filepile/hitler · Datasets at Hugging Face

text string
One would say "Why should I clear up the mistakes made by others?" Another would say, "Why should I make improvements only for someone else to benefit?" There was no longer any reason to attempt any efficacious and real solution
But this state of affairs naturally increased national weakness, and the economic decline, and caused more unemployment
The burden became greater, the capacity to carry it less, and the end had to be a collapse, the result of which could not be foreseen
It was well to be believed that the kind and humane prophecy of the great democrat Clemenceau that we had 20,000,000 people too many would become the truth
Thus the program of unification of the German forces, of blind obedience to a goal was created to assure our right to live forever and ever
By so doing we chose a path between two extremes
The one of these extremes was holding our people: It was the liberal-individualist extreme which made the individual not only the centre of interest but also the centre of all action
On the other hand, our people were tempted by the theory of universal humanity which alone was to guide the individual
Our ideals were between the two: we saw the people as a community of body and soul, formed and willed by Providence
We are put into this community and within it alone can we form our existence
We have consciously subordinated all considerations to this goal, have shaped all interests according to it, and all our actions
Thus the National-Socialist world of thought arose which has overcome individualism, but not by cutting down individual capacities or individual initiative, only by asserting that the common interest is superior to individual liberty and the initiative of the individual
This common interest regulates and orders, if necessary, curtails, but also commands
Thus we started a struggle against everyone in those days, against the individualist as well as against the humanitarians
And in this struggle we slowly conquered the German nation during 14 years
The 1000 members which this Movement counted at the end of its first year of life, a number which was to increase steadily-these followers were but Germans who had come from other movements
Hundreds of thousands of my SA and SS had been fighters in other organizations, whom we had all convinced and conquered by winning their inner allegiance
That was perhaps the greatest battle of souls in our history
I could not force anybody to go with me, to enter my organization-they all had to be inwardly convinced and this conviction caused them to make great sacrifices
This struggle was to be really fought out in the spirit by word, form and writing
Only when an ill-willed opponent said: "I cannot defeat you in the spirit, but I am stronger than you," only then did I, the former soldier, rightly answer violence with violence
Before I (words lost)


the fighting movement which fought by the spirit as long as the opponent kept to spiritual weapons



But I did not hesitate to appeal to violence when the other thought he would help the spirit by violence
Our opponents at that time were those who have always fought us inside as well as outside the country: a conglomeration of people who feel, think and act according to international ideas
We know the coalitions of that time
In this battle of the spirit we have defeated them everywhere
For when at last I was called to power, I came in the legal way, under the Presidency of Reichs General Field Marshal von Hindenburg because I was backed by the strongest movement
This means that the so-called National Socialist Revolution has defeated democracy, within democracy, by democracy
We acquired power legally and today, too, I am facing you here on a mandate given to me by the German nation, a mandate more comprehensive than that which any one of the so-called democratic statesmen possess today
When we came to power in 1933 our road was clearly mapped out
It had been defined in a struggle of 15 years, which in a thousand demonstrations had put us under an obligation to the German people
And I would be dishonorable and deserve to be stoned if I had deviated but one step from this program, or if I were to do so now
The social part of this program meant unifying the German people, overcoming all class and race prejudices, educating the German for the community, and if necessary, breaking any opposition to this unity
Economically, it meant building a National German economy which appreciated the importance of private initiative, but subordinated the entire economic life to the common interest
Believe me, here, too, no other aim is thinkable
In times in which the sons are arrayed for defense in battle, and where no difference can be made between those who represent much, and those who represent little, economic advantages or privileged positions to the disadvantage of the total community cannot be maintained
As everywhere, I proceeded here by teaching, educating and slow adaptation, for it was my pride to carry out this revolution without one single window-pane being broken in Germany
A revolution which led to the greatest changes ever achieved on earth, but which destroyed nothing, only slowly reorganized everything, until at last the entire great community had found its new road, that was my goal
FOREIGN POLICY It was the same in foreign politics
My program was to do away with Versailles
People all over the world should not pretend to be simpletons and act as if I had only discovered this program in 1933, or 1935 or 1937
These gentlemen should only have read what I wrote about myself a thousand times instead of listening to stupid émigré trash
No human being can have stated and written down as often as I what he wanted, and I wrote it again and again: "Away with Versailles!" And this was not a whim of ours, but the reason was that Versailles was the greatest injustice and the most abject ill-treatment of a great people ever known in history
Without the abolition of this instrument of force-meant to destroy the German people-it would have been impossible to keep this people alive
I came forward as a soldier with this program, and spoke about it for the first time in 1919
And I have kept to this program as to a solemn obligation during all the years of the struggle for power, and when I came to power I did not say like democratic politicians (follows a quotation from Schiller's Fiasco meaning roughly: "The monster has carried out his work, now he can be dismissed
") But at that moment I said to myself: "Thank God, for having brought me to a point where I can put my program into action
" But again I did not want to do this with violence
I talked as much as any human being can
My speeches in the Reichstag, which cannot be falsified by democratic statesmen, are evidence for history
What offers did I make them! How I begged them to be reasonable! I begged them to see reason and not to interfere with the existence of a great nation
I proved to them that they themselves would derive no benefit from it
I told them it was senseless, and that they would only do themselves harm
What have I not done in all these years to pave the way to an understanding? It would never have been possible to begin this armament race unless others had wanted it
I made proposals to them
However, every proposal, coming as it did from me, was sufficient to cause excitement among a certain Jewish-international-capitalist clique, just as it used to happen formerly in Germany when every reasonable proposal was rejected only because it was made by National Socialists
My Reichstag speech on 17th May 1933, or for that matter, my later speeches, my innumerable announcements at public meetings, all the memoranda which I wrote in these days-they were all governed by the one idea: whatever happened it must be possible to find a method for a peaceful revision of this Versailles Treaty
That this Treaty was an infamous document, all its authors finally admitted
In fact, the possibility of a revision was to be left open
Only they made the League of Nations the agent for this purpose, and this institution was quite unsuited for its task
The League of Nations was established on the one hand to prevent a revision of the Treaty, and, on the other hand, was to have jurisdiction for such a revision
At first we were not members of the League, and later German participation amounted in the last analysis to nothing but the payments of yearly installments
That was the only positive thing as far as Germany could see
Of course, Germany was then a Democracy and the Democrats of Berlin begged, on their knees
They went to Geneva before the International Tribunal
They begged: "Give us a revision
" Everything was in vain
I, as a National Socialist, recognized after a few months that this Tribunal would not help us
Accordingly, I did what I could, but I say our adversaries always confused us with the people with whom they had dealt since November 1918
The German nation had nothing in common with those men
That was not Germany
They were miserable individuals kept by England and France, who had doped them
That was not the German nation, and to connect the nation with such people we regard as a defamation
If the others believed they could apply the same methods to us they applied to the November men, they were greatly mistaken
In that event both sides were at cross purposes
They could not expect us to go to Geneva and continue begging, to receive kicks, and to beg again
If they expected that, they mistook the former German soldier for the traitor of 1918
Of course, those November men could not do anything but give in, for they were in fetters; they were caught in the fetters of that other world
We, however, have no reason to give in to that other world, or do the English perhaps believe that we have an inferiority complex when we compare ourselves with them
(Several words drowned in applause
) Then they forced us down by a lie; a trick, but the British soldiers did not defeat us
Neither did it seem during the Western campaign that any change has taken place
I, myself, and in fact, all of us, made up our minds that voluntary negotiation at Geneva would not yield any result
The only thing to do, therefore, was to leave Geneva
Never in my life have I pushed myself
Those who do not want to talk to me need not do so
Now here are 85,000,000 Germans looking into the future with pride and confidence
They are heirs of a great history
We had a world empire when England was nothing but a small island, and for a longer time than for 300 years
Indeed, they forced us to take the road which we took
The League of Nations only ridiculed and derided us
We left it
At the Disarmament Conference, the same happened, and we left it
We started on the road which we were forced to choose, but all the time we strove for understanding and conciliation

One would say "Why should I clear up the mistakes made by others?" Another would say, "Why should I make improvements only for someone else to benefit?" There was no longer any reason to attempt any efficacious and real solution

But this state of affairs naturally increased national weakness, and the economic decline, and caused more unemployment

The burden became greater, the capacity to carry it less, and the end had to be a collapse, the result of which could not be foreseen

It was well to be believed that the kind and humane prophecy of the great democrat Clemenceau that we had 20,000,000 people too many would become the truth

Thus the program of unification of the German forces, of blind obedience to a goal was created to assure our right to live forever and ever

By so doing we chose a path between two extremes

The one of these extremes was holding our people: It was the liberal-individualist extreme which made the individual not only the centre of interest but also the centre of all action

On the other hand, our people were tempted by the theory of universal humanity which alone was to guide the individual

Our ideals were between the two: we saw the people as a community of body and soul, formed and willed by Providence

We are put into this community and within it alone can we form our existence

We have consciously subordinated all considerations to this goal, have shaped all interests according to it, and all our actions

Thus the National-Socialist world of thought arose which has overcome individualism, but not by cutting down individual capacities or individual initiative, only by asserting that the common interest is superior to individual liberty and the initiative of the individual

This common interest regulates and orders, if necessary, curtails, but also commands

Thus we started a struggle against everyone in those days, against the individualist as well as against the humanitarians

And in this struggle we slowly conquered the German nation during 14 years

The 1000 members which this Movement counted at the end of its first year of life, a number which was to increase steadily-these followers were but Germans who had come from other movements

Hundreds of thousands of my SA and SS had been fighters in other organizations, whom we had all convinced and conquered by winning their inner allegiance

That was perhaps the greatest battle of souls in our history

I could not force anybody to go with me, to enter my organization-they all had to be inwardly convinced and this conviction caused them to make great sacrifices

This struggle was to be really fought out in the spirit by word, form and writing

Only when an ill-willed opponent said: "I cannot defeat you in the spirit, but I am stronger than you," only then did I, the former soldier, rightly answer violence with violence

Before I (words lost)

the fighting movement which fought by the spirit as long as the opponent kept to spiritual weapons

But I did not hesitate to appeal to violence when the other thought he would help the spirit by violence

Our opponents at that time were those who have always fought us inside as well as outside the country: a conglomeration of people who feel, think and act according to international ideas

We know the coalitions of that time

In this battle of the spirit we have defeated them everywhere

For when at last I was called to power, I came in the legal way, under the Presidency of Reichs General Field Marshal von Hindenburg because I was backed by the strongest movement

This means that the so-called National Socialist Revolution has defeated democracy, within democracy, by democracy

We acquired power legally and today, too, I am facing you here on a mandate given to me by the German nation, a mandate more comprehensive than that which any one of the so-called democratic statesmen possess today

When we came to power in 1933 our road was clearly mapped out

It had been defined in a struggle of 15 years, which in a thousand demonstrations had put us under an obligation to the German people

And I would be dishonorable and deserve to be stoned if I had deviated but one step from this program, or if I were to do so now

The social part of this program meant unifying the German people, overcoming all class and race prejudices, educating the German for the community, and if necessary, breaking any opposition to this unity

Economically, it meant building a National German economy which appreciated the importance of private initiative, but subordinated the entire economic life to the common interest

Believe me, here, too, no other aim is thinkable

In times in which the sons are arrayed for defense in battle, and where no difference can be made between those who represent much, and those who represent little, economic advantages or privileged positions to the disadvantage of the total community cannot be maintained

As everywhere, I proceeded here by teaching, educating and slow adaptation, for it was my pride to carry out this revolution without one single window-pane being broken in Germany

A revolution which led to the greatest changes ever achieved on earth, but which destroyed nothing, only slowly reorganized everything, until at last the entire great community had found its new road, that was my goal

FOREIGN POLICY It was the same in foreign politics

My program was to do away with Versailles

People all over the world should not pretend to be simpletons and act as if I had only discovered this program in 1933, or 1935 or 1937

These gentlemen should only have read what I wrote about myself a thousand times instead of listening to stupid émigré trash

No human being can have stated and written down as often as I what he wanted, and I wrote it again and again: "Away with Versailles!" And this was not a whim of ours, but the reason was that Versailles was the greatest injustice and the most abject ill-treatment of a great people ever known in history

Without the abolition of this instrument of force-meant to destroy the German people-it would have been impossible to keep this people alive

I came forward as a soldier with this program, and spoke about it for the first time in 1919

And I have kept to this program as to a solemn obligation during all the years of the struggle for power, and when I came to power I did not say like democratic politicians (follows a quotation from Schiller's Fiasco meaning roughly: "The monster has carried out his work, now he can be dismissed

") But at that moment I said to myself: "Thank God, for having brought me to a point where I can put my program into action

" But again I did not want to do this with violence

I talked as much as any human being can

My speeches in the Reichstag, which cannot be falsified by democratic statesmen, are evidence for history

What offers did I make them! How I begged them to be reasonable! I begged them to see reason and not to interfere with the existence of a great nation

I proved to them that they themselves would derive no benefit from it

I told them it was senseless, and that they would only do themselves harm

What have I not done in all these years to pave the way to an understanding? It would never have been possible to begin this armament race unless others had wanted it

I made proposals to them

However, every proposal, coming as it did from me, was sufficient to cause excitement among a certain Jewish-international-capitalist clique, just as it used to happen formerly in Germany when every reasonable proposal was rejected only because it was made by National Socialists

My Reichstag speech on 17th May 1933, or for that matter, my later speeches, my innumerable announcements at public meetings, all the memoranda which I wrote in these days-they were all governed by the one idea: whatever happened it must be possible to find a method for a peaceful revision of this Versailles Treaty

That this Treaty was an infamous document, all its authors finally admitted

In fact, the possibility of a revision was to be left open

Only they made the League of Nations the agent for this purpose, and this institution was quite unsuited for its task

The League of Nations was established on the one hand to prevent a revision of the Treaty, and, on the other hand, was to have jurisdiction for such a revision

At first we were not members of the League, and later German participation amounted in the last analysis to nothing but the payments of yearly installments

That was the only positive thing as far as Germany could see

Of course, Germany was then a Democracy and the Democrats of Berlin begged, on their knees

They went to Geneva before the International Tribunal

They begged: "Give us a revision

" Everything was in vain

I, as a National Socialist, recognized after a few months that this Tribunal would not help us

Accordingly, I did what I could, but I say our adversaries always confused us with the people with whom they had dealt since November 1918

The German nation had nothing in common with those men

That was not Germany

They were miserable individuals kept by England and France, who had doped them

That was not the German nation, and to connect the nation with such people we regard as a defamation

If the others believed they could apply the same methods to us they applied to the November men, they were greatly mistaken

In that event both sides were at cross purposes

They could not expect us to go to Geneva and continue begging, to receive kicks, and to beg again

If they expected that, they mistook the former German soldier for the traitor of 1918

Of course, those November men could not do anything but give in, for they were in fetters; they were caught in the fetters of that other world

We, however, have no reason to give in to that other world, or do the English perhaps believe that we have an inferiority complex when we compare ourselves with them

(Several words drowned in applause

) Then they forced us down by a lie; a trick, but the British soldiers did not defeat us

Neither did it seem during the Western campaign that any change has taken place

I, myself, and in fact, all of us, made up our minds that voluntary negotiation at Geneva would not yield any result

The only thing to do, therefore, was to leave Geneva

Never in my life have I pushed myself

Those who do not want to talk to me need not do so

Now here are 85,000,000 Germans looking into the future with pride and confidence

They are heirs of a great history

We had a world empire when England was nothing but a small island, and for a longer time than for 300 years

Indeed, they forced us to take the road which we took

The League of Nations only ridiculed and derided us

We left it

At the Disarmament Conference, the same happened, and we left it

We started on the road which we were forced to choose, but all the time we strove for understanding and conciliation