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Balkwill and worked on cancer and inflammation. Wilson realised that she did not want pursue an academic career, and ended up applying for various non-academic jobs. She was made scientific programme manager at the World Cancer Research Fund. After a few years, Wilson joined Breakthrough Breast Cancer, where she worked on research management. During her time at Breakthrough, the charity discovered PARP inhibitors, target cancer drugs that can be used to treat ovarian cancer. She was selected to take park in a clinical placement course, during which time she shadowed a medical team. The placement was designed to bridge the gap between clinical science and patient care. The placement made her aware of the disconnect between drug discovery and the clinic. Wilson to joined Wellcome Sanger Institute as associate director in 2014. Selected publications Her publications include: Multiple actions of the chemokine CXCL12 on epithelial tumor cells in human ovarian cancer Macrophages induce invasiveness of epithelial cancer cells via NF-kappa B and JNK The inflammatory cytokine tumor necrosis factor-alpha generates an autocrine tumor-promoting network in epithelial ovarian cancer cells References Living people British oncologists British	who serves as associate director at the Wellcome Sanger Institute. Her research career investigates transplant rejection, cancer and inflammation. She previously worked at the World Cancer Research Fund and Breakthrough Breast Cancer. Early life and education Wilson grew up in Northumberland. She became interested in biology whilst at high school, and enjoyed working with the microscopes in the science labs. She studied microbiology as an undergraduate at Newcastle University, and was the first member of her family to attend university. She joined John Kirby's research group as a PhD student where she worked on kidney transplantation and why they were rejected by the immune system. Research and career After earning her doctorate, Wilson moved to the Karolinska Institute as a postdoctoral researcher where she worked alongside Hans-Gustaf Ljunggren on transplant rejection. Whilst Wilson enjoyed working in Sweden, she has said that she initially lost confidence during her time in Stockholm because she was less experienced than her colleagues. Wilson returned to the United Kingdom in 1999 and was appointed a postdoc at the Imperial Cancer Research Fund. She was mentored by Fran Balkwill and worked on cancer and inflammation. Wilson realised that she
of the Ku Klux Klan. Education and military service Following his graduation from Columbian College in Washington. D.C. Duncan received an appointment on May 10, 1878, as a Second Lieutenant, 21st U. S. Infantry. His succeeding appointments were: Regimental Adjutant, 15 March 1887 to 24 April 1888, Captain, 24 April 1888, Major, 13th U. S. Infantry, 2 March 1899, Lieutenant Colonel, 13th U. S. Infantry, 16 October 1901, Breveted First Lieutenant, 27 February 1890 for gallant service in action at Battle of the Clearwater against Indians, 11 and 12 July 1877, Second Lieutenant , First Lieutenant , and Captain, Twenty – first Infantry; Major and Lieutenant – Colonel, Thirteenth Infantry; Colonel, Sixth Infantry and General Staff Corps. He also participated in the March 5–8, 1906 First Battle of Bud Dajo. Death Duncan was named commandant of Fort Sam Houston in 1911, and died there May 14, 1912. He was buried with honors at Arlington National Cemetery. Fort Sam Houston was temporarily put under the command of Brigadier General Edgar Zell Steever II at Fort Bliss 4th Cavalry Regiment in the El Paso	stationed at Fort Ewell, in what later became La Salle County, Texas. At the time, the area was part of the Nueces Strip, a contested borderland, inhabited by native Americans and Mexicans. The fort was decommissioned a year after Duncan's birth. During the American Civil War, his father was the Union army commander of Fort Craig, New Mexico, in charge of the 3rd Cavalry Regiment forces at the Battle of Valverde, New Mexico. The family relocated to Nashville, Tennessee during the Reconstruction era, where young Joseph witnessed the activities of the Ku Klux Klan. Education and military service Following his graduation from Columbian College in Washington. D.C. Duncan received an appointment on May 10, 1878, as a Second Lieutenant, 21st U. S. Infantry. His succeeding appointments were: Regimental Adjutant, 15 March 1887 to 24 April 1888, Captain, 24 April 1888, Major, 13th U. S. Infantry, 2 March 1899, Lieutenant Colonel, 13th U. S. Infantry, 16 October 1901, Breveted First Lieutenant, 27 February 1890 for
census, its population was 604. References Populated places in	in the municipality of Visoko, Bosnia and
indistinctus is a species of lizard in the family Liolaemidae.	lizard in the family Liolaemidae. It is from
23 March 1999) is a Norwegian snowboarder. She competed in the 2022 Winter Olympics, in Women's big air and Women's slopestyle. She competed at the 2016 Winter Youth Olympics, and 2021–22 FIS Snowboard World Cup. References	Living people Sportspeople from Daegu Snowboarders at the 2022 Winter Olympics Olympic snowboarders of Norway Snowboarders at the 2016 Winter Youth Olympics Norwegian adoptees South
March 1966 ) is an Indian politician belonging to the Indian National Congress. He is currently the Chairman Of Waqf Development Council Rajasthan, also a Member of the Rajasthan Legislative	currently the Chairman Of Waqf Development Council Rajasthan, also a Member of the Rajasthan Legislative Assembly from Fatehpur (Rajasthan Assembly constituency). He was appointed as the General Secretary Of Rajasthan
According to the 2013 census, its population was 264. References Populated places in	of Visoko, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Demographics According to the 2013
a freight railway station in Houma, Linfen, Shanxi, China. It is an intermediate	is a freight railway station in Houma, Linfen, Shanxi, China. It is an intermediate stop on the Datong–Puzhou railway. It
east of the Dar al-Makhzen royal palace. Hubert Lyautey, the first Resident-General, chose this hilltop site for his residence, overlooking the ancient site of Chellah which lies immediately to its south. The complex was designed from 1916 by French architect Albert Laprade, who resided in Morocco from 1917 to 1919, and completed in 1924. See also Government of Morocco Embassy of France, Tunis, former	The headquarters of the ministry in Rabat is the former seat of the Resident-general in the French protectorate in Morocco. It is located on a prominent position to the south of the walled city of Rabat, east of the Dar al-Makhzen royal palace. Hubert
is a village in the municipality of Visoko, Bosnia and Herzegovina.	Šošnje is a village in the municipality
big air. She competed at the 2021–22 FIS Snowboard World Cup. References External links Ekaterina	Olympics, in Women's big air. She competed at the 2021–22 FIS Snowboard World Cup.
Visoko, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Demographics According to the	a village in the municipality of Visoko, Bosnia
sovereignty movement and, in September 1996, ordered the Justice Minister Allan Rock to take the question of the legality of Quebec separating to the Supreme Court. Stéphane Dion advised Chrétien that, if the federal government won the reference to the Supreme Court as expected, the government should draft a bill stating the precise rules for Quebec to leave—telling Chrétien if the people of Quebec could be shown how difficult it would be to leave, then support for separatism would fall. Along the same lines, Dion started to send much-publicised open letters to Quebec ministers questioning the assumptions behind the separatist case. In December 1999 the Chrétien government tabled the Clarity Act, which passed Parliament in June 2000. The Clarity Act, which was Chrétien's response to his narrow victory in the 1995 referendum requires that no Canadian government may acknowledge any province's declaration of independence unless a "clear majority" supports a "clear question" about sovereignty in a referendum, as defined by the Parliament of Canada, and a constitutional amendment is passed. The size of a "clear majority" is not specified in the Act. After the Clarity Act had passed by the House of Commons in February 2000, a poll showed that the federalist forces enjoyed a 15 percent lead in the polls on the question if Quebec should become independent, which Chrétien argued meant that the sovereignty option was now effectively off the table as Bouchard had always said he would only call another referendum if he could obtain "winning conditions", which he plainly did not possess at the moment. Domestic affairs Chrétien appointed his nephew, Raymond, as Canadian ambassador to the United States in 1994. In November 1997, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit was held on the University of British Columbia (UBC) campus in Vancouver. Students on UBC's campus protested the meeting of some of these leaders because of their poor human rights practices. One of the leaders most criticized was Indonesian President Suharto. Demonstrators tore down a barrier and were pepper-sprayed by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP). Other peaceful demonstrators were subsequently pepper-sprayed as well. There was debate over whether the action was necessary. Suharto had made clear that his coming to Canada was dependent upon his "dignity" not being insulted by any demonstrators. In response to Suharto's concerns about his "dignity" being called into question by protests, he had been promised by the Canadian government that no protesters would be allowed to get close and in early August 1997, the RCMP was informed by the PMO that the prime minister did not wish for any "distractions" at the up-coming conference. During the protests, a First Nations leader claimed to have overheard Chrétien giving orders to the RCMP to remove the signs protesting against the human rights violations in China and Indonesia at once before Suharto or Jiang had a chance to see them. Allegations soon arose that someone in the Prime Minister's Office or Chrétien himself gave the go-ahead for the pepper-spraying of protesters. Chrétien denied any involvement, and it has never been proven. On August 7, 2001, the APEC report was issued by Judge Ted Hughes, which cleared Chrétien of wrongdoing, but stated that Jean Carle of the PMO had improperly pressured the RCMP to attack the protesters. Hughes concluded that the RCMP had used excessive force that was in violation of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Hughes ruled that the use of force by the RCMP had gone beyond the legitimate security need to protect the visiting leaders at the APEC summit, and was intended to silence the protests altogether, which thus violated the right to freedom of expression guaranteed to all Canadians by the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. In April 1998, the government attracted much criticism when the Health Minister Allan Rock waged a successful battle to limit the number of Canadians stricken with Hepatitis C through government negligence who could collect compensation for their suffering. Rock had wanted to compensate all of the hepatitis C victims, but was overruled by Chrétien, who told him the government would compensate only those afflicted between 1986 and 1990. Liberal backbencher Carolyn Bennett was later to claim in an interview that it was unconscionable on the part of Chrétien to refuse to compensate all of the hepatitis C victims, and then to spend $57 million in legal fees in a successful effort to stop hepatitis C activists from getting a ruling from the courts to compensate all victims. In August 1999, the Anglo-Canadian media magnate Conrad Black was due to receive a British peerage. Two days before Black was to receive his title, Chrétien advised the Queen not to accord Black a title of nobility, citing the 1917 Nickle Resolution, where the Canadian House of Commons asked King George V not to grant any titles of nobility or knighthoods to Canadians, and thereby ensured that Black was not raised to the peerage as he was expecting to be. However, the Nickle resolution like all parliamentary resolutions was only symbolic, was in no way legally binding on Chrétien and several Canadians had been either knighted or raised to the House of Lords after 1917. Many saw Chrétien's blocking Black from a peerage not as a case of the prime minister merely enforcing the Nickle Resolution as Chrétien claimed, but rather as an act of revenge for the often critical coverage that Chrétien received from the National Post, which was owned by Black at that time. By contrast, Chrétien's close associate Eddie Goldenberg was later to claim that Chrétien cared deeply about the Nickle Resolution, and would have had blocked Black from being raised to the peerage even if the National Post were more friendly to him. Black, who felt humiliated by this episode, sued Chrétien for what he alleged to be an abuse of power, leading to the legal case of Black v. Chrétien. In 2001, the court ruled in favor of Chrétien, stating it was the prime minister's prerogative to advise the Queen not to raise Canadians to the British peerage if he felt so inclined, and thereforth this was not an abuse of power as Black had claimed. Black gave up his Canadian citizenship to accept the title. Firearms In 1995, the Chrétien government introduced and passed the Canadian Firearms Registry, also called the long-gun registry. This would require the registration of all non-restricted firearms in Canada. This gun registry would document and record information of the firearms, their owners, and their owners' licenses. Criminal justice reform The government under Chrétien's premiership introduced a new and far-reaching Youth Criminal Justice Act in April 2003, which replaced the Young Offenders Act and changed the way youths were prosecuted for crimes in Canada. Same-sex marriage In July 2003, Chrétien reversed his position on gay marriage, which he had previously been opposed to (in 1999 Chrétien had voted for a resolution sponsored by the Reform saying marriage was a union of a man and a woman only). After a Toronto court ruled that laws forbidding homosexual marriage violated the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, legalizing same-sex marriage throughout Ontario, Chrétien embraced the idea of gay marriage and introduced a bill in the House of Commons that would have legalized gay marriage despite the very vocal opposition of the Roman Catholic Church with the bishop of Calgary warning in a sermon that Chrétien's "eternal salvation" was at risk. Environment A flurry of major environmental legislation, including the Canadian Environmental Protection Act, National Marine Conservation Areas Act, Pest Control Products Act, and the Species at Risk Act were enacted. The cooperation of federal, provincial, and municipal governments also enabled Vancouver to win the bid to host the 2010 Winter Olympics. Economic policy Chrétien cancelled the privatization of Toronto's Pearson airport. The consortium that was due to take ownership of Pearson sued for breach of contract, which led the government to settle out of court in April 1997 for $60 million in damages. The first budget introduced by Martin, in February 1994, was described as a "mild and tame" budget focused only on the target of reducing the deficit to 3 percent of Gross National Product (GNP) within three years, and brought in modest cuts, mostly to defence spending. Until the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the Chrétien government tended to be hostile towards defence spending with the government's white paper "Defence 94" declaring that in a post-Cold War world there would be less and less need for armed forces, which accordingly meant reduced budgets for the military. Outside of defence spending, there were few cuts in the 1994 budget. In a radio interview with Ron Collister in March 1994, Chrétien stated: "To go to our goal of 3 per cent of GNP, all the cuts have been announced in the budget. There will not be a new round." According to the diplomat James Bartleman, Chrétien told him in early 1994 that major cuts to government spending outside of defence were out of the question, and instead he hoped that the economy would grow enough on its own that the deficit would disappear without any cuts. Chrétien's plans in early 1994 for economic growth were to increase exports by embracing globalization and free trade with as many nations as possible, arguing that the export offensive would stimulate the economy out of the early 1990s recession. The 1994 budget was widely criticized by journalists such as Andrew Coyne as useless in even achieving its target of reducing the deficit to 3 percent of GNP within three years, let alone eliminating the deficit, and led to a celebrated clash between Coyne and Martin in the boardroom of The Globe and Mail newspaper. In April 1994, interest rates in Canada started a steady rise that would continue until early 1995. Chrétien was not keen on making deep cuts to government spending, but given the crisis caused by the skyrocketing interest rates had decided "reluctantly" there was no alternative. Once he had decided upon making deeper cuts than he promised, Chrétien proved to be firm supporter of the new course, and supported Martin's cuts to other departments despite the complaints of the other ministers. Chrétien's advisor Eddie Goldenberg later recalled that Chrétien was unyielding in the face of efforts by other ministers to "spare" their departments, and that Chrétien kept on saying "If I change anything, everything will unravel". In a 2011 interview, Chrétien recalled about the 1995 budget that: "There would have been a day when we would have been the Greece of today. I knew we were in a bind and we had to do something." In order to silence objections from left-wing Liberal backbenchers and Cabinet ministers, Chrétien ensured that the Program Review Committee chaired by Marcel Massé that would decide what programs to end and which to cut had a majority comprising the leftist MPs Brian Tobin, Sheila Copps, Sergio Marchi and Herb Gray, people who would not normally be supporting cutting programs, and thereby underlined the seriousness of the crisis. It was only with the budget that Martin introduced on February 27, 1995, that the Chrétien government began a policy of cuts designed to eliminate the deficit in order to reassure the markets. Much of the Liberal caucus was deeply unhappy with the 1995 budget, arguing that this was not what they had been elected for in 1993, only to be informed by the prime minister that there was no alternative. Chrétien himself expressed his unhappiness with his budget in a radio interview with Peter Gzowski in March 1995, saying about the budget: "It is not our pleasure sir, I have to tell you that. I've been around a long time. It's no pleasure at all. I'm not doctrinaire, a right-winger. I'm a Liberal, and I feel like a Liberal, and it is painful. But it is needed". The government began a program of deep cuts to provincial transfers and other areas of government finance. During his tenure as prime minister, a $42 billion deficit was eliminated, five consecutive budget surpluses were recorded (thanks in part to favorable economic times), $36 billion in debt was paid down, and taxes were cut by $100 billion (cumulatively) over five years. Using the low incomes cut-offs after tax measure, the percentage of Canadians who had low income in 1993 was 14.1 percent; in 1995, when the budget was introduced, that figure had jumped to 14.5; in 2003, the end of Chrétien's time in office, that number had fallen to just 11.6 percent. The share of Canadians living in persistent poverty (i.e. low income for at least 3 years out of 6 years) has declined by almost half since the mid-1990s to 2010. Social spending as a percentage of GDP fell from 20.35 percent in 1993, to 18.35 percent in 1995, eventually falling to 16.94 percent in 1997 and 15.76 percent in 2000, and eventually rising to 16.29 percent in 2003. The 1995 budget, which was called by Peter C. Newman a "watershed document" that marked the first time in recent memory that anybody had made a serious effort to deal with the deficit, won a favorable reaction from the international markets, and a led to an immediate fall in interest rates. There were, however, undeniable costs associated with this endeavour. The cuts resulted in fewer government services, most noticeably in the health care sector, as major reductions in federal funding to the provinces meant significant cuts in service delivery. Moreover, the across-the-board cuts affected the operations and achievement of the mandate of most federal departments. Many of the cuts were restored in later years of Chrétien's period in office. In March 1996, when the Chrétien government presented its third budget, the backbencher Liberal MP John Nunziata voted against the budget under the grounds it failed to repeal the GST as the Liberals had promised in 1993 and singled out for criticism his former Rat Pack colleague Sheila Copps, who had promised during the 1993 election to resign within a year if the GST was not repealed. Chrétien's response was to expel Nunziata from the Liberal caucus. However, the expulsion of Nunziata drew attention to the fact that Copps was still in office despite her promise to resign within a year if the GST was not repealed. Chrétien first stated that Copps would stay in Parliament despite her promise of 1993, but then intense public pressure (together with a poll showing Copps would win a by-election) forced Copps to resign from the Parliament. After resigning, Copps then contested the resulting by-election, where she won and then went straight back into the Cabinet. To help defuse anger over the GST issue, in the spring of 1996 the Chrétien government moved to harmonize sales taxes (GST with provincial taxes) by signing an accord with three of the four Atlantic provinces; the other provinces were not interested in the federal offer to harmonize. In February 1997, for the first time since 1969 a balanced budget was presented by the government (budget for fiscal year 1997–1998). Shortly afterwards, the Chrétien government introduced the National Child Benefit program for the children of low-income parents. Chrétien's major policy initiative in the first half of 2001 was increasing the pay of MPs by 20 percent. As a result, the pay of MPs went from $109,000 per year to $131,000 per year while Chrétien's own salary went from $184,000 per year to $262,000 per year. Foreign policy Rwandan genocide In February–March 1994, detailed reports from the Canadian embassy in Kigali meant that the Canadian government was one of the best informed nations in the world about the coming Rwandan genocide. Foreign Minister André Ouellet claimed that neither he nor anyone else in the Cabinet ever saw the reports from Rwanda. On April 6, 1994, the Rwandan genocide began. The government in Ottawa was apparently kept well-informed about what was happening by diplomats and Canadian Forces serving as UN peacekeepers, but the genocide was not considered to be a major problem for Canada, with the Chrétien government taking the view that other powers would stop the genocide. The government first insisted in April 1994 that there was only a civil war in Rwanda, and once it became clear that genocide had begun, on May 2, 1994, Ouellet, speaking for the government in the House of Commons promised humanitarian aid and expressed the hope that the Organization for African Unity would do something to stop the genocide. In 2010, the Canadian government apologized to the people of Rwanda for indifference to the genocide of 1994. Canada in the Yugoslav Wars In the spring of 1999, Chrétien supported Canada's involvement in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) bombing campaign of FR Yugoslavia over the issue of Kosovo, even through the operation was unsanctioned by the United Nations Security Council thanks to a Russian veto of an Anglo-American resolution asking for the Security Council's approval of the NATO bombing. The idea of bombing Yugoslavia caused some discomfort within the ranks of the Liberal party as the NATO campaign effectively meant supporting Kosovo separatists against a government determined to prevent Kosovo's secession from Yugoslavia. Chrétien was personally uncomfortable with the idea of bombing Yugoslavia, but supported the war because he valued good relations with the United States far more than he cared about Yugoslavia. Chrétien's foreign minister at the time, Lloyd Axworthy justified Canada's involvement in NATO bombing of Yugoslavia under the grounds that allegations of massacres against ethnic Albanians in Kosovo made the use of force legitimate on humanitarian grounds, even without the approval of the UN Security Council. Likewise, Chrétien was later to tell Lawrence Martin that it was far better to intervene in the internal affairs of Yugoslavia to stop human rights violations in the Kosovo region by Serbian forces than to do nothing. China Chrétien was known to be a Sinophile and an admirer of the People's Republic of China. In November 1994, he led the first of four "Team Canada" trade missions comprising himself and 9 premiers to China (Quebec Premier Jacques Parizeau having declined to go), which had as their stated objective increasing Sino-Canadian trade. The Team Canada mission was meant to be the beginning of the export offensive that would stimulate the economy out of the recession, and also to achieve Chrétien's goal going back to the 1970s of a Canadian economy less dependent on trade with the United States. Under his leadership, China and Canada signed several bilateral relations agreements. The Team Canada missions attracted criticism that Chrétien seemed concerned only with economic issues, that he rarely raised the subject of China's poor human rights record, and that on the few occasions that he did mention human rights in China he went out of his way to avoid offending his hosts. Moreover, Chrétien attracted criticism for presenting the case for improved human rights in purely economic terms, arguing that a	oui vote in another referendum, stating all of the regions of Quebec that voted non would remain part of Canada, regardless of what the Quebec separatists thought. On February 15, 1996, Chrétien was confronted by a protester, Bill Clennett, during a walkabout in Hull, Quebec. Chrétien responded with a choke-hold. The press referred to it as the "Shawinigan handshake" (from the name of his home town). Clarity Act After the 1995 referendum very narrowly defeated a proposal on Quebec sovereignty, Chrétien started to champion what eventually become the Clarity Act as part of his "Plan B". In August 1996, the lawyer Guy Bertrand won a ruling in a Quebec court declaring that the sovereignty question was not just a political matter between the federal and Quebec governments, but also a legal matter subject to court rulings. Following that ruling, Chrétien decided that here was a means of defeating the Quebec sovereignty movement and, in September 1996, ordered the Justice Minister Allan Rock to take the question of the legality of Quebec separating to the Supreme Court. Stéphane Dion advised Chrétien that, if the federal government won the reference to the Supreme Court as expected, the government should draft a bill stating the precise rules for Quebec to leave—telling Chrétien if the people of Quebec could be shown how difficult it would be to leave, then support for separatism would fall. Along the same lines, Dion started to send much-publicised open letters to Quebec ministers questioning the assumptions behind the separatist case. In December 1999 the Chrétien government tabled the Clarity Act, which passed Parliament in June 2000. The Clarity Act, which was Chrétien's response to his narrow victory in the 1995 referendum requires that no Canadian government may acknowledge any province's declaration of independence unless a "clear majority" supports a "clear question" about sovereignty in a referendum, as defined by the Parliament of Canada, and a constitutional amendment is passed. The size of a "clear majority" is not specified in the Act. After the Clarity Act had passed by the House of Commons in February 2000, a poll showed that the federalist forces enjoyed a 15 percent lead in the polls on the question if Quebec should become independent, which Chrétien argued meant that the sovereignty option was now effectively off the table as Bouchard had always said he would only call another referendum if he could obtain "winning conditions", which he plainly did not possess at the moment. Domestic affairs Chrétien appointed his nephew, Raymond, as Canadian ambassador to the United States in 1994. In November 1997, the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) summit was held on the University of British Columbia (UBC) campus in Vancouver. Students on UBC's campus protested the meeting of some of these leaders because of their poor human rights practices. One of the leaders most criticized was Indonesian President Suharto. Demonstrators tore down a barrier and were pepper-sprayed by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP). Other peaceful demonstrators were subsequently pepper-sprayed as well. There was debate over whether the action was necessary. Suharto had made clear that his coming to Canada was dependent upon his "dignity" not being insulted by any demonstrators. In response to Suharto's concerns about his "dignity" being called into question by protests, he had been promised by the Canadian government that no protesters would be allowed to get close and in early August 1997, the RCMP was informed by the PMO that the prime minister did not wish for any "distractions" at the up-coming conference. During the protests, a First Nations leader claimed to have overheard Chrétien giving orders to the RCMP to remove the signs protesting against the human rights violations in China and Indonesia at once before Suharto or Jiang had a chance to see them. Allegations soon arose that someone in the Prime Minister's Office or Chrétien himself gave the go-ahead for the pepper-spraying of protesters. Chrétien denied any involvement, and it has never been proven. On August 7, 2001, the APEC report was issued by Judge Ted Hughes, which cleared Chrétien of wrongdoing, but stated that Jean Carle of the PMO had improperly pressured the RCMP to attack the protesters. Hughes concluded that the RCMP had used excessive force that was in violation of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Hughes ruled that the use of force by the RCMP had gone beyond the legitimate security need to protect the visiting leaders at the APEC summit, and was intended to silence the protests altogether, which thus violated the right to freedom of expression guaranteed to all Canadians by the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. In April 1998, the government attracted much criticism when the Health Minister Allan Rock waged a successful battle to limit the number of Canadians stricken with Hepatitis C through government negligence who could collect compensation for their suffering. Rock had wanted to compensate all of the hepatitis C victims, but was overruled by Chrétien, who told him the government would compensate only those afflicted between 1986 and 1990. Liberal backbencher Carolyn Bennett was later to claim in an interview that it was unconscionable on the part of Chrétien to refuse to compensate all of the hepatitis C victims, and then to spend $57 million in legal fees in a successful effort to stop hepatitis C activists from getting a ruling from the courts to compensate all victims. In August 1999, the Anglo-Canadian media magnate Conrad Black was due to receive a British peerage. Two days before Black was to receive his title, Chrétien advised the Queen not to accord Black a title of nobility, citing the 1917 Nickle Resolution, where the Canadian House of Commons asked King George V not to grant any titles of nobility or knighthoods to Canadians, and thereby ensured that Black was not raised to the peerage as he was expecting to be. However, the Nickle resolution like all parliamentary resolutions was only symbolic, was in no way legally binding on Chrétien and several Canadians had been either knighted or raised to the House of Lords after 1917. Many saw Chrétien's blocking Black from a peerage not as a case of the prime minister merely enforcing the Nickle Resolution as Chrétien claimed, but rather as an act of revenge for the often critical coverage that Chrétien received from the National Post, which was owned by Black at that time. By contrast, Chrétien's close associate Eddie Goldenberg was later to claim that Chrétien cared deeply about the Nickle Resolution, and would have had blocked Black from being raised to the peerage even if the National Post were more friendly to him. Black, who felt humiliated by this episode, sued Chrétien for what he alleged to be an abuse of power, leading to the legal case of Black v. Chrétien. In 2001, the court ruled in favor of Chrétien, stating it was the prime minister's prerogative to advise the Queen not to raise Canadians to the British peerage if he felt so inclined, and thereforth this was not an abuse of power as Black had claimed. Black gave up his Canadian citizenship to accept the title. Firearms In 1995, the Chrétien government introduced and passed the Canadian Firearms Registry, also called the long-gun registry. This would require the registration of all non-restricted firearms in Canada. This gun registry would document and record information of the firearms, their owners, and their owners' licenses. Criminal justice reform The government under Chrétien's premiership introduced a new and far-reaching Youth Criminal Justice Act in April 2003, which replaced the Young Offenders Act and changed the way youths were prosecuted for crimes in Canada. Same-sex marriage In July 2003, Chrétien reversed his position on gay marriage, which he had previously been opposed to (in 1999 Chrétien had voted for a resolution sponsored by the Reform saying marriage was a union of a man and a woman only). After a Toronto court ruled that laws forbidding homosexual marriage violated the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, legalizing same-sex marriage throughout Ontario, Chrétien embraced the idea of gay marriage and introduced a bill in the House of Commons that would have legalized gay marriage despite the very vocal opposition of the Roman Catholic Church with the bishop of Calgary warning in a sermon that Chrétien's "eternal salvation" was at risk. Environment A flurry of major environmental legislation, including the Canadian Environmental Protection Act, National Marine Conservation Areas Act, Pest Control Products Act, and the Species at Risk Act were enacted. The cooperation of federal, provincial, and municipal governments also enabled Vancouver to win the bid to host the 2010 Winter Olympics. Economic policy Chrétien cancelled the privatization of Toronto's Pearson airport. The consortium that was due to take ownership of Pearson sued for breach of contract, which led the government to settle out of court in April 1997 for $60 million in damages. The first budget introduced by Martin, in February 1994, was described as a "mild and tame" budget focused only on the target of reducing the deficit to 3 percent of Gross National Product (GNP) within three years, and brought in modest cuts, mostly to defence spending. Until the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the Chrétien government tended to be hostile towards defence spending with the government's white paper "Defence 94" declaring that in a post-Cold War world there would be less and less need for armed forces, which accordingly meant reduced budgets for the military. Outside of defence spending, there were few cuts in the 1994 budget. In a radio interview with Ron Collister in March 1994, Chrétien stated: "To go to our goal of 3 per cent of GNP, all the cuts have been announced in the budget. There will not be a new round." According to the diplomat James Bartleman, Chrétien told him in early 1994 that major cuts to government spending outside of defence were out of the question, and instead he hoped that the economy would grow enough on its own that the deficit would disappear without any cuts. Chrétien's plans in early 1994 for economic growth were to increase exports by embracing globalization and free trade with as many nations as possible, arguing that the export offensive would stimulate the economy out of the early 1990s recession. The 1994 budget was widely criticized by journalists such as Andrew Coyne as useless in even achieving its target of reducing the deficit to 3 percent of GNP within three years, let alone eliminating the deficit, and led to a celebrated clash between Coyne and Martin in the boardroom of The Globe and Mail newspaper. In April 1994, interest rates in Canada started a steady rise that would continue until early 1995. Chrétien was not keen on making deep cuts to government spending, but given the crisis caused by the skyrocketing interest rates had decided "reluctantly" there was no alternative. Once he had decided upon making deeper cuts than he promised, Chrétien proved to be firm supporter of the new course, and supported Martin's cuts to other departments despite the complaints of the other ministers. Chrétien's advisor Eddie Goldenberg later recalled that Chrétien was unyielding in the face of efforts by other ministers to "spare" their departments, and that Chrétien kept on saying "If I change anything, everything will unravel". In a 2011 interview, Chrétien recalled about the 1995 budget that: "There would have been a day when we would have been the Greece of today. I knew we were in a bind and we had to do something." In order to silence objections from left-wing Liberal backbenchers and Cabinet ministers, Chrétien ensured that the Program Review Committee chaired by Marcel Massé that would decide what programs to end and which to cut had a majority comprising the leftist MPs Brian Tobin, Sheila Copps, Sergio Marchi and Herb Gray, people who would not normally be supporting cutting programs, and thereby underlined the seriousness of the crisis. It was only with the budget that Martin introduced on February 27, 1995, that the Chrétien government began a policy of cuts designed to eliminate the deficit in order to reassure the markets. Much of the Liberal caucus was deeply unhappy with the 1995 budget, arguing that this was not what they had been elected for in 1993, only to be informed by the prime minister that there was no alternative. Chrétien himself expressed his unhappiness with his budget in a radio interview with Peter Gzowski in March 1995, saying about the budget: "It is not our pleasure sir, I have to tell you that. I've been around a long time. It's no pleasure at all. I'm not doctrinaire, a right-winger. I'm a Liberal, and I feel like a Liberal, and it is painful. But it is needed". The government began a program of deep cuts to provincial transfers and other areas of government finance. During his tenure as prime minister, a $42 billion deficit was eliminated, five consecutive budget surpluses were recorded (thanks in part to favorable economic times), $36 billion in debt was paid down, and taxes were cut by $100 billion (cumulatively) over five years. Using the low incomes cut-offs after tax measure, the percentage of Canadians who had low income in 1993 was 14.1 percent; in 1995, when the budget was introduced, that figure had jumped to 14.5; in 2003, the end of Chrétien's time in office, that number had fallen to just 11.6 percent. The share of Canadians living in persistent poverty (i.e. low income for at least 3 years out of 6 years) has declined by almost half since the mid-1990s to 2010. Social spending as a percentage of GDP fell from 20.35 percent in 1993, to 18.35 percent in 1995, eventually falling to 16.94 percent in 1997 and 15.76 percent in 2000, and eventually rising to 16.29 percent in 2003. The 1995 budget, which was called by Peter C. Newman a "watershed document" that marked the first time in recent memory that anybody had made a serious effort to deal with the deficit, won a favorable reaction from the international markets, and a led to an immediate fall in interest rates. There were, however, undeniable costs associated with this endeavour. The cuts resulted in fewer government services, most noticeably in the health care sector, as major reductions in federal funding to the provinces meant significant cuts in service delivery. Moreover, the across-the-board cuts affected the operations and achievement of the mandate of most federal departments. Many of the cuts were restored in later years of Chrétien's period in office. In March 1996, when the Chrétien government presented its third budget, the backbencher Liberal MP John Nunziata voted against the budget under the grounds it failed to repeal the GST as the Liberals had promised in 1993 and singled out for criticism his former Rat Pack colleague Sheila Copps, who had promised during the 1993 election to resign within a year if the GST was not repealed. Chrétien's response was to expel Nunziata from the Liberal caucus. However, the expulsion of Nunziata drew attention to the fact that Copps was still in office despite her promise to resign within a year if the GST was not repealed. Chrétien first stated that Copps would stay in Parliament despite her promise of 1993, but then intense public pressure (together with a poll showing Copps would win a by-election) forced Copps to resign from the Parliament. After resigning, Copps then contested the resulting by-election, where she won and then went straight back into the Cabinet. To help defuse anger over the GST issue, in the spring of 1996 the Chrétien government moved to harmonize sales taxes (GST with provincial taxes) by signing an accord with three of the four Atlantic provinces; the other provinces were not interested in the federal offer to harmonize. In February 1997, for the first time since 1969 a balanced budget was presented by the government (budget for fiscal year 1997–1998). Shortly afterwards, the Chrétien government introduced the National Child Benefit program for the children of low-income parents. Chrétien's major policy initiative in the first half of 2001 was increasing the pay of MPs by 20 percent. As a result, the pay of MPs went from $109,000 per year to $131,000 per year while Chrétien's own salary went from $184,000 per year to $262,000 per year. Foreign policy Rwandan genocide In February–March 1994, detailed reports from the Canadian embassy in Kigali meant that the Canadian government was one of the best informed nations in the world about the coming Rwandan genocide. Foreign Minister André Ouellet claimed that neither he nor anyone else in the Cabinet ever saw the reports from Rwanda. On April 6, 1994, the Rwandan genocide began. The government in Ottawa was apparently kept well-informed about what was happening by diplomats and Canadian Forces serving as UN peacekeepers, but the genocide was not considered to be a major problem for Canada, with the Chrétien government taking the view that other powers would stop the genocide. The government first insisted in April 1994 that there was only a civil war in Rwanda, and once it became clear that genocide had begun, on May 2, 1994, Ouellet, speaking for the government in the House of Commons promised humanitarian aid and expressed the hope that the Organization for African Unity would do something to stop the genocide. In 2010, the Canadian government apologized to the people of Rwanda for indifference to the genocide of 1994. Canada in the Yugoslav Wars In the spring of 1999, Chrétien supported Canada's involvement in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) bombing campaign of FR Yugoslavia over the issue of Kosovo, even through the operation was unsanctioned by the United Nations Security Council thanks to a Russian veto of an Anglo-American resolution asking for the Security Council's approval of the NATO bombing. The idea of bombing Yugoslavia caused some discomfort within the ranks of the Liberal party as the NATO campaign effectively meant supporting Kosovo separatists against a government determined to prevent Kosovo's secession from Yugoslavia. Chrétien was personally uncomfortable with the idea of bombing Yugoslavia, but supported the war because he valued good relations with the United States far more than he cared about Yugoslavia. Chrétien's foreign minister at the time, Lloyd Axworthy justified Canada's involvement in NATO bombing of Yugoslavia under the grounds that allegations of massacres against ethnic Albanians in Kosovo made the use of force legitimate on humanitarian grounds, even without the approval of the UN Security Council. Likewise, Chrétien was later to tell Lawrence Martin that it was far better to intervene in the internal affairs of Yugoslavia to stop human rights violations in the Kosovo region by Serbian forces than to do nothing. China Chrétien was known to be a Sinophile and an admirer of the People's Republic of China. In November 1994, he led the first of four "Team Canada" trade missions comprising himself and 9 premiers to China (Quebec Premier Jacques Parizeau having declined to go), which had as their stated objective increasing Sino-Canadian trade. The Team Canada mission was meant to be the beginning of the export offensive that would stimulate the economy out of the recession, and also to achieve Chrétien's goal going back to the 1970s of a Canadian economy less dependent on trade with the United States. Under his leadership, China and Canada signed several bilateral relations agreements. The Team Canada missions attracted criticism that Chrétien seemed concerned only with economic issues, that he rarely raised the subject of China's poor human rights record, and that on the few occasions that he did mention human rights in China he went out of his way to avoid offending his hosts. Moreover, Chrétien attracted criticism for presenting the case for improved human rights in purely economic terms, arguing that a better human rights record would allow China to join the WTO and thus sell more goods to the West. Chrétien argued that there was no point in criticizing China's human rights record because the Chinese never listened to such criticism, and instead were greatly annoyed about being lectured by Western leaders about their poor human rights record. Given that Canada could not really do anything to change the views of China's leaders about human rights, Chrétien contended that the best that could be done was to improve Sino-Canadian economic relations while ignoring the subject of human rights. United States Chrétien phoned U.S. President Bill Clinton in November 1993 to ask him to renegotiate aspects of NAFTA. Clinton bluntly refused, saying that it had been extremely difficult to get Congress to ratify NAFTA, and if NAFTA was renegotiated, then he would have to submit the renegotiated treaty again for ratification, which was not something that he was going to do just for the sake of Chrétien. Clinton informed the prime minister that he could
celebrity-branded perfumes which accelerated in the following decades. Background and development White Diamonds was Taylor's second perfume, after Passion, which she introduced in 1987. Other celebrities had previously lent their name to fragrances on occasion, such as Sophia Loren, who released an eponymous perfume in 1981. White Diamonds was released at a time when Taylor was making a comeback in the public eye. She had recently lost weight and completed a second round of treatment at the Betty Ford Center for substance abuse, where she had met construction worker Larry Fortensky. Taylor would marry Fortensky in October 1991, making him her seventh (and last) husband. Joseph Ronchetti, CEO of Elizabeth Arden, proposed that the resilience Taylor had shown in her personal life made her relatable to the public, stating: "We've all known people with drinking problems, we've all had weight problems, and she's coped so beautifully." Taylor partnered with the Elizabeth Arden division of Parfums International to create White Diamonds. Description White diamonds is a floral perfume with notes of rose, jasmine, neroli, narcissus, and Egyptian tuberose. According to an executive at Elizabeth Arden who worked with Taylor on White Diamonds, the perfume used a higher-than-normal concentration of oil (25% rather than the usual 12%) to create a heavier scent. The perfume is sold in a bottle decorated with small imitation white diamond gemstones. Marketing White Diamonds was accompanied by a $20 million marketing campaign, which included a national tour of department stores by Taylor (beginning September 12, 1991), magazine advertisements, and, most notably,	bottle decorated with small imitation white diamond gemstones. Marketing White Diamonds was accompanied by a $20 million marketing campaign, which included a national tour of department stores by Taylor (beginning September 12, 1991), magazine advertisements, and, most notably, a short film starring Taylor, which was played in stores and (in abbreviated form) as a television commercial. Commercial White Diamonds was marketed with a short film starring Taylor titled "White Diamonds Starring Elizabeth Taylor". The full film, with a duration of 2 minutes and 45 seconds, was screened in department stores, which served popcorn to customers to enhance the theatrical effect. It was also played in movie theatres before pre-show trailers. A 60-second cut was shown as a television commercial. The film was intended to have a cinematic feel, and was shot in black-and-white and in soft focus. It was filmed in Acapulco, Mexico, and directed by Terry Bedford of the production company Epoch Films. The film begins with Taylor, wearing a great deal of diamond jewelry, sitting in a convertible car, watching a small airplane touch down on the beach. Some well-dressed men exit the plane and begin to play a high-stakes poker game, which Taylor observes. Eventually one of the men finds himself with insufficient funds to call a bet. Taylor tells the man "Not so fast", and removes one of her diamond earrings, tossing it into the pot and adding "These have always brought me luck". Sales As of 2018, its total sales were estimated at $1.5 billion. Sales in 1993 were estimated at $48 million, and at $60 million in 2010. Beginning in 2011, Taylor stipulated that 20% of all sales in perpetuity be directed to her charity, the Elizabeth Taylor AIDS Foundation. The sales of Taylor's perfumes, particularly White Diamonds, were her principal source of income during her later life. She purportedly
as Minister of the Interior during the presidency of Alejandro Lanusse. As memeber of the Radical Civic Union, he was National Deputy representing Buenos Aires and also President of the Chamber of Deputies of Argentina. He was born in Lleida, Spain, but	child he moved to San Pedro, Argentina with his parents. He was assassinated by the guerrilla organization Montoneros during the presidency of Isabel Martínez de Perón. References 1914 births 1974 deaths Assassinated Argentine
was 533. References Populated places in	is a village in the municipality of Visoko, Bosnia and Herzegovina. Demographics
of the festival's main competition. Distributed by Karma Films, it is set for a 25 March 2022 release date in Spain. See also List of Spanish films of 2022 References External links Llegaron de noche at ICAA's Catálogo de Cinespañol Spanish drama films Colombian drama films Tornasol Films films Films set in El Salvador Films set in 1989 Films shot in Navarre Films shot in Colombia Films about the Salvadoran Civil War Bowfinger International Pictures	later moved to Colombia, shooting in Valle del Cauca in between Cali and Buga. Release The film will screen in March 2022 at the Málaga Film Festival, as part of the festival's main competition. Distributed by Karma Films, it is set for a 25 March 2022 release date in Spain. See also List of Spanish films of 2022 References External links Llegaron de noche at ICAA's Catálogo de Cinespañol Spanish drama films Colombian drama films Tornasol Films films Films set in El Salvador Films set in 1989 Films shot in Navarre Films shot in Colombia Films about the Salvadoran Civil War Bowfinger International
move on to be one of the three songs in the superfinal, and the song would then go on to win the superfinal, and as a result, will represent Poland in the Eurovision Song Contest 2022. At Eurovision According to Eurovision rules, all nations with the exceptions of the host country and the "Big Five" (France, Germany, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom) are required to qualify from one of two semi-finals in order to compete for the final; the top ten countries from each semi-final progress to the final. The European Broadcasting Union (EBU) split up the competing countries into six different pots based on voting patterns from previous contests, with countries with favourable voting histories put into the same pot. On 25 January 2022, an allocation draw was held which placed each country into one of the two semi-finals, as well as which half of the show they would perform in. Poland has been placed into the second semi-final, to be held on 12 May 2022, and has been scheduled to perform in the second half of the show.	most voted songs would proceed to the superfinal round, where all votes would be reset and the winner would be determined. Both rounds would use a 50/50 combination of votes from a professional jury and a public vote. "River" would move on to be one of the three songs in the superfinal, and the song would then go on to win the superfinal, and as a result, will represent Poland in the Eurovision Song Contest 2022. At Eurovision According to Eurovision rules, all nations with the exceptions of the host country and the "Big Five" (France, Germany, Italy, Spain and the United Kingdom) are required to qualify from one of two semi-finals in order to compete for the final; the top ten
to the 2013 census, its population was 21, all Bosniaks.	According to the 2013 census, its population was 21,
Reptiles of Argentina Endemic fauna of Argentina Reptiles described	References katenke Lizards of South America Reptiles of Argentina Endemic fauna of Argentina Reptiles described
people 1995 births Austrian female alpine skiers Olympic alpine skiers of Austria Alpine skiers at the 2022 Winter Olympics Medalists at the	She competed at the 2022 Winter Olympics, in Women's slalom, and Women's combined. She competed at the 2021–22 FIS Alpine Ski World Cup. References Living people 1995 births
first used in 1954 by a regiment (1689th) of the Yeysk aviation school. Today it is home to the 960th Assault Aviation	Air Force as part of the 4th Air and Air Defence Forces Army, Southern Military District. The base was first used in 1954 by a regiment (1689th) of the Yeysk aviation school. Today it is
graduated from the Almaty Institute of Political Science and Department in the specialty "Lecturer of socio-political disciplines in higher and secondary educational institutions". Awards and titles Order Curmet (2003) Order Dostyk II degree (2011) Medal “For the difference in the prevention and elimination of	18 February 2022) was a Kazakh politician. A member of the Nur Otan party, he served in the Senate of Kazakhstan from 2008 to 2014. He died on 18 February 2022, at the age of 70. Biography Born on March 30, 1951 in the city of Dzhambul. In 1977 he graduated from the Jambul technological Institute of Light and Food Industry in the specialty
References 1952 births 2022 deaths People from Andijan 21st-century Russian politicians Fourth convocation members of the State Duma (Russian Federation) Rodina (political party) politicians Moscow	Sultanov (; 16 May 1952 – 18 February 2022) was a Russian politician. A member of Rodina, he served in the State Duma from 2003 to 2007.
year under head coach John W. Patrick, the Stormy Petrels compiled a 2–4–1 record. Schedule References Oglethorpe Oglethorpe Stormy Petrels football seasons	In their sixth year under head coach John W. Patrick, the Stormy Petrels compiled a 2–4–1 record.
births Croatian female alpine skiers Alpine skiers at the 2022 Winter Olympics Olympic alpine skiers of Croatia Living	in Women's slalom, Women's giant slalom, and Women's combined. She competed at the 2021–22 FIS Alpine Ski World Cup.
parents, Felix and Patience Evbagharu. He has one sister and one brother. Evbagharu moved to America with his family when he was five years old and Houston when he was 10. Evbagharu became a U.S. citizen in 2005. In Houston, Evbagharu grew up in the suburbs of Cypress and attended school in the Cypress-Fairbanks Independent School District. He attended the University of Houston and earned a Bachelor of Science degree in political science in 2018. Political Life Evbagharu worked for the Harris County Democratic Party between 2017 and 2018, first as a Communications Fellow, then as Communications Director and Candidate Coordinator. He was the campaign manager	Party (HCDP). Evbagharu replaced Lillie Schechter, who served as HCDP Chair between 2017 and 2021. Background Evbagharu was born in London, England, to Nigerian-born parents, Felix and Patience Evbagharu. He has one sister and one brother. Evbagharu moved to America with his family when he was five years old and Houston when he was 10. Evbagharu became a U.S. citizen in 2005. In Houston, Evbagharu grew up in the suburbs of Cypress and attended school in the Cypress-Fairbanks Independent School District. He attended the University of Houston and earned a Bachelor of
1963 births Living people Deputies of the 15th National Assembly of the French Fifth Republic Union of Democrats and Independents politicians Women members of the National Assembly (France)	since 2020. References 1963 births Living people Deputies of the 15th National Assembly of the French Fifth Republic Union of Democrats and Independents
passion for dancing started at an early age, when she accompanied her father who worked at YFM and at events where she would perform on stage and dance which eventually led to her getting more exposure through live performances. She later became popular by posting videos on Instagram where she displayed her dancing skills. Before pursuing her dancing career she had tried acting and had got a chance to be an extra on the TV soap Isibaya, but she later realised that it was not for her and she started performing as a dancer at gigs. Her dancing skills eventually got her the name "Queen of Amapiano". In 2019, she	was born in Durban, South Africa and grew up in Emdeni, Soweto. She studied Media at the Boston Media House. Career Her passion for dancing started at an early age, when she accompanied her father who worked at YFM and at events where she would perform on stage and dance which eventually led to her getting more exposure through live performances. She later became popular by posting videos on Instagram where she displayed her dancing skills. Before pursuing her dancing career she had tried acting and had got a chance to be an extra on the TV soap Isibaya, but she later realised that it was not for her and she started performing as a dancer at gigs. Her dancing skills eventually got her the name "Queen of Amapiano". In 2019, she got signed to Major League Music and released her Ep titled, Twentee under the label. She has also
in Yanhu District, Yuncheng, Shanxi, China. It is an intermediate stop on	in Yanhu District, Yuncheng, Shanxi, China. It is an intermediate stop on the Datong–Puzhou
exhibit a gradually ascending series, culminating in the Advaita Vedanta (or non-dualism)." Author The Text is usually attributed to Mādhavāchārya. Mādhavāchārya is usually identified with Vidyaranya, the Jagadguru of the Śringeri Śarada Pītham from ca. 1374-1380 until 1386. According to tradition, Vidyaranya helped establish the Vijayanagara Empire sometime in 1336, and served as a mentor and guide to three generations of kings who ruled over the Vijayanagara Empire. Vidyaranya is thought to have been named Madhava before taking ordination as a sannyasin. However, Vidyaranya's authorship of the text has been contested by various scholars. Some accounts identify Madhavacharya or Vidyaranya with Madhava, the brother of Sāyaṇa, a Mimamsa scholar from the Vijayanagara Empire. In his attempt to clarify the identification of Madhava with Vidyaranya, Narasimhachar (1916, 1917) named this Madhava [B], distinguishing him from Madhava [A], a device also followed by Rama Rao (1930; 1931; 1934), and Kulke (1985). Mid 14th century, Madhava [B] served as a minister in the Vijayanagara Empire, and wrote several works, including, according to Rama Rao, the Jivanmuktiviveka, a work usually attributed to Vidyaranya, due to his identification with Madhava [B]. According to	Jaimini Pāṇiniya Samkhya Patanjala or Yoga Vedanta or Adi Shankara The Sarvadarśanasaṅgraha itself doesn't contain the 16th chapter (Advaita Vedanta, or the system of Adi Shankara), the absence of which is explained by a paragraph at the end of the 15th chapter, (the Patanjali-Darsana). It says: “The system of Shankara, which comes next in succession, and which is the crest-gem of all systems, has been explained by us elsewhere, it is, therefore, left untouched here”. Madhvacharya tries to refute, chapter by chapter, the other systems of thought prominent in his day. Other than Buddhist and Jaina philosophies, Vidyaranya draws quotes directly from the works of their founders or leading exponents and it also has to be added that in this work, with remarkable mental detachment, he places himself in the position of an adherent of sixteen distinct philosophical systems. Sarvadarśanasaṅgraha is one of the few available sources of information about lokayata, the materialist system of philosophy in ancient India. In the very first chapter, "The Chārvāka System", he critiques the arguments of lokayatikas. While doing so he quotes extensively from Cārvāka works. It is possible that some of these arguments put forward as the lokayata point of view may be a mere caricature of lokayata philosophy. Yet in the absence of any original work
looked like real coins. Saratov State University scholar Iosif Cherapkin, expert in Moksha language, confirmed that the coin Cyrillic inscription is readable in Old (Middle) Moksha and says 'It circulates as 1/2 of gold'. There are as well 22x23 mm size triangle form silver coins with obverse featured a woman's bust. Those coins first were described by Vladimir Aunovsky, he reports they are used in traditional Moksha woman's headdress decoration and they say that was their queen depicted meaning princess Narchat. Literature Спасский, И. Г. Денежное обращение на территории Поволжья в 1-й половине XVI века и так называемые мордовки. Советская археология. — 1954. — Т. XXI. — С. 190—191 Зверев, С. В. Принципы формирования типов подражательных монет Казанского ханства. Об изображениях на мордовках. Советский коллекционер. — М., 1991. — No. 28 Нестеров И. В. Мордовки — падчерицы русской монетной системы //Фаизхановские чтения. Материалы V	in Volga region in 15-18th centuries. it was a silver coin of 1/2 of oka (gold) denomination. Found in hoards in Volga Region and Middle Asia. Etymology The term mordovka ( lit.'Mordvin woman') is in use since 19th century among Russian numismatists for all similar coins or tokens found in Volga region. History Russian ethnographer Bogdan Zaikovsky had been collecting this kind coins for 30 years and divided them in two types: A and B. B type coins or tokens were made of different alloys and used mostly in Moksha women traditional costumes as decoration. A type were minted of silver
He is survived by his son Michael, daughter-in-law Hedda and grandsons Jonah and Felix. Filmography The Electric Horseman (1979; screenwriter) No Way Out (1987; screenwriter/producer) The Big Blue (1988; screenwriter) References External links 1937 births 2020 deaths People from Brooklyn American film producers St. John's College (Annapolis/Santa Fe) alumni Film producers from New York (state) Screenwriters from New York	by his son Michael, daughter-in-law Hedda and grandsons Jonah and Felix. Filmography The Electric Horseman (1979; screenwriter) No Way Out (1987; screenwriter/producer) The Big Blue (1988; screenwriter) References External links 1937 births 2020 deaths People from Brooklyn American film producers St. John's College (Annapolis/Santa Fe) alumni Film producers from New York (state) Screenwriters from New York (state) American male screenwriters 20th-century American
in politics and government from Mesa State College (now Colorado Mesa University) in 1998 and a Bachelor of Science in economics from Strayer University in 2014. Career From 2002 to 2014, Mortenson worked in business development for C. H. Robinson. In 2009, he also started working as a park commissioner for the city of Belle Plaine, Minnesota. From 2014 to 2018, he was the president of AdvantaClean, a mold remediation company. From 2018 to 2021, he worked as a contract business consultant for Keystone Group International in St. Louis Park. Since July 2019, he has worked as the vice president of Utility Energy Systems, an equipment supplier. Minnesota Legislature Mortensen was elected to the Minnesota House of Representatives	Energy Systems, an equipment supplier. Minnesota Legislature Mortensen was elected to the Minnesota House of Representatives in November 2020 and assumed office on January 5, 2021, succeeding Brad Tabke. After winning his election in November, Mortensen hosted a "freedom party" in violation of Minnesota's COVID-19 guidelines. After assuming office in 2021, Mortensen was a member of the newly formed New House Republican Caucus, though he was removed from the group in May 2021 amid disagreements with leadership. After Mortensen left the New House Republican Caucus, Minority Leader Kurt Daudt issued a short memo, stating that Mortensen would not
\|\| None \|\| 3,872 \|\| 5–2 \|\| – \|- \|- align="center" \| March 3 \|\| Milwaukee \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| byutv.org \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 4 \|\| Milwaukee \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| byutv.org \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 5 \|\| Milwaukee \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| byutv.org \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 10 \|\| Oklahoma State \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 11 \|\| Oklahoma State \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 12 \|\| Oklahoma State \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 15 \|\| at Utah \|\| – \|\| Smith's Ballpark \|\| P12 \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 17 \|\| at Portland* \|\| – \|\| Joe Etzel Field \|\| WCC Net \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 18 \|\| at Portland* \|\| – \|\| Joe Etzel Field \|\| WCC Net \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 19 \|\| at Portland* \|\| – \|\| Joe Etzel Field \|\| WCC Net \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 22 \|\| at Utah Valley \|\| – \|\| UCCU Ballpark \|\| ESPN+ \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 24 \|\| Gonzaga* \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 25 \|\| Gonzaga* \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 26 \|\|Gonzaga* \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 25 \|\| Gonzaga* \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 26 \|\|Gonzaga* \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 29 \|\| Washington State \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 31 \|\| at Saint Mary's* \|\| – \|\| Louis Guisto Field \|\| WCC Net \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- \|- align="center" \| April 1 \|\| at Saint Mary's* \|\| – \|\| Louis Guisto Field \|\| WCC	\|\| 2–2 \|\| – \|- align="center" bgcolor="ccffcc" \| February 24 \|\| at Arizona State \|\| – \|\| Phoenix Municipal Stadium \|\| P12+ ASU \|\| 4–2 \|\| Bryce Robison (1–0) \|\| Christian Bodlovich (0–1) \|\| Reid McLaughlin (3) \|\| 2,725 \|\| 3–2 \|\| – \|- align="center" bgcolor="ccffcc" \| February 25 \|\| at Arizona State \|\| – \|\| Phoenix Municipal Stadium \|\| P12 AZ \|\| 6–5 \|\| Peyton Cole (1–0) \|\| Brock Peery (0–1) \|\| Reid McLaughlin (4) \|\| 3,388 \|\| 4–2 \|\| – \|- align="center" bgcolor="ccffcc" \| February 26 \|\| at Arizona State \|\| – \|\| Phoenix Municipal Stadium \|\| P12+ ASU \|\| 19–3 \|\| Ryan Brady (2–0) \|\| Josh Hansell (0–1) \|\| None \|\| 3,872 \|\| 5–2 \|\| – \|- \|- align="center" \| March 3 \|\| Milwaukee \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| byutv.org \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 4 \|\| Milwaukee \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| byutv.org \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 5 \|\| Milwaukee \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| byutv.org \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 10 \|\| Oklahoma State \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 11 \|\| Oklahoma State \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 12 \|\| Oklahoma State \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 15 \|\| at Utah \|\| – \|\| Smith's Ballpark \|\| P12 \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 17 \|\| at Portland* \|\| – \|\| Joe Etzel Field \|\| WCC Net \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 18 \|\| at Portland* \|\| – \|\| Joe Etzel Field \|\| WCC Net \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 19 \|\| at Portland* \|\| – \|\| Joe Etzel Field \|\| WCC Net \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 22 \|\| at Utah Valley \|\| – \|\| UCCU Ballpark \|\| ESPN+ \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 24 \|\| Gonzaga* \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 25 \|\| Gonzaga* \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 26 \|\|Gonzaga* \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 25 \|\| Gonzaga* \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 26 \|\|Gonzaga* \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 29 \|\| Washington State \|\| – \|\| Larry H. Miller Field \|\| BYUtv \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- align="center" \| March 31 \|\| at Saint Mary's* \|\| – \|\| Louis Guisto Field \|\| WCC Net \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|- \|- align="center" \| April 1 \|\| at Saint Mary's* \|\| – \|\| Louis Guisto Field \|\| WCC Net \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|\| – \|-
in Pyeongchang, South Korea. See also Greece at the Paralympics Greece at the 2022 Winter Olympics References Nations at the 2022 Winter Paralympics 2022	of competitors participating at the Games per sport/discipline. Snowboarding Konstantinos Petrakis is scheduled to compete in snowboarding. He also represented Greece at the 2018 Winter Paralympics held in Pyeongchang, South Korea. See also Greece at the Paralympics Greece at the
Union from 1983 to 1990. He died in Lutsk on 14 February 2022. References 1935 births 2022 deaths 20th-century Ukrainian politicians Communist Party of the Soviet Union members Lviv Polytechnic alumni Recipients of the	as Secretary of the Volyn Regional Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union from 1983 to 1990. He died in Lutsk on 14 February 2022. References 1935 births 2022 deaths 20th-century
is Kashima Antlers's 30th consecutive season in the J1 League, the top flight of Japanese football, since the introduction	professional football in 1993. Squad Season squad Competitions J1 League Results by matchday Results References Kashima Antlers
to 1979. Saunders made an appearance in football for which he played for the Atlanta Falcons. He began his career in 1975, where he appeared in the police procedural television series Bronk. Saunders guest-starred in television programs, including, The A-Team, L.A. Law, Riptide, Trapper John, M.D., Hunter, Hardcastle and McCormick, Murder, She Wrote, Quincy, M.E., Jake and the Fatman, Dynasty and Matt Houston. He also appeared in the films, such as, Cocktail, Terror Among Us and Demonoid (as "Sergeant Leo Matson"). Saunders played the role	in football for which he played for the Atlanta Falcons. He began his career in 1975, where he appeared in the police procedural television series Bronk. Saunders guest-starred in television programs, including, The A-Team, L.A. Law, Riptide, Trapper John, M.D., Hunter, Hardcastle and McCormick, Murder, She Wrote, Quincy, M.E., Jake and the Fatman, Dynasty and Matt Houston. He also appeared in the films, such as, Cocktail, Terror Among Us and Demonoid (as "Sergeant Leo Matson"). Saunders played the role of "Officer Gene Fritz" in the first-two seasons in the new NBC crime drama television series CHiPs from 1977 to 1979. He only
with all three of his first-class matches coming against Cambridge University. He scored 25 runs in his three matches, with a highest score of 11. Outside of cricket, Bilton was by profession a clerk and music teacher; his musical interest included his membership of both the King's College and Trinity College choirs at the University of Cambridge. Bilton died at Cambridge in August 1916. References External links 1839 births 1916 deaths Sportspeople from	scored 25 runs in his three matches, with a highest score of 11. Outside of cricket, Bilton was by profession a clerk and music teacher; his musical interest included his membership of both the King's College and Trinity College choirs at the University of Cambridge. Bilton died at Cambridge in August 1916. References External links 1839 births 1916 deaths Sportspeople from