakistan and that is final. While India remains ready for dialogue, the pace at which it can move forward will depend entirely on when and how the state of Pakistan, and what it has now become, permits it to do so.
Our foreign policy has not been fixated on Pakistan, but that has been a significant preoccupation
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india_news_p000010.jpg | of it. We need to re-examine this in detail. Globally, India has to move purposefully towards realizing its true dimensions as a major civilisational state, with its own strategic autonomy and strategic space, born out of its economic and political interaction with other countries particularly in the Asia-Pacific community. The real wealth of a nation is its people. History and paucity of appropriate resources prevented us from participating in the economic transformations brought about since the Industrial Revolution. In 1820, Asia contributed 58 per cent of the World GDP; today it is at 37 per cent; by 2020, expectations are that it could regain the level of 200 years ago. India has a signal role to play in the coming decades. With our democratic institutions, a large skilled manpower base, geographic location, we must ensure that India rides the crest of this wave.
Through the travail and fire of Kargil our nation has been renewed. The mood though sombre, is confident. National will stands sharpened. The sacrifice of our youth has not and will not be in vain. That is the solemn message of Kargil to the nation and to the world. I close with the poignant words of the memorial at Kohima, that stands tall and proud on a hill, commemorating those who fell in another war:
"When you go home Tell them of us And say For your Tomorrow We gave our Today."
Embassy Diary:
- With approvals from several US authorities in hand, the plans for the construction of the Mahatma Gandhi Memorial are now in their final stages. The memorial, which will be installed on Massachusetts Avenue opposite the Embassy, will have a statue of the Father of the Nation as its centerpiece.
- The Embassy worked on all fronts to put forward India's position during the Kargil crisis to US policy makers both in the US Congress and in the Administration. The Ambassador, Deputy Chief of Mission and other senior officials also met prominent members of think tanks and the US media to keep them up-to-date on developments. Embassy's website www.indianembassy.org was also usefully employed to project India's viewpoints during the Kargil crisis.
- The Embassy continued its efforts to reach out to different sections of the United States public as well as the Indian American community. The Ambassador and the Deputy Chief of Mission sent out letters at regular intervals to apprise the community of current developments in IndoUS relations and Govemment of India's policies. They and other officers also participated in several community functions both in Washington and other parts of the country including the Indo-American Friendship Council's annual meeting in Washington, Independence Day festivities and Parade in Chicago, the 17th Annual American Association of the Physicians of India's origin, San Francisco, JAINA Convention, Philadelphia besides several other functions.
- The Embassy continued its interaction with all sections of the media including major television networks. Ambassador Naresh Chandra spoke at a function at National Press Club on May 20 and Deputy Chief of Mission Mr. T.P. Sreenivasan spoke at another function organized at the National Press Club on August 9.
- The Embassy cooperated with the Smithsonian Institution in organizing a six part lecture series on Rajasthan, with the National Museum for Women in Arts to present the creation of Indian women, and with the John Hopkins Institute and the Smithsonian Institute for their programme on religion and traditions in India.
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india_news_p000011.jpg | PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS from page 1
in the future. We have to remain united and prepared not only when war-like situations come upon us, but in normal times also, so that we are not ever again taken unawares by surprise attacks. We have to pay special attention to strengthening our armed forces, equip them with the latest weapons and force multipliers. Hitherto our expenditure on defence has been one of the lowest in the world in terms of percentage of the GDP, much lower than that of our neighbours. It is incumbent upon us to rectify this imbalance.
At the same time let us remember that a country is defended not by arms alone but by wise policies and the strength of its economy, by the justice and cohesion of its society, by the unity of its people. We are a peace-loving people by nature and tradition. We wish to live in peace with our neighbours and with the entire world. Indeed it was due to this passion for peace and our desire to avoid a fratricidal civil war, in the sub-continent, that the leaders of the Indian National Congress agreed to the partition of our motherland into India and Pakistan. It is ironic that this great sacrifice on our part and our desire to live in peace with Pakistan have not prevented unprovoked aggression and subversion against our country. In October 1947, in the very first year of our Independence, Pakistan launched an attack on us in order to wrest Jammu and Kashmir from the Indian Union. On October 29th Mahatma Gandhi said at his prayer meeting in Delhi that now that "the Maharaja of Kashmir has announced his decision to accede to the Indian Union ...and that he has taken refuge in the Indian Union, he should be protected". Answering the question as to what should the small band of Indian soldiers sent to Srinagar by air do, Gandhiji said: "Let them fight to the end. The job of armed soldiers is to march ahead and repel the attacking enemy. They die in fighting, but never retreat". It was this advice by the Father of the Nation and the apostle of non-violence that our brave soldiers followed in 1947 and in the recent attack on us in the Kargil area in Jammu and Kashmir.
In January 1948 Gandhiji said "We must never, under any circumstances, treat anyone as our enemy...My reason and my heart tell me that, if for some reason, we are unable to forge friendship between Muslims and Hindus, not only here but in Pakistan and in the whole world, we shall not be able to keep our free India for long. It will pass into the hands of others", and the freedom gained by both India and Pakistan "will be lost". On the awful prospect of a war between India and Pakistan he further warned, with his shrewd insight into the real politik of the world, that "If you imagine to-day that we can fight and win, let me say that even before you do so, some other world power is going to swallow us up. It will swallow, in fact, both the countries.
If all my friends who are sensible people and who have spent several years with me in my work, understand that much, we would all be safe".
While driving this basic point home Gandhiji had a clear grasp of the reality of the situation and said "The fact is that Pakistan has invaded Kashmir. Indian troops have gone there as defenders at the express invitation of the
Maharaja of the State and of Sheik Abdullah who is the real leader of the Kashmiri people. I shall advise Pakistan and India to sit together and decide the matter. If they are interested in a settlement what is the need for an arbitrator." Gandhiji was against the intervention of a third party or of a foreign hand as arbitrator. I recall these words today because they sum up the totality of the position which we have followed. That was our position at the Shimla Summit in 1972 and that was the position our Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee took when he traveled to Lahore this year and signed the Lahore Declaration with the Prime Minister of Pakistan. We adhere to the same friendly stand but, as we have been let down more than once in the past, it is prudent of us and it is our duty to our people to be prepared for any surprise attack on us. We have to act according to the old adage that eternal vigilance is the price of freedom as well as of peace.
Friends, as we celebrate our Independence to-morrow we recall in grateful remembrance the band of great and selfless men and women who led us in the struggle Mahatma Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Babu Rajendra Prasad, Chakravarti Rajagopalachari, Sarojini Naidu and the incomparable Netaji Subash Chandra Bose, and a host of others. We also recall the foot soldiers of that struggle, countless heroes and heroines who carried aloft the banner of Swaraj. Their aim was to free this ancient land so that millions of Indians sunk in poverty, disease and squalor would rise and live in dignity as free human beings. We have yet to redeem the pledge they gave to our people. One third of our people still live below the poverty level, almost half of our adult population is illiterate, and more than half of our children are under-rourished. And withal our population is increasing at an alarming rate - it has been estimated that India's population would cross the one billion mark on Independence Day. The great strides we have made in economic development and in the improvement in the condition of our people has been, to some extent, negatived by this population explosion. We have to gather the political and social will to stem this tide, instead of frittering away our energies in the pursuit of the politics of power and pelf. Great causes cry out for our urgent attention. The women of India have not yet come out of the long night of discrimination, inequality and denial of rights in which they have been living for ages. But it is gratifying to note that in different parts of India they have been rising and organizing themselves in movements for self-employment and economic empowerment. They need political support. The struggle for the basic and minimum needs of our people - for food, nutrition, health, education, drinking water and energy - remain an unfinished business. The magnitude of these problems is so immense that if we do not address them as our over-riding political, social and economic priorities, the galloping population would overwhelm us in the future. Against this background I am glad to recognize the grass-root movements cropping up in different parts of our country for supervision of development programmes by the people for education, health, employment, etc. for which Govemment has set apart large sums of money. The Right to information is one such grass-root movement which deserves wider popular and legislative support. Our natural environment and life sources such as air, water and land
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india_news_p000012.jpg | are to-day receiving greater attention than before, thanks to the efforts of citizens and NGO's. But I am afraid, by and large, we remain reckless consumers than preservers of these life-sources. It is time that we took conservation and other environmental questions not as fashionable positions but as matters of life and death. No development will be sustainable or justifiable that ignores Nature and the human being.
On the 26th of November this year it will be 50 years since we adopted, enacted and gave to ourselves the Constitution of India. The Constitution is the sheet anchor of our polity. It is my earnest hope that it would continue to be respected by all, and be an instrument of social change and transformation of the status of the underprivileged as envisaged by Babasaheb Ambedkar.
Science and technology, which occupy the centre stage in our progress is paying heed to the human dimensions of development. Thanks to the efforts put in during the first two or three decades India can today boast of a stabilized green revolution, a diversified industrial infrastructure, and a Science and Technology-base for our further development. While Jawaharlal Nehru's vision of "science solving the problem of hunger and poverty" in our country has not yet been fulfilled, we have been able to break the back of the demon of hunger by resort to science in our agriculture. Our progress in the development of satellites, atomic energy, information technology and bio-technology are not merely climbing the high peaks of Science and Technology, but are applying the techniques to grass-root problems and to the human needs of the country. It is heartening that our scientists are now wide awake to the importance of patenting our diverse genetic riches before they are taken away by the advanced nations. India is bound to emerge as a major scientific-technological power in the new millennium.
Rolling back or putting a cap on the advancement of science is contrary to the very spirit and nature of science, and against the equitable world order that we are pledged to bring into being.
Friends, in a few weeks from now the people of India will be exercising their franchise to elect the 13th Lok Sabha and some of the State Assemblies. Our record of orderly elections, which form the basis of our democratic polity, is now acknowledged by the world. Indian voters have exercised their franchise and chosen their representatives with practical common sense; they have reposed confidence with generosity; withdrawn it without ambiguity; created, preserved and demolished mandates. No one dares take the Indian voter for granted. It is gratifying for us that today the world significance of Indian democracy has begun to dawn upon the developed democracies of the world. But still we must not forget that often in global power-politics the blood of strategic affinity is thicker than the life-giving waters of democracy.
I would like to avail this opportunity to urge all contestants and campaigners in the coming polls to maintain our democracy's track record, to abjure appeals of a narrow sectarian nature and show a broad tolerance of opinions of others. I trust that the ugly phenomenon of voter-intimidation and booth-capturing which has marred voting in some
pockets in the past, will not be tolerated anywhere on this occasion. The firmness shown in this regard by our Election Commission has been widely appreciated.
Our Election Commission, our Judiciary and other Constitutional authorities like the Office of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India, are institutions of which we are proud for their impartiality, objectivity and sense of responsibility.
Likewise we derive great satisfaction from the functioning of the National Commissions that have been set up for the welfare of our minorities, women, scheduled castes and scheduled tribes and other vulnerable sections of our society.
Fellow citizens and friends, on this last Independence Day of the century we have every reason to look forward to the new millennium with hope and self-assurance. Despite all the obstacles set in our path we are well served by the strength of our democratic institutions and we draw sustenance from our rich heritage from the past and from the reawakened spirit of our people. In this spirit we send our greetings to our neighbours in South Asia - to Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, Maldives and Pakistan with whom we are engaged in the adventure of building up SAARC as a prosperous and viable regional entity. We also send our greetings to the friendly countries of ASEAN with whom we are closely associated, to Japan and to the countries of West Asia and Central Asia with whom we have traditional ties of friendship. I am delighted that our relations with the People's Republic of China have improved. On the 50th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China and of the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries, I would like to send our warm greetings to the people and government of China. It is a matter of satisfaction to us that our relations with the countries of the sister continent of Africa, the Commonwealth of Nations, the European Union and the United States of America are marked by warmth and understanding. Our close relations with our time-tested friend, Russia, continue to develop and diversify in several fields as well as in multilateral fora; this is most gratifying.
From the inception of our independence India has been striving for a one-world that is free from the scourge of war and free of weapons of mass destruction. In the new century that is at our doorstep we pledge ourselves to persist with this effort. Towards this we would like to see the full potential and scope of the United Nations Organization realized through wider representation and restructuring. We will continue to attach the greatest importance to the Non-Aligned Movement in the formation of which we take pride and which has played an important role in ending the nightmare of the Cold War and which we believe is of relevance in providing stability and balance to the pluralistic world order that is emerging.
Friends, on this Independence Day let us resolve to imbue our lives with the spirit of that midnight hour when we made our tryst with destiny. May the tricolor continue to inspire us and fulfil our destiny as a people and as a nation.
Jai Hind
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india_news_p000013.jpg | Text of Joint India-US Communique on the Exchange of the Instruments of Ratification of the Indo-US Extradition Treaty
New Delhi, July 21, 1999
Abstract
"The Governments of India and the United States today exchanged instruments of ratification for the bilateral Extradition Treaty which was signed by both countries in June 1997. The exchange has brought this treaty into force from today.
The new extradition treaty has replaced the 1931 Extradition Treaty between the United States and the United Kingdom which was, till date, also in force between the United States and India. The treaty is an important step in India-US law enforcement cooperation and cooperation in the area of counter-terrorism. This exchange constitutes yet another milestone in the continuing cooperation between our two democracies to promote the continued growth of our contacts and exchanges in different areas on the basis of mutual benefit and goodwill."
Salient Points of the Extradition Treaty signed between India and the U.S. in June 1997
Extraditable offenses:
The offense is extraditable if punishable under the laws in both contracting parties by imprisonments for more than one year or by a more severe penalty. This applies:
a) whether or not the laws in the contracting state place the offense within the same category of offenses or describe the offense by the same terminology;
b) whether or not the office is one for which United States federal law requires the showing of such matters as interstate transportation, or use of the mails or of other facilities affecting interstate or foreign commerce, such matters being merely for the purpose of establishing jurisdiction in a United States federal court; or
c) whether or not it relates to taxation or revenue or is one of a purely fiscal character.
Extradition shall be granted for an extraditable offense regardless of where the act or acts constituting the offense were committed.
While extradition shall not be granted for a political offense, the following shall not be considered to be political offenses:
Murder or other willful crime against a Head of
State or Head of Government or a member of their family, aircraft hijacking offenses, aviation sabotage, crimes against internationally protected persons including diplomats, hostage taking, offenses related to illegal drugs, or any other offenses for which both contracting states have the obligation to extradite the person pursuant to a multilateral international agreement.
Procedures:
All requests for extradition shall be submitted through the diplomatic channel and be supported by required documents, statements, information describing the facts of the offense, statements of the relevant provisions of the law regarding the offense as well as the punishment, a copy of the warrant or the order of arrest, and such information as would justify the committal for trial of the person in the requested state. For those already convicted of an offense, extradition request shall be supported also by a copy of the judgement of conviction or a statement by a judicial authority that the person has been convicted.
In case of urgency, a contracting state may request the provisional arrest the person sought pending proposal of the request of extradition.
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india_news_p000014.jpg | Prime Minister Vajpayee's Independence Day address to the Nation
Sisters, Brothers and
Dear Children,
Accept my greetings on the sacred occasion of Independence Day. This is a day of hallowed remembrance for us. This is a day of dedication for us.
This year's Independence Day has special significance for all of us. The present century is coming to an end. The world will have entered the next century by the time of the next Independence Day.
As we stand at the sunset of the 20th century, and look back at the events of the era that has passed, we see the end of colonialism from Indian soil to be the most important development. Our great leaders, and many generations of our countrymen, waged a powerful struggle for independence. By doing so, they paved the way for the independence of other countries, too. We pay our homage to those self-sacrificing and devoted leaders and patriots who struggled for freedom throughout their lives, and, when necessary, even laid down their lives as aahutl (offering) in the great yagja of freedom.
Come, all my countrymen, let us strive to become worthy heirs to those great leaders. We dedicate today's sacred day to their memory.
In the same way, I offer my condolences to the valiant jawans, officers and others belonging to the Army and the Air Force, who displayed magnificent heroism and the spirit of sacrifice in recapturing that part of our Motherland in Kargil from the enemy. All of us bow our heads in gratitude for those who were martyred in the Kargil war.
Almost all our countrymen have seen on television glimpses of the impossible summits, which our heroes overcame and pushed out the enemy. To gain victory at such heights is not only to surmount the sky-piercing peaks, it displays the full might of the nation. It is a symbol of the bravery of our Armed Forces.
How can we forget such heroes?
How can we forget those wounded soldiers whose only wish was: how fast can we get well and rejoin our battalion to repulse the enemy?
How can we forget the members of the families of those brave martyrs, who, on receiving the body of their beloved, said, "We do not have tears in our eyes, we have pride in our heart"? How can we forget the mother whose lament was that she had had only one son, and therefore, could not send another to fight for our country?
I know that mere words of solace are not enough. We
have to take concrete measures for the families of the martyrs and wounded soldiers so that they may live a life of comfort and dignity. It has been said that we remember and honour soldiers during a war, and in the immediate aftermath. But as the days pass, we forget them. And it is a sad fact that many who sacrificed their life and limb in previous wars were often forgotten. I give you my personal pledge that this will not happen again.
This Red Fort and its world-renowned ramparts are not merely a geographical spot. The very heartbeat of India's freedom struggle is linked to this fort and its ramparts. In the First War of Independence of 1857, this is where Bahadur Shah Zafar was held a prisoner.
Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose made this very fort the target of his campaign in 1943 and, blowing the bugle of Independence, gave the stirring call to his countrymen: "Dilli Chalo, Chalo Lal Kile"
It is from this very fort that our first Prime Minister, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru hoisted for the first time, the tricolour of Free India in 1947.
More than half a century has passed. Today, we stand at the threshold of a new era. Come, let us enter this new era united in step and united in resolve.
When I addressed you from this rampart last year, there was uncertainty and cynicism in the atmosphere. It was being asked:
- Will we be able to withstand economic sanctions?
- To what extent will we be able to ward off the economic crisis, which had struck the Tiger economies of Southeast Asia?
- Will the Government be allowed to carry on its work?
Today, speaking to a self-confident India, I declare:
- Sanctions have lost their effect. They have become a thing of the past. We have dealt with them in such a way that they hardly had any effect on our economy;
- We kept the South-east Asian economic crisis at bay;
- Yes, the Government was brought down, but the country was not. It continued to march ahead, fulfilling the mantra of Charalvetl, Charalvetl (Move on, Move on). The Government continued to discharge its duty.
- Most important, a war was imposed on us.
We have not just triumphed over difficulties, we have achieved much. In spite of obstacles that were put in our way,
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india_news_p000015.jpg | PRIME MINISTER'S ADDRESS
from page 9
- Our National Income has grown by 6 percent;
- Having crossed 200 million tonnes, production of foodgrains is higher today than ever before;
- Food stocks are higher today than ever. For this our kisans deserve our felicitations. Our agricultural scientists are also worthy of our praise.
- Industrial production is reviving at an energetic pace;
- The new initiatives which have been taken in infrastructure have infused a new purposefulness right across the economy;
- At over 30 billion dollars our foreign exchange reserves are higher than ever before;
- The Sensex in the stock market has risen to record levels. In spite of Kargil, our companies have been able to increase their market value by over Rs. 200,000 crore.
- The off-take of cement for building houses is 22 percent higher than it has ever been;
- Facilities which were known only to the rich, to the few, and in our cities alone - insurance for their output, credit cards - are now available to, and are being taken advantage of by farmers and by others in our far-flung villages.
And we are stronger than ever. Pokharan has given us enviable strength and self-confidence. AGMI-2 has been tested - in the face of pressures - and will be integrated into our defence arsenal.
PSLV and INSAT 2-E have been launched. What a feat our scientists have accomplished: sending not just one, but three satellites on a single rocket far out into space, and placing each of them at the precise point in space, which had been fixed. This has been a magnificent achievement.
Yes, one thing has certainly come down. It is the rate of inflation. At 1.3 percent, this is the lowest rate in seventeen years.
There has also been a sea change in the way the world sees us. Last year we had taken a major step - Pokharan-2 - which was essential for our security, a step which had been contemplated for long but which could not be taken because of the pressures which were put on successive governments.
Some did not agree with our assessment. Some even sought to portray us as an irresponsible nation. However today, within a year, in the councils of the world, "India" is synonymous with "responsibility".
The world has seen that we will protect our national interest at all costs: whether it is in developing an atomic weapons capability, whether it is in developing missile-capability, whether it is in driving adversaries out of our land:
- The world has seen that we will withstand all pressures that are intended to keep us from taking the
measures that we consider necessary in our national interest;
- Also the world has seen that whatever we will do will be for self-defence, never for aggression.
But the world has also seen that we are capable of doing so with utmost restraint, with utmost responsibility. These were the principles, which guided us when Pakistan forced the Kargil war on us. Our response was well-thought out. It was so effective that it left the enemy stunned.
The world today has well realized that we would do whatever is required to protect our country. The world has also understood that we would act with utmost responsibility and restraint even when so gravely provoked. This has raised the reputation of India in the international community.
The Lahore bus journey was taken to improve our relations with Pakistan. This made the world realize that we truly want peace and friendship. This journey was not a showpiece. It was a serious and well-considered move, which we made knowing fully well that there could be risks in it.
Our honesty made an impact on the international community. Later, when the bus to Lahore was taken to Kargil, it did not take much time for the world to realize that Pakistan not only violated the Shimla Agreement and the Lahore Declaration, but it also crossed the borders of trust and goodwill.
That is what turned the world's opinion. Pakistan stood completely isolated on the world stage. India received widespread support in the world for the first time.
I do hope that the people of Pakistan too will reflect on these events. We reached out to you with a message of friendship. What did we gain in return? Hundreds lost their lives. Relations were spolit. The resources which ought to have been used for economic and social development were instead spent on war.
We need peace in order to raise the standard of living of the people in both countries. For peace, we need trust. Has trust increased on account of all that happened in Kargil, Does the path of armed intrusion lead to friendship?
Terrorists are being trained in Pakistan. Camps are being run for them. Hordes of terrorists are being sent into India. They are killing innocent people. They are targeting women and children. How can meaningful dialogue take place in this atmosphere?
Pakistan must realize that no problem can be resolved if it continues to promote terrorist activities. We shall not let the evil designs of terrorists succeed. Today, Punjab is free of terrorism. The people of Jammu and Kashmir are fed up with terrorism. Even Assam and the North-East are affected.
All of us want peace. People are worried about the future of their children.
Terrorism is a curse on the world. When it is com-
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india_news_p000016.jpg | bined with religious extremism, it becomes a graver danger to humanity. All of you are familiar with the saying "Karela Aur Neem Chadha" (The bitterness of Karela is further worsened by adding to it the bitterness of Neem.)
In our case, over thirty five thousand of our people have been killed by terrorists. Terrorism has become a big problem in many other parts of the world, too. It is obstructing the path of peace and development. Today, there is a need to mobilize world opinion against terrorism. Today, on the occasion of Independence Day, India stands with full self-confidence. Our gaze is turned to the future. Our standing in the world has risen. Now, the people are not attracted by the controversies and narrow. disputes of yesterday.
Throughout the war in Kargil, I was specially satisfied by two features.
- There was no communal tension anywhere in the country. Goodwill and brotherhood prevailed everywhere, including in Jammu and Kashmir. This must have despaired those who thought that riots would break out in India as soon as the spark of war is lit. Those who hatched the conspiracy of strife, must have been truly disillusioned. The people of all sections of society worked for India's success in the war. A powerful wave of patriotism traveled everywhere.
- When I went to Kargil and met our jawans, I saw our entire country there: soldiers from Nagaland, from Assam, from Tamil Nadu, from almost every state were fighting for the country. There was not the slightest distance between them on account of caste or religion or region.
This is the real India. We must make their oneness our own. We have to live for this India. We have to work for this India. And, if necessary, we have to lay down our lives for this India, as our brave jawans did.
Kargil has once again shown that whenever our patriotism is aroused, all of us stand as one with full confidence and determination, as a fist clenched in conviction. We face our challenges unitedly. Our adversaries should beware of this.
At the same time, there is an equally important lesson for us. Now that the crisis has been beaten back, do not unclench this fist of unity.
The battle is not over. New challenges are knocking at our doors. The patriotism that coursed through the veins of Indians should be made a permanent feature of our lives.
All of us remember the talisman Gandhiji gave us: when in doubt about what to do, he taught us, think of the least, of the most helpless man you have seen, ask yourself, "Will this step be in his interest?" he said, and you will see all your doubts melt away.
Kargil gives us a second talisman: As we contemplate a step, let us ask ourselves: "Is it worthy of the soldier who gave his life on those mountains? Does
the impulse which lies behind it measure up to the spirit which filled that soldier as he fought to protect our Motherland?"
The challenges that confront us cannot be overcome only by the men on the frontiers doing their duty. There is a need for an organized and disciplined nation to stand behind them. We must defend our country and develop our society by keeping national interests utmost in our minds. If our economy is not strong, and if we are not self-reliant in important matters of national security, then we cannot successfully face external challenges.
All of us, wherever we may be, whatever work we may be doing, we should discharge our responsibilities well. We must never allow any limb of our nation or society to become weak. It is clear from the effective way in which we have overcome our challenges and dealt with our difficulties, that we can do anything if we resolve to do it. What is needed is to take a pledge: that whatever we can do, we will now do.
I have a vision of India: an India free of hunger and fear, an India free of illiteracy and want.
I dream of an India that is prosperous, strong and caring. An India, that regains a place of honour in the comity of great nations.
- Come, let us build an India in which we have balanced development that benefits all regions and all sections of society. I note with regret that several regions in the country - including the NorthEastern States - have been the victims of unbalanced progress. The nation has an especially pressing obligation to bring the people of the North-East into the developmental mainstream.
- Come, let us build an India in which Dalits, Adivasis, and Backward Classes are not only freed from economic deprivation, but also enjoy the fruits of social justice. The path that will take us to this ideal is the path of samata, mamata, and samajik samarasata.
- Come, let us build an India in which our nart shakti - our women - are able to realize its full potential - from shaping the future of their families to shaping the future of the nation. It is our collective responsibility to empower them economically, socially, educationally and also politically. In this regard, I would like to see early passage of the legislation to reserve seats for women in Parliament and State Assemblies. We have already seen how women have given an excellent account of themselves wherever they have got an opportunity to serve in panchayats and other local bodies.
- Come, let us build an India in which the minorities fully enjoy the fruits of national development, while having full opportunities to contribute to it. Our country belongs to all. And all are entitled to equal and fair treatment in the eyes of the law and the Government. India, which is home to the great secu-
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india_news_p000017.jpg | PRIME MINISTER'S ADDRESS
from page 11
lar principle of Sarva Panth Samabhav, fully guarantees the religious freedom of all communities. It is a matter of immense pride for India that all the religions of the world have a harmonious co-existence here. Unity in Diversity is our priceless heritage.
It is also a matter of much satisfaction that the past year has seen a record low in communal violence.
- India is the largest democracy in the world. The tradition of democracy in our country is very old. When this Century opened, democracy was the preserve of just a handful of countries, and even in them it was limited to small sections of the people. Today there are just a handful who are still out of the pale of democracy. There is scarcely a country whose people do not aspire to it.
Come, let us strengthen Indian democracy. Let us make it an ideal for other countries of the world. Let us transform our political democracy into economic and social democracy.
- Come, let us make India a nation of high achievers - in every sphere. In business and economy, in education, in science and technology, in arts and culture, and also in sports. Let us make India synonymous with "achievement", achievement of the kind that can be benchmarked globally. All of us are heartened by what our young men and women have achieved in recent times. The success stories of young Indians working abroad are making headlines almost every day. If young Indians can script such shining successes abroad, why shouldn't we create conditions for them to do so right here?
Come let us together build a Parishrami Bharat, a Parakrami Bharat, a Vijayi Bharat.
To realize this vision, let us step out of the swamp of negativity.
Let us not be obsessed with the past. Face the future. March with confidence towards the goal.
Turn from problems - to solutions.
Today, when the 20th century is coming to an end, and the 21 st century is knocking at our doorsteps, let us draw inspiration from our glorious past and resolve to build an even more glorious future.
We are inheritors of an ageless culture and a proud civilization. Greatness is our past - and also our future.
Come, let us make good use of the natural and human resources of our Motherland, Bharat and make the 21 st century, India's century.
Come, let all of us together raise our voice in saying:
Jai Hind,
Jai Hind,
Jai Hind.
Excersots from
Ambassador Naresh Chandra's Chat
on Rediff on the Met - August 11, 1999
Q. "Dear Mr. Chandra, congratulations to you and your staff at Washington, DC for doing such a wonderful job in presenting India's case during the Kargill crisis. What do you think the NRI community in the US should do to better represent India?"
A. "Thank you for your good wishes. People of Indian origin and NRIs are doing a great job and all I can suggest is that all should keep themselves informed and interact meaningfully with our American friends to point out areas of mutual interest and concerns. This way we can utilise Indo-US relationships for the benefit of the South Asia region as a whole."
Q. "Hello Mr. Chandra, hearty congratulations to you on a job well done. Sir, what repercussions do you see to India downing a Pakistani surveillance plane? In fact, today they have fired a missile at us. Do you agree that the main battle will be won on the diplomatic front? Are we prepared for it?"
A. "Thank you. I agree with you that a solution does not lie in military activity. Diplomacy is a better option, but the best option is to improve people-to-people relations. There is a lot of goodwill in India for people in Pakistan and I am sure many sections of Pakistani people reciprocate this feeling. What we have to prepare for, is to do everything possible to counter misinformation and propaganda and promote more understanding between the peoples for their mutual benefit and development."
Q. Mr. Chandra, India has been at odds with Pakistan since Independence . . . . How do you see us resoloing our differences? Is there a middle road? What in your opinion is the best solution? Why can't we demarcate the border properly once and for all?"
A. It is unfortunate that India and Pakistan have been at odds but believe me, there is a middle road and the people of South Asia are increasingly realising that their future lies in cooperation and economic development. To reach this best solution, we have to counter terrorist and propagandist activity, ie, discourage the wrong set of people and encourage the more responsible sections for our mutual benefit."
Q. "Hello Mr. Chandra. It is true that Kargil has indeed changed US perceptions towards India - albeit to a small extent? That is certainly encouraging. But do we - the Government of India, the diplomatic corps and you people on the spot who are the politsmen - have the big picture in mind? A comprehensive strategy to put India-US relations on a truly collaborative course? If so what are its salient features?"
A. US perceptions about India and Pakistan have been changing for some time. Kargil only helped to bring it out into the open. The US and other Western countries as well as China are concerned at the growth of fanaticism and fundamentalism in Pakistan and Afghanistan. Kargil was the latest example of a very dangerous nexus between terrorists and a professional army. This has alarmed most countries who in a friendly way are also deeply concerned about its adverse effects on Pakistani society itself. We have the big picture in mind and our attempt is not to show Pakistan down but to normalise the situation and bring about the necessary atmosphere for meaningful dialogue and cooperation with them. That is the big picture we have for India-Pakistan and other people in South Asia"
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india_news_p000018.jpg | National Defence Fund
Government of India and Embassy of India continue to receive a number of offers for contributions to the welfare of the armed forces in India. Taking these into account, the Government of India has decided that those who wish to make voluntary contributions may do so by sending check in dollars or rupees to the National Defence Fund.
Checks/Money Orders should be drawn in favor of National Defence Fund can be sent to any one of the following addresses.
National Defence Fund
Embassy of India
Attn: Commodore V.K. Bhansali
Naval Attaché
2107 Massachusetts Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20008
National Defence Fund
Secretary
Prime Minister's Office
South Block, New Delhi 110011
India
Additionally, Checks/Money Orders can also be sent to Army Welfare Fund. The checks/money order should be drawn in favor of Army Central Welfare Fund.
Deputy Director(CW-8)
Army Central Welfare Fund,
Adjutant General's Branch
Army Headquarters,
West Block-III
R.K. Puram, New Delhi 110066
India
To facilitate payment by NRI's in the US, ICICI Banking Corporation Limited has opened an account in New York. Contributors must instruct there banks with the following instructions:
Pay
First Union Bank International,
180 Maiden Lane, 18th Floor
NY 10038, New York, USA
Swift Code: PNBPUS3NNYC
Routing Number: (FEDWIRE ABA) - 021000021
CHIPS UID No: 340828 for Credit of Account No. 2000191000069
ICICI Banking Corporation Ltd.
Account No. 01/6823 at New Delhi, INDIA
Checks/Money Orders can also be sent to Air Force Welfare Fund. The checks/money order should be drawn in favor of Indian Air Force Central Welfare Fund.
Indian Air Force Central Welfare Fund
AFGIS Building, Subroto Park, New Delhi - 110010 INDIA
For Non-Resident Indians: Contributors may remit their donations in
CITI BANK N.A,
111 Wall Street,
New York-NY-10043, USA
for credit to
CANARA BANK,
Foreign Department,
New Delhi,
A/C No. 36052814
for further credit to Indian Air Force Central Welfare Fund
A/C No. 'KRG-IAF-503'
Subroto Park, New Delhi Branch- 110010 INDIA
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india_news_p000019.jpg | The Election Commission
Role
Under Article 324 of the Indian constitution the Election Commission is vested with the role of supervision, direction and control of preparation of the electoral rolls for, and the conduct of, all elections to Parliament and to the Legislature of every state and of elections to the offices of the President and Vice President.
General Elections 1952 - 1998
There has been a marked increase in the total number of candidates contesting in the elections. While in 1952 there were 1864 candidates for 489 seats, the number steadily increased to 4,620 candidates in 1980. During the 1991 elections the number of candidates contesting had increased almost twice fold to 8,699 . In the 11th General elections a record of 13,952 candidates contested for the 543 seats. During the 12th General elections however the number had fallen to 4,750 due to the increase of security deposit amount.
| Year | Elective <br> Seats | Candidates | Electorate | Votes Pollod | Polling <br> Stations |
| :--: | :--: | :--: | :--: | :--: | :--: |
| 1952 | 489 | 1,864 | 173,213,635 | 105,944,495 | 196,084 |
| 1957 | 494 | 1,864 | 193,652,069 | 123,461,815 | 220,778 |
| 1962 | 494 | 1,985 | 216,372,215 | 119,904,315 | 238,244 |
| 1967 | 520 | 2,369 | 249,003,334 | 152,724,611 | 267,555 |
| 1971 | 518 | 2,784 | 274,094,493 | 151,536,802 | 342,944 |
| 1977 | 542 | 2,439 | 321,174,327 | 194,263,915 | 358,208 |
| 1980 | 542 | 4,620 | 355,590,700 | 202,405,413 | 434,442 |
| 1984 | 542 | 5,481 | 399,816,294 | 249,585,334 | 505,751 |
| 1989 | 543 | 6,160 | 498,906,429 | 309,050,509 | 579,810 |
| 1991 | 543 | 8,699 | 514,126,380 | 275,205,803 | 594,797* |
| 1996 | 543 | 13,952 | 592,572,288 | 334,873,286 | 767,462 |
| 1998 | 543 | 4,750 | 605,884,103 | 375,454,034 | 773,494 |
*Excluding Jammu & Kashmir
Before each general election to the House of the People, the Legislative Assembly of each State, the first general election and thereafter before each biennial election to the Legislative Council of each State having such Council, the President may also appoint Regional Commissioners as he may consider necessary to assist the Election Commission in the performance of functions listed above. The conditions of service and tenure of office of the Election Commissioners and the Regional Commissioners
shall be determined by the President as per rules, and subject to the provisions of any law made by Parliament:
The President or the Governor of a State, will make available as many staff as is required by the Election Commissioner the discharge of duties conferred on the Election Commission as stated above.
General Electoral Roll and Elections based on adult suffrage
There can be no special category, electoral role based on grounds of religion, sex or race, and elections to the House of the People and to the Legislative assemblies is to be on the basis of adult suffrage, i.e, every Indian citizen who is not less than eighteen years of age on such date as may be fixed under any law, made by the appropriate Legislature and is not otherwise disqualified on grounds of non-residence, unsoundness of mind, crime or corrupt legal practice, shall be entitled to be registered as a voter at any such election.
Representation of Women in the Lok Sabha
| Year | Total number of <br> seats | Number of Women <br> members | % to the <br> total |
| :--: | :--: | :--: | :--: |
| 1952 | 499 | 22 | 4.4 |
| 1957 | 500 | 27 | 5.4 |
| 1962 | 503 | 34 | 6.7 |
| 1967 | 523 | 31 | 5.9 |
| 1971 | 521 | 22 | 4.2 |
| 1977 | 544 | 19 | 3.4 |
| 1980 | 544 | 28 | 5.1 |
| 1984 | 544 | 44 | 8.1 |
| 1989 | 517 | 27 | 5.22 |
| 1991 | 544 | 39 | 7.18 |
| 1996 | 544 | $40 *| 7.18 |
| 1998 | 543 | 43 | 7.20 |
[^0]
[^0]: * One member was nominated by the President
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india_news_p000020.jpg | Constitution of the Election Commission
The Election Commission consists of the Chief Election Commissioner and such number of other Election commissioners, if any as the President may from time to time fix, and the appointment of the Chief Election Commissioner and other Election Commissioners shall be made by the President, subject to the provisions of any law made in that behalf by the Parliament. If any other Election Commissioner is appointed, then the Chief Election Commissioner acts as the
Chairman of the Election Commission.
Provided that the Chief Election Commissioner is not removed from his office except in like manner and on like grounds as a Judge of Supreme Court and his conditions of service shall not be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment.
Provided that any other Election Commissioner or a Regional Commissioner shall not be removed from office except on the recommendation of the Chief Election Commissioner.
General Elections - 1999
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india_news_p000021.jpg | EMBASSY OF INDIA
Press & Information
2107 Massachusetts Avenue, NW
Washington, DC 20008
FIRST CLASS E. $\triangleAIL
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India News is published by the Press & Information Wing, Embassy of India. An Electronic edition is available at the Embassy's web site:
http://www.infostarmilnass.org
You can also receive an email version of India News by sending your request to the following email address:
informat: 1.1 .1 .1 .1 .1 .1 .1
2107 Massachusetts Ave., NW Washington, DC 20008
Address to the Nation by The President of India K.R. Narayanan on the Eve of Independence Day 1
Message from Ambassador Naresh Chandra ...... 1
Kargil and Beyond (Statement by Sh. Jaswant Singh, Minister of External Affairs) ................ 2
Embassy Diary................................................. 5
Joint India-US Communique on the Exchange of the Instruments of the Indo-US Extradition Treaty 8
Salient Point of the Extradition Treaty signed between India and the US in June 1997 ...... 8
Prime Minister Vajpayee's Independence Day Address to the Nation ................................ 9
Excerpts from Ambassador Naresh Chandra's Chat on Rediff on the Net .......................... 12
National Defence Fund ................................ 13
The Election Commission.............................. 14
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india_news_p000022.jpg | The issue of this periodical Sept. 1999 is not available. Please ask at a service desk for alternative access to articles in this issue.
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india_news_p000024.jpg | Ambassador Naresh Chandra Meets Members of India Interest Group
September 10, 1999
The Ambassador, Naresh Chandra, held a meeting with members of the India interest Group. A large number of representatives of US companies and business organisations attended the meeting. Senior officials of the Embassy and representatives of FICCI, CII and State Bank of India were also present.
Briefing members on the current political and economic scene in India, the Ambassador mentioned that in spite
Ambassador Naresh Chandra
of the Kargil conflict and the announcement of parliamentary elections, the share market index was up and the economy continued to do well. Most macro-indicators have been favourable in the last few months. Inflation, for example, is at an all-time low and the rising stock market index reflects continued investor confidence in the economy. The reform process did get interrupted in some cases where legislation was involved, like the opening up of insurance sector, but this is likely to be temporary. India would have a new parliament soon and whichever party formed the Government, it was likely to carry forward the programme of liberalisation, the Ambassador emphasised.
Touching on key issues in Indo-US relations, Ambassador Chandra mentioned that Senator Brownback and Congressman Gilman have proposed waiver of US sanctions under the Glenn Amendment and the matter would now be decided in conference between the Senate and the House. While these moves are welcome, he said, there are two concerns relating to waiver of sanctions which should be noted. First, there is a strong feeling among the Indian American community here that Pressler Amendment should not be repealed. Most analysts also agree that it would send a very wrong signal so soon after the misadventure in Kargil. Secondly, the entities list issued by the Bureau of Export Administration is so long and wide in its scope that it is a major hurdle in developing a more fruitful economic relationship between our two countries. This had adversely affected US exports to India.
In the interaction that ensued, thethiters wimindia interest Group raised issues regarding the likely political scenario after elections in India and its effect on economic policies. Ambassador Chandra pointed out that the Indian political situation is undergoing a transformation and all parties appeared to have broadened their perspectives. Two important political groupings have emerged, but on economic issues there is a clear consensus on continuing the policy of liberalisation in the country's best interest.
There was discussion on the entities list issued by the Bureau of Export Administration. Some members stated that they have been pointing out to the US Administration that it is disproportionately wide in its scope that hurts business interests on both sides. They felt that there should be an exit policy that enables entities to get off the list and stated that they have been emphasising this need with the US Administration. The Ambassador welcomed these observations and stated that the Embassy and the US corporate sector can work together on this.
Some members representing US telecom and energy companies felt that India should take a more positive line in the WTO negotiations. Given India's increasingly liberal economic policy at home, the somewhat rigid approach taken in the multilateral trade forums, they felt, reflected a needlessly rigid and narrow approach. The Ambassador pointed out that the Government of India has been moving quite rapidly in removing trade restrictions and stated that the Embassy would be happy to work with US companies to develop an approach which will be in conformity with India's national interests and include all WTO-related issues, including transnational movement of persons. At the Seattle Conference in November 1999, India's Commerce Minister would be leading the delegation and some positions could be formulated before that meeting.
In his concluding remarks, Mr. Michael Gadbaw, President of India Interest Group, appreciated the initiative of the Ambassador to regularly meet with the US corporate sector. He stated that it provided a very useful forum for exchanging views. He proposed for Ambassador Chandra's consideration that the next meeting be held soon after the formation of the new Government. This was agreed to.
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india_news_p000025.jpg | Draft Report of National Security Advisory Board on Indian Nuclear Doctrine
August 17, 1999
Preamble
1.1. The use of nuclear weapons in particular as well as other weapons of mass destruction constitutes the gravest threat to humanity and to peace and stability in the international system. Unlike the other two categories of weapons of mass destruction, biological and chemical weapons which have been outlawed by international treaties, nuclear weapons remain instruments for national and collective security, the possession of which on a selective basis has been sought to be legitimised through permanent extension of the Nuclear. Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) in May 1995. Nuclear weapon states have asserted that they will continue to rely on nuclear weapons with some of them adopting policies to use them even in a non-nuclear context. These developments amount to virtual abandonment of nuclear disarmament. This is a serious setback to the struggle of the international community to abolish weapons of mass destruction.
1.2. India's primary objective is to achieve economic, political, social, scientific and technological development within a peaceful and democratic framework. This requires an environment of durable peace and insurance against potential risks to peace and stability. It will be India's endeavour to proceed towards this overall objective in cooperation with the global democratic trends and to play a constructive role in advancing the international system toward a just, peaceful and equitable order.
1.3. Autonomy of decision making in the developmental process and in strategic matters is an inalienable democratic right of the Indian people. India will strenuously guard this right in a world where nuclear weapons for a select few are sought to be legitimised for an indefinite future, and where there is growing complexity and frequency in the use of force for political purposes.
1.4. India's security is an integral component of its development process. India continuously aims at promoting an ever-expanding area of peace and stability around it so that developmental priorities can be pursued without disruption.
1.5. However, the very existence of offensive doctrine pertaining to the first use of nuclear weapons and the insistence of some nuclear weapons states on the legitimacy of their use even against non-nuclear weapon countries constitute a threat to peace, stability and
1.6. This document outlines the broad principles for the development, deployment and employment of India's nuclear forces. Details of policy and strategy concerning force structures, deployment and employment of nuclear forces will flow from this framework and will be laid down separately and kept under constant review.
2. Objectives
2.1. In the absence of global nuclear disarmament India's strategic interests require effective, credible nuclear deterrence and adequate retaliatory capability should deterrence fail. This is consistent with the UN Charter, which sanctions the right of self-defence.
2.2. The requirements of deterrence should be carefully weighed in the design of Indian nuclear forces and in the strategy to provide for a level of capability consistent with maximum credibility, survivability, effectiveness, safety and security.
2.3. India shall pursue a doctrine of credible minimum nuclear deterrence. In this policy of "retaliation only", the survivability of our arsenal is critical. This is a dynamic concept related to the strategic environment, technological imperatives and the needs of national security. The actual size components, deployment and employment of nuclear forces will be decided in the light of these factors. India's peacetime posture aims at convincing any potential aggressor that:
(a) any threat of use of nuclear weapons against India shall invoke measures to counter the threat: and
(b) any nuclear attack on India and its forces shall result in punitive retaliation with nuclear weapons to inflict damage unacceptable to the aggressor.
2.4. The fundamental purpose of Indian nuclear weapons is to deter the use and threat of use of nuclear weapons by any State or entity against India and its forces. India will not be the first to initiate a nuclear strike, but will respond with punitive retaliation should deterrence fail.
2.5. India will not resort to the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons against States which do not possess nuclear weapons, or are not aligned with nuclear weapon powers.
2.6. Deterrence requires that India maintain:
(a) Sufficient, survivable and operationally prepared nuclear forces,
(b) a robust command and control system,
(c) effective intelligence and early warning capabilities, and
(d) comprehensive planning and training for operations in line with the strategy, and
(e) the will to employ nuclear forces and weapons
2.7. Highly effective conventional military capabilities shall be maintained to raise the threshold of outbreak both of conventional military conflict as well as that of threat or use of nuclear weapons.
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india_news_p000026.jpg | 3. Nuclear Forces
3.1. India's nuclear forces will be effective, enduring, diverse, flexible, and responsive to the requirements in accordance with the concept of credible minimum deterrence. These forces will be based on a triad of aircraft, mobile land-based missiles and sea-based assets in keeping with the objectives outlined above.
Survivability of the forces will be enhanced by a combination of multiple redundant systems, mobility, dispersion and deception.
3.2. The doctrine envisages assured capability to shift from peacetime deployment to fully employable forces in the shortest possible time, and the ability to retaliate effectively even in a case of significant degradation by hostile strikes.
4. Credibility and Survivability
The following principles are central to India's nuclear deterrent
4.1. Credibility: Any adversary must know that India can and will retaliate with sufficient nuclear weapons to inflict destruction and punishment that the aggressor will find unacceptable if nuclear weapons are used against India and its forces.
4.2. Effectiveness: The efficacy of India's nuclear deterrent be maximised through synergy among all elements involving reliability, timeliness, accuracy and weight of the attack.
4.3 Survivability:
(i) India's nuclear forces and their command and control shall be organised for very high survivability against surprise attacks and for rapid punitive response. They shall be designed and deployed to ensure survival against a first strike and to endure repetitive attrition attempts with adequate retaliatory capabilities for a punishing strike which would be unacceptable to the aggressor.
(ii) Procedures for the continuity of nuclear command and control shall ensure a continuing capability to effectively employ nuclear weapons.
5. Command and Control
5.1. Nuclear weapons shall be tightly controlled and released for use at the highest political level. the authority to release nuclear weapons for use resides in the person of the Prime Minister of India, or the designated successor(s).
5.2. An effective and survivable command and control system with requisite flexibility and responsiveness shall be in place. An integrated operational plan, or a series of sequential plans, predicated on strategic objectives and a targetting policy shall form part of the system.
5.3. For effective employment the unity of command and control of nuclear forces including dual capable delivery systems shall be ensured.
5.4. The survivability of the nuclear arsenal and effective command, control, communications, computing, in-
telligence and information (C4I2) systems shall be assured.
5.5. The Indian defence forces shall be in a position to, execute operations in an NBC environment with minimal degradation;
5.6. Space based and other assets shall be created to provide early warning, communications, damage/detonation assessment.
6. Security and Safety
6.1. Security: Extraordinary precautions shall be taken to ensure that nuclear weapons, their manufacture, transportation and storage are fully guarded against possible theft, loss, sabotage, damage or unauthorised access or use.
6.2. Safety is an absolute requirement and tamper proof procedures and systems shall be instituted to ensure that unauthorised or inadvertent activation/use of nuclear weapons does not take place and risks of accident are avoided.
6.3. Disaster control: India shall develop an appropriate disaster control system capable of handling the unique requirements of potential incidents involving nuclear weapons and materials;
7. Research and Development
7.1. India should step up efforts in research and development to keep up with technological advances in this field.
7.2. While India is committed to maintain the deployment of a deterrent which is both minimum and credible, it will not accept any restraints on building its R&D capability.
8. Disarmament and Arms Control
8.1. Global, verifiable and non-discriminatory nuclear disarmament is a national security objective. India shall continue its efforts to achieve the goal of a nuclear weapon-free world at an early date.
8.2. Since no-first use of nuclear weapons is India's basic commitment, every effort shall be made to persuade other States possessing nuclear weapons to join an international treaty banning first use.
8.3. Having provided unqualified negative security assurances, India shall work for internationally binding unconditional negative security assurances by nuclear weapon states to non-nuclear weapon states.
8.4. Nuclear arms control measures shall be sought as part of national security policy to reduce potential threats and to protect our own capability and its effectiveness.
8.5. In view of the very high destructive potential of nuclear weapons, appropriate nuclear risk reduction and confidence building measures shall be sought, negotiated and instituted.
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india_news_p000027.jpg | Frequently Asked Questions about Indian Parliament
The composition of Parliament of India
According to Article 79 of the Constitution of India, the Parliament consists of President of India and the two Houses of Parliament known as Council of States (Rajya Sabha) and House of the People (Lok Sabha).
Who elects the President of India?
The President is elected by the members of an electoral college consisting of the elected members of both the Houses of Parliament and the elected members of the Legislative Assemblies of States and the Union Territories of Delhi and Pondicherry.
What is the maximum number of members of Rajya Sabha?
The maximum number of members of Rajya Sabha can be 250.
What is the present strength of the Rajya Sabha, including the nominated members?
The present strength of Rajya Sabha is 245 (233 elected and 12 nominated).
What is the life of Rajya Sabha?
Rajya Sabha is a Permanent House and is not subject to dissolution as per Article 83 (1) of the Constitution of India. But as nearly as possible, one third of its members shall retire every 2nd year and an equal number of members are chosen to replace them.
Who elects the members of the Rajya Sabha?
Elected members of the State Legislative Assemblies Article 80(4) of Constitution of India provides that members of Rajya Sabha shall be
elected by the elected members of State Legislative Assemblies through the system of proportional representation by means of the single transferable vote.
Who nominates the members of the Rajya Sabha?
The President of India nominates 12 members of Rajya Sabha.
Is there any special qualification for nomination?
Article 80 (3) of the Constitution of India provides that the members to be nominated by the President to Rajya Sabha should have special knowledge or practical experience in matters like literature, science, art and social service. Article 84 (b) stipulates that a person shall be of not less than 30 (Thirty) years of age.
What is the term of Lok Sabha?
Article 83 (2) of the Constitution stipulates that Lok Sabha shall have a normal term of 5 years from the date appointed for its first meeting and no longer. However, the President may dissolve the House earlier. For instance, the present Lok Sabha was dissolved on April 26, 1999, although it had not completed its normal term of 5 years.
What can be the maximum number of members of the Lok Sabha?
The maximum number of elected members of Lok Sabha is 550. Article 81 of the Constitution provides that not more than 530 members will be elected from the States and not more than 20 members from Union Territories. Article 331 of the Constitution provides that not more than 2 members from the Ango Indian Com-
munity may be nominated by the President of India, if in his opinion that community is not adequately represented in that House.
What is the present strength of the Lok Sabha?
The present strength of Lok Sabha is 543 elected members.
How are the members of Lok Sabha elected?
Under Sec 14 of Representation of People Act 1951, the President of India by a notification will call upon the constituencies to elect their members to the House of People. Thereafter the electors of the Parliamentary Constituencies will directly elect the Lok Sabha members. As per article 326 of the Constitution of India, elections to the House of the People shall be on the basis of adult suffrage.
How many members are elected by the electors of a Parliamentary Constituency?
Each Parliamentary Constituency will elect only one member.
What is the number of the present general election to Lok Sabha?
This General Election being held in September-October 1999 is the 13th general election to constitute the 13th Lok Sabha.
When was the 1st general election held in India?
The first general election was held in India during 1951-1952.
At that time, what was the total strength of the Lok Sabha?
The total strength of Lok Sabha at that time was 489.
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india_news_p000028.jpg | Excerpts from <br> Ambassador Naresh Chandra's live chat on MSNBC
September 7, 1999
Abstract
MSNBC: What are the defining issues in this election, and can we expect to see substantial change from the next government? Naresh Chandra: The main issue concerns resolving economic questions. They are in the forefront, followed by security, and law $Eorder. Underlying all that is the strong demand by different factions for better standard of living and education and health.
Question: What are the areas in which India and US can work together when the new Government is elected next month? Is there any high optimism prevailing towards an outstanding growth in business as well as security relationship between the two biggest democracies in the world?
Naresh Chandra: We have had very good progress in our trade and investment relations since 199192. We are sure that this is going to be a very productive area. We have also been having a strategic dialogue at a high level. These discussions are going on and both sides have been able to narrow down differences. I think there is much better understanding now in US about India's security concerns and the great role that India can play as a very responsible factor for peace and stability in Asia and the world.
Question: India is about to become the second nation on earth to achieve a population of 1 billion. Is India near the breaking point in terms of food production, medical care, etc.?
Naresh Chandra: I think the population needs to be properly managed and controlled. Higher population is not a goal we're trying to achieve. But on the other hand, our food production have ensured that there is no problem with availability. There have been vast improvements in healthcare. Some states have done very well. In many areas there is need for improvement.
Question: Why can't India draw closer to the U.S. With China growing in power and Pakistan no longer a bulwark against the USSR, isn't that in both country's interests?
Naresh Chandra: I think from our side we have always attempted to maintain as much progress as possible in strengthening India-US relations. We
should now be able to work together much more. We feel that with the dissolution of the old USSR and the opening up of the Indian market the chances are even greater. We wish for better relations with China, our great neighbour to the North. We also don't look at Pakistan as an enemy or even as permanent adversary. We would like to cooperate with all the people in our neighbourhood. We have a large number of Indian-American families who act as a bridge between India and US. This has been extremely helpful in strengthening this relationship.
MSNBC: Do you think India will ever win a seat on the UN Security Council?
Naresh Chandra: Yes, I think it would. It's not a case of putting up a line of argument or making a strong case. What has to be seen is India has no aggressive design on any country. It has always come forward to take part in UN peace-keeping operations. India has also proved despite its diversity it can rule according to law in a democratic manner. We have also shown that the Indian people are capable of contributing in every field of human activity including science and technology. It will be extremely odd if $1 / 6of the human race with such potential and history is kept out of the Security Council in the 21 st century. Without India the Security Council would not be properly representative.
MSNBC: A lot of technical folks are coming to work in the U.S. What can India do to maintain it's own high-tech industry in the face of this exodus?
Naresh Chandra: There has been some exodus, but there has also been some return. Therefore, we have derived some benefits also. We have been keeping an eye on it but since we have thousands of trained and technologically qualified persons, the drain is not high enough to hurt India's interests. With this kind of exchange of technical personnel, we have derived much mutual benefit in the growth of high-tech business between India and US.
MSNBC: Final Thoughts...
Naresh Chandra: I would like to thank all of you for your questions. We are in the process of general elections and the exercise will show that we have a strong democratic tradition. Thank you and good evening.
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india_news_p000029.jpg | Note on Violation of India's airspace by Pakistan's Atlantique aircraft and consequent action
On August 10, 1999, a Pakistani Naval Anti-Submarine Warfare and maritime reconnaissance aircraft, called Atlantique intruded 10 Kms into Indian Territory in the Area of KORI CREEK.
The intruding aircraft was detected by IAF ground radars and was intercepted 10 Kms south of the International Border. When the IAF fighters closed in to identify and signal the intruding Pakistani aircraft to force it to land at an Indian base, the Pakistani aircraft acted in a hostile manner by turning into our fighter. At that stage the Atlantique was shot down by an air-to-air missile from a MIG-21 of the IAF, which hit the aircraft on the port engine which caught fire.
Following is a complrensive note on the incident:
- Intruding aircraft was of the Atlantique type. It is well-known to defence forces, especially navy/air forces all over the world, that this is an advanced military aircraft with following essential capabilities:
- The aircraft can not only carry out marine reconnaissance but also do surveillance / aerial photography and electronic intelligence gathering.
- Can carry a substantial weapons load ( 3.5 tonnes in the case of Pakistan version). This includes bombs, air-to-surface missiles and weapons meant for anti-ship and anti-submarine role, as well as air-to-air missiles.
- Pak military aircraft came well into Indian air space (up to 10 km ). This was clearly a deep intrusion and violation of our air space in contravention of universally accepted norms of conduct in bilateral relation.
- This intrusion was also a blatant violation of the 1991 Agreement between India and Pakistan on Prevention of Air Space Violations and for permitting over flights and landings by military aircraft. The crucial provision in this Agreement is that aircraft of this type will not fly within 10 kms of each other's air space, except by prior permission.
- Pakistan neither informed us nor sought prior permission as required by the Agreement.
- Details of intrusions, aircraft type (as described above), mode of activity including movements of the aircraft, and its conduct after it was engaged by our air force, Pakistan's own statements thereafter make it clear beyond doubt that this was in no way a case of an innocent entry or straying into Indian air space, but a deliberate, planned operation for surveillance/reconnaissance and intelligence gathering, using a sophisticated reconnaissance/combat aircraft for this purpose.
- It is crucial to recognise that surveillance / reconnaissance / intelligence gathering is an offensive military operation and a hostile activity. It cannot be passed off as harmless.
- The central issue therefore is not whether Pakistan aircraft was "armed" or "unarmed". The issue is that it was a military aircraft engaged in offensive and hostile military operation compounded by its combat capabilities.
- Pak Information Minister was quoted by BBC, soon after the incident, as stating that the aircraft was on a "surveillance mission". Subsequently, the Pak Government spokesman stated that it was on a training mission.
- Following points are relevant in this connection:
-A genuine, routine training mission would never operate in sensitive border areas, leave alone violate the air space of a neighbouring country especially at a time of tension. This is precisely what the Pak aircraft was doing.
- If the aircraft was flying out towards the high seas on a genuine mission, it could have traversed a more westward route away from the sensitive border areas
- If it was on a training mission, this would have to be linked with maritime reconnaissance. It was operating over a land area - covering part of our territory.
- The aircraft was at a height of 5,000-10,000 feet. This is an unusually low height for an aircraft supposedly on a training mission. Low attitude is, however, essential for carrying out photography of ground features.
- Area over which the Atlantique was executing its manoeuvres, is a sensitive border area and it has many ingress and infiltration routes. The indication is that the aircraft was engaged in reconnaissance, photography and surveillance over these features, as well as of ground activity on the Sir Creek area. Though the intrusion was not in this area, the aircraft is capable of photographing at an angle. Further, there are a number of sensitive defence installations and major civilian (industrial and scientific) centres on our side near the area of intrusion, and further beyond the western sea coast of India.
- The aircraft intruded four times into Indian air space. After first entry, it carried out a circular movement, exited and entered again making another circular movement, it was after the fourth return into Indian territory, that it was encountered and engaged.
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india_news_p000030.jpg | - The intruder was given a further opportunity to prove his bona fides. This was done through an accepted signalling system. This involves two aircraft moving to the side of the intruding aircraft, conveying a visual signal i.e. wiggling of wings and leftward movement. These are universally recognised signals conveying that intruder is in our airspace, and asking him to follow and land as well as indicating to him the place he should land. The intruder is expected to respond indicating that the landing place conveyed to his is practical. This effort to communicate with him was sustained, and every opportunity was given to him to respond and land peacefully. The intruder could have proven his bona fides by responding and complying with the indications. Instead, he not only disregarded our aircraft signals, but also turned towards the interceptor aircraft in an aggressive, evasive movement. Given the unusual movements of the intruder over our territory, already monitored and described above and his subsequent conduct after giving him the opportunity to land safely, our Air Force could have reached no conclusion other than this was a hostile military operation, which required counter-action.
- There is no weakness in these rules of engagement. What they require is that both sides must observe them honestly. If one side decides to break them the system becomes unworkable, regardless of how refined and foolproof it might be.
- Pak conduct in this matter is a major violation of an important CBM. The 1991 Agreement was one of the 4 CBMs put in place from 1998 onwards, at our instance. We are committed to observance of CBMs.
- The Pak combat aircraft was hit on its left engine which caught fire. The indication is that, as a result it started moving in a leftward arc even though damaged. Apparently in its attempt to head back into Pak airspace, it cut an arc cross the border into Pakistan, and then seems to have impacted very near the border itself. As it moved, it would also have started breaking up which is why there has been wreckage found in both India and Pakistan. An aircraft such as this does not fall vertically but follows a trajectory based on constantly changing aerodynamics. This explains why there are pieces of wreckage that we have retrieved, and others that Pakistan has been displaying on TV.
- Precise location of pieces of wreckage in itself cannot in this instance, be correlated categorically with the movement of the aircraft on its flight path before it was hit. It is natural for wreckage to scatter and this does not in any way impinge on the basic issue that aircraft was in Indian airspace as indicated above.
- The crucial question is what then prevented the Pak aircraft from proving its bona fides when it had every opportunity to do so under the rules of engagement of which they are fully aware.
- The question again arises that if the aircraft was indeed engaged on an innocent, routine mission, why it could not prove this by complying with the mutually accepted procedures of engagement when every opportunity was given to it.
- The part of the border in Kutch where there is a divergence in interpretation of the boundary is the mouth of the Sir Creek, which is somewhat removed from the place where the air intrusions occurred. The essential point is that at one sector of the border where three intrusions took place, the boundary alignment is not in question at all. Therefore it cannot in anyway cast doubt on air space violation. In the other sector where the single fourth intrusion took place, the divergence in interpretation of boundary demarcation is very small ( 350 meters at maximum) and this does not in any way detract from the fact of the air space violation.
- The place where there is a substantial divergence was not the site of the recent air intrusion, and it is, therefore, not relevant.
- There have been violations in different sectors of the border over the past months and years. Many of them are high-speed aircraft entering and existing in minutes. It is not possible to intercept them but they are none the less intrusions and violations of the 1991 Agreement. Some may be inadvertent. The existing mechanism i.e. the 1991 Agreement, taken together with the rules of engagement provide for fool proof handling of all these possibilities. We have taken up all major cases with Pakistan government.
- Recent provocation is yet another serious undermining of what should be a common effort to reduce tensions and improve relations. It is clear that this incident was totally avoidable.
- It is unfortunate that they have compounded this with yet another provocation by firing missiles at our unarmed helicopters carrying civilians (journalists) while within our airspace (on Aug 12). We did not retaliate in this instance.
- We continue to operate in a larger consistent framework and vision of good neighbourly relations with Pakistan. We seek to build cooperation and confidence and resolve issues through peaceful bilateral discussions, working towards realistic solutions. The Simla Agreement provides the framework. We seek to build a stable, broad-based relationship on this basis. We will continue our initiatives as in the past, including the composite dialogue and the Lahore process. We remain committed to the Lahore process and dialogue.
- The Lahore process and dialogue have been greatly undermined by Pakistan's adventurism in Kargil and by its renewed cross border terrorism. They have the responsibility of repairing damage and restoring trust. We call on Pakistan to take concrete steps for this purpose. This would facilitate resumption of Lahore process and composite dialogue. This requires reaffirmation of inviolability and sanctity of LOC. Sponsorship of terrorism across LOC in any particular sector, is violation of LOC, as indeed of Simla Agreement and Lahore understandings. This also prevents return of trust. Hence, Pakistan must abjure instigating, sponsoring, aiding and abetting cross border terrorism.
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india_news_p000031.jpg | EMBASSY OF INDIA<br>Press & Information<br>2107 Massachusetts Avenue, NW<br>Washington, DC 20008
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IMITHISISUE
Ambassador Naresh Chandra Meets Members of India Interest Group ..... 1
Draft.Report of National Security Advisory Board on Indian Nuclear Doctrine ..... 2
Frequently Asked Questions about Indian Parliament ..... 4
Excerpts from Ambassador Naresh Chandra's live chat on MSNBC ..... 5
Note on Violation of India's airspace by Pakistan's Atlantique aircraft and consequent action ..... 7
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india_news_p000032.jpg | INDIA NEWS
PUBLISHED BY PRESS & INFORMATION, EMBASSY OF INDIA, WASHINGTON, DC
INDIA NEWS ONLINE: http://www.indianembassy.org
NOVEMBER 1, 1999
Vajpayee Sworn in as Prime Minister
Address to the Nation by Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayeeonv of Virginia
October 16, 1999
My dear countrymen,
I address you today to perform a very pleasant duty: to thank all of you for your positive and clear mandate to the National Democratic Alliance and its friendly parties in this election.
The NDA represents the aspirations of every region of our
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
great nation and every section of our vibrant society. The NDA, in fact, reflects the spirit of India in all its diversity. It also mirrors the fundamental unity in this diversity.
We may have been sent to Parliament under the banners of different parties. But we all have a common commitment: To give India a stable and good Government.
We are all guided by the lofty principles of Secularism, Social Justice, Social Harmony and Women's Empowerment. Ours is a Government wedded to a common ideal: To create a kinder,
gentler and more tolerant society, free from all discrimination, fear and insecurity.
Free and fair elections are the lifeblood of a democracy. It is a matter of great pride for all of
See PRIME MINISTER'S ADDRESS, Page 2
| Election Results of 1999 <br> (Source: Election Commission of India) | | | |
| :--: | :--: | :--: | :--: |
| Total: | | 543 Seats | |
| Elections held: | | 538 Seats | |
| Declared: | | 537 Seats | |
| Party Milance | Seats won | Party Milance | Seats won |
| Natl. Democratic Alliance | | Congress & Allies | |
| BJP | 182 | Congress | 112 |
| BJD | 10 | ADMK | 10 |
| DMK | 12 | Kerela Congress (M) | 1 |
| HVC | 1 | MUL | 2 |
| INLD | 5 | RJD | 7 |
| Janala Dal (U) | 20 | RLD | 2 |
| Loktantrik Congress | 1 | Total | 134 |
| MDMK | 4 | | |
| MSCP | 1 | | |
| PMK | 5 | | |
| SAD | 2 | Left Parties | 42 |
| Shiv Sena | 15 | Others | 65 |
| Trinamul Congress | 8 | | |
| TDP | 29 | | |
| Total | 296 | | |
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india_news_p000033.jpg | PRIME MINISTER'S ADDRESS
(Continued from page 1)
us that our nation has once again demonstrated its unshakable commitment to democracy.
Our nation continues to march on the path she adopted when she became a republic in 1950. With the successful completion of the last election of this century, India stands taller in the eyes of all democracy-loving people of the world.
It has been a long campaign. A lot of heat and dust were generated during this general election.
But now that the election is over, we should put the acrimony and bitterness of the last couple of months behind us. And get down to the task of nation-building. There is not a moment to lose.
The Opposition's role in a democracy is no less important than that of the Government. It is a role mandated by the people and comes with a lot of responsibility.
Constructive criticism is an essential input for good policies and programmes. Consensus on national issues is necessary for effective action.
I look forward to both constructive criticism and consensus on national issues.
My countrymen, the world rushes ahead whether or not we look up from our narrow concerns.
Neither do the tasks that confront us abate. The number of young women and men jobs must be provided continues to increase. Children still go to bed hungry. A sense of insecurity prevails.
The soul of India rebels against this reality.
Starting today, our Government has set itself the task of implementing our Agenda for a Proud, Prosperous India. It is my solemn pledge to all of you that nothing shall prevent us from the task of good governance.
We talk of the 21st century. In just ten weeks from today, India along with the rest of the world, will enter a new era of challenges and opportunities.
We are pledged to the emergence of a 'new' India in the new century.
We can redeem this pledge through collective effort, by resolutely meeting the challenges and seizing the opportunities of the 21 st century. We may have been sent to Parliament under the banners of different parties. But we have all been sent for a common task: to make India a strong, vigorous, prosperous and caring country.
To meet the challenges, we have to act now. In the coming days, our Government proposes to:
- Speed up economic reforms and focus attention on infrastructure development. The new century demands a new mindset.
- Introduce new laws for financial sector reforms so that India can keep pace with the rest of the world.
- Evolve a programme for achieving fiscal rectitude by improved expenditure management, deep tax reforms and a new mechanism for speedier restructuring and disinvestment of Public Sector Units.
- Promote investment, Including foreign direct investment, by adoption of suitable measures and removing bottlenecks that lead to costly delays.
- Re-arrange priorities of development by redeploying resources and strengthening institutions for providing to all:
- Safe drinking water
- Primary health services
- Primary education
- Rural roads
- Housing to rural homeless
In this task, we seek the participation of the private sector.
My countrymen, all these tasks can be completed if we work together.
Let us proceed, as the Gita counsels us,
Bodhyanta parasparam—imparting wisdom to each other.
The opportunities are unlimited. We can use each one of them to our national advantage if we stand united-both in prosperity and in the face of adversity. India's greatest asset is her unity, and my Government is determined to maintain this unity at all cost.
See PRIME MINISTER'S ADDRESS, Page 3
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india_news_p000034.jpg | PRIME MINISTER'S ADDRESS
(Continued from page 2)
One of our immediate tasks will be to firmly put down terrorism, which has come to cast its cruel shadow on innocent people. Our message is loud and clear: The life of every India citizen under our dispensation is precious. In our fight against terrorism, we will be guided by the principle of 'Zero Tolerance'.
The same principle of 'Zero Tolerance' will apply while dealing with corruption that has bred contempt for the law. One of the first legislations we will take up is the Lokpal Bill so that the rot can be checked from the top.
A broad consensus already exists on electoral reforms to weed out muscle and money power. We propose to soon introduce in Parliament a comprehensive electoral reform Bill.
We often talk of the future belonging to our youth. But, for decades their problems, especially that of unemployment, have remain unattended. We believe that our young women and men will be the architects of the 'new' India of the 21 st century.
I am confident that a buoyant national economy will create tremendous employment opportunities. I am equally confident that our focus on education and health will prepare today's youth for tomorrow's challenges.
The Government of free India had set itself the noble task of wiping every tear from every eye, of ending centuries-old discriminations and social inequities. Somewhere along the journey from freedom to the eve of this century, Govemment lost track of that task.
Illiteracy is a curse and a denial of human dignity. As is gender discrimination or, for that matter, lack of something as basic and essential as drinking water and primary health care.
My dear countrymen,
- India today needs a Government that cares;
- India needs a Government that will reach out to the last person in the last row.
Our Government pledges itself to narrowing the gap between our performance and your expectation.
The Mandate of '99 is a bond of trust between people and Government.
We shall not betray this trust.
With the help of a billion people proud of being Indian,
- There is nothing that we cannot achieve;
- No problem we cannot tackle;
- No challenge we cannot face; and,
- No opportunity we cannot seize.
Jai Hind!
Trade Events
India International Trade Fair '99. Household/ Consumer/Industrial Products. November 1427, 1999. India Trade Promotion Organization, Pragati Maidan, New Delhi 110001. Tel: +9111337 1390/1831. Fax: +91 11331 8142/ 7896.
IT World 99/Comdex India. Information Technology Products. December 2-5, 1999. Business India Exhibitions, E-22, 2nd Floor, Hauz Khas Market, New Delhi 110016, Tel: +91 11 6859402.
International Security and Fire Exhibition 99. Security Products, Technology and Equipment. December 8-11, 1999. India Trade Promotion Organization. Pragati Maidan, New Delhi 110001. Tel: +91 11331 5277. Fax: +91 11 3371869/331 7869.
Broadcast Satellite Communications India '99. Telephones/Radio/Satellite Communications. TV and Radio Broadcasting, Electronics Test Equipment, Components and Subassemblies, Lasers, Fibre Optics. December 8-11, 1999. Exhibitions India, C-390 Defence Colony, New Delhi 110024. Tel: +91 11 463 8880/1/2/3. Fax: +91 11462 3320/463 3506.
Inside Outside Mega Show. Designer Products and Materials for Architects, Interior Designers, Builders and Contractors. December 1999. Business India Exhibitions, E-22, 2nd Floor, Hauz Khas Market, New Delhi 110016. Tel: +91 11685 9402/9403/1256.
Infranet '99. Networking for Infrastructure. December 16-18, 1999. Confederation of Indian Industry, Gate No 31, North Block, Jawaharlal Nehru Stadium, New Delhi 110003. Tel: +91 11462 6225. Fax: +91 11462 6271.
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india_news_p000035.jpg | Excerpts from <br> Ambassador Naresh Chandra's interview on NewsHour on Senate's rejection to ratify the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, October 14, 1999
Q: Ambassador Chandra, today the President in particular called on India and Pakistan not to take this vote as a green light to step up your nuclear weapons program. How do you read it?
NARESH CHANDRA: Well, we have already made an announcement at prime minister's level that we have taken a decision not to test anymore. In fact, the announcement was made on the 13th of May '98, by my government. And the Prime Minister of India reiterated our approach to CTBT in the UN General Assembly and also in Parliament. We don't oppose and we have said that we are working to reach arrangements with our friendly powers, including the P-Five - in order not to -
Q: You're talking about the big five nuclear powers?
NARESH CHANDRA: Nuclear powers. So we have said that we will try reach an understanding so that we don't stand in the way of the treaty going into force.
Q: All right. But are you saying, one, that India will continue to adhere to your own sort of voluntary ban on testing?
NARESH CHANDRA: That's true.
Q: And what about signing this treaty, which India has not done?
NARESH CHANDRA: Well, we are in the stage of evolving a consensus inside India. And this process has got delayed because we had a general election, which lasted a long time. The new government has taken oath of office yesterday, and it's a priority for them to determine their approach now and the future on the signing on the CTBT.
Q: Ambassador Chandra, what about the point - or how do you respond to the point that Senator Levin made; that is, setting aside perhaps India for a moment, but that it is difficult for the United States to have the moral authority now to call on other countries either not to test or to sign or ratify the treaty when the U.S. hasn't done the latter?
Well, there are two aspects: One is the treaty ratification. The other is the U.S. policy as enunciated by the President and executed. It is true that non-ratification will have a bearing on the strength that the U.S. administration would have had in persuading other powers to their point of view. At the same time, the fact that the President has indicated that his policy of non-testing and continuing commitment to the treaty would lend them some weight there. As far as India is concerned, for us the debate in the Senate is a very important input for our deliberations. When we consider about signing the CTBT, the debate in the Senate, the observations which have been made will be very carefully taken into account. But the ultimate test, whether we sign or not, there is only one criteria, and that is the national security interests of the Indian people. It is on that test that parliament and government of India will decide whether to sign the test ban treaty or not.
Q: Do you see, Mr. Ambassador, a United States that's disengaging from the world at all?
NARESH CHANDRA: I would put it this way. In every democracy, both points of view are present in the national parliament or in the Congress. And it depends on which point, what point of view prevails because politics is essentially local, and nobody can blame elected representatives from keeping a sharp eye on what the voters' interest is. So it's a case of a balance. I think in the national parliament, people expect that a much broader view is taken. So there is a balance between isolationists' view and the world view.
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india_news_p000036.jpg | Prime Minister and the Cabinet October 13, 1999
Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee has been sworn-in as the Prime Minister of India. The President Shri K.R. Narayanan administered the oath of office and secrecy at the Rashtrapati Bhawan. Shri Vajpayee has assumed the office of the Prime Minister of India for the third time.
Cabinet ministers
1. L K Advani - Home
2. Ananth Kumar - Culture, Youth Affairs and Sports
3. T R Balu - Environment and Forests
4. Ms Mamata Banerjee - Railways
5. George Fernandes - Defense
6. Jagmohan - Urban Development
7. Dr Satyanarain Jaitya - Urban Employment and Poverty Alleviation
8. Ram Jethamalani - Law, Justice and Company Affairs
9. Manohar Joshi - Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises
10. Murli Manohar Joshi - Human Resource Development and Science and Technology.
11. P R Kumaramangalam - Power
12. Pramod Mahajan - Parliamentary Affairs and Water Resources
13. Murasoli Maran - Commerce and Industry
14. Ram Naik - Petroleum and Natural Gas
15. Nitish Kumar - Surface Transport
16. Joel Oram - Tribal Affairs
17. Ram Vilas Paswan - Communications
18. Naveen Patnaik - Mines and Minerals
19. Sunderlal Patwa - Rural Development
20. Suresh Prabhu - Chemicals and Fertilizers
21. Kashiram Rana - Textiles
22. Shanta Kumar - Consumer Affairs and Public Distribution
23. Jaswant Singh - External Affairs
24. Yashwant Sinha - Finance
25. Sharad Yadav - Civil Aviation
Minister of state (Independent)
26. Maneka Gandhi - Social Justice and Empowerment
27. Arun Jaitley - Information and Broadcasting
28. M. Kannappan - Non-Conventional Energy Sources
29. Dilip Ray - Steel
30. Ms Vasundhara Raje - Small-Scale Industries
31. N T Shanmugham - Health and Family Welfare
32. Ms Uma Bharati - Tourism
Ministers of State
33. Ramesh Bais - Chemicals and Fertilizers
34. Bijoya Chakravarty - Water Resources
35. Shriram Chauhan - Parliamentary Affairs
36. Bandaru Dattatraya - Urban Development
37. Jaisingh Rao Patil - Human Resource Development
38. Santosh Gangwar - Science and Technology
39. Chaman Lal Gupta - Civil Aviation
40. Dr Vallabhnhai Kathiriya - Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises
41. Faggan Singh Kulaste - Parliamentary Affairs
42. V. Dhananjay Kumar - Finance
43. Bangaru Laxman - Planning and Program Implementation
44. Ms Sumitra Mahajan - Human Resource Development
45. Subhash Maharia - Rural Development
46. Babulal Marandi - Environment and Forests
47. Ms Jayawanti Mehta - Power
48. Munni Lal - Labor and Employment
49. Omar Farooq Abdullah - Commerce and Industries
50. Ajit Kumar Panja - External Affairs
51. Hiran Pathak - Defense
52. Devendra Pradhan - Surface Transport
53. E Punnuswami - Petroleum
54. A Raja - Rural Development
55. O Rajgopal - Law Justice and Company Affairs
56. Dr Raman - Commerce and Industries
57. N G Ramachandran - Textiles
58. Vidaya Sagar Rao - Home
59. SBPPK Satyanarayanan Rao - Agriculture
60. Bachi Singh Rawat - Defense
61. Syed Shahnawaz Hussain - Food Processing
62. Tapan Sikdar - Communication
63. Digvijay Singh - Railways
64. T. H. Chaoba Singh - Culture Youth Affairs Sports
65. V. Sreenivasa Prasad - Consumer Affairs and Public Distribution
66. I. D. Swami - Home
67. Dr (Ms.) Rita Verma - Mines and Minerals
68. Balasaheb Vikhe Patil - Finance
69. Hukumdeo Narayan Yadav - Agriculture
The Prime Minister will look after unallocated portfolios. Ms Vasundhara Raje will also assist the Prime Minister in handling the ministries of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions, Department of Energy and Department of Space. Mr. Dilip Ray and Santosh Gangwar will also assist the Minister of Parliamentary Affairs.
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india_news_p000037.jpg | Profile of
Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee
Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee has been sworn-in as the Prime Minister of India. The President Shri K.R. Narayanan administered the oath of office and secrecy at the Rashtrapati Bhawan on October 13, 1999. Shri Vajpayee has assumed the office of the Prime Minister of India for the third time.
Earlier, Shri Vajpayee was Prime Minister of India from May 16-31, 1996 and a second time from March 19, 1998 till date. With his swearing-in today as Prime Minister, he becomes the only Prime Minister since Jawaharlal Nehru to occupy the office of the Prime Minister of India through three successive mandates. Shri Vajpayee is also the first Prime Minister since Smt. Indira Gandhi to lead his party to victory in successive elections.
Born on December 25, 1924 at Gwalior, Madhya Pradesh to Shri Krishna Bihari Vajpayee and Smt. Krishna Devi, Shri Vajpayee brings with him a long parliamentary experience spanning over four decades. He has been a Member of Parliament since 1957. He was elected to the 5th, 6th and 7th Lok Sabha and again to the 10th, 11th and 12th Lok Sabha and to Rajya Sabha in 1962 and 1986. He has again been elected to Parliament from Lucknow in Uttar Pradesh for the fourth time consecutively. He is the only parliamentarian elected from four different States at different times namely - UP, Gujarat, MP and Delhi.
Elected leader of the National Democratic Alliance, which is a pre-election coming together of political parties from different regions of the country and which enjoys a comfortable backing and support of the elected Members of the 13th Lok Sabha, Shri Vajpayee was earlier elected leader of his own Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) parliamentary party which has also again emerged as the single largest party in the 13th Lok Sabha as was the case in the 12th Lok Sabha.
Educated at Victoria (now Laxmi Bai) College,
Gwalior and DAV College, Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, Shri Vajpayee holds an M.A (Political Science) degree and has many literary, artistic and scientific accomplishments to his credit. He edited Rashtradharma (a Hindi monthly), Panchjanya (a Hindi weekly) and the dailies Swadesh and Veer Arjun. His published works include "Meri Sansadiya Yatra" (in four volumes), "Meri Ikkyavan Kavitayen", "Sankalp Kaal", "Shakti-se-Shanti", "Four Decades in Parliament" (speeches in three volumes), 195795, "Lok Sabha mein Atalji" (a collection of speeches); Mrityu Ya Hatya", "Amar Balidan", "Kaidi Kaviraj Ki Kundalian" (a collection of poems written in jail during Emergency); "New Dimensions of India's Foreign Policy" (a collection of speeches delivered as External Affairs Minister during 1977-79); "Jan Sangh Aur Mussalman"; "Sansad Mein Teen Dashak" (Hindi) (speeches in Parliament -1957-1992 - three volumes; and "Amar Aag Hai" (a collection of poems) 1994.
Shri Vajpayee has participated in various social and cultural activities. He has been a Member of the National Integration Council since 1961. Some of his other associations include - (i) President, All India Station Masters and Assistant Station Masters Association (1965-70); (ii) Pandit Deendayal Upadhyay Smarak Samiti (1968-84); (iii) Deen Dayal Dham, Farah, Mathura, U.P; and (iv) Janmabhomi Smarak Samiti, 1969 onwards.
Founder-member of the erstwhile Jana Sangh (1951), President, Bharatiya Jana Sangh (19681973), leader of the Jana Sangh parliamentary party (1955-1977) and a founder-member of the Janata Party (1977-1980), Shri Vajpayee was President, BJP (1980-1986) and the leader of BJP parliamentary party during 1980-1984, 1986 and 1993-1996. He was Leader of the Opposition throughout the term of the 11th Lok Sabha. Earlier, he was India's External Affairs Minister in the Morarji Desai
See PROFILE, Page 7
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india_news_p000038.jpg | PROFILE
(Continued from page 6)
Government from March 24, 1977 to July 28, 1979.
Widely respected within the country and abroad as a statesman of the genre of Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, Shri Vajpayee's 1998-99 stint as Prime Minister has been characterised as 'one year of courage of conviction'. It was during this period that India entered a select group of nations following a series of successful nuclear tests at Pokharan in May 1998. The bus journey to Pakistan in February 1999 was widely acclaimed for starting a new era of negotiations to resolve the outstanding problems of the sub-continent. India's honesty made an impact on the world community. Later, when this gesture of friendship turned out to be a betrayal of faith in Kargil, Shri Vajpayee was also hailed for his successful handling of the situation in repulsing back the intruders from the Indian soil. It was during Shri Vajpayee's 1998-99 tenure that despite a global recession, India achieved 5.8 per cent GDP growth, which was higher than the previous year. Higher agricultural production and increase in foreign exchange reserves during this period were indicative of a forward-looking economy responding to the needs of the people. "We must grow faster. We simply have no other alternative" has been Shri Vajpayee's slogan focussing particularly on economic empowerment of the rural poor. The bold decisions taken by his Government for strengthening rural economy, building a strong infrastructure and revitalising the human development programmes, fully demonstrated his Government's commitment to a strong and self-reliant nation to meet the challenges of the next millennium to make India an economic power in the 21 st century. Speaking from the ramparts of the Red Fort on the occasion of 52nd Independence Day, he had said, "I have a vision of India: an India free of hunger and fear, an India free of illiteracy and want."
Shri Vajpayee has served on a number of important Committees of Parliament. He was
Chairman, Committee on Government Assurances (1966-67); Chairman, Public Accounts Committee (1967-70); Member, General Purposes Committee (1986); Member, House Committee and Member, Business Advisory Committee, Rajya Sabha (1988-90); Chairman, Committee on Petitions, Rajya Sabha (1990-91); Chairman, Public Accounts Committee, Lok Sabha (1991-93); Chairman, Standing Committee on External Affairs (1993-96).
Shri Vajpayee participated in the freedom struggle and went to jail in 1942. He was detained during Emergency in 1975-77.
Widely travelled, Shri Vajpayee has been taking a keen interest in international affairs, upliftment of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, women and child welfare. Some of his travels abroad include visits such as Member, Parliamentary Goodwill Mission to East Africa, 1965; Parliamentary Delegation to Australia, 1967; European Parliament, 1983; Canada, 1987; Indian delegation to Commonwealth Parliamentary Association meetings held in Canada, 1966 and 1994, Zambia, 1980, Isle of Man 1984, Indian delegation to Inter-Parliamentary Union Conference, Japan, 1974; Sri Lanka, 1975; Switzerland, 1984; Indian Delegation to the UN General Assembly, 1988, 1990, 1991, 1992, 1993 and 1994; Leader, Indian Delegation to the Human Rights Commission Conference, Geneva, 1993.
Shri Vajpayee was conferred Padma Vibhushan in 1992 in recognition of his services to the nation. He was also conferred the Lokmanya Tilak Puruskar and the Bharat Ratna Pt. Govind Ballabh Pant Award for the Best Parliamentarian, both in 1994. Earlier, the Kanpur University honoured him with an Honorary Doctorate of Philosophy in 1993.
Well known and respected for his love for poetry and as an eloquent speaker, Shri Vajpayee is known to be a voracious reader. He is fond of Indian music and dance.
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india_news_p000039.jpg | India News is published by the Press & Information Wing, Embassy of India. An electronic edition is available at the Embassy's web site:
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Embassy of India <br> Press & Information <br> 2107 Massachusetts Ave., NW <br> Washington, DC 20008
IN THIS ISSUE
Address to the Nation by Atal Bihari Vajpayee
Election Results of 1999 ..... 1
Trade Events ..... 3
Excerpts from Ambassador Naresh Chandra's interview on NewsHour on Senate's rejection to ratify the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty ..... 4
Prime Minister and the Cabinet ..... 5
Profile of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee ..... 6
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india_news_p000040.jpg | India not to engage in a nuclear arms race: Jaswant Singh, external affairs minister
Jaswant Singh
You have been engaged in extended talks with the U.S. since the nuclear tests last year. How would you assess the results so far? First, by restating the objectives from our side. They are two-fold: in the first place, to reconcile the stated U.S. nonproliferation concerns with India's national security objectives; secondly, and, in a broader context, to develop greater mutual understanding so that both countries are enabled to work together in tapping the real potential of a qualitatively new relationship, essential in this post-Cold War environment.
The results of my discussions with Mr. Strobe Talbott are encouraging. There is recognition that India shall maintain a minimum nuclear deterrent as determined by us. There is now no longer any talk of a 'roll-back'. The U.S. also accepts that India's security concerns are not geographically limited. Foreign policy tasks and challenges are a continuing process, therefore, we need to consolidate these understandings across all sections that make up the U.S. foreign policy establishment.
Do you have a timeframe for concluding this dialogue?
In the management of foreign policy, deadlines are both impractical and unrealistic. But if we manage through the objectives, then the first part is the restoration of our relationship to the pre-May 1998 position. As for the next, I would consider it attained when both India and the U.S. engage in regular dialogue on a range of issues covering bilateral, regional and global political and economic issues.
Can you define these issues?
Of course, I cannot draw up a total list. But, self-
evidently, these would range from discussing cooperation in the field of energy, science and technology, environment, trade, taxation and economic development, to global concerns such as terrorism, narcotics, non-proliferation, disarmament, reform of multilateral institutions, expansion of the U.N. Security Council and regional developments in Asia-Pacific etc. Obviously, a multifaceted dialogue of this nature can simply not imply an agreement on all; it is the density and depth of engagement that is the criteria.
A principal item on the agenda is the CTBT and there seems to be considerable confusion about India's stand on this issue. Where exactly are we?
Our stand on the CTBT has been clear. In 1996, we decided that we could not accept the CTBT because it was not consistent with India's national security interest. Over the decades, successive Governments took necessary steps to safeguard India's nuclear option. In 1996, it was clear to all that subscription to the CTBT at that time would have limited India's nuclear potential at an unacceptably low level. After conducting the nuclear tests of May 1998, to validate and update our technology, we have ensured the credibility of our nuclear deterrent into the foreseeable future; our scientists are now confident of conducting sub-critical tests, as also other nonexplosive R&D activity necessary for the purpose. That is why, we declared a voluntary moratorium. This, in essence, meets the basic obligations of the CTBT. We also announced a willingness to convert this undertaking into a de jure obligation. Clearly, this could not be done in a political vacuum. A positive environment had to be created. In reaction, a number of countries decided to impose restrictive economic measures on India. We have conveyed our disappointment at these actions. That, however, does not mean that we do not value our bilateral relationships with these countries. Our endeavour has been
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india_news_p000041.jpg | JASWANT SINGH INTERVIEW
(Continued from page 1)
to generate a better appreciation of India's security concerns. Obviously, this is possible only through a sustained, bilateral dialogue process. An understanding in this regard will restore our relationship to the pre-May 1998 position. I am also optimistic that this process of restoration will result in an acceptance of a secure, self-confident India, thus imparting a new momentum to these ties.
At the same time, there is no denying that the manner in which the CTBT was negotiated, particularly during the last stages, left a great deal to be desired. This led to resentment against the proposed treaty. Many in India see it as part of a discriminatory, nuclear nonproliferation regime.
The Government's commitment to nuclear non-proliferation remains unchanged. The priority of our meeting the country's national security concerns having been addressed, the Government believes that we now need to convey reassurance to the international community and, in this regard, desires to develop a national consensus. The need for a consensus in any democratic society is self-evident. I have explained this in the past to the U.S. administration, and they better understand this approach after their own difficulties on this issue in their Senate.
There appears to be lack of clarity about signing and ratification. Can you elaborate?
Three separate decisions are required of the Government as part of adherence to any international treaty: signature, ratification and deposition of the instrument of ratification. These decisions are taken by the Cabinet. Each of them is a separate decision. To recall a recent example, in January 1993, the Cabinet decided that India will become a signatory to the Chemical Weapons Convention; the decision to ratify was taken in October 1995, followed by another decision to deposit the instrument of ratification in September 1996.
In your view, how far should India go in terms of its adherence to the CTBT at this stage, particularly in light of the uncertainty about the Treaty's future created by the U.S. Senate vote?
As I have already clarified, the process of adherence to an international treaty is a step-by-step process. While India's decisions will be made by the Indian Government, there is no denying that this negative vote by the U.S. Senate does have a bearing on the
future of this treaty. I would, therefore, consider it natural for India to also disaggregate its decision.
Is India ready to join in a moratorium on the
production of fissile material for nuclear weapon purposes?
We have, after the tests last year, announced our readiness to engage in multilateral negotiations in the Conference on Disarmament in Geneva for a non-discriminatory and verifiable treaty to ban future production of fissile materials for nuclear weapon purposes. This decision was taken after due consideration, which included an assessment of timeframes for negotiations and entry into force of an FMCT. At this stage, India cannot accept a voluntary moratorium on production of fissile materials. Let me add that FMCT negotiations are a complex exercise it will be important, therefore, as we go along to constantly monitor the pace, direction and content of these negotiations.
Export controls is another element of dialogue with the U.S. What are the prospects of an understanding in this area?
India has remained committed to non-proliferation and maintains a highly effective system of export controls on sensitive and dual-use technologies and equipment. We have conveyed our willingness to strengthen this further, where necessary. In this regard, an inter-ministerial expert group has been established. I must add that we do remain greatly concerned about the fact that certain civilian programmes in high technology areas such as space, remain targeted. Our participation in ad hoc export control regimes, such as Nuclear Suppliers Group and MTCR will be on the basis of equality. The U.S. does appreciate that India has a system of laws and an effective institutional mechanism to implement non proliferation-related export controls but we need to make further progress.
There is a perception in the international community that the document prepared by the National Security Advisory Board for the National Security Council is India's official nuclear doctrine. What is the status of this document?
Let me correct this perception. The National Security Advisory Board is a group of non-official strategic experts and analysts. It was tasked by the National Security Council to prepare a number of papers, including one on a possible 'Indian Nuclear Doctrine'. This it prepared and submitted to the National Security Adviser, also releasing it publicly for a larger debate. That debate is now under way. It is
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india_news_p000042.jpg | thus not a policy document of the Government of India.
Would you like to elaborate on what then is the essence and thinking on India's doctrine?
The key elements of India's nuclear policy were spelt out by the Prime Minister in Parliament last December. To recapitulate briefly:
(a) India shall maintain a minimum nuclear deterrent and shall undertake necessary measures to ensure its credibility.
(b) India has declared a moratorium on undertaking any further underground nuclear test explosions, but RED activity, including computer simulation and sub-critical tests, will be conducted as necessary.
(c) Development work on an extended-range Agni missile is under way and a successful flight test was carried out earlier this year. Additional flight testing will be undertaken in a manner that is non-provocative, transparent and consistent with established international norms and practices.
(d) India has declared a no-first-use doctrine. This has implicit in it the principle that India shall not use nuclear weapons against non-nuclearweapon States.
(e) In order that our minimum deterrent be credible, we shall adopt and maintain a deployment posture that ensures survivability of assets. Such a posture, obviously, provides for greater safety and security.
(f) India will not engage in any arms race. We shall not, therefore, pursue an open-ended programme.
(g) A civilian command and control system, with necessary safeguards, shall cater for all possible contingencies.
(h) India's commitment to global nuclear disarmament remains undiluted. We will continue to work with other likeminded countries and take initiatives for moving towards a nuclear weapon-free-world. We will also seek to negotiate CBMs, both in the conventional and nuclear fields, with the aim of reducing lack of trust in the region.
Many commentators find these elements inconsistent and believe that India has embarked on a programme that will produce a nuclear arsenal larger than that of the U.K. or France. Do you have any comments?
I am aware of such apprehensions. These are born of the Cold War experiences, ideology, indeed, even
the cliched phrases of those sterile years. The U.S., Russia, the U.K., France and China developed their nuclear weapons as weapons for war. Most nuclear weapon powers follow doctrines of first use, and all of them envisage tactical or sub-strategic roles for their nuclear weapons. The Indian thinking is different, principally, because we have discarded the Cold War reference frame of nuclear war fighting. In our view, the principal role of nuclear weapons is to deter their use by an adversary. For this, India needs only that strategic minimum which is credible. With the policy of "retaliation only," survivability becomes critical to ensure credibility. This "minimum," however, cannot be a fixed physical quantification; it is a dynamic concept but firmly rooted in the strategic environment, technological imperatives and national security needs, and the actual size, components, deployment and employment of nuclear forces will be decided taking into account all these factors.
No other nuclear weapon State has conceptualised its capabilities in such terms. India can, and has done, so, because it does not intend to engage in an arms race. Therefore, the question of an arsenal larger than that of country $Xor $Y becomes a nonquestion. For India, the question is only one of adequacy that is credible and thus defines our "minimum."
How would you address concerns about India seeking a "triad"?
Let me address the issue of "triad," not because it is part of the NSAB paper, but because there may be genuine misperceptions. It is a known fact that today India has nuclear capable aircraft and mobile land-based nuclear-capable missiles. We have an RED programme for a naval version of Prithvi that has been a part of the IGMDP launched in 1983. It is also a fact that many analysts, particularly in Western countries, consider nuclear missiles on submarines to be the most survivable nuclear asset in the scenarios that they have thought of - first strike, second strike, war and so on. Our approach is different. It is, therefore, premature to talk of an Indian "triad." RED programmes will certainly continue, aimed at enhancing survivability and thus, credibility, but decisions on production, deployment and employment will be taken on the basis of factors that I have outlined earlier. In short, just as parity is not essential for deterrence, neither is a triad, a prerequisite for credibility.
Let me suggest that you look at the Indian nuclear deterrent as a "triad" based on a different set of three dimensions - a deterrent that is minimum but
See JASWANT SINGH INTERVIEW, Page 7
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india_news_p000043.jpg | Orissa Cyclones
On the morning of October 29, 1999, a cyclone struck the coast of Orissa, in northeastern India on the Bay of Bengal. Winds of between 155 and 161 miles an hour, heavy rains and waves between 13 and 20 feet high accompanied the storm. Orissa is home to 32 million people. This storm struck just 10 days after another cyclone hit Orissa on the evening of October 17. The first storm ripped across the Gopalpur coast, devastating the district of Ganjam, which was in the eye of the storm.
Prime Minister's Relief Fund
Government of India and Embassy of India continue to receive a number of offers for contributions to the cyclone relief activities in Orissa, India. Those who wish to make voluntary contributions may do so by sending checks in dollars or rupees to the Prime Minister's
Relief Fund. Checks/Money Orders should be drawn in favor of "Prime Minister's Relief Fund" can be sent to any one of the following addresses.
Prime Minister's Relief Fund
Embassy of India
Attn: Head of Chancery
2107 Massachusetts Ave., NW
Washington, DC 20008
(OR)
Facts on Orissa
- Orissa is located in the northeast of India. Its northern plateau slopes down to fertile green coastal plains on the Bay of Bengal. To the northeast lies the state of West Bengal, and its capital, Calcutta. About one-third of Orissa is covered with forests.
- Orissa state has a population of nearly 32 million people. Area of the State is just over 62,000 square miles.
- The capital, Bhubaneshwar, is known as the "Temple City of India."
- Orissa's economy is largely based on agriculture, which provides 80 percent of rural employment and more than half of the state's income. One-tenth of India's rice production comes from Orissa. Other major crops include pulses, oil seeds, jute, sugarcane, turmeric and coconut.
- Orissa lies in the tropics. The average rainfall is about 59 inches a year. The temperature ranges from a high of 120 degrees in the summer to a low of 41 degrees in the winter.
Prime Minister's Relief Fund
Prime Minister's Office
South Block, New Delhi 110011 India
Relief efforts by non-governmental organizations
National Council of Asian Indian Associations (NCAIA)
NCAIA has set up a cyclone relief fund for the victims in Orissa. NCAIA is a registered nonprofit, tax-exempt organization located in Maryland, USA. (http:// www.icharity.org/go/india/cyclone)
NCAIA
9326 Lanham Severn Rd, Lanham, MD 20706
India Development and Relief Fund (IDRF)
IDRF has set up an Orissa Cyclone [http://www.idrf.org](http://www.idrf.org) Relief Fund. Donations to IDRF are tax exempted in United States (Tax exempt ID: 52-1555563), and a receipt will be mailed to donors. Make checks payable to IDRF, and mail it to the following address:
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india_news_p000044.jpg | IDRF
1580 Hollenbeck Ave., Apt \4 Sunnyvale, CA-94087 USA.
In the memo, please mention Orissa Cyclone Relief. For more information contact: Dr. Vinod Prakash (301) 984-2127
CRY (Child Relief and You, Inc.) CRY has set up an Orissa Disaster Relief Program for the victims in Orissa. CRY is a registered nonprofit, tax-exempt organization located in New Jersey and is associated with CRY India. Click here to make secure online donation
<http://www.us.cry.org/orissa/> or send checks to CRY with memo as "Orissa Relief"
CRY Inc.
PO Box 372,
Berkeley Heights, NJ 079220372
Tel: (877) 233-2222
Orissa Cyclone Relief Charity Show
Montgomery Blair High School (new)
51 East University Blvd, Silver Spring, MD 20901
Friday, December 10, 1999 at $7: 30 \mathrm{pm}$
Ellora Patnaik - Odissi Dancer
Bitu Singh - Ghazal Singer
Coordinated by
IPAP, NFIA, ICCC, FIA, IAFPA, MKK, E OSA
For More Information:
Pratap Das (301) 972-8059;
Renuka Mishra
(301) 330-5098;
Pradeep Ganguly
(410) 715-4457;
Walton Dawson
(301) 434-0482;
Anu Biswal (301) 598-7570
Information on Cyclone damage and relief efforts (as of November 27, 1999)
- Loss of human life - 9615
- Population affected - 12 million
- Cattle deaths - 400,000
- Number of villages affected - 7,921
- Damaged houses - 800,000
- Agricultural area damaged - 1.67 million hectares
- 400 villages are still inaccessible
The relief efforts are now focused on checking the outbreak of epidemics and environmental pollution. To meet this goal, the following steps have been taken:
1. Disease surveillance has been intensified.
2. Synthetic pyrethroid spray may be used in the affected areas to minimize the potential risk of malaria outbreak.
3. Malaria treatment/Drug distribution centers have been setup.
4. Measles vaccination to all children less than 5 years old.
5. Surveillance of enteric fever have been initiated.
6. Guidelines have been issued to State health authorities for management of post trauma stress syndrome.
7. 80 % of wells that supply drinking water have been disinfected.
The army has cleared the roads connecting Bhubaneshwar, the capital city, to other major cities in Orissa. Food and medical supplies are received from all parts of the country as road and rail traffic have been partially restored. Telecommunications have been partially restored (Puri, Dhenkanal, Balasore and Baripada - 100 %, Bhubaneswar - 78.5 %, Cuttack-73 %, Bhadrak 98 %, Khurda 97 %, Jajpur -50 %, Jagatsinghpur 24 %, Kendrapara 34 % and Paradip $28 % ).
The Prime Minister visited the cyclone hit areas twice and assured the State of all possible assistance.
CARE
CARE has set up a Orissa Emergency fund. Donors can make a secure online donation to CARE. <https://secure5.nmpinc.com/ carelink/forms/
donate_india.html>
CARE
151 Ellis Street, Atlanta Georgia 30303-2426 Tel: 800-422-7385
Fax: 404-577-5977
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india_news_p000045.jpg | ECONOMIC NEWS UPDATES
Government considering proposal to grant visa on arrival to tourists
The government is considering a proposal to grant visa on arrival to tourists from certain countries according to a top tourism ministry official. "Tourism ministry has sent proposal to home ministry for granting visa to tourists when they arrive at airports," Tourism Secretary M. P. Bezbaruah said. Facility to grant such visa to tourists from certain countries works on a reciprocal basis and we have not specified the countries for which such facility should be extended, he added.
Supreme Court rejects TRAl appear against High Court stay on CPP regime
The Supreme Court has dismissed a petition by Telecom Regulatory Authority of India (TRAI) challenging the Delhi High Court stay on the implementation of free incoming calls for cellular phone users under Calling Party Pays (CPP) regime.
"We do not think it is appropriate to interfere with the order of the High Court or in the proceedings there as the matter is still at a preliminary stage," a division bench comprising Justice B. N. Kirpral and Justice S. Rajendra Babu said while dismissing TRAI's petition.
The TRAI through CPP had announced to provide from November one free incoming calls to cellular users but the same was challenged in the High Court by state-owned Mahanagar Telephone Nigam Ltd and another public interest litigation which alleged that the MTNL was going to lose substantial revenue under the new regime.
Under CPP, while the cellular phone owner on receiving a call from Public Service Telephone Network (PSTN), known as fixed telephone, would pay no money whereas the PSTN user would pay Rs. 3.30 per call. Of the Rs. 3.30, MTNL would get Rs. 0.90 and the Cellular Operators would get
Rs. 2.40. Under the existing arrangements, for each call made from PSTN, MTNL gets Rs. 1.10 and for receiving the call of three minutes, a cellular user would pay around Rs. 12.
The High Court on October 28 had stayed the proposed CPP regime saying the TRAI order "is a hostile discrimination" against Department of Telecom (DoT) and Mahanagar Telephone Nigam Limited (MTNL).
Roadmap for credit information bureau
A Reserve Bank of India (RBI), federal bank working group has suggested that a beginning should be made in setting up a Credit Information Bureau (CIB), even though the existing legal framework prohibited disclosure of information on banks' customers.
The group, set up to explore the possibilities of establishing such a Bureau, has said that pending legislative amendments, CIB could operate with information relating to suit filed accounts and information on transactions on which the constituent has given consent to the bank to disclose.
The group, which submitted its report today, has also suggested the involvement of a foreign technology partner in setting up the Bureau.
"The Bureau could be set up as a company under the Companies Act, 1956 with share capital contributions from its user groups, namely commercial banks, financial institutions and non-banking finance companies," the report has said.
According to the report, the Bureau should collect both negative and positive information relating to credit, trade and financial information. This would include external borrowings on corporate and consumer retail segments such as credit facilities from banks, non-banking finance companies, as also credit cards held and indebtedness to cellular phone companies among others. The setting up of such a Bureau would entail the enactment of a master legislation to
facilitate collection and sharing of information, the report said, adding that it should be technology-driven and professionally managed with minimum manual intervention.
Government rejects stateowned PGCIL's equity expansion proposal
The Indian Government has rejected a proposal of the Power Grid Corporation (PGCIL) to expand its equity by Rs. 12 billion to over Rs. 42 bil lion and instead advised it to sell a few of its transmission lines to meet fund requirements for new projects.
"We are not going for equity expansion of Power grid as proposed earlier. Instead we propose to generate resources for the corporation through other means," federal Power Minister P R Kumaramangalam said.
The power ministry has identified about four to five transmission lines of Powergrid to be sold to private sector and the company would use the revenue generated from the sale for investments, Kumaramangalam said.
Owing to fund constraints, PGCIL has revised lower by Rs. 20 billion its Ninth Plan Investment programs at Rs. 130 billion. As the corporation is expected to take up transmission work for some of the private power projects, it had sought government support to increase its borrowing capabilities.
When contacted Powergrid Chairman and Managing Director R. P. Singh confirmed that the corporation would now sell some of its existing transmission projects instead of infusing fresh equity. "We will sell some of our lines through the international competitive bidding route," Singh said but declined to give details.
New civil aviation policy soon
The Indian Government will soon come out with a new comprehensive Civil Aviation policy and is considering setting up more international airports in the country. "A Civil Avia-
See QPDATES, Page 7
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india_news_p000046.jpg | (2PDATES, from page 6
tion policy is being formulated and will be brought to the Cabinet soon," federal Civil Aviation Minister Sharad Yadav has said.
However, the minister refused to give details of the new policy saying that it was a "sensitive" issue. He said the govemment would set up more international airports, especially in the northem part of the country.
On the Y2K preparedness of the civil aviation sector in the country, the minister said the sector has already achieved 95 per cent Y2K compliance. "We have solved the problem to a great extent. Our engineers are working on it and I'm quite sure that we will be fully prepared to meet it before the deadline," he said.
Government to reduce stake in banks below 51 %
Indian Government will soon amend the banking laws to allow privatization of public sector banks to reduce its equity below 51 per cent. It would also put in place a policy on voluntary retirement scheme (VRS) in nationalized banks.
"The Nationalized Banks Act and Banking Regulation Act will be amended soon to bring down the government stake in public sector banks below 51 per cent," Devi Dayal, banking secretary in the finance ministry has said.
The amendments are likely to come in the next session of Parliament, he said. Dayal said by bringing down the stake below 51 per cent, government role in banks would be reduced in the future. He said the government was also formulating a policy of Voluntary Retirement Scheme (VRS) to bring down the staff costs in public sector banks.
Currently, other PSQ companies have a policy on VRS and the policy currently being framed would be along similar lines, he said. "The cost of staff in public sector banks is very high. By having a comprehensive policy on VRS, the costs can be brought down significantly," Dayal said, adding that this could help the banks to lend money at a lower rate of interest in future.
JASWANT SINGH INTERVIEW (Continued from page 3)
credible because it is survivable and backed by effective civilian command and control to ensure retaliation.
You appear to be emphasising survivability but will this not affect retaliation?
No. Retaliation does not have to be instantaneous; it has to be effective and assured. I emphasise this because effective and assured retaliation enhance the credibility of deterrence. Mobility and dispersal improve survivability. Opearting procedures will ensure the transition from peace-time deployment modes to a higher state of readiness when required. Our nuclear assets are limited and consistent with no-first-use; we have ensured that these procedures do not tempt an adversary to preemption but strengthen deterrence by underlining the political resolve for effective retaliation.
Would it be correct to deduce that India will follow different peace-time and war-time deployment/postures?
This would be a correct assessment. You know that we would like to convey a sense of assurance in our region, also beyond so that our deployment posture is not perceived as de-stabilising. We have rejected notions of "launch on warning postures" that lead to maintaining hair trigger alerts, thus increasing the risks of an unauthorised launch. In fact, we have taken an initiative in the U.N. General Assembly last year, calling on all nuclear weapon States to review such postures, and move to de-alert, thus reducing global nuclear danger.
How does this posture relate to tactical nuclear weapons?
Regarding tactical nuclear weapons, let me remind you that we do not see nuclear weapons as weapons of war fighting. In fact, India sees them only as strategic weapons, whose role is to deter their use by an adversary. Civilian command and control over decisions relating to deployment and alert levels are logical.
Is there any change in India's position on elimination of nuclear weapons or, let me say, in India's approach towards this objective?
I would like to emphasise that there is no dilution of India's commitment to the objective of achieving a nuclear weapon-free world. We continue to call for negotiations for a Nuclear Weapons Convention that would prohibit the production, development, deployment and use of all nuclear weapons and also provide for elimination of present stockpiles under international verification. India is the only nuclear weapon State to do so. At the same time, we also understand that nuclear disarmament cannot be achieved overnight; it will be a step-by-step process. We approach this process in a practical sense from two directions. On one side, we need to strengthen the norm against nuclear weapons by multilaterally negotiated non-use and no-first-use agreements. From a technical standpoint, we need to move away from the present hair-trigger postures to a progressively de-alerted state that will reduce the risks of accidental or unauthorised use of nuclear weapons. It will also act as a global CBM. In both these areas, India continues to take initiatives and our resolutions in the U.N. General Assembly have been adopted with widespread support.
(Published interview, The Hindu, November 29, 1999)
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JNTHSTSSUB
India not to engage in a nuclear arms race: Jaswant Singh 1
Orissa Cyclones 4
Prime Minister's Relief Fund
Relief efforts by non-governmental organizations
Facts on Orissa
Information on Cyclone Damage
Economic News Updates 6
Government considering proposal to grant visa on arrival to tourists
Supreme Court rejects TRAI appear against High Court stay on CPP regime
Roadmap for credit information bureau
Government rejects state-owned PGCLL's equity expansion proposal
New civil aviation policy soon
Government to reduce stake in banks below 51 %
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india_news_p000048.jpg |
INDIA NEWS ONLINE: http://www.indianembassy.org
January/February 2000
President K.R. Narayanan's address on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Republic of India Central Hall of Parliament, January 27, 2000
It gives me great pleasure to be here amidst you at this solemn function to mark the Golden Jubilee Celebrations of the birth of the Indian Republic and the commencement of our Constitution. The establishment of the democratic Republic of India was obviously, a significant and glorious event for India, for the freedom and welfare of the hundreds and millions of its people. But it was also a world event of far-reaching significance. People talk about the triumph of democracy in the world against other forms of Government. For that triumphal outcome, democracy in India has had a meaningful part to play not in the way of taking part in the ideological cold war, but in the sense of setting an over powering example to the world.
What Sir Anthony Eden, the Prime Minister of Britain, said at the time of the emergence of Indian Republic is relevant in this context. "Of all the experiments in government, which have been attempted since the beginning of time, I believe that the Indian venture into parliamentary government is the most exciting. A vast subcontinent is attempting to apply to its tens and thousands of millions a system of free democracy... It is a brave thing to try to do so. The Indian venture is not a pale imitation of our practice at home, but a magnified and multiplied reproduction on a scale we have never dreamt of. If it succeeds, its influence on Asia is incalculable for good. Whatever the outcome we must honour those who attempt it."
Even more meaningful was the opinion expressed by an American Constitutional authority, Prof. Granville Austin who wrote that, what the Indian Constituent Assembly began was "perhaps the greatest political venture since that originated in Philadelphia in 1787."
Mahatma Gandhi had visualized the new Constitution of India in terms of universal values applied to the specific and special conditions of India. As early as 1931 he had written "I shall strive for a Constitution which will release India from thraldom and patronage. I shall work for an
India in which the poorest shall feel that it is their country in whose making they have an effective voice: an India in which there is no high class or low class of people, an India in which all communities shall live in perfect harmony. There can be no room in such an India for the curse of untouchability. We shall be at peace with the rest of the world neither exploiting nor exploited. All interests not in conflict with the interests of the dumb millions will be scrupulously respected whether foreign or indigenous. Personally, I hate the distinction between foreign and indigenous. This is the India of my dreams for which I shall struggle".
At the core of the Constitution lies the essence of this Gandhian dream in the form of social justice and social democracy. Prof. Granville Austin has described the Indian Constitution as "first and foremost a social document". He further explained that "the majority of India's constitutional provisions are either directly arrived at furthering the aim of social revolution or attempt to foster this revolution by establishing conditions necessary for its achievement ${ }^{a}$. The very same point was elaborated in eloquent terms by Dr. Ambedkar and Pandit Nehru. What makes our Constitution relevant to the conditions and the problems of India and the developing world as a whole, is, in fact, the socio-economic soul of it. Its uniqueness is that it has combined this harmoniously with the liberal rights and freedoms as conceived by the Western democracies.
It is after deep thought and considerable debate that the founding fathers adopted the philosophy and the form of Government for India. Speaking on the draft of the Constitution Dr. Ambedkar claimed that "It is workable, it is flexible and it is strong enough to hold the country together both in peace time and in war time. Indeed, if I may say so, if things go wrong under the new Constitution, the reason will not be that we had a bad Constitution. What we will have to say is that Man is vile". Today when there is so much talk about revising the Constitution or even writing a new Constitution, we have to consider whether it is the Constitution that has failed us or whether it is we who have failed the Constitution. Dr. Rajendra Prasad, as President of the Constituent Assembly, had pointed out: "If the people who are elected are
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india_news_p000049.jpg | PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS
(Continued from page 1)
capable of character and integrity, they should be able to make the best of a defective constitution. If they, the lacking in these, the Constitution cannot help the country". I believe these are wise words which we should pay heed to.
The form of Government, the parliamentary democratic form, was chosen by the founding fathers after deep thought and debate. In the Constituent Assembly Dr. Ambedkar explained that the Drafting Committee in choosing the Parliamentary system for India, preferred more responsibility to more stability, a system under which the Government will be on the anvil every day. He said accountability was still difficult to obtain from day-to-day. Thus the Parliamentary system was a deliberate and well thought out choice by the Constituent Assembly. It was not chosen in imitation of the British system or because of the familiarity with it that India had acquired during the colonial period. Gandhiji while acknowledging our debt to Britain with regard to parliamentary Government had observed that the roots of it were present in India in the age-old system of the village panchayats. Dr. Ambedkar explained in the Constituent Assembly that the Buddhist Sanghas were parliamentary type of institutions and that in their functioning modern parliamentary devices like resolutions, divisions, whips, etc. were used. These elements in our heritage made it possible and easy for India to adopt the parliamentary system of democracy. Besides, as Dr. Ambedkar told the Constituent Assembly the system was chosen because they preferred more responsibility to stability which could slip into authoritarian exercise of power. Another factor to be borne in mind is the immensity of India, the perplexing variety and diversity of the country, the very size of its population and the complexity of the social and
developmental problems. In such a predicament described by one writer, as one of "a million mutinies" there must in the body-politic a vent for discontents and frustrations to express themselves in order to forestall and prevent major explosions in society. The parliamentary system provides this vent more than a system which prefers stability to responsibility and accountability. Our recent experience of instability in Government is perhaps no sufficient reason to discard the parliamentary system in favour of the presidential or any other form. In my opinion we should avoid too much rigidity in our system of government as in a very rigid system there is the danger of major explosions in society taking place. The possibility and the facility of a change in government is in itself a factor in the stability of the political system in the long-run because then the people will be more inclined to tolerate a political situation they do not approve of or find difficult to cope with for long. At any rate as Dr. Rajendra Prasad said the shortcomings in the people entrusted with running the system cannot be obviated by constitutional changes or provisions. Amendments to the Constitution are a different matter. The founding fathers deliberately made the amendment process of the Constitution easy so that shortcomings or lacunae in the Constitution can be rectified by the Parliament without too much difficulty. There are other changes that can be brought about like changes in the electoral law or the functioning of the political parties. Whatever we may do, and we have a right to bring about necessary changes in the political and economic system, we should ensure that the basic philosophy behind the Constitution and the fundamental socioeconomic soul of the Constitution remain sacrosanct. We should not throw out the baby with the bath water and like the tragic character Othello in Shakespeare has to lament later "Like the base Indian, threw a pearl away Richer than all his tribe."
Republic Day Celebration at the Embassy
Ambassador Naresh Chandra and Congressman Sam Gejdenson
Karl Inderfurth, Assistant Secretary, South Asian Affairs, U.S. State Department; Ambassador Naresh Chandra, and Depuiy Chief of Mission, T.P. Sreenivasan.
2 INDIA NEWS ・ January/February 2000
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india_news_p000050.jpg | India.com goes Global
Excerpts from an article written by
Dewang Mehta, Director,
National Association of Software and Service Companies
The Indian software industry has zoomed from a mere $20million ten years ago to a whopping US $3.9 billion in 1998-99. No industry has done as much for the competitiveness of global corporations and, certainly, no industry has created as many millionaires in India in such a short span of time. In 1998-99, 203 out of the Fortune 500 outsourced their software requirements from India. And US customers bought 61 percent of the software that Indian companies exported to 91 countries around the world.
Microsoft Chairman Bill Gates, by picking the Indian city of Hyderabad to house his company's first-ever development center outside the US, has already paid the ultimate tribute to the skill-base of the industry.
Internet and E-Commerce
Industry experts believe that once the Internet - although there are just about 1.4 million users today, has the potential to explode to 37 million once Net connections are available on cable-spreads across India, and will position India as a global hub for content development and e-commerce. Currently, more than 437 of Indian softwaeshouses provide web based applications and services. That the Internet is becoming an integral part of the Indian software business is also evident from its use alongside that of high-speed satellite connectivity for software development and delivery. The delivery through high-speed connectivity has been a successful factor for globalization of the Indian software industry.
Already, in the year 1999-2000, Internet and E-Commerce related software solutions exports from India are expected to bring US $340million out of estimated US $3.9 billion of Indian software exports. This is expected to increase to US
ECONOMIC NEWS UPDATES
\$2 billion of e-commerce solutions exports by 2002, when total Indian software exports are projected to be US $8.7 billion, during that year.
Global Presence
Already, 212 Indian software companies have either subsidiaries or branches overseas, mostly in the US. Proximity to markets is helping them to anticipate market conditions and client requirements, besides strengthening relationships further and helping build-enduring partnerships.
High Quality
According to NASSCOM's survey, out of the top 300 companies, about 140 software companies have acquired ISO 9000 certification, and about 70 more companies are in the pipeline to be certified. In fact, the Indian software industry will soon have more ISO 9000-certified companies than any other country in the world. Many of its members are now focusing on acquiring SEI-CMM (Software Engineering Institute Capability Maturity Model) certificates of quality.
The State
In India, the success of software industry can be attributed in no small measure to the excellent teamwork between Government and Industry. The Government of India, impressed by the excellent performance of the Indian software industry has provided all support, including fiscal benefits, the availability of highspeed data communications and infrastructure, besides ensuring an almost red tape-free system. The government, in fact, has given the red-carpet treatment to this industry. The fiscal benefits include trade free zones, Software Technology Park schemes, zero import duty on software, and $100 % exemption on profits from software exports.
India and US sign pact for lifting Quantitative Restrictions
After months of negotiations India and US inked an agreement for a 15 month phase-out of import curbs between the two countries. Announcing this U.S. Trade Representatives Charlene Barshefsky said that tariff restrictions on half of the 1400 odd India still maintained on imports from U.S. would be lifted by April 1, 2000.
On the remaining 714 items India would lift the import curbs by April 1, 2001, She said adding items on which India maintained import restrictions included agriculture and textile items. India had originally maintained what has come to be known as quantitative restrictions on imports from United States in as many as 2,700 items.
As per the WTO agreement India had to phase out these import curbs and it had so far dismantled it on over 1,300 items. The curbs were maintained for balance of payments purposes. On the phase-out of the remaining 1429 tariff lines, there was a dispute between India and US over the phase out time schedule. With the rejection of New Delhi's plea by the WTO appellate panel in September last, the two countries concluded the bilateral agreement here recently.
India and Singapore to Work for Asian Free Trade (AFT) Zone
The Union Finance Minister, Shri Yashwant Sinha has said that there is a great merit in the concept of Asian Free Trade Zone and the issue must be approached proactively by all Asian countries. Welcoming the suggestion of the Prime Minister of Singapore, Mr. Goh Chok Tong in this regard, Shri Sinha has suggested that Singapore should take the initiative
See UPDATES, Page 4
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