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<title> - U.S. ENERGY AND MINERAL NEEDS, SECURITY AND POLICY</title> |
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[House Hearing, 109 Congress] |
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[From the U.S. Government Publishing Office] |
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U.S. ENERGY AND MINERAL NEEDS, SECURITY AND POLICY |
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OVERSIGHT HEARING |
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before the |
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SUBCOMMITTEE ON ENERGY AND |
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MINERAL RESOURCES |
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of the |
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COMMITTEE ON RESOURCES |
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U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES |
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ONE HUNDRED NINTH CONGRESS |
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FIRST SESSION |
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Wednesday, March 16, 2005 |
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Serial No. 109-4 |
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Printed for the use of the Committee on Resources |
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Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.access.gpo.gov/congress/ |
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house |
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or |
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Committee address: http://resourcescommittee.house.gov |
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U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE |
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20-126 WASHINGTON : 2005 |
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_____________________________________________________________________________ |
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]For Sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office |
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Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512-1800; (202) 512�091800 |
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Fax: (202) 512�092250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402�090001 |
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COMMITTEE ON RESOURCES |
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RICHARD W. POMBO, California, Chairman |
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NICK J. RAHALL II, West Virginia, Ranking Democrat Member |
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Don Young, Alaska Dale E. Kildee, Michigan |
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Jim Saxton, New Jersey Eni F.H. Faleomavaega, American |
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Elton Gallegly, California Samoa |
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John J. Duncan, Jr., Tennessee Neil Abercrombie, Hawaii |
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Wayne T. Gilchrest, Maryland Solomon P. Ortiz, Texas |
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Ken Calvert, California Frank Pallone, Jr., New Jersey |
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Barbara Cubin, Wyoming Donna M. Christensen, Virgin |
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Vice Chair Islands |
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George P. Radanovich, California Ron Kind, Wisconsin |
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Walter B. Jones, Jr., North Grace F. Napolitano, California |
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Carolina Tom Udall, New Mexico |
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Chris Cannon, Utah Raul M. Grijalva, Arizona |
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John E. Peterson, Pennsylvania Madeleine Z. Bordallo, Guam |
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Jim Gibbons, Nevada Jim Costa, California |
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Greg Walden, Oregon Charlie Melancon, Louisiana |
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Thomas G. Tancredo, Colorado Dan Boren, Oklahoma |
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J.D. Hayworth, Arizona George Miller, California |
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Jeff Flake, Arizona Edward J. Markey, Massachusetts |
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Rick Renzi, Arizona Peter A. DeFazio, Oregon |
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Stevan Pearce, New Mexico Jay Inslee, Washington |
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Devin Nunes, California Mark Udall, Colorado |
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Henry Brown, Jr., South Carolina Dennis Cardoza, California |
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Thelma Drake, Virginia Stephanie Herseth, South Dakota |
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Luis G. Fortuno, Puerto Rico |
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Cathy McMorris, Washington |
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Bobby Jindal, Louisiana |
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Louie Gohmert, Texas |
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Marilyn N. Musgrave, Colorado |
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Steven J. Ding, Chief of Staff |
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Lisa Pittman, Chief Counsel |
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James H. Zoia, Democrat Staff Director |
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Jeffrey P. Petrich, Democrat Chief Counsel |
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SUBCOMMITTEE ON ENERGY AND MINERAL RESOURCES |
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JIM GIBBONS, Nevada, Chairman |
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RAUL M. GRIJALVA, Arizona, Ranking Democrat Member |
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Don Young, Alaska Eni F.H. Faleomavaega, American |
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Barbara Cubin, Wyoming Samoa |
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Chris Cannon, Utah Solomon P. Ortiz, Texas |
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John E. Peterson, Pennsylvania Jim Costa, California |
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Stevan Pearce, New Mexico Charlie Melancon, Louisiana |
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Thelma Drake, Virginia Dan Boren, Oklahoma |
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Bobby Jindal, Louisiana Edward J. Markey, Massachusetts |
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Louie Gohmert, Texas Nick J. Rahall II, West Virginia, |
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Richard W. Pombo, California, ex ex officio |
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officio |
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C O N T E N T S |
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Hearing held on Wednesday, March 16, 2005........................ 1 |
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Statement of Members: |
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Gibbons, Hon. Jim, a Representative in Congress from the |
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State of Nevada............................................ 1 |
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Prepared statement of.................................... 3 |
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Grijalva, Hon. Raul M., a Representative in Congress from the |
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State of Arizona........................................... 3 |
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Prepared statement of.................................... 4 |
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Statement of Witnesses: |
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Caruso, Hon. Guy F., Administrator, Energy Information |
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Administration, U.S. Department of Energy.................. 5 |
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Prepared statement of.................................... 8 |
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Copulos, Milton R., President, National Defense Council |
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Foundation................................................. 41 |
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Prepared statement of.................................... 43 |
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Hegburg, Alan S., Senior Fellow, Energy Program, Center for |
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Strategic and International Studies........................ 50 |
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Prepared statement of.................................... 51 |
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Logan, Jeffrey, Senior Energy Analyst and China Program |
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Manager, International Energy Agency....................... 19 |
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Prepared statement of.................................... 21 |
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Menzie, W. David, Geologist, U.S. Geological Survey.......... 29 |
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Prepared statement of.................................... 31 |
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OVERSIGHT HEARING ON ``U.S. ENERGY AND MINERAL NEEDS, SECURITY AND |
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POLICY: IMPACTS OF SUSTAINED INCREASES IN GLOBAL ENERGY AND MINERAL |
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CONSUMPTION BY EMERGING ECONOMIES SUCH AS CHINA AND INDIA.'' |
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Wednesday, March 16, 2005 |
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U.S. House of Representatives |
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Subcommittee on Energy and Mineral Resources |
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Committee on Resources |
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Washington, D.C. |
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The Subcommittee met, pursuant to call, at 10:00 a.m., in |
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Room 1324, Longworth House Office Building, Hon. Jim Gibbons, |
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Chairman of the Subcommittee] presiding. |
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Present: Representatives Gibbons, Peterson, Pombo (ex |
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officio), Grijalva, Faleomavaega, and Costa. |
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STATEMENT OF THE HON. JIM GIBBONS, A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS |
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FROM THE STATE OF NEVADA |
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Mr. Gibbons. Good morning. The Subcommittee on Energy and |
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Mineral Resources will come to order. The Subcommittee today is |
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going to hear testimony on U.S. energy and mineral needs, |
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security and policy: impacts of sustained increases in global |
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energy and mineral consumption in emerging economies such as |
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China and India. Under Committee Rule 4(g), the Chairman and |
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Ranking Minority Member can have opening statements. And any |
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Member other than that who wishes to make a statement can have |
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it included in the record under unanimous consent. |
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Let me begin with my remarks this morning before we start. |
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First of all, I want to welcome all of our witnesses today. |
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It is a pleasure to have you here before us. We may be |
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interrupted by a series of votes, which are usually something |
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we have to deal with. That is what you hired us to come here to |
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do is to vote on the Floor. So we will try to do it as |
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expeditiously as possible and make sure the impact on your |
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presence and the time you have to spend here is minimal. |
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But the Subcommittee today meets to hear testimony on |
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global energy and mineral transactions and the potential |
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impacts on U.S. energy and mineral needs and the impact on |
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security and policy as well. My opening remarks are not laden |
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with a bunch of statistics, because I am certain that our |
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witnesses who are here with us today will have that aspect of |
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this debate fully covered. My intent is to set the tone of this |
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important oversight hearing and encourage an open discussion on |
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the future of U.S. energy and mineral policies in light of |
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sustained increases in resource demand by emerging economies |
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such as China and India. |
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This hearing should not be viewed as an attempt to do China |
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or India-bashing. These countries simply are learning that |
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economic success is directly linked to energy consumption. It |
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just so happens that economic growth in these countries is not |
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only outpacing the rest of the world, but is also exceeding |
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their own growth expectations. Last Friday, for example, the |
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International Energy Agency, IEA, revised upward by 25 percent |
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China's demand for oil for the year 2005. And in order to |
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sustain this economic growth, emerging economies such as China |
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and India will need more and more supplies of energy and |
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minerals. This is an issue which has garnered a great deal of |
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attention in the mainstream media. And I would demonstrate to |
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the audience, this package here, what I am holding in my hand, |
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is a small sample of recent media coverage given to this |
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meteoric economic growth, and thus the energy and mineral |
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consumption in India and China is at issue today. |
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Many of these articles that I have just pointed to, along |
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with information from numerous reports covering a range of |
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issues and topics related to U.S. energy and mineral security, |
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can now be found on our Subcommittee's website. I encourage my |
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colleagues and their staffs to utilize this information in |
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going forward in reviewing our domestic energy and mineral |
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strategy for the future. |
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So where does this fit into the U.S. and to the U.S. |
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picture? Well, the U.S. has been at the top of the food chain |
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for most of recent history. One of the major reasons we are in |
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the U.S. and have been so successful is that we recognized |
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early that the foundation for economic growth is built with |
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energy and minerals, but continued success tends to foster |
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apathy and disinterest in that which has created this success |
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and the U.S. is no exception to that rule. Our domestic energy |
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and mineral policies have languished over the years driving |
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investment overseas, increasing our reliance on foreign sources |
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of energy and mineral resources. Last year, the U.S. imported |
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more than 63 percent of its oil, placing our energy needs |
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increasingly at the mercy of foreign governments. Yet, we |
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continue the cycle of tolerating irresponsible energy and |
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mineral policies and thereby continuing to discourage |
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investment in domestic energy and mineral production and |
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subsequently becoming more dependent on foreign sources. |
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Yesterday, crude oil prices closed at $54.85 a barrel. |
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Natural gas closed at $7.16 per million BTU. The U.S. trade |
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deficit in energy is more than 25 percent of our total balance |
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of payment and continues to increase at a rapid rate. The U.S. |
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must take a serious look at its energy and mineral supply |
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strategy for the long-term. And we must start by enacting a |
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comprehensive national energy policy that encourages diversity |
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of fuel use, increases domestic production and self- |
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sufficiency. |
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I welcome our witnesses, as I said earlier. I look forward |
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to their testimony. But before I turn to our witnesses, I would |
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like to turn to our Ranking Member, Mr. Grijalva. And I would |
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like to welcome him at this time for any remarks he may have. |
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[The prepared statement of Mr. Gibbons follows:] |
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Statement of The Honorable Jim Gibbons, Chairman, |
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Subcommittee on Energy and Mineral Resources |
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The Subcommittee meets today to hear testimony on global energy and |
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mineral trends and their potential impacts on U.S. energy and mineral |
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needs, security and policy. My opening remarks are not laden with |
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endless statistics because I'm certain our witnesses who are in the |
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``statistics business'' will have that aspect of this debate fully |
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covered. Rather, my intent is to set the tone of this important |
|
oversight hearing and encourage an open discussion on the future of |
|
U.S. energy and mineral policies in light of sustained increases in |
|
resource demands by emerging economies such as China and India. This |
|
hearing should not be viewed as an attempt to do China or India- |
|
bashing. These countries simply are learning that economic success is |
|
directly linked to energy consumption. And it just so happens that |
|
economic growth in these countries is not only outpacing the rest of |
|
the world, but is also exceeding their own growth expectations. |
|
Last Friday, for example, the International Energy Agency (IEA) |
|
revised upward by 25 percent its estimates of China's demand for oil |
|
for the year 2005. And in order to sustain this economic growth, |
|
emerging economies such as China and India will need more and more |
|
supplies of energy and minerals. This is an issue that has garnered a |
|
great deal of attention in the mainstream media. I hold in my hand a |
|
small sampling of the recent media coverage given to the meteoric |
|
economic growth--and thus energy and minerals consumption--in China and |
|
India. Many of these articles, along with information from numerous |
|
reports covering a range of issues and topics related to U.S. energy |
|
and mineral security can now be found on our Subcommittee website. I |
|
encourage my colleagues and their staffs to utilize this information as |
|
we go forward in reviewing our domestic energy and minerals strategy |
|
for the future. |
|
So, where does the U.S. fit into this picture? The U.S. has been at |
|
the top of the food chain for most of recent history. One of the major |
|
reasons we in the U.S. have been so successful is that we recognized |
|
early-on that the foundation for economic growth is built with energy |
|
and minerals. But continued success tends to foster apathy and |
|
disinterest in that which has created the success, and the U.S. is no |
|
exception. |
|
Our domestic energy and minerals policies have languished over the |
|
years, driving investment overseas and increasing our reliance on |
|
foreign sources of energy and mineral resources. Last year, the U.S. |
|
imported more than 63% of its oil, placing our energy needs |
|
increasingly at the mercy of foreign governments. Yet we continue the |
|
cycle of tolerating irresponsible energy and mineral policies, thereby |
|
continuing to discourage investment in domestic energy and mineral |
|
production, and subsequently becoming more dependent on foreign |
|
sources. Yesterday, crude oil prices closed at $54.85 per barrel. |
|
Natural gas closed at $7.16 per million Btu. U.S. trade deficit in |
|
energy is more than 25 percent of our total balance of payments, and |
|
continues to increase at a rapid rate. The U.S. must take a serious |
|
look at its energy and mineral supply strategy for the long-term. We |
|
must start by enacting a comprehensive national energy policy that |
|
encourages diversity of fuel use, increased domestic production, and |
|
self-sufficiency. |
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I welcome our witnesses today and look forward to their testimony. |
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Before turning to our Ranking member I would like to welcome my friend |
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and Full Committee Chairman from California, Mr. Pombo, and recognize |
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him for any opening remarks he may wish to give at this time. |
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______ |
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STATEMENT OF THE HON. RAUL GRIJALVA, A REPRESENTATIVE IN |
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CONGRESS FROM THE STATE OF ARIZONA |
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Mr. Grijalva. Thank you very much, Chairman Gibbons, and I |
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join you in welcoming our guests and look forward to the |
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information in the hearing. Global energy supply and demand are |
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becoming an increasingly important issue with the potential to |
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adversely affect the United States as global demand for energy |
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increases particularly in the emerging powerhouse economies of |
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China and India. While a number of supply side and supply chain |
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factors have contributed to the situation, the most significant |
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long-term factor contributing to rising oil prices is an |
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increase in Asian demand, most notably from China. China's |
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unprecedented growth not only makes it a driver of long-term |
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increase in energy prices, but also the most vulnerable to |
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rising oil prices. |
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In the United States, a key domestic fossil fuel that we |
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have become so dependent on--oil--is diminishing, though our |
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appetite for it continues to grow. We have only 3 percent of |
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the world's oil reserves, yet we consume 25 percent of the |
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world's yearly supply. While we have known for years that |
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conservation, energy efficiencies, alternative energy |
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technologies are feasible and available, the U.S. has remained |
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an economy overwhelmingly dependent on fossil fuels. As a |
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Nation, we have resisted options to raise fuel mileage |
|
standards or to increase renewable portfolio standards, but |
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instead harp on the need to open protected areas to new oil and |
|
gas development. Overseas, emerging countries such as China and |
|
India, appear to be less resistant to new options. For example, |
|
China and its Asian neighbors are responding to high global oil |
|
prices by accelerating their search for alternative power |
|
sources and encouraging energy conservation. Speaking at the |
|
annual Asian power conference in Singapore two weeks ago, Asian |
|
energy officials said their governments are increasingly |
|
diversifying their fuel mix to cut dependence on imported oil |
|
by developing other power sources such as natural gas, |
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geothermal, hydro, liquefied, hydro liquefied natural gas and |
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renewable fuels. |
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In closing, let me say as we prepare to consider national |
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energy legislation when we return from the Easter recess, we |
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must recognize that there is no single solution to meeting the |
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Nation's energy needs. We cannot simply drill our way out of |
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high oil and gas prices nor can we drill our way to energy |
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security. Ultimately, we as policymakers must develop a |
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national energy plan that takes full advantage of both |
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conventional and unconventional resources and encourages energy |
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efficiency and new technologies. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
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[The prepared statement of Mr. Grijalva follows:] |
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Statement of The Honorable Raul M. Grijalva, Ranking Democrat, |
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Subcommittee on Energy and Mineral Resources |
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Thank you, Chairman Gibbons. I join you in welcoming our |
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distinguished guests and look forward to an enlightening and |
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informative hearing. |
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Global energy supply and demand are becoming an increasingly |
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important issue with the potential to adversely affect the United |
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States as global demand for energy increases, particularly in the |
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emerging powerhouse economies of China and India. |
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As reported this month in The Asian Times, ``A notable feature of |
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2004 was the volatility in oil prices--New York light sweet crude |
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prices reached a peak of US$55.67 on October 25, ending the year up |
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33.6% at $43.45 per barrel. While a number of supply-side and supply- |
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chain factors have contributed to this situation, the most significant |
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long-term factor contributing to rising oil prices is an increase in |
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Asian demand, most notably from China. China's unprecedented growth not |
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only makes it a driver of a long-term increase in energy prices, but |
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also the most vulnerable to rising oil prices. `` |
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In the United States, a key domestic fossil fuel that we have |
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become so dependent upon--oil--is diminishing, though our appetite for |
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it continues to grow. We have only 3% of the world's oil reserves, yet |
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we consume 25% of the world's yearly production of oil. |
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While we have known for years that conservation, energy |
|
efficiencies, alternative energy technologies are feasible and |
|
available, the U.S. has remained an economy overwhelmingly dependent on |
|
fossil fuels. |
|
As a Nation, we have resisted options to raise fuel mileage |
|
standards or to increase renewable portfolio standards, and instead |
|
harp on the need to open protected areas to new oil and gas |
|
development. Oversees, emerging countries, such as China and India, |
|
appear to be less resistant to new options. |
|
For example, China and its Asian neighbors are responding to high |
|
global oil prices by accelerating their search for alternative power |
|
sources and encouraging energy conservation. Speaking at the annual |
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Asia Power Conference in Singapore 2 weeks ago, Asian energy officials |
|
said that their governments are increasingly diversifying their ``fuel |
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mix'' to cut dependence on imported oil by developing other power |
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sources such as natural gas, geothermal, hydro, liquefied natural gas |
|
and renewable fuels. |
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In closing, let me say that as we prepare to consider national |
|
energy legislation when we return from the Easter recess, we must |
|
recognize that there is no single solution to meeting the Nation's |
|
energy needs. We cannot simply drill our way out high oil and gas |
|
prices. Nor can we drill our way to energy security. Ultimately, we, as |
|
policymakers, must develop a national energy plan that takes full |
|
advantage of both conventional and unconventional resources and |
|
encourages energy efficiency and new technologies. |
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______ |
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Mr. Gibbons. Thank you very much. I would like to welcome |
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to the Committee, the Chairman of the full Committee, Mr. |
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Richard Pombo of California. And if he has any remarks, he is |
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welcome to give them. And I would like to welcome Mr. Peterson |
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of Pennsylvania, who is very interested in the issues of energy |
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from his home State. There are no opening remarks other than |
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those, so with that, we will turn to our witnesses today. I |
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will introduce them. The Honorable Guy F. Caruso, who is the |
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administrator of the--energy information administrator. Jeffrey |
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Logan, China program manager, International Energy Agency. Dave |
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Menzie, chief of the international minerals section of the |
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USGS. |
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Mr. Gibbons. Gentlemen, if you would please rise and raise |
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your right hand, we swear in our witnesses. |
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[Witnesses sworn.] |
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Mr. Gibbons. Let the record reflect that each of the |
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witnesses answered in the affirmative. We will begin by hearing |
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from the honorable Guy Caruso. Mr. Caruso, welcome, the floor |
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is yours. |
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STATEMENT OF HON. GUY F. CARUSO, ADMINISTRATOR, ENERGY |
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INFORMATION ADMINISTRATION |
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Mr. Caruso. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And Chairman of the |
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full Committee, Mr. Pombo, and members of the Subcommittee. It |
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is a pleasure to be here to present the Energy Information |
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Administration's outlook for energy markets. As we meet this |
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morning, global oil markets remain extremely tightly balanced. |
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Strong economic growth and particularly the energy growth of |
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2004, which put upward pressure on crude oil and natural gas |
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prices continues in 2005 and we see a very strong growth again |
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this year led by not only China, but the other developing Asian |
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countries, as you mentioned, India. And the United States as |
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well continues to have strong growth, particularly in the |
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transportation fuels. What this has done is stretched the |
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capacity to produce, store, refine and transport oil on a |
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global basis, nearly to the limit, which means that there is |
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little or no cushion to deal with unexpected changes in either |
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supply or demand so that whenever one occurs, whether it be |
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small or large, the only pressure relief valve is prices. And |
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what we are seeing today with nearly $55 of WTI, West Texas |
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Intermediate, and the high prices of natural gas is a |
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manifestation of that tightness globally and in particularly |
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north America. |
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Over the long run, IEA does a long-term forecast based on |
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existing policies and rules and regulations. And what it means |
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is if we keep on the path we are on, we are going to see very |
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strong growth in energy demand in this country, about a third |
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increase in our demand over the next 20 years. But our domestic |
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supply won't keep up with that demand, which means we'll become |
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more increasingly dependent on imports of energy, both oil and |
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natural gas. We see our import dependency going from 27 percent |
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in 2003 to 38 percent in 2025. But we are using energy more |
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efficiently. It's not all a negative story. Our economic growth |
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has been averaging about 3 percent over the last 20 years, and |
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we see that--we project forward about that level of growth. |
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And our energy demand has been growing at 1.5 percent, so |
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we are actually producing more GDP per unit of energy used, but |
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we are becoming less flexible in dealing with this situation as |
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we depend on oil more for transportation--about 70 percent of |
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our oil is used in transportation. Our oil import dependency, |
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you have several figures before you. The second one shows that |
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oil import dependency will rise from about 57 percent on a net |
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basis in 2003 to 68 percent in 2025. Most of that growth will |
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be in the transportation sector, and therefore, there is little |
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flexibility in terms of changing our demand and supply patterns |
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with respect to transportation. |
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Turning to natural gas, we see that import dependency |
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growing as well from 15 percent to 28 percent over the next 20 |
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years because it has been the fuel of choice in the electric |
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power sector and continues to be used heavily in the industrial |
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sector. Our domestic supplies will not keep up with that |
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demand, therefore we see imports from Canada and more |
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particularly from LNG, liquefied natural gas, growing very |
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sharply to over 6 trillion cubic feet by 2025. So we will |
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become dependent not only on oil imports from foreign sources |
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but as well, natural gas from outside of North America. |
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On a global basis, world economic energy growth will |
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increase by more than 50 percent over the next 20 years and |
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that will be led by growth in developing countries. China and |
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India will grow very fast, not only for oil, but natural gas. |
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And coal will dominate in the electric power sector, which has |
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implications of course for greenhouse gases. We expect about |
|
120 million barrels of day of oil demand by 2025. And we |
|
believe the resources are adequate to meet that kind of demand. |
|
Nevertheless, it will represent a significant investment |
|
challenge for our international oil companies, national oil |
|
companies. And as we have seen, political instability often |
|
inhibits the proper path of investment in many of these |
|
countries in the upstream. |
|
So in conclusion, the economic growth in populous countries |
|
of the world such as China, India and the United States will |
|
certainly increase energy demand sharply. Fossil fuels will |
|
remain a dominant source of energy. And the dependence on |
|
foreign sources of oil will increase significantly for not only |
|
the United States, but particularly those countries in |
|
developing Asia. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much again for |
|
this opportunity to present the IEA's outlook. |
|
[Charts used in Mr. Caruso's oral presentation follow:] |
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[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0126.006 |
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[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0126.007 |
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[The prepared statement of Mr. Caruso follows:] |
|
|
|
Statement of Guy Caruso, Administrator, Energy Information |
|
Administration, U.S. Department of Energy |
|
|
|
Mr. Chairman and Members of the Committee: |
|
I appreciate the opportunity to appear before you today to discuss |
|
the impact of increases in global energy demand on U.S. energy needs, |
|
security, and policy, particularly the impact of sustained increases in |
|
emerging economies such as China and India. |
|
The Energy Information Administration (EIA) is an independent |
|
statistical and analytical agency within the Department of Energy. We |
|
are charged with providing objective, timely, and relevant data, |
|
analysis, and projections for the use of Congress, the Administration, |
|
and the public. We do not take positions on policy issues, but we do |
|
produce data, analysis, and forecasts that are meant to assist policy |
|
makers in their energy policy deliberations. Because we have an element |
|
of statutory independence with respect to the analyses, our views are |
|
strictly those of EIA and should not be construed as representing those |
|
of the Department of Energy or the Administration. However, EIA's |
|
baseline projections on energy trends are widely used by government |
|
agencies, the private sector, and academia for their own energy |
|
analyses. |
|
The Annual Energy Outlook provides projections and analysis of |
|
domestic energy consumption, supply, prices, and energy-related carbon |
|
dioxide emissions through 2025. Annual Energy Outlook 2005 (AEO2005) is |
|
based on Federal and State laws and regulations in effect on October |
|
31, 2004. The potential impacts of pending or proposed legislation, |
|
regulations, and standards--or of sections of legislation that have |
|
been enacted but that require funds or implementing regulations that |
|
have not been provided or specified--are not reflected in the |
|
projections. |
|
The U.S. projections in this testimony are based on the AEO2005, |
|
which was released on the EIA website on February 11, 2005. In addition |
|
to the long-term U.S. forecast of energy markets, EIA also prepares a |
|
long-term outlook for world energy markets, which is published annually |
|
in the International Energy Outlook (IEO). The latest edition of this |
|
report, the IEO2004, was published in April 2004. The projections in |
|
the AEO2005 and the IEO2004 are not meant to be exact predictions of |
|
the future but represent likely energy futures, given technological and |
|
demographic trends, current laws and regulations, and consumer behavior |
|
as derived from known data. EIA recognizes that projections of energy |
|
markets are highly uncertain and subject to many random events that |
|
cannot be foreseen such as weather, political disruptions, and |
|
technological breakthroughs. In addition to these phenomena, long-term |
|
trends in technology development, demographics, economic growth, and |
|
energy resources may evolve along a different path than expected in the |
|
projections. Both the AEO2005 and the IEO2004 include a large number of |
|
alternative cases intended to examine these uncertainties. The AEO2005 |
|
and IEO2004 provide integrated projections of U.S. and world energy |
|
market trends for roughly the next two decades. The following |
|
discussion briefly summarizes the highlights from AEO2005 for U.S. |
|
energy demand and supply. It is followed by a discussion of the key |
|
trends in world energy markets projected in the IEO2004, with a focus |
|
on China and India. |
|
|
|
U.S. Energy Outlook |
|
|
|
U.S. Energy Prices |
|
In the AEO2005 reference case, the annual average world oil price |
|
<SUP>1</SUP> increases from $27.73 per barrel (2003 dollars) in 2003 |
|
($4.64 per million Btu) to $35.00 per barrel in 2004 ($5.86 per million |
|
Btu) and then declines to $25.00 per barrel in 2010 ($4.18 per million |
|
Btu) as new supplies enter the market. It then rises slowly to $30.31 |
|
per barrel in 2025 ($5.07 per million Btu) (Figure 1). In nominal |
|
dollars, the average world oil price is about $52 per barrel in 2025 |
|
($8.70 per million Btu). |
|
--------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
|
\1\ World oil prices in AEO2005 are defined based on the average |
|
refiner acquisition cost of imported oil to the United States (IRAC). |
|
The IRAC price tends to be a few dollars less than the widely-cited |
|
West Texas Intermediate (WTI) spot price and has been as much as six |
|
dollars per barrel lower than the WTI in recent months. For the first |
|
11 months of 2004, WTI averaged $41.31 per barrel ($7.12 per million |
|
Btu), while IRAC averaged $36.94 per barrel (nominal dollars) ($6.26 |
|
per million Btu). |
|
--------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
|
There is a great deal of uncertainty about the size and |
|
availability of crude oil resources, particularly conventional |
|
resources, the adequacy of investment capital, and geopolitical trends. |
|
For example, the AEO2005 reference case assumes that world crude oil |
|
prices will decline as growth in consumption slows and producers |
|
increase their productive capacity and output in response to current |
|
high prices; however, the October 2004 oil futures prices case for West |
|
Texas Intermediate crude oil (WTI) on the New York Mercantile Exchange |
|
(NYMEX) implies that the average annual oil price in 2005 will exceed |
|
its 2004 level before declining to levels that still would be above |
|
those projected in the reference case. While not discussed here, the |
|
AEO2005 includes other cases based on alternative world crude oil price |
|
paths to evaluate this uncertainty. |
|
In the AEO2005, average wellhead prices for natural gas in the |
|
United States are projected to decrease from $4.98 per thousand cubic |
|
feet (2003 dollars) in 2003 ($4.84 per million Btu) to $3.64 per |
|
thousand cubic feet in 2010 ($3.54 per million Btu) as the availability |
|
of new import sources and increased drilling expand available supply. |
|
After 2010, wellhead prices are projected to increase gradually, |
|
reaching $4.79 per thousand cubic feet in 2025 ($4.67 per million Btu) |
|
(about $8.20 per thousand cubic feet or $7.95 per million Btu in |
|
nominal dollars). Growth in liquefied natural gas (LNG) imports, Alaska |
|
production, and lower-48 production from nonconventional sources is not |
|
expected to increase sufficiently to offset the impacts of resource |
|
depletion and increased demand in the lower-48 States. |
|
In AEO2005, the combination of more moderate increases in coal |
|
production, expected improvements in mine productivity, and a |
|
continuing shift to low-cost coal from the Powder River Basin in |
|
Wyoming leads to a gradual decline in the average mine-mouth price, to |
|
approximately $17 per ton (2003 dollars) ($0.86 per million Btu) |
|
shortly after 2010. The price is projected to remain nearly constant |
|
between 2010 and 2020, increasing after 2020 as rising natural gas |
|
prices and the need for baseload generating capacity lead to the |
|
construction of many new coal-fired generating plants. By 2025, the |
|
average mine-mouth price is projected to be $18.26 per ton ($0.91 per |
|
million Btu). The AEO2005 projection is equivalent to an average mine- |
|
mouth coal price of $31.25 per ton in nominal dollars ($1.56 per |
|
million Btu) in 2025. |
|
Average delivered electricity prices are projected to decline from |
|
7.4 cents per kilowatthour (2003 dollars) ($21.68 per million Btu) in |
|
2003 to a low of 6.6 cents per kilowatthour ($19.34 per million Btu) in |
|
2011 as a result of an increasingly competitive generation market and a |
|
decline in natural gas prices. After 2011, average real electricity |
|
prices are projected to increase, reaching 7.3 cents per kilowatthour |
|
(2003 dollars) ($21.38 per million Btu) in 2025 (equivalent to 12.5 |
|
cents per kilowatthour or $36.61 per million Btu in nominal dollars). |
|
|
|
U.S. Energy Consumption and Supply |
|
Total energy consumption is projected to grow at about one-half the |
|
rate (1.4 percent per year) of gross domestic product (GDP), with the |
|
strongest growth in energy consumption for electricity generation and |
|
commercial and transportation uses (Figure 2). Total energy consumption |
|
is expected to increase more rapidly than domestic energy supply |
|
through 2025. As a result, net imports of energy are projected to meet |
|
a growing share of energy demand. Net imports are expected to |
|
constitute 38 percent of total U.S. energy consumption in 2025, up from |
|
27 percent in 2003 (Figure 3). |
|
Total petroleum demand is projected to grow at an average annual |
|
rate of 1.5 percent in the AEO2005 reference case forecast, from 20.0 |
|
million barrels per day in 2003 to 27.9 million barrels per day in 2025 |
|
(Figure 4) led by growth in transportation uses, which account for 67 |
|
percent of total petroleum demand in 2003, increasing to 71 percent in |
|
2025. Improvements in the efficiency of vehicles, planes, and ships are |
|
more than offset by growth in travel. In 2025, net petroleum imports, |
|
including both crude oil and refined products (on the basis of barrels |
|
per day), are expected to account for 68 percent of demand, up from 56 |
|
percent in 2003. |
|
In the U.S. energy markets, the transportation sector consumes |
|
about two-thirds of all petroleum products and the industrial sector |
|
about one-quarter. The remaining 10 percent is divided among the |
|
residential, commercial, and electric power sectors. With limited |
|
opportunities for fuel switching in the transportation and industrial |
|
sectors, large price-induced changes in U.S. petroleum consumption are |
|
unlikely, unless changes in petroleum prices are very large or there |
|
are significant changes in the efficiencies of petroleum-using |
|
equipment. |
|
Total demand for natural gas is also projected to increase at an |
|
average annual rate of 1.5 percent from 2003 to 2025 (Figure 5). About |
|
75 percent of the growth in gas demand from 2003 to 2025 results from |
|
increased use in power generation and in industrial applications. |
|
Growth in U.S. natural gas supplies will depend on unconventional |
|
domestic production, natural gas from Alaska, and imports of LNG. Total |
|
nonassociated unconventional natural gas production is projected to |
|
grow from 6.6 trillion cubic feet in 2003 to 8.6 trillion cubic feet in |
|
2025. With completion of an Alaskan natural gas pipeline projected for |
|
2016, total Alaskan production is forecast to increase from 0.4 |
|
trillion cubic feet in 2003 to 2.2 trillion cubic feet in 2025. Total |
|
net LNG imports in the United States and the Bahamas are projected to |
|
increase from 0.4 trillion cubic feet in 2003 to 6.4 trillion cubic |
|
feet in 2025. |
|
Total coal consumption is projected to increase from 1,095 million |
|
short tons in 2003 to 1,508 million short tons in 2025, growing by 1.5 |
|
percent per year. About 90 percent of the coal is currently used for |
|
electricity generation. Coal remains the primary fuel for generation |
|
and its share of generation is expected to remain about 50 percent |
|
between 2003 and 2025. Total coal consumption for electricity |
|
generation is projected to increase by an average of 1.6 percent per |
|
year, from 1,004 million short tons in 2003 to 1,425 million short tons |
|
in 2025. |
|
Total electricity consumption, including both purchases from |
|
electric power producers and on-site generation, is projected to grow |
|
from 3,657 billion kilowatthours in 2003 to 5,467 billion kilowatthours |
|
in 2025, increasing at an average rate of 1.8 percent per year. Rapid |
|
growth in electricity use for computers, office equipment, and a |
|
variety of electrical appliances in the end-use sectors is partially |
|
offset in the AEO2005 forecast by improved efficiency in these and |
|
other, more traditional electrical applications and by slower growth in |
|
electricity demand in the industrial sector. |
|
Total marketed renewable fuel consumption, including ethanol for |
|
gasoline blending, is projected to grow by 1.5 percent per year in |
|
AEO2005, from 6.1 quadrillion Btu in 2003 to 8.5 quadrillion Btu in |
|
2025, largely as a result of State mandates for renewable electricity |
|
generation and the effect of production tax credits. About 60 percent |
|
of the projected demand for renewables in 2025 is for grid-related |
|
electricity generation (including combined heat and power), and the |
|
rest is for dispersed heating and cooling, industrial uses, and fuel |
|
blending. |
|
|
|
International Energy Outlook |
|
|
|
The IEO2004 includes projections of regional energy consumption, |
|
energy consumption by primary fuel, electricity consumption, carbon |
|
dioxide emissions, nuclear generating capacity, and international coal |
|
trade flows. World oil production and natural gas production forecasts |
|
are also included in the report. The IEO2004 projects strong growth for |
|
worldwide energy demand through 2025. Total world consumption of |
|
marketed energy is expected to increase by 54 percent, from 404 |
|
quadrillion Btu in 2001 to 623 quadrillion Btu in 2025. |
|
|
|
World Energy Consumption by Region |
|
The IEO2004 reference case outlook shows the strongest growth in |
|
energy consumption in the developing nations of the world (Figure 6). |
|
The fastest growth is projected for the nations of developing Asia, |
|
including China and India, where robust economic growth accompanies the |
|
increase in energy consumption over the forecast period. GDP in |
|
developing Asia is expected to grow at an average annual rate of 5.1 |
|
percent, compared with 3.0 percent per year for the world as a whole. |
|
With such strong growth in GDP, demand for energy in developing Asia is |
|
projected to double over the forecast period, accounting for 40 percent |
|
of the total projected increment in world energy consumption and 70 |
|
percent of the increment for the developing world alone. Energy demand |
|
increases by 3.0 percent per year in developing Asia as a whole and by |
|
3.5 percent per year in China and 3.2 percent per year in India. |
|
Developing world energy demand is projected to rise strongly |
|
outside of Asia, as well. In the Middle East, energy use increases by |
|
an average of 2.1 percent per year between 2001 and 2025, 2.3 percent |
|
per year in Africa, and 2.4 percent per year in Central and South |
|
America. |
|
In contrast to the developing world, slower growth in energy demand |
|
is projected for the industrialized world, averaging 1.2 percent per |
|
year over the forecast period. Generally, the nations of the |
|
industrialized world can be characterized as mature energy consumers |
|
with comparatively slow population growth. Gains in energy efficiency |
|
and movement away from energy-intensive manufacturing to service |
|
industries result in the lower growth in energy consumption. In the |
|
transitional economies of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union |
|
(EE/FSU) energy demand is projected to grow by 1.5 percent per year in |
|
the IEO2004 reference case. Slow or declining population growth in this |
|
region, combined with strong projected gains in energy efficiency as |
|
old, inefficient equipment is replaced, leads to the projection of more |
|
modest growth in energy use than in the developing world. |
|
|
|
World Energy Consumption by Energy Source |
|
Oil will continue to be the world's dominant energy source. Oil's |
|
share of world energy remains unchanged at 39 percent over the forecast |
|
period. China, India, and the other countries of developing Asia |
|
account for much of the increase in oil use in the developing world |
|
and, indeed, in the world as a whole (Figure 7). Developing Asia oil |
|
consumption is expected to grow from 14.8 million barrels per day in |
|
2001 to 31.6 million barrels per day in 2025, an increase of 16.9 |
|
million barrels per day. The developing Asian increase in oil use |
|
accounts for 39 percent of the total world increment in oil use over |
|
the forecast period. China and India alone account for one-fourth of |
|
the world oil increment between 2001 and 2025. In the industrialized |
|
world, increases in oil use are projected primarily in the |
|
transportation sector. In the developing world, demand for oil |
|
increases for all end uses, as countries replace non-marketed fuels |
|
used for home heating and cooking with diesel generators and for |
|
industrial petroleum feedstocks. |
|
The IEO2004 reference case shows supply able to keep up with demand |
|
over the next 20 years, with world oil consumption in the range of 120 |
|
million barrels per day by 2025. EIA's view, which is based on |
|
information from the latest United States Geological Survey (USGS) |
|
World Petroleum Assessment on oil resources and reserves, is that |
|
potential supply concerns to 2025 arise primarily from obstacles to |
|
investment in capacity growth rather than resource adequacy. Our view |
|
in this regard is shared by many analysts, but differs from some |
|
analysts who are concerned about an imminent ``peak oil'' problem. In |
|
EIA's view, the ultimate size of an oil field is rarely known when it |
|
is discovered. Rather, with drilling and improved technology, the full |
|
extent of the recoverable resource typically increases over time. This |
|
process is demonstrated at the national level by the increase in U.S. |
|
proved reserves of oil in 5 of the last 7 years notwithstanding |
|
significant production and limited discoveries. Global proved reserves |
|
are also higher today than they were 30 years ago, despite |
|
substantially increased production. |
|
While we believe that sufficient oil resources are available to |
|
meet the projected growth in demand to 2025, substantial investment |
|
will be required to bring these resources into production. Although the |
|
IEO2004 reference case forecast assumes that the necessary investments |
|
will be made based on economic criteria, there are several important |
|
barriers to investment that could impede realization of this scenario. |
|
Some of the main challenges are: 1) international major producers lack |
|
access to resources in some key countries; 2) national oil companies |
|
are guided by governments and are not always motivated to expand |
|
capacity based on economic criteria; 3) political instability limits |
|
development in some regions; and 4) poor economic terms that slow |
|
investment. |
|
Natural gas demand is projected to show an average annual growth of |
|
2.2 percent over the forecast period. Gas is seen as a desirable option |
|
for electricity, given its efficiency relative to other energy sources |
|
and the fact that it burns more cleanly than either coal or oil. The |
|
most robust growth in gas demand is expected among the nations of the |
|
developing world, where overall demand is expected to grow by 2.9 |
|
percent per year from 2001 to 2025 in the reference case (Figure 8). In |
|
the industrialized world, where natural gas markets are more mature, |
|
consumption of natural gas is expected to increase by an average of 1.8 |
|
percent per year over that same time period, with the largest increment |
|
projected for North America at 12.9 trillion cubic feet. China, India, |
|
and the other nations of developing Asia are expected to experience |
|
among the fastest growth in gas use worldwide, increasing by 3.5 |
|
percent per year between 2001 and 2025. |
|
Coal remains an important fuel in the world's electricity markets |
|
and is expected to continue to dominate fuel markets in developing |
|
Asia. Worldwide, coal use is expected to grow slowly, averaging 1.5 |
|
percent per year between 2001 and 2025. In the developing world, coal |
|
increases by 2.5 percent per year and will surpass coal use in the rest |
|
of the world (the industrialized world and the EE/FSU combined) by |
|
2015. Coal continues to dominate energy markets in China and India, |
|
owing to those countries' large coal reserves and limited access to |
|
other sources of energy. China and India account for 67 percent of the |
|
total expected increase in coal use worldwide (on a Btu basis) (Figure |
|
9). Coal use is projected to increase in all regions of the world |
|
except for Western Europe and the EE/FSU (excluding Russia), where coal |
|
is projected to be displaced by natural gas and, in the case of France, |
|
by nuclear power for electric power generation. |
|
The largest increase in nuclear generation is expected for the |
|
developing world, where consumption of electricity from nuclear power |
|
is projected to increase by 4.1 percent per year between 2001 and 2025. |
|
Developing Asia, in particular, is expected to see the largest |
|
increment in installed nuclear generating capacity over the forecast, |
|
accounting for 96 percent of the total increase in nuclear power |
|
capacity for the developing world as a whole. Of the 44 gigawatts of |
|
additional installed nuclear generating capacity projected for |
|
developing Asia, 19 gigawatts are projected for China, 15 for South |
|
Korea, and 6 for India. |
|
Consumption of electricity from hydropower and other renewable |
|
energy sources is expected to grow by 1.9 percent per year over the |
|
projection period. Much of the growth in renewable energy use is |
|
expected to result from large-scale hydroelectric power facilities in |
|
the developing world, particularly among the nations of developing |
|
Asia. China, India, and other developing Asian countries are |
|
constructing or planning many new, large-scale hydroelectric projects |
|
over the forecast period, including China's 18.2-gigawatt Three Gorges |
|
Dam project which is scheduled to be fully operational by 2009. The |
|
Indian government has plans to add 50 gigawatts of hydroelectric |
|
generating capacity by 2012. |
|
|
|
Alternative International Forecasts |
|
As noted earlier, there is considerable uncertainty associated with |
|
any long-term forecast. Changes in key assumptions about economic |
|
growth and energy intensity lead to substantial differences in the |
|
projections for 2025. To quantify this uncertainty, IEO2004 includes |
|
high and low economic growth cases. The IEO2004 reference case shows |
|
total world energy consumption reaching 623 quadrillion Btu in 2025, |
|
but this varies substantially under different assumptions about |
|
economic growth, ranging from 542 quadrillion Btu (in the low economic |
|
growth case) to 710 quadrillion Btu (in the high economic growth case). |
|
Thus, there is a substantial range of 168 quadrillion Btu, or about |
|
one-fourth of the total consumption projected for 2025 in the reference |
|
case, between the projections in the high and low economic growth |
|
cases. |
|
While it is true that there is a great deal of uncertainty in long- |
|
term forecasts, it is equally true that EIA's forecast of worldwide |
|
energy use is largely in agreement with projections from other |
|
organizations that provide comparable forecasts. The International |
|
Energy Agency's (IEA) World Energy Outlook 2004 (October 2004), |
|
Petroleum Economics, Ltd's (PEL) World Long Term Oil and Energy Outlook |
|
(March 2004), and PIRA Energy Group's (PIRA) Retainer Client Seminar |
|
(October 2004) all produce forecasts that are comparable to the |
|
IEO2004. Three of the four forecasts expect worldwide energy use to |
|
expand by about 1.8 to 1.9 percent per year (IEO2004, IEA, and PEL) |
|
between 2000 and 2020 (Figure 10). PIRA proffers a more robust |
|
forecast, expecting energy use to expand by 2.4 percent per year, but |
|
the PIRA forecast only extends to 2015. |
|
The forecasts show some variation in expectations for the world's |
|
future fuel mix. The forecasts do have similar expectations about the |
|
growth of oil over the 2000 to 2020 time period (except for PIRA, which |
|
forecasts only to 2015), projecting average annual increases of between |
|
1.6 percent (PEL) and 1.9 percent (PIRA). They also generally agree |
|
that natural gas will be among the fastest growing energy sources in |
|
the forecast, although the increase in world natural gas demand in the |
|
IEO2004 at 2.1 percent per year is somewhat lower than the other |
|
forecasts, where the growth in natural gas use ranges from 2.6 percent |
|
per year to 2.8 percent per year. However, the PIRA forecast sees a |
|
much higher increase in coal use than do any of the other forecasts. |
|
IEO2004 expects higher growth for nuclear power than the other |
|
forecasts, and the IEA projects higher expected growth in renewables |
|
than the other forecasts. |
|
|
|
Conclusion |
|
|
|
Continuing economic growth in populous countries of the world, such |
|
as China, India, and the United States, is expected to stimulate more |
|
energy demand, with fossil fuels remaining the dominant source of |
|
energy. While our analysis suggests that world fossil energy resources |
|
are adequate to meet demand requirements, it also suggests that the |
|
countries accounting for most of the growth in fossil energy |
|
consumption will increasingly rely on imports. Dependence on foreign |
|
sources of oil is expected to increase significantly for China, India, |
|
and the United States. These three countries alone account for 45 |
|
percent of the world increase in projected oil demand over the 2001 to |
|
2025 time frame. A key source of this oil is expected to be the Middle |
|
East. |
|
Furthermore, although natural gas production is expected to |
|
increase in all of these countries, natural gas imports are expected to |
|
grow faster. In 2001, India and China produced sufficient natural gas |
|
to meet domestic demand, but, by 2025, natural gas production in these |
|
two countries will only account for about 60 percent of demand. In the |
|
United States, reliance on domestic gas supply to meet demand falls |
|
from 86 percent to 72 percent over the projection period. The growing |
|
dependence on imports in these three countries occurs despite |
|
efficiency improvements in both the consumption and the production of |
|
natural gas. |
|
In this environment, the level of energy prices, particularly oil |
|
prices, is highly uncertain. It depends on the adequacy of investment |
|
in exploration and production efforts, technology, and infrastructure. |
|
It also depends on the actual rate of growth in demand, political |
|
stability around the world, and improvement in end-use technologies. |
|
Higher energy price trends can lead to major changes in the energy |
|
supply slate and, if energy prices are high enough, the level of |
|
demand. For example, in a high oil price case completed as part of |
|
AEO2005, gas-to-liquids and coal-to-liquids became important parts of |
|
total U.S. energy supply by 2025. Unconventional oil and natural gas |
|
resources can also play a much larger role. |
|
This concludes my testimony, Mr. Chairman and members of the |
|
Committee. I will be happy to answer any questions you may have. |
|
|
|
[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0126.001 |
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|
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______ |
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Mr. Gibbons. Thank you very much, Mr. Caruso. We appreciate |
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your insight. And your testimony is always very helpful to us |
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as we go forward in this discussion. And we turn now to Mr. |
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Jeffrey Logan, who is the China program manager for the |
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International Energy Agency. Mr. Logan, the floor is yours. And |
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by the way, for each of our witnesses, we will, by unanimous |
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consent, enter into the record your full and complete written |
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statement. And of course, you're free to summarize, within a 5- |
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minute timeframe, your remarks, if you wish. |
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STATEMENT OF JEFFREY LOGAN, CHINA PROGRAM MANAGER, |
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INTERNATIONAL ENERGY AGENCY |
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Mr. Logan. Mr. Chairman, thank you very much, members of |
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the Subcommittee and ladies and gentlemen. I'm very happy to be |
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here this morning on behalf of the International Energy Agency |
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to talk about China's energy sector. Although China is not a |
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member of the International Energy Agency, we have clearly been |
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engaging the country much more seriously to better understand |
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its surging energy demand and take appropriate steps where |
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possible. I'm here primarily to discuss the oil and gas sector |
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in China, although I would like to start with a few general |
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words about a trend in China in the energy sector that could |
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have very important long-term implications and that trend has |
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to do with the energy economic relationship in China. |
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Until the late 1990s, China's average reported energy |
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consumption grew only half as quickly as the economy. In other |
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words, its energy elasticity was surprisingly low, 0.5. There |
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are serious and well-known questions about the validity of |
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official Chinese statistics, but energy use still grew more |
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slowly than gross domestic product, even with these data |
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problems in account. This was a remarkable achievement for a |
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developing country and it resulted in significant savings in |
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energy use and greenhouse gas emissions. But since the new |
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millennium, energy consumption in China has surged. |
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In 2004, the energy elasticity rose to over 1.5, meaning |
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there is a 1.5 percent growth in energy use for every 1 percent |
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growth in GDP. Energy experts in China and abroad have provided |
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very little information that accurately describes why the |
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economy has been using so much more energy over the past 5 |
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years. Indeed, the changing economic relationship caught |
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Chinese planners themselves off guard and is largely |
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responsible for the serious energy shortages that exist in |
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China right now, especially in the electricity sector. |
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Historically, China's economic growth has gone through |
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cycles of rapid expansion followed by periods of slower growth. |
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We believe that China is currently in the peak of one of its |
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expansionary periods and is likely to grow less rapidly in the |
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near future. But we need to understand more fully the apparent |
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changes in China's economic and energy relationship as the |
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impact of such a change over even just a few years can have a |
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lasting impact on global markets, energy security and |
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greenhouse gas emissions. |
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Now on to the oil sector. China's opaque oil sector has |
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attracted immense attention over the past few years. Oil demand |
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in China grew by over 27 percent in the past 2 years, while |
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domestic production has been largely stagnant. As a result, |
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crude imports have climbed by 75 percent between 2002 and 2004. |
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And China now relies on imported crude for 4 of every 10 |
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barrels that it consumes. Perhaps surprisingly, though, Chinese |
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oil demand in 2004 equaled only one-third the level of the |
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United States. IEA forecasts envision Chinese demand continuing |
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to grow to the year of 2030 when it reaches nearly 14 million |
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barrels per day. At that time, Chinese crude imports would |
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roughly equal those of the United States today. |
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Still, total Chinese demand then will be one-third less |
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than what the United States consumes right now. Three drivers |
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account for the most recent growth surge in China's oil demand. |
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Increasing vehicle ownership, growing industrial demand for |
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petrochemical feed stocks and perhaps most unusually the |
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surging need for oil-fired backup power generation due to the |
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severe electricity shortages there. The vehicle and |
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petrochemical sectors are likely to continue to grow steadily |
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in the future, but we anticipate a fall-off in the amount of |
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oil that is used for backup power generation in the near future |
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as more coal and hydroelectric plants come on-line. The timing |
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of this falloff, however, is difficult to predict, but we |
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anticipate it will start in the second half of 2005. |
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Rising crude imports in China have alarmed government |
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policymakers. They have developed a multi-pronged approach to |
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help address the country's looming energy insecurity. The |
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measures include promoting State-owned oil companies to |
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purchase overseas equity oil, diversifying sources of oil |
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supply, launching construction of strategic petroleum reserves, |
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developing alternatives to oil and enacting demand side |
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efficiency measures. I have outlined each of these measures in |
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my written testimony. |
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The IEA continues to believe that global oil reserves are |
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sufficient to accommodate global demand through 2030 and |
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beyond. More important uncertainties however, relate to |
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maintaining stable output among major producers, dealing with |
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environmental issues like climate change, and marshalling the |
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necessary investment in each link of the oil supply chain. |
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China has taken major steps to boost the use of natural gas |
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primarily as a way to improve urban air quality. |
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But China's natural gas policy is fragmentary and |
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development occurs on a project-by-project basis rather than by |
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focusing on the needs of the entire gas chain. Developments in |
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China's gas sector have surprised many critics, though. The |
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first gas pipeline to Beijing in the late 1990s was widely |
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predicted to be an economic failure, the main criticism being |
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that the government focused only on a supplied push strategy |
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and seemed to ignore the needs of consumers. But gas demand has |
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developed fairly quickly however, and a second pipeline to |
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Beijing is now under development. |
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The new cross country West-East Pipeline faces similar |
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criticism. Potential users have little incentive to switch from |
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coal. The pipeline started commercial operation in late 2004, a |
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year ahead of schedule, and will slowly ramp up to a design |
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capacity in the year 2007. The pipeline faces potential |
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competition from imported LNG from Shanghai where several |
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import terminals are under consideration. Promoting natural gas |
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use in China as a substitute for coal and oil serves global |
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interests in energy security, climate change and trade. Global |
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gas supply for LNG production is expanding rapidly and rising |
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Chinese imports are not likely to stress the international gas |
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markets as they have in the oil sector. Although Chinese energy |
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companies will face increasing challenges in global energy |
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markets, they have demonstrated a growing capacity to compete. |
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More than ever, U.S. policy should be focused on engaging China |
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on energy issues because the security, commercial and |
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environmental implications are too great to ignore. Thank you |
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very much for your attention and I would be happy to answer any |
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questions you might have. |
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[The prepared statement of Mr. Logan follows:] |
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Statement of Jeffrey Logan, Senior Energy Analyst and |
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China Program Manager, International Energy Agency |
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Summary |
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Chinese energy demand has grown robustly over the past three years |
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and is likely to remain intimately tied to future economic performance. |
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The average Chinese citizen consumed only one-fourteenth as much oil as |
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the average American in 2004, but China will play an increasingly |
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important role in all aspects of the global petroleum market. The |
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current frenzy to purchase overseas oil assets by Chinese state-owned |
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oil companies is likely to slow in the near term as policymakers |
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realize more effective ways to boost energy security. China does not |
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currently import natural gas, but that will change by next year and 5- |
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10 LNG terminals are possible by 2015. Global economic, environmental, |
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and security interests related to China's energy sector are best served |
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through an active program of collaboration to promote energy |
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efficiency, natural gas utilization, and coordinated use of strategic |
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petroleum reserves. |
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Overview |
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China has charted a bold course of economic reforms over the past |
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25 years, achieving mixed, but often remarkable results given the |
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development challenges it faces. Reported average annual GDP growth of |
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over nine percent has improved living standards for hundreds of |
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millions of Chinese people to a level unmatched in any point of Chinese |
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history. China now plays a key role in the supply and demand of many |
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global commodity markets including steel, cement, and oil. (See Figure |
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1.) If sustained, China's development will likely create the world's |
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largest economy, as measured in purchasing power parity, in about two |
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or three decades. Per capita wealth, however, will remain far below |
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OECD levels. Enormous opportunities and challenges await commercial, |
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governmental and social interests across the globe in parallel with |
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China's development. |
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This document provides an update on current oil and natural gas |
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trends in China, and looks at future growth projections. Where |
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possible, it describes potential impacts on U.S. interests and |
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recommends ways for U.S. policy to help overcome negative impacts. It |
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is based largely on the International Energy Agency's dialogue and |
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collaboration with China as a Non-Member Country participant. It begins |
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with an overview of recent changes in the Chinese energy-economy |
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relationship. |
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A Changing Energy-Economic Relationship |
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Chinese energy demand has surged since the arrival of the new |
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millennium, when a new round of investment-driven economic growth |
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began. Preliminary Chinese data indicate that the energy elasticity of |
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demand (the growth rate of energy consumption divided by that of GDP) |
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surpassed 1.5 in 2004. In other words, for every one percent increase |
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in GDP, energy demand grew by over 1.5 percent. The shift reverses |
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China's recent historical trend of maintaining energy elasticity below |
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1.0. (See Figure 2.) For most developing countries, including India, |
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Brazil, and Indonesia, energy elasticities greater than 1.0 are normal, |
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but for China it is a groundbreaking change. |
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[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0126.009 |
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Many analysts rightly question the validity of Chinese economic and |
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energy statistics; GDP is likely underreported right now, although from |
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the late 1970s until the end of the 1990s, it was considered |
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overstated. Likewise, Chinese energy consumption, coal in particular, |
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is tracked poorly. Coal use from 1996-1999 is now regarded as massively |
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underestimated by analysts both inside and outside of China due to |
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untracked output from small coal mines. One of the contributing factors |
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behind China's current energy crunch is indeed these poorly tracked |
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energy statistics: good energy policy and energy planning require |
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accurate data. |
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Despite the problems with data quality, the general trend raises |
|
concern. Is this new energy-economy relationship in China temporary or |
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does it indicate a deeper structural change within the economy? The |
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difference could have a profound impact on future global energy |
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markets, energy security, and environmental quality. Almost no |
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authoritative research has been published to explain the surging |
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elasticity. A clearer understanding of what is happening in Chinese |
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energy markets may never be uncovered, but more research into the new |
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energy-economic relationship would benefit the international community |
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and China. More importantly, greater Sino-international collaboration |
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on energy efficiency would serve global trade, environmental, and |
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security interests. |
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Oil Sector: The Search for Security |
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China surpassed Japan in late 2003 to become the world's second |
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largest petroleum consumer. <SUP>1</SUP> In 2004, Chinese demand |
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expanded nearly 16 percent to 6.38 million barrels per day (b/d), about |
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one-third the level in the United States. (See Table 1.) Domestic crude |
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output in China has grown only very slowly over the past five years. At |
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the same time, oil demand has surged, fueled by rapid |
|
industrialization. Imports of crude oil grew alarmingly in 2003 and |
|
2004 to meet demand, increasing nearly 75 percent from 1.38 million |
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barrels per day (b/d) in 2002 to 2.42 million |
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b/d in 2004. Imports now account for 40 percent of Chinese oil demand. |
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--------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
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\1\ Contrary to many press reports, China is not the second largest |
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importer of crude oil. That distinction still belongs to Japan, which |
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imported more than twice as much oil as China in 2004. |
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[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0126.010 |
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As described in the IEA's March 2005 Oil Market Report, a |
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significant driver of recent oil demand growth in China--perhaps on the |
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order of 250-350 thousand barrels per day--has been the need for oil- |
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fired back-up power generation in the face of serious electricity |
|
shortages. Other contributing factors are the rise in personal car |
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ownership and growing industrial petrochemical needs, which are likely |
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to continue growing fairly steadily. However, the amount of fuel oil |
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and diesel used for back-up power generation will likely decline, as |
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China closes the generation shortage by installing new coal, natural |
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gas, hydro, and nuclear power plants. It has also promised to institute |
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tougher new demand-side efficiency measures. |
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Chinese policymakers and state-owned oil companies have embarked on |
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a multi-pronged approach to improve oil security by diversifying |
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suppliers, building strategic oil reserves, purchasing equity oil |
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stakes abroad, and enacting new policies to lower demand. |
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Diversifying Global Oil Purchases |
|
Over the past decade, Chinese crude imports have come from a much |
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wider and more diverse set of suppliers. In 1996, most of China's crude |
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imports came from Indonesia, Oman, and Yemen. By 2004, Saudi Arabia was |
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China's largest supplier accounting for 14 percent of imports, with |
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Oman, Angola, Iran, Russia, Vietnam, and Yemen together supplying |
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another 60 percent, and the remainder which came from a long list of |
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other suppliers. (See Figure 3.) By diversifying crude suppliers, China |
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has lowered the risk of a damaging supply disruption. |
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[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0126.011 |
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Establishing Strategic Oil Reserves |
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China's 10th Five-Year Plan (2001-2005) called for the construction |
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and use of strategic petroleum reserves by 2005. Construction has begun |
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at one of four sites slated to store government-owned supplies. Chinese |
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officials plan to gradually fill up to 100 million barrels of storage |
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by 2008 (equivalent to 35 days of imports then). Original plans called |
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for boosting stocks to 50 days imports in 2010, but this may be |
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slightly delayed. On the other hand, the recent surge in imports has |
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led Chinese policymakers to consider an even more aggressive long-term |
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plan for 90 days of stocks, perhaps by 2020. |
|
The IEA has shared experiences with China on member country |
|
stockpiling practices since 2001. Chinese officials have stated their |
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intent to slowly fill their new stocks depending on global conditions. |
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They have demonstrated less concern, however, in coordinating release |
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of their future stocks as part of a larger global system. In other |
|
words, China may be more inclined to use strategic stocks to influence |
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prices even without the threat of severe supply disruptions. We are |
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exploring this. |
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Overseas Equity Oil |
|
Chinese national oil companies (NOCs) have been active abroad for |
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over a decade, but their hunt for overseas oil assets has accelerated |
|
in the past few years. This drive to buy overseas assets is a |
|
policymaking reaction to the rapidly growing need to import crude oil, |
|
and is an attempt to boost energy security. Most outside analysts |
|
question the efficiency and effectiveness of this policy; the act of |
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owning resources, especially ones purchased recently at relatively high |
|
prices, does not significantly improve oil security because the risk of |
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supply disruptions is largely ignored. |
|
Chinese oil companies are not alone in overseas investment. The |
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country's ``going out'' strategy is an attempt to create stronger |
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Chinese companies, effectively use surplus foreign exchange reserves, |
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and deal with over-invested domestic sectors. While a significant |
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number of oil-related announcements have been made in the press since |
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2001, much of this activity is still waiting to be finalized. The lack |
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of transparency over investment amounts, production sharing contract |
|
details, and proven petroleum reserves may create a more successful |
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image of Chinese companies than is actually the case. |
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Until recently, Chinese companies seemed most comfortable operating |
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in locations not dominated by the oil majors. This meant countries like |
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Sudan, Angola, and Iran. For example, over half of Chinese overseas oil |
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production currently comes from Sudan. Activity has picked up in other |
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areas recently, however, including Russia, Kazakhstan, Ecuador, |
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Australia, Indonesia, and Saudi Arabia to name just a few. Chinese |
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companies appear to be improving their ability to purchase assets |
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without overpaying, as earlier reports suggested, but this conclusion |
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is only supported with anecdotal information. (See Text Box 1.) |
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[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0126.012 |
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A key strength of Chinese NOC activity abroad is their ability to |
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package complete investment deals in producing countries. In exchange |
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for ownership of oil resources there, they can offer associated |
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economic development projects (hospital and school construction, for |
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example), investment opportunities in the lucrative Chinese market, and |
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potential military transactions. International oil companies often |
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complain that they cannot compete against these packaged Chinese deals. |
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But Chinese NOCs are also limited in what they can accomplish due to |
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technology shortcomings and lack of experience. |
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In 2003, Chinese state-owned oil companies pumped about 0.4 million |
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b/d of equity oil. The figure is projected to rise by 8 percent |
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annually thru 2020 when it hits 1.4 million b/d. At that time, this |
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would amount to approximately 1.5 percent of global petroleum output, |
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indicating that Chinese companies would have little influence on |
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overall market trends. |
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Leading the drive among Chinese state-owned companies, China |
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National Petroleum and Gas Company (CNPC) claims to have petroleum |
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assets in 30 countries. It plans to spend $18 billion in overseas oil |
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and gas development between now and 2020. Most of CNPC's overseas |
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production currently comes from Sudan, Kazakhstan, and Indonesia. Many |
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speculated that CNPC would take a share in the restructured assets of |
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Yukos, but a $6 billion ``loan'' to Rosneft was used only for long-term |
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oil purchases. |
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A disappointment for China during the year included the Russian |
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decision to build an oil pipeline to Nakhodka with Japanese |
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contributions, rather than to Daqing in northeast China with CNPC's |
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participation. Discussions are still ongoing regarding a potential spur |
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line that would feed China's northeast. Russian oil sales from Siberia |
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to China would serve U.S. interests in general as they would offset |
|
long-distance demand from the Middle East. China and Kazakhstan have |
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made rapid progress in negotiating and starting construction on a |
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cross-border pipeline that will initially deliver 0.2 million b/d of |
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crude and products to Xinjiang province, and possibly later doubling to |
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0.4 million b/d. China appears to have made a geopolitical decision to |
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secure its oil supplies with this line as costs would probably not pass |
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a commercial test. Initial petroleum for this pipeline will likely be |
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supplied by Russia and not Kazakhstan. Generally, more pipelines |
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evacuating landlocked resources is a good thing. |
|
China Petroleum Company (SINOPEC) is newer to the international |
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game than CNPC and hopes to start pumping smaller quantities of equity |
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oil in 2005 from activities in Yemen, Iran, and Azerbaijan. Perhaps the |
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largest story in 2004 was SINOPEC's agreement in Iran to spend $70 |
|
billion over 25 years to purchase LNG cargoes and participate in |
|
upstream oil activities there. The vast majority of this investment |
|
will be used to purchase long-term LNG supplies; the depth of the |
|
economic ties linking Iran and China in this deal should not be |
|
overstated. |
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China National Overseas Oil Company (CNOOC), the most progressive |
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and outwardly-oriented of the Chinese state-owned oil companies, has |
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been very active in Australia and Indonesia. In 2004, it succeeded in |
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securing significant natural gas stakes in both countries. CNOOC |
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surprised the global community in early 2005 when it was rumored to |
|
want to purchase Unocal for roughly $13 billion. Many analysts believe |
|
that CNOOC would ultimately be only interested in keeping the Asian oil |
|
and gas assets of Unocal. |
|
In summary, Chinese companies are increasingly active abroad and |
|
appear to be improving their business skills. They are unlikely to be |
|
able to purchase enough assets through over the coming decades to |
|
greatly influence the availability or pricing of global oil supplies. |
|
Furthermore, owning overseas assets does little to improve physical |
|
energy security without the capability to project strong military |
|
power. Anecdotal reports already indicate that some Chinese |
|
policymakers are beginning to question the wisdom of trying to boost |
|
energy security by purchasing overseas equity assets. Other Asian |
|
countries have realized it is more efficient to rely on global markets, |
|
strategic reserves, and demand-side efficiency measures. It seems |
|
likely, therefore, that the overseas purchasing binge will soon slow. |
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|
Demand-Side Measures |
|
Per capita oil consumption in China is only one-fourteenth the |
|
level in the United States, indicating that strong growth could |
|
continue for many years. The transport sector in China will likely |
|
experience the strongest demand for oil over the mid- to long-term. |
|
Currently, there are roughly 24 million vehicles in China, with |
|
projections anticipating 90-140 million by 2020. This would push |
|
transport demand from 33 percent of total Chinese petroleum demand to |
|
about 57 percent (from 1.6 million b/d in 2004 to roughly 5.0 million |
|
b/d in 2020). |
|
To partially address this problem, China enacted new automobile |
|
efficiency standards in late 2004. In Phase I, running from mid-2005 |
|
until January 2008, no increase in fleet fuel consumption will be |
|
allowed without penalties. Phase II would then begin and require a 10 |
|
percent reduction in fleet fuel consumption. |
|
Another measure that has gained renewed attention is the imposition |
|
of a vehicle fuel tax. This policy would ban all road use fees |
|
instituted at the local level and replace them with a nationwide tax |
|
ranging from 30-100 percent of the current price of vehicle fuel. |
|
Gasoline prices in most Chinese cities, for example, are currently the |
|
equivalent of about $1.60 per gallon. The fuel tax, if enacted, would |
|
raise gasoline prices to $2-$3 per gallon. The initiative has been |
|
discussed for years but lacked uniform support from policymakers. It |
|
has gained new steam over the past year with the surge in imported |
|
crude volumes. |
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[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0126.013 |
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The Long-Term View |
|
Without measures to limit demand or create alternative fuels, |
|
Chinese oil consumption appears set to grow rapidly for the foreseeable |
|
future. The World Energy Outlook 2004 forecasts Chinese petroleum |
|
demand in 2030 at just under 14 million bpd, about one-third less than |
|
current demand in the United States. (See Figure 3.) China's import |
|
dependency will continue to grow, however, reaching 75 percent. In |
|
2030, China would be importing as much oil as the United States did in |
|
2004. |
|
The IEA believes there are enough worldwide petroleum reserves to |
|
meet global demand through 2030 and beyond. More important uncertainty |
|
relates to marshalling the necessary upstream investments, maintaining |
|
stable petroleum output in major producer countries, building mid- and |
|
downstream infrastructure in consuming countries, and dealing with |
|
environmental issues like climate change. Furthermore, competition |
|
between China and India to purchase overseas oil assets is raising the |
|
stakes in upstream oil markets, but it is premature to say how this |
|
will evolve and impact long-term U.S. interests. |
|
|
|
The Promise of Natural Gas in China: Whither Policy? |
|
China has taken major steps since 1997 to boost natural gas use, |
|
mainly as a way to improve urban air quality. But gas was largely |
|
ignored for most of China's modern history and new market-oriented |
|
measures are needed to fully encourage natural gas use. |
|
Domestic gas production currently stands at 40 billion cubic meters |
|
(BCM) and accounts for roughly 3 percent of the country's total energy |
|
demand. Chinese policymakers envision gas use rising substantially |
|
through 2020, when demand would reach 200 BCM and account for 10 |
|
percent of total energy demand. Baseline IEA estimates are currently |
|
less optimistic of future gas markets in China <SUP>2</SUP>, but the |
|
potential for dramatic change cannot be discounted. With the right |
|
policy framework, gas use could be significantly higher than even |
|
Chinese government forecasts. |
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--------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
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\2\ The World Energy Outlook 2004 forecasts natural gas accounting |
|
for 6 percent of China's total final energy consumption in 2030. |
|
--------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
|
Chinese policymakers increasingly view natural gas as the fuel of |
|
choice for its environmental, security, and industrial advantages. But |
|
the gas industry is in its infancy and many barriers must be overcome |
|
before this relatively clean energy source can make a significant |
|
impact. The International Energy Agency recently completed a detailed |
|
study of China's gas sector and delivered important recommendations to |
|
the Chinese government. <SUP>3</SUP> Provided below is a summary of why |
|
China is promoting development of the gas sector, the challenges it |
|
faces, and how some of these barriers could be addressed. |
|
--------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
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\3\ Interested readers should consult this IEA publication for more |
|
complete information: ``Developing China's Natural Gas Market: Policy |
|
Framework and Investment Conditions,'' International Energy Agency, |
|
Paris, 2002. |
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--------------------------------------------------------------------------- |
|
Drivers for Natural Gas |
|
China is taking new measures to promote the use of natural gas for |
|
three reasons. First, natural gas used in place of coal can help China |
|
address environmental problems that have become urgent economic and |
|
social issues. Replacing coal with natural gas basically eliminates |
|
emissions of sulphur oxides and particulates, the two most serious |
|
local and regional pollutants. Gas also offers steep reductions in |
|
nitrogen oxide and greenhouse gas emissions. |
|
Second, natural gas can help China diversify its energy resources |
|
and address growing concerns over energy security. Imported crude oil |
|
now accounts for 40 percent of annual demand and will likely continue |
|
to grow rapidly. Additionally, coal demand has soared since 2002, |
|
resulting in localized transportation bottlenecks. China could help |
|
alleviate these energy security concerns by increasing reliance on |
|
natural gas. International gas markets are better able to supply China |
|
over the coming decades without jeopardizing overall energy security |
|
compared to oil because many new producers are ramping up their output. |
|
Finally, natural gas has the potential to accelerate modernization |
|
of the country's industrial facilities. Most of China's industry is |
|
based on coal-burning technology, which is inherently less efficient |
|
than gas-fired equipment. Modern natural gas boilers, for example, |
|
convert about 92 percent of the energy contained in natural gas to |
|
useable heat. Coal boilers on the other hand, waste 20 percent or more |
|
of the input energy in the process. Similarly, advanced combined-cycle |
|
gas turbines used to generate electricity are nearly 60 percent |
|
efficient, while coal-fired steam turbines convert only about 40 |
|
percent of the energy in coal into useful electricity. Greater use of |
|
natural gas would also free up China's rail system to transport higher- |
|
value goods. |
|
|
|
Developments and Hurdles |
|
Important gas projects have been launched to support China's |
|
ambitious development targets for natural gas. A 3,900 kilometre, $24 |
|
billion West-East Pipeline started commercial operation in late 2004. |
|
(See Figure 4.) Throughput will slowly ramp up to 12 BCM in 2007 as |
|
downstream projects and distribution networks are completed. The fact |
|
that CNPC completed the pipeline one year ahead of schedule, and |
|
without participation from its planned investment partners (Shell, |
|
Exxon-Mobil, and Gazprom), is testament to the drive and ability of |
|
Chinese energy companies. Although many outside observers question the |
|
economics of the pipeline, similar doubts were raised when China built |
|
its first gas pipeline to Beijing. The economics were shaky at the |
|
time, but that line is now oversubscribed and a second line will begin |
|
delivering gas to the capital in 2006. |
|
|
|
[GRAPHIC] [TIFF OMITTED] T0126.014 |
|
|
|
|
|
Two LNG terminals are also under construction in southeastern |
|
China, with perhaps a dozen more under discussion and consideration. |
|
LNG imports in China became an extremely hot topic in 2004 as coal |
|
prices rose substantially, along with incomes and air pollution. If |
|
even half of the LNG terminals currently under discussion are built, |
|
China could be importing 15-30 BCM of natural gas by 2015. |
|
Talks continue on international natural gas pipelines with Russia |
|
and Kazakhstan as well, but progress has been slow. A joint feasibility |
|
study funded by Russia, China, and South Korea that would deliver 20 |
|
BCM of Russian gas to China and 10 BCM to South Korea is currently |
|
under evaluation. This pipeline may also have been ahead of its time, |
|
but Russia's Gazprom blocked any further discussion of the deal. |
|
Important hurdles exist for natural gas market development, including: |
|
<bullet> Natural gas is expensive compared to coal if |
|
environmental costs are not included; |
|
<bullet> China is not believed to be endowed with abundant and |
|
cheap gas reserves, and known supplies are often located far from the |
|
main centers of demand; |
|
<bullet> Gas supply infrastructure is fragmented and huge |
|
investment is needed to finance its expansion; |
|
<bullet> China lacks a legal and policy framework to encourage |
|
investment in the gas sector; and |
|
<bullet> There is a lack of knowledge over how to best develop |
|
natural gas technology and markets. |
|
Perhaps the weakest link in China's current natural gas chain is |
|
the perception of high costs that results in weak demand for gas. |
|
Without stronger market pull for gas, the entire natural gas chain will |
|
remain weak, no matter how much the government tries to development the |
|
market by administrative dictate. |
|
To realize the ambitious target for gas market development in |
|
China, there is a need for the government to go beyond the ``project- |
|
by-project'' approach by publishing a comprehensive national natural |
|
gas policy. Such a policy could address issues of gas exploration, |
|
development, distribution, pricing, marketing as well as imports. It |
|
should be part of a coherent national energy policy, as China's gas |
|
industry is intertwined with the coal and the electrical power |
|
industry, and with environmental policy. |
|
Preparation of a national natural gas law is also an urgent |
|
priority. Such a framework would provide a clear legal expression of |
|
the government's policy and strategy for gas industry development and |
|
the ground rules for operation of the gas industry. Almost every |
|
country where a natural gas industry has been established, whether |
|
based on indigenous resources or imports, has adopted a gas law in the |
|
early stages of market development. Adopting such a law would help |
|
create a more stable environment for investment and operation, reduce |
|
uncertainty and investment risk, and consequently lower the cost of |
|
capital. |
|
Theoretically, environmental protection, in particular the |
|
reduction of local atmospheric pollution, is the key driving force for |
|
increased gas use in China. However, important challenges remain in |
|
turning this theoretical driver into a real market mover. China has put |
|
in place a whole set of environmental laws and regulations on air |
|
pollution, but a lack of adequate means for enforcing implementation |
|
makes most of them ineffective. |
|
China lacks a central body to address coordination the country's |
|
overall energy strategy. Although an ``Energy Bureau'' was established |
|
several years ago, it does not have the capacity to implement effective |
|
and sufficient policy measures. There are roughly 30 employees at the |
|
Energy Bureau in China, while most OECD countries would have hundreds, |
|
if not thousands, of employees to create the policy framework and |
|
oversight needed to steer a modern energy industry. Given the current |
|
shortages of electricity and coal, Chinese planners announced the |
|
formation of an Energy Task Force in early March 2005 to further |
|
strengthen overall energy policy development. This step, however, is a |
|
disappointment to some who called for the creation of an energy |
|
ministry. |
|
|
|
Synopsis |
|
China's rapid economic growth has had a mixed impact on global |
|
markets. While China must take some of the blame for rising global |
|
commodity prices recently, it rarely receives recognition for helping |
|
keep the price of manufactured products low. China's rapid growth over |
|
the past few years should also be kept in perspective: China's 1.3 |
|
billion people currently consume only one-half the energy as the 290 |
|
million citizens in the United States, and Chinese oil demand is only |
|
one-third as large. Chinese policymakers have done a laudable job of |
|
steering economic reform, but a huge number of challenges--from |
|
population imbalances and environmental pollution to political reform |
|
and AIDS--await solutions before the country can raise individual |
|
standards of living to anywhere near current OECD levels. The |
|
international community must engage China in order to minimize the |
|
challenges and maximize the opportunities that lie ahead. |
|
Chinese NOCs have become much more active abroad, especially in |
|
regions not dominated by the major international oil companies. They |
|
have strategic advantages that can help them open doors in some |
|
producing countries, but their standards for safety, governance, and |
|
transparency remain an issue for all stakeholders. Most importantly, |
|
the purchase of overseas assets by Chinese NOCs is not likely to boost |
|
the country's energy security in a cost-effective manner since this act |
|
does not address potential supply and transit disruptions. The dash for |
|
overseas assets is likely to begin slowing in the near-term as |
|
policymakers digest this reality and weigh the high prices that NOCs |
|
are paying for sometimes questionable assets. Current estimates do not |
|
foresee Chinese companies playing a big enough role abroad to skew |
|
overall long-term oil market pricing or security, although rising |
|
domestic demand is clearly one reason for the current high global oil |
|
price. Chinese companies may also catalyze the development of more |
|
global resources than would have been case without their presence. |
|
______ |
|
|
|
Mr. Gibbons. Thank you very much, Mr. Logan. Again, this |
|
panel certainly appreciates your insight on these issues and |
|
your testimony has been helpful to us. We will turn now to Dave |
|
Menzie, chief of International Minerals Section from the USGS. |
|
Mr. Menzie, welcome, the floor is yours. We look forward to |
|
your testimony. |
|
|
|
STATEMENT OF DAVE MENZIE, CHIEF, INTERNATIONAL MINERALS |
|
SECTION, U.S. GEOLOGICAL SURVEY |
|
|
|
Mr. Menzie. Good morning, Mr. Chairman. Thank you for the |
|
opportunity to discuss the effects of rapid economic growth in |
|
developing countries on global mineral markets and on the U.S. |
|
economy, national security and global environment. This |
|
statement describes the link between mineral consumption and |
|
economic development, outlines how China's development is |
|
affecting mineral markets and examines some implications of |
|
this development. |
|
Since the late 1980s, economic growth in China has been |
|
between 7 and 9 percent per year, doubling the economy every 8 |
|
to 10 years. China has been undergoing industrialization moving |
|
through a series of stages that include development of |
|
infrastructure, followed by development of light manufacture, |
|
followed by development of heavy manufacture, with increased-- |
|
and then increased consumption of consumer goods and finally |
|
development of a service economy. Changes in these stages come |
|
roughly at 5-year intervals, with each stage taking about 20 |
|
years to complete and with the stages overlapping. During each |
|
stage of the economic development, consumption of particular |
|
mineral commodities rises dramatically by an order of |
|
magnitude. |
|
How is China's economy affecting growth in the mineral |
|
markets? First of all, China's rising consumption of mineral |
|
commodities has resulted in higher prices, lower stock levels |
|
of mineral commodities such as aluminum, copper, gold, iron |
|
ore, nickel platinum group metals and tin. And another result |
|
has been high levels of use of world productive capacity. As a |
|
result, this has left little excess capacity to handle supply |
|
disruptions, and there have been shortages of mineral |
|
commodities that have caused manufacturers to limit production |
|
of finished goods. USGS has received numerous contacts recently |
|
from companies trying to find sources of iron ore and steel |
|
including the types of steel used in the manufacture of |
|
automobile axles and in defense applications. |
|
China is the leading producer of a number of minerals, |
|
including aluminum, antimony, cement, fluorspar, coking coal, |
|
magnesium, rare earths, steel, tin, tungsten and zinc. However, |
|
because of the demand of its economy Chinese exports for |
|
mineral commodities such as rare earths, silver, tin and |
|
tungsten are declining. China controls export of some of its |
|
mineral commodities by requiring export permits and it has |
|
export duties on other commodities. There are a significant |
|
source of a number of mineral commodities for which the U.S. is |
|
dependent for imports of its supplies, and these include things |
|
like antimony, barite, fluorspar, magnesium and there are |
|
things that are used in batteries, ceramics, electronic |
|
components, flame retardants, metallurgical processing and |
|
petroleum drilling. |
|
In order to meet the needs of its growing economy, China |
|
has had to increase both its production and import of mineral |
|
commodities. China's large aluminum, copper and steel |
|
industries are dependent upon imports of raw materials, and |
|
there has been increasing interest by China in owning the |
|
sources of the raw materials for these industries and in |
|
purchasing companies overseas. |
|
What are some of the implications of these trends? First of |
|
all, China and other developing countries are likely to |
|
continue to follow a general pattern of growth. For example, if |
|
Chinese consumers follow the example of their Japanese, Korean, |
|
Malaysian and Taiwanese neighbors, their auto ownership could |
|
rise from about 10 per thousand to 100 cars per 1,000 in about |
|
10 years. Increased environmental residuals from developing |
|
countries will become a major source of both domestic and |
|
international issues, especially looking at transnational |
|
flows. Increased competition could take place among countries |
|
seeking sources of mineral commodities to supply their |
|
industrial production. |
|
National policies regarding both the domestic and |
|
international resource ownership and policies concerning |
|
mineral exports are examples of ways that governments could |
|
attempt to secure advantage for domestic industries. As |
|
developing countries increase their per capita income |
|
consumption, several changes are likely. Higher national |
|
incomes are likely to lead to increased consumption of mineral |
|
commodities, but at the same time, the higher incomes lead to |
|
increased resistance to mineral production. This could create |
|
difficulties for companies that are seeking to increase |
|
exploration for new mineral deposits. Increased volatility in |
|
mineral prices could result from slowdowns in developing |
|
economies. During a downturn, developing economies could turn |
|
up their new production capacity to produce mineral commodities |
|
to an export toward developed countries and resulting in |
|
significant trade disputes. |
|
An example of this was the cement exports to the United |
|
States that took place from Asia in 1997. In developing |
|
countries, high prices and increased competition for mineral |
|
commodities could bring additional economic pressure on our |
|
manufacturers. New strategies could be developed that would use |
|
information technology to increase recycling, reuse and |
|
remanufacture and would help to alleviate this trend. There has |
|
been increasing calls from reliable information on both energy |
|
and mineral consumption in the press in recent months. And |
|
finally, the continued growth in the economies of China and |
|
other large developing countries could result in a period of |
|
real rising prices for mineral commodities such as occurred |
|
following World War II. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
[The prepared statement of Mr. Menzie follows:] |
|
|
|
Statement of W. David Menzie, Geologist, U.S. Geological Survey |
|
|
|
Good morning, Mr. Chairman. Thank you for the opportunity to |
|
discuss the effects of rapid economic growth in developing countries on |
|
global mineral markets and on the United States economy, national |
|
security, and the global environment. This statement describes the link |
|
between mineral consumption and economic development; outlines, in |
|
particular, how China's development is affecting mineral markets; and, |
|
examines some implications of this development. This information is |
|
based upon a recently released U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) Open-File |
|
Report 2004-1374, ``China's growing appetite for minerals.'' |
|
The USGS, through its Mineral Resources Program, is the primary |
|
Federal provider of scientific and economic information for objective |
|
resource assessments and unbiased research results on national and |
|
international mineral potential, production, trade, consumption, and |
|
environmental effects. This USGS role is clearly defined and unique |
|
from other Federal, State, local or private entities. These USGS |
|
activities provide information ranging from that required for land |
|
planning decisions on specific management units to that required for |
|
national and international economic, foreign policy and national |
|
security decisions. |
|
One of the major international news stories of 2004 was the rapid |
|
growth of the Chinese economy. China's growth earned headline status |
|
because China is consuming large amounts of raw materials and is |
|
becoming a more important factor in global trade and economic growth in |
|
other countries. Development on the scale that is now occurring is |
|
greatly increasing world consumption of minerals and will affect |
|
patterns of mineral production, trade, and consumption. |
|
The Connection Between Minerals and Economic Development |
|
For many developing countries, economic growth has just begun; |
|
however, China's economic growth is not new. Since the late 1980s, |
|
economic growth in China has been between 7 and 9 percent annually, |
|
doubling the economy every 8 to 10 years. China has been undergoing |
|
industrialization, moving through a series of stages that include |
|
development of infrastructure, followed by development of light |
|
manufacture, development of heavy manufacture, increased consumption of |
|
consumer goods, and finally, by the development of a service economy. |
|
Based upon the experiences of the Federal Republic of Germany and Japan |
|
during the post-World War II period, and of the Republic of Korea in |
|
the period 1970-95, changes begin at roughly 5-year intervals and each |
|
of the stages takes about 20 years to complete- with stages |
|
overlapping. During each stage of economic development, consumption of |
|
particular mineral commodities rises dramatically. |
|
For example, the first or infrastructure stage is characterized by |
|
large increases in consumption of cement, crushed stone, and sand and |
|
gravel; cement consumption may rise from a few tens of kilograms per |
|
person per year to 0.5 to 1 ton of cement per person per year. During |
|
the second or light manufacturing stage, consumption of copper may |
|
increase from less than a kilogram per person per year to around 10 |
|
kilograms per person per year. In the third or heavy manufacturing |
|
stage, consumption of aluminum, iron ore, and steel rises. For example, |
|
aluminum consumption typically increases from less than a kilogram per |
|
person per year to 10 to 30 kilograms per person per year. The consumer |
|
goods stage of development is characterized by increased consumption of |
|
durable goods such as automobiles. Increases in the consumption of |
|
metals with specialty applications such as nickel, which is used in |
|
stainless steel, industrial minerals, and fuels are characteristic of |
|
the fourth or consumer goods stage. Finally, high but static rates of |
|
per capita consumption of minerals in finished goods are characteristic |
|
of the ultimate services stage. |
|
China's per capita consumption of copper (about 2.5 kg in 2004) |
|
suggests that it is about 20 to 30 percent of the way through the light |
|
manufacturing stage of development. |
|
|
|
How Chinese Economic Growth is Affecting World Mineral Markets |
|
USGS analysis indicates that China's rising consumption of mineral |
|
commodities has resulted in higher prices and lower stocks of mineral |
|
commodities such as aluminum, copper, gold, iron ore, nickel, platinum- |
|
group metals, and tin. Another result has been high levels of use of |
|
world production capacity for many commodities. This has left little |
|
excess capacity to handle supply disruptions. In some cases, shortages |
|
of mineral commodities have caused manufacturers to limit their |
|
production of goods. World demand for iron ore, iron and steel scrap, |
|
blast furnace coke and steel has been especially strong. This contrasts |
|
strongly with the situation of 2001 when analysts argued that 10 to 20 |
|
percent of steel capacity was unneeded. As with other mineral |
|
commodities, most of the increase in steel demand has come from China. |
|
The USGS has received numerous contacts recently from companies trying |
|
to find sources of iron ore and steel, including those used in the |
|
manufacture of automobile axles and in defense applications. |
|
China is the leading producer of a number of minerals including |
|
aluminum, antimony, cement, fluorspar, coking coal, magnesium, rare |
|
earths, steel, tin, tungsten, and zinc. However, because of the demands |
|
of its economy, Chinese exports of mineral commodities such as rare- |
|
earth elements, silver, tin, and tungsten, are declining. China |
|
controls exports of some mineral commodities such as antimony, coking |
|
coal, and tungsten by requiring an export permit. China also maintains |
|
duties on exports of some mineral commodities. China is a significant |
|
source for a number of mineral commodities for which the United States |
|
is dependent upon imports for most of its supply. These include |
|
antimony (79 percent of imports), barite (90 percent), fluorspar (65 |
|
percent), indium (49 percent), magnesium compounds (68 percent), rare |
|
earths (67 percent), tungsten (47 percent), and yttrium (88 percent). |
|
These mineral commodities have important uses in applications such as |
|
batteries, ceramics, electronic equipment, flame resistant materials, |
|
metallurgical processing, and petroleum drilling. |
|
In order to meet the needs of its rapidly growing economy, China |
|
has had to increase both its production and imports of minerals |
|
commodities. China's large aluminum, copper, and steel industries are |
|
dependent upon imports of raw materials. As a result, China has made |
|
significant foreign investment in bauxite and alumina, copper, iron |
|
ore, and nickel production facilities. Last fall, state-owned China |
|
Minmetals Corporation entered into discussions to purchase the Canadian |
|
company Noranda, Inc. Although those negotiations have not resulted in |
|
an agreement to date, they are indicative of interest by China in |
|
owning sources of the mineral commodities that its industries rely |
|
upon. China's rapid economic development and increased consumption of |
|
mineral commodities are also increasing environmental residuals |
|
released into the environment. |
|
|
|
Some Possible Implications of the Rapid Economic Growth in Developing |
|
Countries |
|
USGS analysis of mineral consumption patterns shows that continued |
|
strong economic growth in China and other developing countries with |
|
large populations has some important implications. |
|
1. China and other developing countries are likely to follow |
|
general patterns of development. China is now well along in its light |
|
manufacturing stage and has begun to develop its heavy industry and |
|
even to consume durable goods such as automobiles. If Chinese consumers |
|
follow the example of their Japanese, Korean, Malaysian, and Taiwanese |
|
neighbors, Chinese auto ownership could rise from about 10 to 100 autos |
|
per thousand people within the next 7 to 10 years. Unless there is a |
|
significant improvement in automobile engines, this could create a |
|
significant increase in environmental residuals. |
|
2. Increased environmental residuals from developing countries |
|
will become a major issue both domestically in the developing countries |
|
and internationally. Transnational flows of environmental residuals |
|
could increase disputes between nations. |
|
3. Increased competition could take place among countries seeking |
|
sources of mineral commodities to supply industrial production. |
|
National policies regarding domestic and international resource |
|
ownership and policies concerning mineral exports are examples of ways |
|
that governments could attempt to secure advantages for domestic |
|
industries. |
|
4. As the developing countries increase their per capita income, |
|
several changes are likely. Higher national incomes are likely to lead |
|
to increased consumption of mineral commodities. At the same time, |
|
higher national incomes are likely to increase resistance to mineral |
|
production because preferences for environmental goods and services |
|
increase with income. This could create difficulties for companies |
|
seeking to increase exploration for new mineral deposits and to extend |
|
lives for some deposits that were thought to be reaching the end of |
|
their production. |
|
5. Increased volatility in mineral prices could result from |
|
slowdowns in developing economies, which are producing and consuming |
|
very large quantities of mineral commodities. If during such a |
|
downturn, developing countries turn their growing capacity to produce |
|
mineral commodities to exports to developed countries, significant |
|
trade disputes could take place. The rapid increase in imports of |
|
cement from Asia into the United States following the downturn of Asian |
|
economies in 1997 is a small example of what could happen. |
|
6. In developed countries, high prices and increased competition |
|
for mineral commodities could bring additional economic pressure on |
|
manufacturers. New strategies could be developed that would use |
|
information technologies together with innovations in product design to |
|
reduce the costs of disassembling durable goods at the end of life of |
|
products and of sorting materials. This could increase reuse, |
|
remanufacture, and recycling of components and help manufacturers to |
|
avoid high cost new materials. |
|
7. Rapid changes in mineral consumption are creating conditions |
|
where reliable information for economic and national security planning |
|
and developing public policies will be increasingly important. |
|
8. Continued growth of the economies of China and other large |
|
developing countries could result in a period of rising real prices for |
|
mineral commodities. This would be in contrast to the last 30 years, |
|
during which real prices of many minerals have declined. Over the next |
|
20 years, mineral commodity price trends may more closely resemble the |
|
period from 1950 to 1970 than the last 30 years because of the |
|
proportion of the world's economies undergoing development. |
|
The rapid economic growth in developing countries is greatly |
|
increasing global mineral consumption, changing global patterns of |
|
mineral production, trade, and increasing releases to the environment. |
|
These changes have important implications for the economy and national |
|
security of the United States. |
|
Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for the opportunity to discuss this |
|
important matter, and in so doing, to showcase the significant |
|
information gathering and analytical capabilities resident in the USGS. |
|
______ |
|
|
|
Mr. Gibbons. Thank you very much, Mr. Menzie, you have |
|
added a perspective on the mineral picture here that is very |
|
important and critical to this panel's understanding. We |
|
appreciate your testimony. To each of our witnesses now, I want |
|
to explain that we will be going into a 5-minute questioning |
|
period where members will have an opportunity to address |
|
specific questions to you. We will try to limit those to 5 |
|
minutes each depending upon the schedule here. |
|
Let me begin by asking, perhaps, Mr. Caruso, when we look |
|
at oil today at $55 a barrel, what is driving up the price of |
|
oil? Is it something other than demand, which doesn't seem to |
|
be rising as quickly as the price of a per barrel cost? What is |
|
driving oil to $55? |
|
Mr. Caruso. Mr. Chairman, the main factor driving up the |
|
price of oil is the not only the increase in demand, which was |
|
very robust in 2004, 2.7 million barrels a day, but the fact |
|
that it used up almost all of the productive capacity in the |
|
world. So that we have an extremely tight situation, not only |
|
in the production side, but in the refining industry and in |
|
transportation. And so that any small change, whether it be a |
|
strike of workers in Nigeria or a problem in Iraq, the only |
|
safety relief valve is price. So the price in economic terms |
|
has become very inelastic in the short run, goes up much faster |
|
than the percentage increase in demand. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. You raise the issue of productive capacity. Is |
|
that at the well that we are talking about or is that in the |
|
refined product productive capacity? |
|
Mr. Caruso. Currently, it's in both. During October of 2004 |
|
when Hurricane Ivan shut in about 500,000 barrels a day of U.S. |
|
capacity in the Gulf of Mexico, the world was essentially |
|
operating at 100 percent of capacity. With that capacity being |
|
back on stream, maybe we are up to about 98 utilization on a |
|
global basis out of 84.5 million barrels a day. Any industry |
|
operating that close to the margin spread out over many |
|
thousands of miles means this enormous inflexibility to deal |
|
with problems. |
|
And second, because of the increase in demand for |
|
transportation fuels, gasoline and diesel, the ability of |
|
refiners not only in the U.S. but in Europe and even in Asia is |
|
now also being stretched very thin. It is not only productive |
|
capacity at the wellhead, but the ability to convert that crude |
|
oil into that mix of products that is currently being demanded. |
|
And China is a big part of that, because as Jeff pointed out, a |
|
big part of their incremental demand is in increased use of |
|
passenger cars and trucks. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. Are we increasing our capacity to refine fuels |
|
in this country? |
|
Mr. Caruso. We are, but only at existing facilities. We |
|
have not built a new refinery since the late 1980s. All of the |
|
incremental capacity to refine has been added at the |
|
bottlenecking at existing refineries or some additional |
|
capacity, but at existing sites. So we have had added capacity, |
|
but relatively slowly. And we are increasingly dependent on |
|
imports of products, particularly from Europe and the Caribbean |
|
export refineries, which we expect to continue over the next 2 |
|
decades. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. Very briefly for my education and those of |
|
members of the Committee, can you tell me exactly where the |
|
United States imports its oil from? |
|
Mr. Caruso. Sure. The main suppliers are Canada, number |
|
one. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. How much do they provide us? |
|
Mr. Caruso. They are providing about 1.8 million barrels a |
|
day out of 12, so about one-sixth of our imports in 2004. Saudi |
|
Arabia is slightly behind, a couple hundred thousand barrels a |
|
day less, maybe at 15 percent. And then Mexico, maybe just a |
|
little bit less than that, 14 percent. And then fourthly |
|
Venezuela. So those top four, Canada, Saudi Arabia, Mexico and |
|
Venezuela account for almost 70 percent of our imports. The |
|
rest come from a large number of countries like Nigeria and |
|
others from--much less from Norway, UK. But the others are much |
|
smaller. The key, the other key to that question is in the |
|
future, we expect most of the incremental supplies--I mentioned |
|
we are going to need 8 million barrels a day of more demand and |
|
it will be in the form of imports. Most of that will be coming |
|
from, we believe, Persian Gulf OPEC countries. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. My time has expired. |
|
Mr. Grijalva. |
|
Mr. Grijalva. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Let me begin, Mr. |
|
Menzie, if I may, and I appreciate the data you have given on |
|
behalf of USGS with regard to the global mineral market and |
|
China's effect on it. Let me ask you a question. The |
|
Administration has proposed that program be reduced by 28.5 |
|
million in the 2006 budget. So how will the international |
|
minerals program accommodate this loss? And will you be able to |
|
produce and present to Congress the kind of data and |
|
information that you have to date? |
|
Mr. Menzie. Sir, the cuts, as I understand them, would |
|
eliminate international mineral reporting and the work on |
|
minerals internationally through our global assessment program. |
|
So those would not be available in the future. |
|
Mr. Grijalva. The primary focus then for USGS then will be |
|
to look at domestic minerals, Federal lands primarily? |
|
Mr. Menzie. As I understand it, that's correct, sir. |
|
Mr. Grijalva. Mr. Logan, in your discussion with the |
|
Committee, as you were talking, you said that--let me see if |
|
I'm quoting you correctly, the environmental issues are too |
|
great to ignore. Can you outline some of the environmental |
|
implications of the situation in China as a consequence of the |
|
statement you made that those issues are too hard to ignore? |
|
Mr. Logan. China currently consumes about 2 billion tons of |
|
coal each year and a lot of that consumption happens in |
|
outdated and very inefficient technologies, old boilers or |
|
furnaces. Power plants, emit huge quantities of sulfur dioxide |
|
and other harmful pollutants. We see increasing amounts of air |
|
pollution from China traveling across the Pacific ocean and |
|
even reaching U.S. territory. But from a global perspective, |
|
probably more important is the rise in greenhouse gas emissions |
|
in China. And since coal is by far the most carbon intensive |
|
fuel, the intensity of the carbon emissions in China are very |
|
high. They have taken a lot of steps to try to rationalize |
|
energy use in China. But as I mentioned, the last few years, we |
|
have seen a very disturbing trend where the economy is using |
|
much more energy to produce a unit of economic growth than it |
|
had in the past. So we believe that China's energy development |
|
plans are intimately tied to global and environmental quality |
|
and global and environmental issues. And that's why we believe |
|
it is too important to ignore. |
|
Mr. Grijalva. And my last question, Mr. Chairman, Mr. |
|
Caruso, the Asian Times reported that China has joined the |
|
United States and Japan in developing strategic petroleum |
|
reserves and the 75-day period of emergency reserves in four |
|
locations. I want to ask how is that development--how will that |
|
affect the energy prices both in the long-term and the short- |
|
term, the development of both reserves? |
|
Mr. Caruso. Yes, indeed that's correct. China has started a |
|
program to develop strategic petroleum reserves at a relatively |
|
low level of fill for 2005. Jeff might have more detail, but I |
|
think it's less than 100,000 barrels a day for 2005. And so I |
|
don't think it will have a large impact, but certainly as I |
|
mentioned, when the market is tight as it is, it certainly |
|
will--there will be some small impact, I believe, this year in |
|
the short term. In the long term, I think it is probably a net |
|
benefit to have China in the position where it has strategic |
|
reserves so that we will be able to rely on those in the case |
|
of some sort of a disruption. To the extent that other |
|
countries develop this kind of a cushion in terms of strategic |
|
reserves as we have done in this country and in other IEA |
|
countries, I think it is a net plus for global market |
|
stability. |
|
Mr. Grijalva. In that same equation, how would our reserve, |
|
given the competition for fossil fuels between the United |
|
States, China and India--and I can only describe it as |
|
competition--how does the Nation's strategic petroleum reserve |
|
factor into that competitive equation? |
|
Mr. Caruso. Well, our fill rate is also relatively low at |
|
roughly 100,000 barrels a day this year. And we are approaching |
|
the full capacity, design capacity of 700 million barrels. So I |
|
would not expect there to be much of a market impact in terms |
|
of competition for oil to fill China's reserve compared with |
|
filling ours. I think it's such a small part of the 84.5 |
|
million barrel a day global market that I don't think that will |
|
be a major factor in the oil market. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. Thank you, Mr. Grijalva. We will turn to Mr. |
|
Peterson now. |
|
Mr. Peterson. Thank you, Mr. Chairman, I want to thank the |
|
panel for very interesting testimony. Mr. Caruso, I was reading |
|
from some information that was a part of your--it said total |
|
demand for natural gas is also projected to increase at an |
|
average annual rate of 1.5 percent from 2003 to 25. 75 percent |
|
of the growth in gas demand from 2003 to 2005 results from |
|
increased use of power generation and industrial applications. |
|
Is the bulk of that power generation? |
|
Mr. Caruso. Yes, Congressman Peterson. The amount of |
|
increment in gas will be about 50 percent of our growth. I will |
|
make sure that's accurate for the record, but that's my |
|
recollection. But by far, the largest increment of growth will |
|
be in electric power. |
|
Mr. Peterson. I don't think it was wise when we went there, |
|
but that's another issue, because what we are not talking about |
|
is the homeowner. I mean today, gas--the price, the continued |
|
price increase of gas and the projected price increase of gas |
|
is going to put the American homeowner in a very difficult |
|
strait, especially older people with large homes. Much of |
|
America depends on natural gas to heat their homes and |
|
commercial application, the cost to heat commercial |
|
establishments and those who use natural gas as a heavy use to |
|
make, bake or cook, to make their product. I have my dry kilns |
|
that in my district that dry wood and use natural gas. They |
|
have shut down. They no longer can dry wood competitively with |
|
natural gas. I don't think we have any idea how much of this is |
|
going on around the country if people are moving away from |
|
natural gas, which they ought to be moving toward in my view. |
|
I guess what scares me about your testimony or stuns me is |
|
we are saying we're going to double the importation of gas in |
|
the next 15 years. And it's almost all through LNG, from your |
|
charts. You're going to increase LNG use in this country by 16 |
|
times. Do you really think that is doable? You have to build |
|
the most expensive ships the most controversial ports and you |
|
buy from unstable countries who will double or triple the price |
|
when we increase the volume. And can we even get there? Can we |
|
increase LNG by 16 times? |
|
Mr. Caruso. I think we can. The investment patterns that we |
|
see going on overseas to develop liquefaction capacity are |
|
moving forward at a reasonably good pace. And the |
|
regasification proposals currently at FERC are more than 20 to |
|
build regasification terminals. We don't think that 20 will be |
|
built, but that's how many are being proposed or have been |
|
submitted to FERC, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission. |
|
So we think the gas is there. There appears to be |
|
investment willingness to build the liquefaction capacity. And |
|
based on our projections, we certainly believe the demand will |
|
be there. |
|
Mr. Peterson. I know the gas is there. I mean, that's not |
|
the issue. But is it wise for us to become importers of natural |
|
gas? Now what you didn't mention is can you build a port, but |
|
now you have to build a pipeline to connect it to the current |
|
system. I don't know of only one gas company that is even |
|
talking about that. Is there much of that going on? |
|
Mr. Caruso. There is some going on, but there is more to |
|
the story than just the liquefaction and regasification. There |
|
is hooking up with the existing distribution system. And that |
|
will also represent significant investments as well. Certainly, |
|
I know there is debate going on in this Chamber as well as the |
|
Senate as we speak on the wisdom of our energy policy, but |
|
clearly, you know, what can I say from the IEA point of view, |
|
our projections indicate that the demand will be there largely |
|
in electric power and industrial applications. And as you point |
|
out, 60 percent plus of our homes in this country are heated by |
|
natural gas. So I think the wisdom--I, of course, rely on the |
|
decisionmakers and policymakers to debate that. |
|
Mr. Peterson. Well, you are the agency that reports the |
|
data. So I am not picking on you. You are not the policymaker. |
|
But your data you are giving us assumes that is the only option |
|
we have is LNG. |
|
Mr. Caruso. In fact, Chairman Pombo and others have asked |
|
what would happen if this--we did not indeed meet this type of |
|
demand, whether it be for reasons of the inability to site the |
|
regasification terminals or the investment wasn't made. And |
|
clearly what our studies have shown is that if supply is not |
|
available or the infrastructure is not built, as I mentioned |
|
with oil, there's only one pressure relief valve. If the demand |
|
is there and supply is not forthcoming, that means higher |
|
prices. |
|
Mr. Peterson. And I think we are at the busting--we are at |
|
the wall already. I don't think homeowners, commercial and |
|
industrial in this country continue to pay the highest natural |
|
gas prices in the world, which we have. Oil prices, everybody |
|
pays the same. But the natural gas prices, they go from $0.80 |
|
to $7 and something. You can't compete with 80 cent gas, which |
|
many countries have. A lot of countries have gas for less than |
|
a buck. We are really putting ourselves in a terrible |
|
competitive--but the assumption that we have to double our |
|
importation and it's all on the back of LNG is a dangerous, |
|
flawed strategy, because--and I know my time is up, but be |
|
prepared for the next round, because I am not done. I am just |
|
getting started. |
|
Mr. Caruso. I am well aware of it. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. We will turn to someone who understands the |
|
importation of energy in this part of America that is unique to |
|
most others, Mr. Faleomavaega from American Samoa. |
|
Mr. Faleomavaega. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. Just on a |
|
follow-up question that Mr. Peterson is trying to pursue here. |
|
Maybe gentlemen, you can help me. It is my understanding that |
|
the state of Qatar currently largest reserves of natural gas in |
|
the world. Am I correct in this? |
|
Mr. Caruso. They are in the top three. There is Russia, |
|
Iran and Qatar. They are all very close. The three of them |
|
together have about 70 percent of the world's natural gas |
|
reserves. |
|
Mr. Faleomavaega. My understanding, Bolivia has made |
|
findings of natural gas and very pretty much in abundance. How |
|
does this compare then to us as to what Mr. Peterson is trying |
|
to pursue here? Over the years--and I will follow up with a |
|
question. This has always been the issue for how many years now |
|
we keep talking about more and more our country has to input |
|
our fuel resources, especially oil and fossil fuel. And somehow |
|
we seem to be spinning our wheels. Every year we go through |
|
this round talking about limited energy resources and what are |
|
we doing about it and bringing up this issue as Mr. Peterson |
|
reiterated about the supply of gas alone, what is the option |
|
there available because of our dependence on this resource from |
|
other countries? Are we doing enough R&D?. |
|
This is another point of my question. It has always been a |
|
touch and go when we talk about alternative energy resources |
|
but it always comes back to fossil fuel. Doesn't seem to be any |
|
real seriousness maybe perhaps in part of our government and |
|
maybe the energy companies. What are some of the alternative |
|
resources that we could really do serious R&D so we don't have |
|
to be so dependent on these other countries for these |
|
resources? I am asking all three of you gentlemen. |
|
Mr. Caruso. You are absolutely right. Certainly technology |
|
and R&D are the answer for the long term, and I think there has |
|
been a significant amount and continues to be. There can always |
|
be more. And one cannot overlook technology that has been done |
|
over the last several decades that has led to substantial |
|
improvements in the way we use--as I mentioned, we are using |
|
about half the amount of energy per unit of GDP than we were |
|
using 30 years ago. |
|
So there has been improvement and certainly some of the oil |
|
and gas that's being produced today wouldn't have been produced |
|
under the technology of 30 years ago. There are developments, |
|
deep water drilling. There is a lot that has been happening. |
|
But in terms of alternative energy supplies, there is a |
|
long lead time when it comes to thing like hydrogen, fuel cell |
|
development and others. So until then, what we have been doing |
|
is importing oil and now more and more natural gas, because |
|
that's the available supplies at a reasonable cost. |
|
And indeed, you mentioned Qatar, our estimates is that |
|
Qatar LNG, when it's up and running and deliverable to the U.S. |
|
would probably come into the east coast at about $3.60 a |
|
thousand cubic feet which is about half of today's spot price. |
|
So economics will drive this. Very pertinent question that |
|
Congressman Peterson raised about strategic and whether this is |
|
the path we should be on or not. This is worth anticipating. |
|
Mr. Faleomavaega. The three most populous countries in the |
|
world, China, India and the United States, even though we |
|
consume over 30 percent of the world's energy resources with a |
|
population of only 486 million people, do you get the |
|
impression that there is such an evil thing on the part on |
|
China and India that they have to look for energy resources. I |
|
mean 2 billion people combined population, the demand for the |
|
consumption is there. I notice that India wanted to do a $4 |
|
billion pipeline contract with Iran going through Pakistan, and |
|
we are placing very serious objections to this. What is your |
|
take on this? |
|
I notice that China is going to central and South America |
|
shopping for more oil supplies because of this demand. Is it |
|
bad for these two nations to be seeking other oil resources, |
|
just like we are trying to do in other parts of the world? |
|
Mr. Logan. I can try to say a few words about that. I think |
|
when we look at the development of China's economy and we see |
|
that how immensely people's lives have changed in the last 30 |
|
or 40 years, it is truly remarkable. Literally hundreds of |
|
millions of people have been lifted out of dire poverty and a |
|
lot of that has been associated with rising energy consumption. |
|
So, no, I don't think we can consider that China and India and |
|
other large developing economies don't have a right to improve |
|
their standards of living by using more energy. It's |
|
inevitable, it's going to happen and I think we have to prepare |
|
for it. |
|
In terms of Chinese and Indian and some other large state- |
|
owned companies, energy companies investing abroad, there's a |
|
mixed picture, I think. We see some benefit when state-owned |
|
companies from China and India invest in resources that other |
|
international energy companies ignore for political or economic |
|
reasons. They are making it possible to bring on some |
|
incremental supply to the global market, because no one else |
|
will touch those resources. |
|
Mr. Faleomavaega. I know my time is up. Just a quick |
|
observation, my understanding, Kazakhstan has the third largest |
|
oil reserves potentially in the world. Something also to |
|
consider. But one thing I wanted to note as a matter of |
|
observation, if we have really been serious about refinement. |
|
My understanding is we have enough coal supply. And Mr. |
|
Peterson probably knows more about coal more than I do. And how |
|
much R&D is going into refining coal as an energy resource and |
|
I'm curious about that. Every time I hear about coal, it is an |
|
environmentally dangerous resource for fuel. My question is how |
|
much R&D have we put in there, if this is good for the next |
|
1,000 years, to provide the energy needs for country? Why |
|
aren't we doing enough research to make coal as a better |
|
resource, environmentally safe? And just a matter of |
|
observation. Mr. Chairman, I know my time is up. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. Thank you very much. |
|
Let me just say that each year we do add money into a Clean |
|
Coal Technology Program in this country that helps with that |
|
research and development. |
|
One of the observations I want to make before turning it |
|
over to Mr. Peterson is a concern that some of us have is a |
|
monopolization of the oil production and the products that come |
|
from that by a country with its demand tying up those |
|
international sources, so whether it be the United States, |
|
whether it be China, whether it be India, whether it be any |
|
other country going out there and acquiring the only or |
|
remaining productive capacity, that monopolizes that whole |
|
issue, which then puts a tremendous variability and instability |
|
into the whole program for what we do in terms of our growth. |
|
And I will come back to my question. |
|
I want to go to Mr. Peterson. We probably each have time |
|
for one more additional question before we go to go do two |
|
votes, at which time we will come back and hear our second |
|
panel. |
|
Mr. Peterson. |
|
Mr. Peterson. Yes. I wanted to mention the coal thing, but |
|
I guess I don't have time. |
|
We do have a clean coal technology fluidized bed boiler; we |
|
use it for our dirtiest lowest BTU that's on top of the ground |
|
that was put there as waist coal years ago. We're burning it |
|
cleanly, but we have chosen not to use it in this country, even |
|
though, in my view, it takes the particulate out of the air and |
|
puts it in the fuel waste that does not go in there, but we |
|
just closed the door on coal, unfortunately. But I am going to |
|
go back to natural gas. |
|
I think natural gas is the one fuel that can bridge us |
|
through these difficult times, but I guess I'm stunned that |
|
we're listening to Greenspan--who I don't think knows crap |
|
about energy--because he said we should do LNG. He's the guy |
|
who has raised the LNG issue in every hearing in the last year |
|
and a half. He's the one that put natural gas in the hearing |
|
process when he asked to come to the Commerce Committee and |
|
talk about it. And he has given the LNG solution, which, in my |
|
view, is the worst potential solution we have. |
|
This country has adequate reserves to drill its way out of |
|
the natural gas problem and be competitive with the rest of the |
|
world. We have huge reserves in natural gas. But if the |
|
government-imposed moratoriums on all the areas where gas is |
|
readily available continue, and have been supported by three |
|
presidents--I think erroneously, including this one--I think |
|
that's a mistake in this country. |
|
Natural gas is going to be the bridge to hydrogen. All the |
|
hydrogen makers tell you we're going to make hydrogen out of |
|
natural gas before we make it out of water and other things |
|
because that's the easiest, simplest way to do it. |
|
I have an all natural gas bus company at State College |
|
that's going to start enhancing with hydrogen with the hopes |
|
down the road on running them on hydrogen, but it will be |
|
hydrogen made from natural gas. |
|
Now we're using natural gas unlimitedly for power |
|
generation, which I think is a waste. What we ought to have is |
|
a no-growth-in-oil-use policy in this country. We have three |
|
percent of the world's oil, we have almost unlimited natural |
|
gas in this country that we can drill for. And I guess I would |
|
like to make the statement for the press and everybody else, a |
|
gas well is not an oil well, and nobody wants to talk about |
|
that. I think it's time for this country to decouple oil and |
|
gas leasing. A gas well is a 6-inch hole in the ground with a |
|
steel casing, cement at the bottom, cement at the top, and we |
|
let gas out. That's not a huge environmental hazard, but we |
|
have been conditioned as a public to think it is. |
|
Many of our gas fields are dry gas, you don't even have |
|
fluids hardly. So I think, I mean, I think it's ludicrous that |
|
we don't have a policy about opening up our rich fields to |
|
drill for natural gas in lots of very safe places. I'm told |
|
there's--I forgot how many trillion feet off of the shore of |
|
New Jersey 80 miles out. |
|
This summer my staff visited Canadian drilling rigs on the |
|
Great Lakes--I didn't go, I wished I had have. And Canada |
|
drills in our Great Lakes, sells us the gas. And I have never |
|
heard a complaint on the shores of Lake Erie about that |
|
drilling. If they hit an oil well, the cement truck is ready |
|
and it plugs it, they don't use it. But the natural gas is |
|
piped underground, undershore, nobody even knows it's there, it |
|
lets gas out. |
|
I mean, natural gas is not an environmental hazard. You |
|
have a two-acre lot, if you're doing it on land, that you have |
|
to clear to produce the well, and once it's over, there's a |
|
tank and a couple of pipes there. I mean, it's not an |
|
environmental--why this country thinks drilling for natural gas |
|
is a hazard, it's the clean burning fuel. We should be fueling |
|
all public transportation with natural gas, taking relief of |
|
oil. We should be fueling taxicabs, delivery trucks, service |
|
trucks that go short distances. They have a new engine that |
|
uses natural gas for diesel where you can go back to 15 percent |
|
diesel and 85 percent natural gas. Think how much cleaner that |
|
would be with diesel trucks on the highways. There is an engine |
|
being worked on, and it's pretty close to being available. I |
|
mean, I think for us to have a natural gas policy that our only |
|
answer is to import LNG--and there is no way, in my view, that |
|
you can increase the LNG into this country by 16 times in the |
|
period of time this mentioned, I think that's a very flawed |
|
policy. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. Mr. Peterson, thank you very much for the |
|
discussion on natural gas. And you can tell he's not sitting on |
|
the fence on this issue. |
|
We did have a signal, as you heard from the buzzers, there |
|
are 2 votes going to take place. We anticipate that this will |
|
take about 30 minutes for the next 2 votes, so we're going to |
|
adjourn this hearing for 30 minutes. |
|
Before I do, and before I release this panel, I want to |
|
thank all of you three for coming here today. We will call up |
|
our next panel at the beginning when we return. But there are |
|
going to be a number of written questions that we will submit |
|
to the members of the panels; we would like those to be |
|
answered and submitted back to us within a week, if we could |
|
possibly do that, no longer than 10 days, of course, after |
|
that. |
|
With that in mind, I will tell the members that we have |
|
about 5 minutes to run vote, and we're going to adjourn this |
|
hearing--or recess this hearing, not adjourn, we will recess |
|
for about 30 minutes. |
|
[Recess.] |
|
Mr. Gibbons. The Subcommittee on Energy and Mineral |
|
Resources will come back to order. We will call up our second |
|
panel now, and before I make those names known, I want to |
|
apologize to everybody. You've just now experienced |
|
Congressional time, what we call 30 minutes turns into an hour, |
|
of course. So with that, I want to call up our second panel, |
|
which will be Milt Copulos, President National Defense Council |
|
Foundation, and Alan S. Hegburg, Senior Fellow, CSIS Energy |
|
Program, the Scowcroft Group. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. Gentlemen, welcome. We will turn now to Mr. |
|
Copulos. Welcome, the floor is yours. We look forward to your |
|
testimony. |
|
|
|
STATEMENT OF MILTON COPULOS, PRESIDENT, |
|
NATIONAL DEFENSE COUNCIL FOUNDATION |
|
|
|
Mr. Copulos. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would like to thank |
|
you for the opportunity to testify. |
|
Mr. Chairman, America is heading headlong into disaster, a |
|
disaster of our own making. Three decades ago, the Arab Oil |
|
Embargo made clear that our Nation's dependence on import oil |
|
was reaching dangerous levels and threatened to jeopardize our |
|
military and economic security, but that warning went unheeded. |
|
Today, despite all of the rhetoric and posturing and |
|
lamentations about energy, our security situation is far worse |
|
than it was in 1973. In fact, on a volumetric basis, oil |
|
imports today are more than double the level they were then. |
|
We are also becoming increasingly dependent on imports of |
|
important non-fuel minerals. We are 100 percent dependent on |
|
imports for 17 important non-fuel minerals ranging from |
|
graphite to gallium, and 80 or more percent dependent on |
|
another dozen. |
|
Under any circumstances, our reliance on transoceanic |
|
imports for key commodities would be a cause for concern, but a |
|
confluence of factors has heightened the threat that they pose |
|
to a critical level. These factors have a growing competition |
|
for resources from emerging economies, particularly that of |
|
China, and to a lesser degree India, and the inherent |
|
instability of the nations that constitute our most important |
|
sources of transoceanic supplies. |
|
For two decades, China's economy has grown between 7 and 9 |
|
percent annually, the highest rate of any nation on earth. To |
|
fuel this growth the PRC has developed a ravenous appetite for |
|
natural resources. Indeed, China counts for 40 percent of the |
|
total growth of oil demand in the past 4 years. Similarly, |
|
China's frenetic economic expansion is also credited as being a |
|
major factor driving the recent increases in nonfuel mineral |
|
prices. India, too, while not equalling China, still has an |
|
economy growing at around 6-1/2 percent a year, with the |
|
accompanying increases in the need for both energy and nonfuel |
|
minerals. |
|
But the stunning economic growth of emerging Asian |
|
economies is not the only concern in regard to transoceanic |
|
imports. Six nations, Canada, Mexico, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, |
|
Nigeria and Iraq, provided 66.9 percent of U.S. Oil imports |
|
last year, accounting for 42 percent of our total supply. Of |
|
these 4, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Nigeria and Iraq furnished |
|
37.7 percent of our imports, equalling 23.7 percent of total |
|
supply. And that's where the danger lies. |
|
In December of last year, al-Qaeda issued a statement that |
|
said, in part, we call on Mujahadin in the Arabian Peninsula to |
|
unify their ranks and target the oil supplies that do not serve |
|
the Islamic nation, but the enemies of that nation. There is |
|
little doubt that terrorists are trying to make good on the |
|
threat. Since May of 2003, 90 people have died in terrorist |
|
incidents in Saudi Arabia, and there have been dozens of |
|
attacks on oil-related facilities in Iraq. Although these |
|
incidents have not seriously disrupted supplies as yet, sooner |
|
or later they will. |
|
Even without a major supply disruption, however, they have |
|
been a principle factor in the huge oil price increases since |
|
in the past year. Nigeria is plagued with ethnic violence and |
|
banditry in its oil-producing regions, losing an estimated |
|
145,000 barrels a day to theft. |
|
In Venezuela, President Chavez, a close confident of Fidel |
|
Castro, with suspected ties to insurgents in Colombia and al- |
|
Qaeda, has threatened to cutoff oil shipments to the United |
|
States. In short, we face a new reality of increased |
|
competition from emerging nations of Asia, and critical |
|
instability among our principle transoceanic sources of supply. |
|
It is a reality that makes our continued dependence on imports |
|
an unacceptable risk, but it's a risk we need not take. |
|
The simple truth is that our Nation does not have an energy |
|
shortage. All we need to do is find the political will to take |
|
advantage of our incredible energy endowment. Consider this, |
|
there are 104 trillion cubic feet of so-called stranded gas in |
|
Alaska. Utilizing well-proven gas-to-liquids technologies would |
|
permit us to convert the stranded resource into clean burning |
|
fuels that could be shipped to the lower 48 States by the |
|
trans-Alaska Pipeline System. And that's just the tip of the |
|
iceberg. |
|
The U.S. holds 62.5 percent of the world's oil shale |
|
deposits, the equivalent of 530 billion barrels of oil. That's |
|
more than twice the proved reserves of Saudi Arabia. The U.S. |
|
Also holds 25 percent of the world's coal reserves, 275.1 |
|
billion tons, or enough to maintain current production levels |
|
for 2 centuries. |
|
There also remain huge untapped resources of conventional |
|
oil and gas resources in areas offshore that are currently |
|
closed to development. |
|
One of the most exciting prospects is methane hydrates, |
|
known as the water that burns. U.S. methane hydrate resources |
|
are estimated to hold 320,222 trillion cubic feet of natural |
|
gas; that is the equivalent of 51.1 trillion barrels of oil. |
|
One, just one, onshore methane hydrate deposit in Alaska is |
|
estimated to hold 519 trillion cubic feet of natural gas, the |
|
equivalent of 82.9 billion barrels of oil. |
|
We also have emerging technologies that can help us use the |
|
energy resources we have more efficiently, and provide |
|
alternative sources of fuel. Hybrid electric vehicles, for |
|
example, can substantially improve automotive mileage. |
|
The choice is really very simple; we can act now to do |
|
something to use our domestic resources, or stand idly by and |
|
allow us to be overwhelmed by events. If we fail to act, we |
|
will have no one to blame but ourselves. |
|
[The prepared statement of Mr. Copulos follows:] |
|
|
|
Statement of Milton R. Copulos, President, |
|
National Defense Council Foundation |
|
|
|
My name is Milton R. Copulos and I am President of the National |
|
Defense Council Foundation. |
|
I would like to thank Chairman Gibbons and the Members of the |
|
Subcommittee for the opportunity to testify today. |
|
America is rushing headlong into disaster. What is worse, however, |
|
is that it is a disaster of our own design. |
|
Three decades ago, the Arab Oil Embargo made it clear that the |
|
nation's growing dependence on imported oil was reaching dangerous |
|
levels and threatened to jeopardize our economic and military security. |
|
Despite that dramatic demonstration of our vulnerability nothing has |
|
been done to address the problem. |
|
At the time of the Arab Oil Embargo in 1973, we imported 34.8% of |
|
our oil. In 2004, imports averaged 62.9%, and on a volumetric basis |
|
were more than twice the level they were 30 years ago. |
|
We may soon come to regret our complacency. |
|
A confluence of factors has occurred that heightens the jeopardy we |
|
face from our profligate import dependence. |
|
THE FIRST FACTOR: EMERGING ECONOMIES |
|
On one front, we have skyrocketing demand, driven in large part by |
|
the frenetic pace of economic growth in nations such as China and |
|
India. Indeed, for the past decade China has experienced a growth rate |
|
of between 7% and 9%, with a phenomenal rate of 9.5% in 2004. India's |
|
GDP has grown at an average of 6% for the same period, hitting 8.2% in |
|
the first quarter of 2004. In contrast, U.S. GDP grew at 5.6% for the |
|
same period, and Japan at 5%. |
|
Fueling this economic growth will require oil in increasing |
|
amounts. So much oil in fact, that the ability of current suppliers to |
|
produce it may be stretched to the breaking point. |
|
To illustrate, oil consumption in developing countries is expected |
|
to rise by 3% annually over the next 20 years. This means it will |
|
increase from 14.5 million barrels per day in 2000 to 29.8 million |
|
barrels per day by 2025. Within this total Chinese oil consumption, |
|
which accounted for fully 40% of the growth in world oil demand over |
|
the past four years, is expected to rise from the 5.56 million barrels |
|
per day recorded in 2003 to 12.8 million barrels in 2025. Of this |
|
total, 9.4 million barrels per day are expected to be accounted for by |
|
imports. |
|
India, too, is expected to see a dramatic rise in its oil |
|
consumption with a 28% increase projected for just the next five years. |
|
Under the best circumstances, the competition for oil generated by |
|
the explosive economic growth of Asia will serve to put a tremendous |
|
upward pressure on prices, driving them well above the current $50 plus |
|
per barrel average. OPEC officials have said oil prices could rise to |
|
as much as $80 a barrel and they may well be correct. In fact, under |
|
the right circumstances the price could be even higher. |
|
Under the worst circumstances, as our organization warned in a Los |
|
Angeles Times article five years ago, the competition for oil could |
|
lead to armed conflict--particularly with China. Lest this statement |
|
seem alarmist or far-fetched, I would note that the Chinese are, for |
|
the first time in their history, developing a ``blue water'' navy |
|
capable of operating beyond their shores, and their naval doctrine has |
|
been revised to provide for the projection of force in an arc running |
|
roughly 800 miles from their shoreline. |
|
But, I said there was a confluence of factors, and the growth of |
|
global demand is just one of them. The other, equally important factor |
|
is the growing instability of the nations on which we rely for the bulk |
|
of our imports. |
|
|
|
THE SECOND ELEMENT: UNSTABLE SUPPLIERS |
|
Six nations, Canada, Mexico, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Nigeria and |
|
Iraq, contribute 66.9% of all U.S. oil imports, equaling 42% of our |
|
total consumption. Of these, four, Saudi Arabia, Venezuela, Nigeria and |
|
Iraq account for 37.7% of our imports or 23.7% of the oil we use. |
|
And that's where the danger lies. |
|
September 11th 2001 changed forever the way we must view resource |
|
dependency. We must never allow ourselves to forget that one of al- |
|
Qaeda's principal objectives is to destroy the U.S. economy. Indeed, |
|
that is the reason the World Trade Center was selected as a target--it |
|
was a symbol of America's remarkable economic strength. |
|
More important, al-Qaeda and its affiliates understand all too well |
|
that one way to bring about their goal of economic disruption is to |
|
disrupt our supplies of imported oil. If anyone harbors doubts that |
|
this is true, they need only look to al-Qaeda's December 11th 2004 |
|
statement which made the threat explicit stating: |
|
``We call on the mujahideen in the Arabian Peninsula to unify |
|
their ranks and target the oil supplies that do not serve the |
|
Islamic nation but the enemies of this nation.'' |
|
Continuing the statement also urged that al-Qaeda followers: |
|
``Be active and prevent them from getting hold of our oil and |
|
concentrate on it in particular in Iraq and the Gulf.'' |
|
As dramatic as the December 18th statement was, however, what it |
|
actually did was to officially sanction what was already going on. |
|
For the past several years, America's transoceanic oil supplies |
|
have been under growing assault. |
|
In October of 2001, Sri Lankan Tamil Tiger terrorists conducted a |
|
coordinated suicide attack on an oil tanker involving five small boats. |
|
Seven people were killed. |
|
Eleven months later, al-Qaeda affiliated suicide bombers attacked |
|
and holed the French oil tanker Limberg in Yemen killing one crewman |
|
and causing a 90,000 barrel oil spill. |
|
In the summer of 2002, Saudi Interior Ministry forces thwarted an |
|
al-Qaeda plot to attack and cripple the loading dock at Ras Tanura |
|
which handles 10% of the world's oil supplies. |
|
A report by the Institute for the Analysis of Global Security |
|
documented over 100 attacks on oil pipelines between April of 2003 and |
|
April of 2004. |
|
Last July gunmen stormed an oil tanker at anchor in Indonesia. |
|
The list goes on and on, but the point is simple: if oil must cross |
|
an ocean to get here, it is not secure. |
|
But external terrorists are not the only threat. |
|
The facts show that three of our most important sources of oil |
|
imports are so insecure that relying on them is tantamount to playing |
|
Russian Roulette with all the chambers in the gun loaded. Together |
|
these nations account for over one-quarter of our transoceanic oil |
|
imports. |
|
Let's take them in order of importance. |
|
PLAYING RUSSIAN ROULETTE WITH OIL SUPPLIES |
|
Saudi Arabia, the world's largest oil producer and location of one- |
|
fourth of the world's proved conventional oil supplies accounts for |
|
12.1% of U.S. oil imports or roughly 7.6% of the oil we use. |
|
With almost 40% of its population under the age of 15 and declining |
|
fortunes that have seen Saudi Arabia's per capita income drop by 80% |
|
adjusted for inflation since its peak a quarter century ago, the Desert |
|
Kingdom is rife with unrest--much of it directed at the West. Indeed, |
|
since May of 2003 90 people have been killed in terrorist incidents and |
|
foreign nationals have been urged to leave. It is true that the Saudi |
|
Interior Ministry is attempting to combat the terrorist threat to their |
|
country, and has arrested hundreds of al-Qaeda suspects, but the threat |
|
continues to grow. Moreover, over the past year, al-Qaeda cells |
|
operating in Saudi Arabia have increasingly targeted oil-related |
|
facilities for attack. |
|
But even if terrorists do not disrupt the flow of Saudi oil, |
|
another concern has recently surfaced: the ability of the Desert |
|
Kingdom to maintain its production levels. Matthew Simmons of the |
|
Houston-based Simmons Company International set off a firestorm of |
|
controversy in petroleum industry circles with his analysis of Saudi |
|
Arabia's oil production capability. It is his contention that the |
|
failure of the Saudis to invest in maintaining its huge Ghawar oil |
|
field has undermined that nation's ability to ``surge'' production in |
|
response to market needs. The Saudis have always been viewed the |
|
supplier of last resort. If Simmons is correct, the prospect of global |
|
shortage is far greater than previously believed. |
|
Venezuela provides 12.1% of U.S. oil imports equaling 7.4% of |
|
domestic consumption. With the election of Hugo Rafael Chavez Frias as |
|
President, relations between the U.S. and its fourth largest oil |
|
supplier entered a new era of hostility. A self-styled populist with |
|
close ties to Fidel Castro and terrorist groups operating both in Latin |
|
America and around the globe, he recently threatened to cut off oil |
|
shipments to the United States. Chavez is openly sympathetic to al- |
|
Qaeda. Moreover, he is cited in the latest edition of the State |
|
Department's ``Patterns of Global Terrorism'' report as having ``an |
|
ideological affinity'' with Colombia's FARC and ELN terrorist groups. |
|
The State Department also says that weapons and ammunition captured |
|
from FARC rebels have been traced to official Venezuelan stocks and |
|
facilities. The situation in Venezuela is further complicated by |
|
internal strife that was manifest in a general strike that shut down |
|
that nation's oil industry for several months beginning in December of |
|
2002. |
|
Nigeria, which supplies 8.7% of U.S. oil imports accounting for |
|
5.5% of our consumption, has been plagued with ethnic and political |
|
turmoil in the Niger Delta, its principal oil producing region. In |
|
2004, an average of 145,000 barrels of oil per day was lost to theft |
|
and vandalism. Moreover, foreign oil workers and facilities have been a |
|
frequent target of violence. For example, in April of 2004 two |
|
Americans working for Chevron were attacked and killed, and in January |
|
of 2005, 300 armed villagers from the village of Owaza attacked two |
|
Royal Dutch Shell flow stations forcing the evacuation of 18 staff |
|
members. |
|
In addition to security issues, serious questions have also been |
|
raised concerning Nigeria's reserve estimates with Royal Dutch Shell |
|
recently reducing the reserve estimates of its holdings their by 67%, |
|
or almost 1.5 billion barrels. Moreover, even if reserve estimates are |
|
accurate, Nigeria suffers from a lack of investment funds to maintain |
|
and expand its oil and gas production. This fact raises further |
|
question about Nigeria's ability to maintain current production levels |
|
in the years ahead. |
|
OTHER OIL SUPPLY ISSUES |
|
While terrorism and political instability are major sources of |
|
concern regarding transoceanic U.S. oil imports, they are not the only |
|
factors threats to transoceanic oil imports. Another important concern |
|
are the efforts by the emerging Asian economies to become major |
|
participants in the development of global oil resources, and especially |
|
such efforts directed at traditional U.S. suppliers. |
|
On January 20th, the Chinese government signed agreements with |
|
Canada to help develop Canadian uranium mines and oil reserves. Among |
|
the areas of greatest interest to the Chinese are the Canadian tar |
|
sands deposits in Alberta province. The 175 billion barrels of |
|
recoverable oil trapped in Canadian tar sands represent a resource base |
|
two-thirds the size of Saudi Arabia's. In addition, China has expressed |
|
interest in investing $2 billion to purchase a 49% interest in a |
|
pipeline to carry oil 720 miles from Alberta to the northwest coast of |
|
British Colombia. |
|
China's move to enter into oil production and development |
|
agreements with traditional U.S. suppliers is not limited to Canada. |
|
China already operates two oil fields in Venezuela and has signed an |
|
agreement to develop 15 declining fields in Zumano in eastern |
|
Venezuela. The Venezuelan government has also invited China to |
|
participate in exploration projects in the Orinoco belt, one of the |
|
world's richest oil deposits. China has also made overtures concerning |
|
oil exports to Mexico's national oil company, PEMEX. |
|
It is not just the Chinese, however, that are fishing for oil in |
|
traditional U.S. waters. India recently signed an oil cooperation |
|
agreement with Venezuela. The agreement is the most recent in a series |
|
of overseas oil development projects initiated by India's state-owned |
|
Oil and Natural Gas Corporation (ONGC). They also have projects |
|
underway in Russia, Vietnam, Sudan, Myanmar and Australia. |
|
Clearly, competition for the world's oil resources will become |
|
increasingly strong in the years ahead. But oil is not the only natural |
|
resource which poses an import vulnerability danger to the United |
|
States. Nonfuel mineral imports, too, create an unacceptable economic |
|
and military vulnerability. |
|
|
|
THE IMPORTANCE OF NONFUEL MINERALS |
|
Few Americans give much thought to the important role nonfuel |
|
minerals play in our nation's economy. Yet, while it is not commonly |
|
understood, they are as essential to a modern industrial state as |
|
energy. In fact, 16.8% of U.S. GDP is a direct product of minerals and |
|
materials mining and processing. |
|
To illustrate, in 2004, the value of nonfuel minerals produced in |
|
the United States totaled $44 billion. But that was just the tip of the |
|
iceberg. These raw minerals, along with minerals imports generated $418 |
|
billion in processed mineral materials. These processed minerals, in |
|
turn, added $1.97 Trillion in value to U.S. manufactured goods. All |
|
told, some $16.8% of U.S. GDP is directly linked to minerals and |
|
materials processing. As a result, one out of every six jobs in our |
|
economy is directly or indirectly tied to mineral production. |
|
Yet as important as these commodities are to America's economic |
|
success, their supply is not assured. |
|
|
|
TENUOUS SUPPLIES |
|
We currently rely on foreign sources for 100% of seventeen |
|
important minerals. These range from gallium, which is used in such |
|
critical applications as the manufacture of semiconductors, computer |
|
chips and transistors to graphite, which is used for such high-tech |
|
products as fuel cells, and so-called ``nano-flakes,'' 20 micron thick |
|
graphite particles that have a broad range of applications from |
|
advanced computer technology to aerospace. |
|
We are also dependent on foreign sources for 80% or more of another |
|
dozen key nonfuel minerals including titanium sponge, which has a wide |
|
range of important defense applications, including providing upgraded |
|
armor for the Abrams M1A2 tank; palladium, which is essential to |
|
catalytic chemistry, and tantalum which is essential to the manufacture |
|
of corrosion-resistant chemical equipment and microcircuitry. |
|
Overall, the value of U.S. imports of raw and processed materials |
|
increased 30% between 2003 and 2004. More important, though, this |
|
increase occurred even though the tonnage of materials imported |
|
declined. The reason for the price increase in the face of decreasing |
|
imports was simple: market competition. |
|
As with oil, the competition for nonfuel minerals is intensifying, |
|
and as with oil, the primary reason for this intensification is the |
|
stunning increase in China's appetite for these commodities. |
|
|
|
THE ROLE OF CHINA |
|
As noted, China's GDP has been growing at an accelerated pace for |
|
two decades--in fact doubling in size every eight to ten years. An |
|
important aspect of this growth is that it has been largely the result |
|
of spending on capital goods and construction projects which are by |
|
their nature both energy and mineral intensive. The effect of the |
|
demand created by this spending has been to spark skyrocketing demand |
|
for nonfuel minerals and strain production and processing capabilities |
|
to the limit. |
|
The extent of the current global shortage of some nonfuel minerals |
|
and materials is illustrated by the situation in regard to steel. In |
|
2001, it was estimated that there was somewhere between 10% and 20% |
|
excess steel processing capacity around the globe. But in 2004, demand |
|
for steel was so strong that France petitioned the European Mining |
|
Commission to suspend antidumping duties. |
|
Although Chinese officials indicate they plan to restrict their |
|
country's growth rate to around 8%, even that level of expansion will |
|
place a strain on world mineral markets. Therefore, as with oil, |
|
competition for nonfuel minerals between China and the industrialized |
|
nations of the world will remain a permanent fixture of the global |
|
economy. |
|
|
|
ADDRESSING THE OIL IMPORT PROBLEM |
|
Given that the perils of America's import dependence are a reality, |
|
the question is, how can the nation's vulnerability be reduced? |
|
Perhaps the greatest irony arising from our current energy and |
|
minerals dilemma is that the answer has been at hand all along: make |
|
better use of what we have. |
|
In saying this, I am not advocating some draconian plan that relies |
|
on effectively hamstringing the economy in the name of reduced energy |
|
use. Rather, I am saying that America does not suffer from a shortage |
|
of energy. The simple truth is that America's energy endowment is more |
|
than sufficient to provide for all of our needs, both today and in the |
|
future. The only real shortfall that we have is a shortfall of the |
|
political will to find innovative ways to fully utilize the resources |
|
we are blessed with. |
|
For example, there currently are some 104 Trillion cubic feet of |
|
``stranded'' natural gas resources in Alaska--gas than currently cannot |
|
reach market due to an inability to transport it. Alaska's natural gas |
|
could help reduce our dependence on imported oil, if only we were able |
|
to find a way to get it where it is needed. In the long run, a gas |
|
pipeline could provide the means for transporting Alaskan gas to |
|
market, but it will take time to accomplish its construction, and time |
|
is a luxury we do not have. |
|
Fortunately, there is another way to take advantage of this |
|
resource. |
|
|
|
GAS TO LIQUIDS |
|
The Fischer-Tropsch technology to convert natural gas to liquid |
|
fuels has existed since the 1920s. It is currently in use in South |
|
Africa to produce approximately 200,000 barrels of liquid fuel per day. |
|
It would be possible to build a mobile Fischer-Tropsch processing plant |
|
on Alaska's North Slope near Prudhoe Bay to convert the stranded gas to |
|
liquid fuels that could be transported by the Trans-Alaska Pipeline |
|
System. |
|
In addition to helping reduce oil imports the project would have |
|
several added benefits. |
|
First, the fuel produced in this manner would be extremely clean, |
|
and would thereby benefit the environment. |
|
Secondly, as oil production at Prudhoe Bay continues to decline, it |
|
will, in the near future, fall to a level insufficient to sustain flow |
|
through the TAPS system. Therefore, a substantial amount of recoverable |
|
oil might be left behind because it could not be transported. The added |
|
volume of throughput generated by a gas-to-liquids plant would help |
|
sustain the levels needed to maintain TAPS operations and thereby |
|
significantly extend ultimate recovery from the Prudhoe Bay field. |
|
A third benefit would be the ability to demonstrate the |
|
practicality of building mobile gas-to-liquids plants for use by the |
|
Armed Forces as a means of providing fuel in the field. |
|
Perhaps the most important benefit, however, would be that in |
|
demonstrating the practicality of converting natural gas to liquids in |
|
the harsh Alaskan climate, the project would open the door to |
|
exploiting the vast methane hydrate resources that exist in Alaska. |
|
|
|
METHANE HYDRATES |
|
Methane Hydrates provide another potentially huge source of energy. |
|
They were discovered in the 1960s. They consist of methane gas trapped |
|
in a lattice-like ice and are found largely in ocean bottom sediments |
|
lying below 450 meters and in permafrost. The Energy Information |
|
Administration estimates that the United States methane hydrate |
|
resources in place hold 320,222 Trillion cubic feet of natural gas. |
|
This is the equivalent of 51.1 Trillion barrels of oil. More important, |
|
onshore methane hydrate deposits in Alaska are estimated to hold 519 |
|
Trillion cubic feet of natural gas, the equivalent of 82.9 billion |
|
barrels of oil. |
|
What makes methane hydrates so promising is the fact that in |
|
December of 2003, a joint U.S., Japanese and Canadian research program |
|
to determine if methane hydrates could be produced reported their |
|
results. The answer was affirmative. According to officials involved in |
|
the project, it will be possible to produce these resources |
|
economically within a few years. Alaska's onshore methane hydrates, by |
|
themselves, would be sufficient to eliminate the need to import oil |
|
entirely. |
|
But methane hydrates are not the only option. |
|
|
|
OIL SHALE |
|
The United States also holds 62.5% of the world's oil shale |
|
deposits. The oil shale reserves found in the Green River formation |
|
that extends through Wyoming, Colorado and Utah is estimated to hold |
|
some 130 billion barrels of recoverable oil. The Eastern Marine |
|
formation may hold as much as 400 billion barrels. |
|
The earliest recorded production of oil shale occurred in Autun, |
|
France in 1929. Even as the first oil well was being drilled in the |
|
United States in 1859, the first commercial oil shale industry was |
|
beginning in Scotland. Production there ranged between 1 million and 4 |
|
million tons annually between 1881 and 1955. After 1955, competition |
|
from cheap oil imports caused production to gradually decline until |
|
1962 when it ceased. |
|
While interest in producing U.S. oil shale resources has surfaced |
|
whenever oil prices rose sharply in response to tight supplies, new oil |
|
discoveries would drive prices down and make oil shale an uneconomic |
|
alternative. Oil shale was in effect always a bridesmaid but never a |
|
bride. The need to be concerned over energy security coupled with |
|
rising prices may finally provide an incentive to take advantage of |
|
this prolific resource. |
|
|
|
COAL |
|
The United States is also richly endowed with coal resources. In |
|
fact, the U.S. is the ``Saudi Arabia'' of coal holding 25% of the |
|
world's recoverable coal reserves. Totaling 275.1 billion tons, U.S. |
|
coal resources are sufficient to meet current production levels for 200 |
|
years. Like natural gas, the technology to convert coal to liquid fuels |
|
has been long known. Also, new advances in Clean Coal Technology have |
|
addressed many of the environmental concerns that previously caused |
|
objections to coal liquefaction and gasification. Moreover, as with oil |
|
shale, the concern over energy security coupled with the anticipated |
|
sustained high prices for oil may combine to make synthetic fuels |
|
produced from coal an economically viable alternative. |
|
While alternatives like methane hydrates, oil shale and synthetic |
|
fuels from coal all provide options that could and should be pursued, |
|
there is another source of fuel to offset oil imports that warrants |
|
consideration: making full use of our domestic oil and gas resources. |
|
|
|
CONVENTIONAL RESOURCES |
|
Vast, undeveloped deposits of oil and natural gas lie in areas |
|
foreclosed to exploration. The Arctic National Wildlife Refuge, for |
|
example, holds what may be the last onshore ``Super Giant'' oilfield in |
|
North America. Further, the experience of developing the vast Prudhoe |
|
Bay oilfield has demonstrated that oil and gas exploration and |
|
production can be conducted in sensitive environments without causing |
|
irreparable harm. |
|
Similarly, there are huge potential deposits of both oil and |
|
natural gas in offshore areas currently foreclosed to exploitation. As |
|
with the Arctic, much experience has been gained in developing offshore |
|
hydrocarbon deposits that shows such resources can be produced in an |
|
environmentally sound manner. |
|
|
|
NEW TECHNOLOGIES AND ALTERNATIVE FUELS |
|
In addition to developing our rich domestic energy endowment, it |
|
also makes sense to encourage both efficiency and non-hydrocarbon |
|
alternatives. One of the most promising new technologies is the hybrid |
|
electric vehicle. Although automobile manufacturers may well have |
|
initially introduced hybrids as a response to pressure from |
|
environmental interest groups, their public acceptance has far exceeded |
|
anything that could have been anticipated. As a consequence all of the |
|
major auto manufactures are seeking to expand their hybrid lines. A |
|
particularly interesting new development is the so-called ``plug-in'' |
|
hybrid electric which can achieve a fuel efficiency level of several |
|
hundred miles per gallon. |
|
Alcohol fuels and other bio-based fuels also can help to offset |
|
some portion of oil imports. But in the end, it is also important to |
|
recognize that there are roughly 220 million privately owned cars and |
|
light trucks in the United States that will continue to require |
|
conventional fuels to operate. Since their average lifespan is 16.8 |
|
years, the need for conventional fuels will remain with us for decades |
|
to come. Therefore, options like gas-to-liquids, methane hydrates, oil |
|
shale and synthetic fuels as well as expanded production of |
|
conventional oil and gas resources will be necessary if import levels |
|
are to be reduced. |
|
What is perhaps most critical in developing a plan to reduce |
|
America's oil import burden is to recognize that there is no single |
|
solution. Rather the answer is to do everything. We must take full |
|
advantage of both conventional and unconventional resources and |
|
encourage efficiency and new technologies. |
|
|
|
ADDRESSING THE NONFUEL MINERALS PROBLEM |
|
The problem of nonfuel minerals imports is somewhat more difficult |
|
to address than that of oil import dependence. The reason for this is |
|
that there are some mineral commodities that are not found within our |
|
borders. Therefore, any program to address nonfuel mineral imports must |
|
take a two-part approach. |
|
As with domestic energy resources, our dependence on imports for |
|
some nonfuel minerals is the product of government restrictions. While |
|
it was the policy of the U.S. government to encourage domestic mineral |
|
development through the middle of the 20th century, a variety of laws |
|
and regulations were imposed beginning in 1964 that increasingly |
|
discouraged domestic mineral development. |
|
Over the succeeding decades, more and more restrictive regulations |
|
have been added to the mix with the end result being the decline of our |
|
extractive industries. The impact of these rules is most dramatically |
|
illustrated by the fact that North American mineral firms only allocate |
|
between 7% and 10% of their exploration budgets to the search for |
|
domestic minerals. |
|
Clearly, removing unreasonable or excessively restrictive |
|
regulations will go a long way towards reviving the domestic mineral |
|
industry and reducing the need to import those minerals that can be |
|
produced from domestic sources. There still remains, however, the |
|
problem of meeting the need for minerals that cannot be found at home. |
|
There are three ways in which this problem can be addressed. |
|
The first step is to ensure that the government maintains adequate |
|
stockpiles of those strategic and critical materials we cannot produce |
|
for ourselves. History has demonstrated that no matter what the cost of |
|
maintaining a strategic stockpile may be, it is still cheaper than |
|
attempting to acquire critical materials in a time of crisis through |
|
the marketplace. |
|
A second step is to encourage the recycling of those minerals that |
|
can be retrieved from abandoned equipment. For example, millions of |
|
automobiles are scrapped each year, and all of them have catalysts that |
|
contain platinum group metals. Many of these catalysts are retrieved so |
|
that the platinum group metals they contain can be recovered. We should |
|
ensure that they all are. |
|
A third step is to aggressively research alternatives to those |
|
nonfuel mineral commodities we cannot produce for ourselves. In this |
|
way the need for imports can be permanently ended. |
|
|
|
CONCLUSION |
|
I began my testimony by saying that America was rushing headlong |
|
into disaster. I stand by that statement. Our transoceanic energy |
|
resources are already under assault and it is just a matter of time |
|
before forces hostile to our nation and what it stands for succeed in |
|
causing a major disruption of supplies. Whether it is the result of a |
|
terrorist act or an intentional embargo as occurred in 1973 is of |
|
little consequence. What is important is to understand that it is |
|
coming and coming soon--probably within the next two years. When it |
|
does happen we should not again find ourselves asking why nothing was |
|
done to prevent it. |
|
Even if there is no supply disruption, however, there remains the |
|
fact that increasing competition for energy resources will continue to |
|
exert an upwards pressure on prices. This holds out the prospect of |
|
high energy prices reducing economic growth, fueling inflation and |
|
further aggravating our balance of trade. |
|
Most important, it also means that we will continue to export jobs |
|
abroad. |
|
And also bear in mind that some portion of every dollar we spend to |
|
purchase transoceanic oil finds its way into the hands of people who |
|
intend to do us harm. |
|
I also repeat that the disaster we are facing is of our own making. |
|
The United States is endowed with a resource base more than adequate to |
|
meet its needs--if only we are able to make full use of it. |
|
The choice we face is simple. We can either find the political will |
|
to do those things necessary to break the shackles of oil and nonfuel |
|
mineral imports, or we can continue to stand idly by and allow events |
|
to overwhelm us. If we fail to find the courage to do what is right, we |
|
will have no one to blame but ourselves when the next crisis wreaks |
|
havoc throughout our economy. |
|
______ |
|
|
|
Mr. Gibbons. Thank you very much. We appreciate, certainly, |
|
your testimony. It's very helpful, as I said about the other |
|
testimony before the Committee as well. And we will turn now to |
|
Mr. Hegburg for your comments. Welcome, the floor is yours, and |
|
I look forward to your testimony as well. |
|
|
|
STATEMENT OF ALAN S. HEGBURG, SENIOR FELLOW, |
|
CSIS ENERGY PROGRAM, THE SCOWCROFT GROUP |
|
|
|
Mr. Hegburg. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. And thank you very |
|
much for the invitation to appear before you. |
|
If I could, I would just like the record to show that I'm |
|
here on behalf of the CSIS Energy Program, and solely on their |
|
behalf, and I don't speak for anyone else. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. Certainly. |
|
Mr. Hegburg. I would like to just pick up on something that |
|
was mentioned this morning, which is the nature of the oil |
|
market as it is, and how you look at it, and what that means |
|
going forward for the United States. |
|
There are several interpretations as to what's going on in |
|
the market, but two of them are quite important for the next |
|
round of investment in the oil and gas business, particularly |
|
in the oil business. One is that this is a bubble market, this |
|
is a very high-priced market, and it's an analysis that's held |
|
mostly by energy economists that because it's an energy market, |
|
it will decline rapidly, and then we will come back again. And |
|
the cycle of going up and coming down is very short. |
|
Now, if you're an investor as an oil company, that means |
|
that you're looking at a very short term where you're going to |
|
be at high prices, and then all of a sudden very quickly, you |
|
are at low prices. So I think there is a logical explanation |
|
for why companies are not investing. |
|
Not investing anywhere in the oil sector--although |
|
investment is taking place, but not at the rates that are |
|
needed--comes at a time when the entire surplus of this sector |
|
has been worked off. Earlier we discussed the surplus on the |
|
oil-producing side and surge capacity and how that has come |
|
down to essentially a million barrels a day for an 80-million- |
|
barrel-a-day demand. The surplus in refining capacity. The |
|
surplus in the service sector and probably in pipelines too, |
|
not just in the United States, but worldwide; pipelines are |
|
being built elsewhere, but, in fact, a lot of investment needs |
|
to come into this infrastructure to meet the demand numbers |
|
that are out there. |
|
The second interpretation, which is a longer |
|
interpretation, is that we are at a structural change in the |
|
oil market in that we're at higher price levels, and we're |
|
going to see these levels for some amount of time. So the |
|
investment cycle is longer, it's not shorter, it's not 3 years, |
|
it may be 10 years; it may be longer than that, which means you |
|
should invest because you can get your money back relatively |
|
quickly, and then if the prices are going to stay high, you can |
|
generally make money, as a private investor, over a fair amount |
|
of years. |
|
Those are really two fundamentally different views of what |
|
the future holds, but they have obviously severe implications |
|
for the structure and the ability to supply the demand which we |
|
see in the short term. And I think Guy Caruso talked a bit |
|
about that in terms of the period after 2025, but, in fact, the |
|
period of 2010 to 2015 actually is quite important. And I think |
|
in the short term, as was mentioned, it's particularly |
|
important in the refining sector since the capacity in the |
|
refining sector is very high and it's being used very much. |
|
That means unless there is investment in the refining sector of |
|
the United States, we will see a fair amount of product |
|
imports. |
|
Now product imports have historically come from the |
|
Caribbean and from the Atlantic basin. The Atlantic basin |
|
product import supply is coming down, and that suggests that |
|
we're going to have to rely more and more on the Caribbean. And |
|
there is very few refinery positions left in the Caribbean, |
|
which means you have to import product from a longer distance, |
|
which means they're more expensive. So the refining sector, |
|
given the nature of it on a worldwide basis, is an equally |
|
important need in this society, as the producing sector is. |
|
And it seems to me for Congress, in its deliberations and |
|
looking forward, one of the issues--and I don't do policy |
|
issues for Congress, I'm not a lobbyist, but one of the issues |
|
is how do you encourage the financial markets and the capital |
|
markets to invest at a time when they're hesitant to invest |
|
because their market outlook is too short? |
|
Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. |
|
[The prepared statement of Mr. Hegburg follows:] |
|
|
|
Statement of Alan Hegburg, Senior Fellow, Energy Program, |
|
Center for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, D.C. |
|
|
|
Mr. Chairman, Members of the committee, I appreciate the |
|
opportunity to appear before you today to discuss recent global oil |
|
developments and their implications for U.S. energy requirements and |
|
commercial markets. |
|
I am appearing on behalf of the Center for Strategic and |
|
International Studies where I am a Senior Fellow with the Energy |
|
Program. The remarks are drawn from some recent CSIS analysis as well |
|
as from my own personal observations and experience, including policy |
|
positions in the U.S. government and almost 20 years in the energy |
|
industry. |
|
Recent Developments. |
|
Over the past 18 months there have been three significant |
|
developments which have prompted serious assessment of the implications |
|
for U.S. energy supply for the immediate period as well as for the long |
|
term. |
|
They are: |
|
<bullet> Forecasts from the EIA predict a 50 percent increase in |
|
worldwide oil demand over the next two decades. These demand forecasts |
|
take place at a time when the surplus in oil surge capacity is at its |
|
lowest level in 30 years. |
|
<bullet> Unexpected high oil prices in 2004. Prices increased |
|
rapidly, similar to the increases in the 1970s, suggesting a structural |
|
shift in oil prices to a higher level. Surprisingly, this occurred |
|
without prompting a major public outcry and with little impact on |
|
short-term world economic growth. |
|
<bullet> The emergence of new competitors in the international |
|
market place determined to secure short term oil imports as well as |
|
longer term oil investments. |
|
These and related developments have prompted a reassessment of the |
|
implication for U.S. energy policy as it seeks to adjust and manage a |
|
changed international energy market. |
|
Demand forecasts. |
|
EIA's long-term forecast for oil demand is similar to that of the |
|
International Energy Agency. Behind the 50 percent increase in oil |
|
demand to 2025 is a short-term demand forecast reflecting a continuing |
|
dramatic increase in the growth of oil demand. |
|
Historically, short-term demand has grown only slowly. For example, |
|
it took 18 years for oil demand to grow from 60 to 70 mmb/d. However |
|
the increase from 70 to 80 mmb/d took only 8 years. Now, the IEA |
|
forecasts oil demand to exceed 90 mmb/d in 2010, only five years from |
|
now. |
|
This pace of increase will require dramatic increases in investment |
|
and infrastructure all along the oil supply chain. |
|
Even if continued high prices reduce this rate of growth, and |
|
absent a major economic or financial change, oil demand is expected to |
|
remain on an upward trajectory for the foreseeable future. |
|
Given the long lead times in the oil investment cycle, the |
|
increased supply to meet this demand will have to come from areas with |
|
some surplus capacity, primarily the Middle East, as well as from new |
|
production in the Caspian, Latin America, Africa, West Africa, and the |
|
U.S. offshore Gulf of Mexico. |
|
Beyond 2010-2015, production from the Arabian Gulf will account for |
|
the major share of incremental supply to the world market. |
|
With U.S. oil production flattening increases in U.S. domestic |
|
consumption will be met increasingly from imports. This increased |
|
dependency will include both crude oil and, absent significant |
|
investment in domestic refining capacity, refined petroleum products. |
|
Oil Prices |
|
The period 2003-2004 witnessed a wide variety of supply |
|
developments contributing to the rapid increase in prices. These |
|
included: declines in Venezuelan production; domestic strife in Nigeria |
|
leading to reduced crude exports; strikes in Norway; concern over |
|
Russia's ability to sustain production and exports as a result of the |
|
Yukos affair and pipeline capacity concerns; sabotage and security |
|
concerns in Iraq; and, the sustained loss of U.S. production in the |
|
Gulf of Mexico resulting from Hurricane Ivan. |
|
Oil prices remained high in spite of increases in production from |
|
OPEC member countries. The quality of the OPEC crudes being offered to |
|
the market was less attractive to refiners who were competing for the |
|
higher quality crude oil leading to price discounting for the surge |
|
capacity offered to the markets. |
|
The most significant cause of higher oil prices was higher demand, |
|
however. Growth in Chinese and U.S. oil demand accounted for the |
|
majority of the worldwide increase. |
|
With supply continuing to be stretched and demand forecasts |
|
continuing to be bullish, most analysts expect oil prices to remain at |
|
or near current levels for the next year or two. Whether these prices |
|
demonstrate a cyclical or a structural change in oil prices is a major |
|
question. |
|
For many of us the change appears structural as industry and |
|
consumers adjust to the higher price levels. At the same time, there is |
|
also likely to be a correction in response to market developments. |
|
New Competitors in the Market Place |
|
The emergence of China in both the trading and investment markets |
|
has prompted speculation if not concern. In the trading market, China |
|
has emerged as a new competitor for worldwide crude oil in response to |
|
its increasing demand and short term peaking of domestic production. |
|
Of equal importance is the emergence of Chinese investment in both |
|
OPEC and non-OPEC countries. Chinese companies have aggressively |
|
pursued oil investment opportunities in, inter alia, Kazakhstan, Sudan |
|
and Australia, and is considering deals in Venezuela, Canada, Russia |
|
and Iran. China, as a matter of strategic importance, appears |
|
determined to lock up long-term supplies in expectation of continuing |
|
tight markets. |
|
Private companies complain that the ability of the Chinese to |
|
outbid them for attractive prospects reflects their lower cost of |
|
capital and ability to offer political sweeteners and perhaps guarantee |
|
better prices. At the same time, there is at least one example of China |
|
winning a closed auction indicating that the record of Chinese |
|
investment practices is mixed. |
|
The practice of tying commercial investment to politics and finance |
|
to acquire oil supplies is not new. The French government pursued a |
|
similar strategy in the late 1970s rather than join the International |
|
Energy Agency with its reliance on multilateral cooperation and market- |
|
based strategies. |
|
Whatever the nature of the deals, Chinese oil trading and |
|
investment strategies carry the potential to lock up attractive |
|
additional opportunities at the expense of private investors and, of |
|
equal importance, reduce the liquidity in the trading market as the |
|
crude it obtains is likely to be dedicated solely for use in the |
|
Chinese market. |
|
Bilateral oil deals involving consuming governments are a two edged |
|
sword for a producing country. On the one hand they appear to offer a |
|
guaranteed and growing market for incremental production, something |
|
producers have sought for years. However such access may come at the |
|
expense of price, as Chinese investors and buyers try to leverage |
|
guaranteed access to the market in exchange for lower prices. |
|
|
|
Implications for U.S. policy |
|
U.S. policy since the Carter Administration has been to rely on |
|
private investment, international commercial decisions on investment |
|
and trading activities, and access to a generally fungible |
|
international market to supply the United States. The United States has |
|
been able to leverage access to an attractive domestic market in which |
|
to invest and sell under commercial terms to encourage sales and |
|
investment. This strategy has worked. |
|
The question is whether this strategy can continue to assure |
|
supplies at the levels required and at acceptable prices. |
|
Worldwide investment over the past year in the oil sector has |
|
reportedly been below levels needed to effectively meet increasing |
|
short-term demand. In addition, and in spite of higher prices, private |
|
companies appear to have had difficulty replacing oil reserves over the |
|
past year. The reasons appear to be numerous and involve a failure to |
|
obtain access to promising opportunities, delays in bringing new |
|
production on stream, and changes in investment terms. |
|
Several producing governments have radically changed investment |
|
terms by increasing the government share of the investment, |
|
unilaterally changing investment laws, and increasing the government |
|
financial take. |
|
These developments can have serious consequences. They can reduce |
|
the attractiveness of international investment particularly in those |
|
countries expected to provide incremental production. Abrupt government |
|
decisions to abrogate the financial terms of the investment contract |
|
can, at a minimum, reduce the reinvestment opportunities needed to |
|
continue to increase production. Such action also reduces the amount of |
|
money available to private investors for investment. And, most |
|
importantly, these practices tend to have a dampening affect on the |
|
addition of new short term oil production to meet the expected demand |
|
growth, helping to maintain high prices if not increase them while |
|
doing little to improve the supply demand balance over the mid to |
|
longer term. |
|
It is in this context in which the debate over the future of U.S. |
|
energy policy is being framed. |
|
______ |
|
|
|
Mr. Gibbons. Thank you very much, Mr. Hegburg. And I |
|
appreciate your testimony, too, because yours is the economics |
|
of investment, which is very important. |
|
I always want to ask a few questions, if I may, and |
|
beginning with you, Mr. Hegburg, because what I see is a |
|
difference between large national oil companies and small |
|
private oil companies and the way that they're able to--small |
|
companies aren't able, I should say, as readily or with the |
|
same economic efficiency as national oil companies--to attract |
|
capital. Why--how do you explain that? I mean, they're all |
|
dealing with the same commodity at the end, but we've got a |
|
lower rate or a lower or a better--or sweeter, I should say-- |
|
capital infusion with national oil companies than with the |
|
smaller private oil companies. Why is that? |
|
Mr. Hegburg. Mr. Chairman, can I just make sure we're |
|
talking about the same thing? |
|
Mr. Gibbons. You must, because you're talking to a |
|
geologist here that doesn't know what he's saying. Go ahead. |
|
Mr. Hegburg. National oil companies, to my mind, is a State |
|
oil company, such as Saudi or Amoco or Kuwait Petroleum |
|
Company. Then there's the international majors, which are |
|
privately owned-- ExxonMobil, BP, Shell. Then there are the |
|
smaller, independent companies which are the companies that |
|
vary greatly in size in the United States. Also, there are a |
|
number of independents overseas in other countries. |
|
If the question is can the smaller companies attract |
|
capital? Some of the larger independent companies can, and they |
|
are in the international marketplace, and you will see them in |
|
Egypt and Algeria. Some of them are very interested in Libya |
|
and have actually obtained acreage. Their strategies vary in |
|
terms of investment. They will sometimes try to get a position |
|
and then farm out that position to a larger, better financed |
|
company to help them pay for it and take a smaller share, |
|
depending on what they've found. |
|
Also, they may be in consortia. International companies, |
|
both the independents as well as the large international |
|
majors, normally bid in consortia, as opposed to individually. |
|
And that means smaller companies can come in and take in 5 or |
|
10 percent, which reflects their position. And it happened in |
|
Azerbaijan; for example, there were a number of smaller |
|
companies that came into consortia in the early days of |
|
Azerbaijan. |
|
The very small independents in the United States obviously |
|
have a problem making--having enough money to play in the big |
|
areas, so unless they consolidate or find something else, they |
|
are essentially excluded from the international marketplace. |
|
Now, they can go to Canada, which is relatively simple for them |
|
to invest, but getting into a larger play somewhere |
|
internationally is partly a function of capital, partly a |
|
function of human resources. And just from my own experience, |
|
at least one large company I'm aware of, when Russia opened up, |
|
decided not to go into Russia because it would have tied up its |
|
human resource capacity in the company, which meant it would |
|
have committed, its geologists and financial people and lawyers |
|
and production engineers would have been committed to Russia, |
|
and the payouts in Russia look very long. |
|
So it was not an economic decision to go into Russia, in |
|
spite of the high degree of probability that they could find |
|
reserves. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. So really the difference between large |
|
international companies and the smaller private companies in |
|
terms of the cost of capital required to produce the same |
|
product or the same oil from the same oil field is basically |
|
due to, in terms of what I understood, the risk involved with a |
|
smaller company versus a larger company? |
|
Mr. Hegburg. I think that's it. There is a number of risk |
|
factors that a smaller company is not willing to take on. Large |
|
companies will take on a substantial amount of risk as long as |
|
their portfolio is diversified, and that they have some very |
|
high-risk properties and some very low-risk properties; so |
|
they're not all in one place and their risk is very high. And |
|
they have decided on their capital budgets that that's where |
|
they are going to put their investment. |
|
And you will hear anecdotally in the industry now among the |
|
very large companies that they have a lot of cash, their |
|
capital budgets are large, but they're not being spent because |
|
they have decided to focus their efforts in 1, 2, or 3 |
|
countries. And this is a change because in the old days, if you |
|
look back since 1979, companies invested throughout the world |
|
in a variety of places and brought a number of new areas to the |
|
floor, Angola was one, Azerbaijan is one, Kazakhstan is one. |
|
These are all new producers in the marketplace. Azerbaijan was |
|
an old producer in the Russia system, but it's a new producer |
|
in the international marketplace. And that was largely because |
|
companies went out and invested in a wide range of places, in |
|
part because they did not find the U.S. Market attractive for |
|
investment for a variety of reasons, or in part because new |
|
areas were opened up, or in part because some of the OPEC |
|
countries did not allow them to invest, and of course that was |
|
Iran--because of U.S. sanctions--Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and the |
|
non-OPEC Mexico, which you couldn't invest. |
|
So you went and looked at those places you think you could |
|
find oil. And of course that's what brought a huge amount of |
|
investment to China, a lot of oil investment went into China. |
|
And they've had relatively good success, particularly in the |
|
Bohai and down in the South China Sea finding oil, but it was |
|
driven, in part, by opening up to foreign investment. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. Mr. Copulos, we heard testimony from the IEA |
|
representatives that were here talking about the 2020 timeframe |
|
for China and the increase of about 1.4-million-barrels-per-day |
|
consumption, which I was somewhat surprised, in reading through |
|
the testimony, that they say that that sort of change in the |
|
economic picture for China will have very little influence--or |
|
not very little influence on overall market trends. Do you |
|
agree with that or do you disagree with that? |
|
Mr. Copulos. No, I think it's utter nonsense. China and |
|
India together, particular--Asia in general, but China and |
|
India in particular are going to be driving the world oil |
|
market for decades to come. They said that you could see--for |
|
example, at the same time they said you could see China |
|
automobile ownership increase from one in 1,000 to one in 100. |
|
Well, if you do the math, that's 120 million automobiles that |
|
suddenly are on the road. Now that's going to be a major |
|
factor. |
|
Also, at the same time that you're seeing this growth of |
|
Chinese and Indian and probably Philippine and Indonesian |
|
consumption, you're also going to see a decline in a lot of the |
|
world's older oil fields unless a lot more is found, and |
|
certainly in terms of the U.S. So it means, among other things, |
|
that we're going to be competing much more vigorously with the |
|
Chinese for overseas supplies if we don't do something more to |
|
develop what we have here at home. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. Well, can we make up our own energy shortfalls |
|
by depending upon increases in efficiency and renewal of energy |
|
sources in this country? |
|
Mr. Copulos. No. When people talk about, for example, the |
|
CAFE standard automobile mileage, if today you wanted to offset |
|
our imports using CAFE, you would have to average 420 miles to |
|
the gallon. Now, my car doesn't quite do that, but the trouble |
|
is that's a moving target, because as we add more automobiles |
|
and domestic production were to decline, you would have to be |
|
running ever faster to stay in place. So it's one of those |
|
things designed by the left. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. So if we do nothing, in other words, if we |
|
keep status quo on our domestic production in this country, |
|
we're going to ultimately end up with an enormous trade deficit |
|
by the imported energy alone. What do we need to do in this |
|
country, in the United States, to increase domestic production |
|
or domestic--from domestic supplies of oil and gas? |
|
Mr. Copulos. Well, let me begin by saying there is no need |
|
for us to be importing any oil whatsoever, we can do it |
|
domestically. And what we need to do first and foremost is to |
|
open up those areas to development that are most evident where |
|
we know we can do things. For example, if we went into Alaska, |
|
we've got 104 trillion cubic feet of stranded gas up in Alaska. |
|
If you were to build a gas-to-liquids plant up there, convert |
|
that, that's 16.6 billion barrels oil equivalent. If you went |
|
into ANWR next door, the U.S. Geological Survey estimates that |
|
at 10 billion barrels--of course they've never been right on an |
|
estimate, in my recollection, they tend to be very low, but |
|
let's take their number, 10 billion barrels, then there's an |
|
onshore deposit of methane hydrates, which is equivalent to 519 |
|
trillion cubic feet of gas, or about 82.9 billion barrels of |
|
oil converted from gas to liquids to fuel. So right there you |
|
have 4 times our current proved reserves in just those 3 items. |
|
Then we have our offshore oil and gas, which is an enormous |
|
resource we've barely tapped. We have 500--and I'm using the |
|
low USGS estimates on this by the way--530 billion barrels of |
|
oil equivalent in oil shales, that's twice Saudi Arabia's prove |
|
reserves. We've got 275.1 million tons of coal which can be |
|
converted using clean coal technology, and that doesn't even |
|
begin to get the real foreign burner, which is methane hydrate. |
|
So as I said, we've got 320,222 trillion cubic feet of natural |
|
gas, 51.1 trillion barrels of oil. So we can do it. |
|
What has been lacking is not the resources, what has been |
|
lacking is not the technology--and I should also add, we do |
|
have a lot of alternatives that have value--what has been |
|
lacking is a political will, and until such time as we find the |
|
political will, we're going to stumble along. |
|
I was telling one of the staff people here I ran across a |
|
piece I wrote in 1978 that said that by the year 2010, we would |
|
be importing 70 percent of our oil, and we would be paying $65 |
|
a barrel if we did nothing to resolve the issue. Well, 5 years |
|
from now--I may have been a tad high on the percentage and a |
|
tad low on the price, but we're pretty much in that ballpark. |
|
And I didn't come to that conclusion because I'm some kind of a |
|
genius, it's because I could add and subtract and look at |
|
decline rates, and increases in consumption. It's not rocket |
|
science to figure it out. It's also not rocket science to |
|
figure out the solution, which is to use what we have, use it |
|
efficiently, use it cleanly, but use it. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. What will it take to move the political |
|
pendulum, in your opinion, in a direction which will allow for |
|
decisions to be made, policy decisions to be made in this |
|
country to promote, for example, the utilization of oil shale |
|
methane hydrates, additional oil fields that we now know are |
|
out there, ANWR, et cetera; what is it going to take? |
|
Mr. Copulos. Well, I have seen it twice in my lifetime-- |
|
I've been doing this about 31 years--and the first time was the |
|
construction of the Trans-Alaska Pipeline System, which had |
|
enormous opposition until the 1973 embargo, and all of a sudden |
|
prices went through the roof, supplies were short. The second |
|
time was during the Iranian oil boycott war, about three things |
|
mixed in altogether there, when again, prices went up real |
|
high, supplies were short. And we made so much progress on |
|
that, few people know this, that by October of 1985, Saudi |
|
Arabian exports to the United States had fallen to 27,000 |
|
barrels a day. It panicked them. They entered into force |
|
measure provisions in their contract to cut oil prices in half. |
|
By April Fools Day, 1986, the spa price was actually $9.99, but |
|
the result was they went from 27,000 barrels a day of exports |
|
to the U.S. To over 800,000 in a very short period of time. And |
|
in the process, by cutting the price, destroyed much of the |
|
U.S. Independent oil industry and caused a huge number of |
|
stripper walls to be shut in, losing an enormous amount of |
|
domestic production. Had they not done that, I don't think we |
|
would be sitting here today talking about this issue. |
|
So it's two things, it's price and supply; and frankly, |
|
supply more than price. People will find a way to pay for |
|
energy no matter what it costs, but when there are gasoline |
|
lines out there they start shooting each other. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. Mr. Hegburg, you wanted to make a statement. |
|
Mr. Hegburg. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. |
|
Could I just make a couple of observations? I don't want to |
|
get into the debate about ANWR and CAFE standards, but it seems |
|
to me there's a couple of things to look for. One is, in the |
|
transportation fuels market today in this country, we're seeing |
|
alternative fuel penetrate the market, so the market may be |
|
driving us somewhere to reduce our reliance on pure gasoline; |
|
that is possible, and that will actually have an impact on our |
|
transportation fuel demand, which is the core of the import |
|
problem for the United States. I'm not saying it's going to be |
|
within a couple of years, but in fact it is happening. |
|
And it may take a different form, but the fact that we do |
|
see alternative fuels emerging in the marketplace--and not just |
|
what CNG and others suggest, but there is an opportunity out |
|
there to reduce the demand that we have and the growth in |
|
demand for gasoline in this country. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. Let me follow that up because I think that |
|
leads to a very important part of this question, part of the |
|
equation, and that is that would require a dramatic increase, |
|
as you stated, in investment in infrastructure because |
|
alternative fuels are going to require, as Mr. Peterson said, |
|
construction of new highly complex, very technical shipping |
|
requirements, ports for LNG, but if you've got some of these |
|
alternative fuels, you're going to require a new infrastructure |
|
to replace current and existing infrastructure. |
|
Where do we go to get that level of international or |
|
national investment that's going to be required for this? |
|
Mr. Hegburg. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I was keeping metric |
|
gas outside the issue of transportation fuel and focusing on |
|
the oil alternatives to oil transportation and better use of |
|
transportation fuels in the oil sector. There is no question |
|
infrastructure investments will have to be made, we're going to |
|
have to make them anyway. I mean, the point is, as I was saying |
|
earlier, we need more infrastructure investment in the United |
|
States, whether it's in imports, whether it's in refining, and |
|
everything else. And it happens when returns attract the |
|
capital. And if you anecdotally talk to refiners today and ask |
|
them why are they not investing in refining capacity at |
|
adequate levels, you think, well, it's the environmental |
|
question, it's the permitting question, and it's generally the |
|
return question. They are very hesitant in refining sector to |
|
make huge amounts of investment which is what the refining |
|
sector requires because they are very uncertain, particularly |
|
if they have a 3-year time horizon, that they could actually |
|
end up with very high-cost investment and very, very low or |
|
negative returns. So the markets have to sort of pick up on |
|
that. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. Very briefly. What does the government need to |
|
do to ensure or to encourage that kind of investment at this |
|
point, then? |
|
Mr. Hegburg. I hate to speak for the industry, because I |
|
have no idea what they would like from the government. In some |
|
places they would like better depreciation rates, they would |
|
like--some companies would like, in the case of Alaska, as you |
|
know, guaranteed rates at the well head for natural gas, and I |
|
think that is to protect from the down price pressures on |
|
natural gas, because I think as we have discussed earlier, LNG |
|
is likely to drive prices down in the United States, not up, |
|
and if that's the case, then the Alaskan gas is going to be |
|
very much like long-hall Russian gas in the 1970s, it was very |
|
expensive, and the net backs at the well head were very, very |
|
low. So there will be pressures for that; obviously there would |
|
be pressures for some kinds of fiscal incentives. I'm sure that |
|
you've all heard this from companies, but those are the kinds |
|
of things I can imagine that would be on the table for them |
|
when they start going down this road before they go to the |
|
investment decision. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. Well, it seems to me, then, it's going to take |
|
almost a crisis of some sort before government reacts then to |
|
some pressure from an industry to get them to move; because |
|
normally government doesn't move voluntarily in any direction |
|
unless there is external pressure of a magnitude which would |
|
justify, you know, changes to our policy at this point in time. |
|
So are we going to have to reach a crisis before we get |
|
government to act to do these things that should be done in a |
|
long-term anticipation of where this country's energy needs are |
|
going to be? |
|
Mr. Hegburg. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I agree with you. A |
|
number of us have been surprised when prices went up over the |
|
last year or so that there was no huge reaction of the public |
|
at large. It did have a demand impact, obviously, not very |
|
great, unlike 1979 when people were lined up around the block |
|
to get oil. |
|
What will it take? It may take a crisis, that's |
|
historically how we actually do public policy often. It also |
|
may just take, as I mentioned earlier, market changes, |
|
fundamental market changes which sort of occur in the current |
|
situation without a great deal of crisis when companies decide |
|
there is something to this, this market has legs, we need to be |
|
in this market, we will be late to the market, but we need to |
|
be in the market. |
|
And it's conceivable that in the industry itself--and I |
|
think over the past month or so I have noticed a couple of CEOs |
|
are talking about energy policy and the need for energy policy |
|
and the need for changes in energy policy. Now they're not |
|
specific, but when the industry participants start talking |
|
about the need for changes, that suggests to me that they are |
|
willing to be public and say things that they otherwise |
|
wouldn't say in a marketplace where they were perfectly |
|
satisfied with what was going on. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. Before I release you gentlemen from this |
|
panel, I want to go back to Mr. Copulos, who talked a little |
|
bit about the increase in our dependency on 17 commodities, |
|
commodities that I think we're 100 percent dependent upon in |
|
this country. And you know that the value of imported raw and |
|
processed mineral commodities has increased, even though the |
|
volume of imports has declined. |
|
Do you believe that we have a sound policy today regarding |
|
this problem; or do we need to have a new policy, an Interior |
|
Department policy for not only recognizing, but collecting the |
|
information for this, that we're now seeing being stripped from |
|
our inventory of information that we collect all this? |
|
So I guess two parts of that question: One, the economics |
|
of 100 percent dependence on 17 commodities. And second, the |
|
removal of information from our ability to collect that data |
|
and know where that data is leading us. |
|
Mr. Copulos. Well, to answer your first part, I come at |
|
this from a perspective of having been the author of the one |
|
and only Strategic Minerals Report done by the National |
|
Strategic Minerals Council in the White House--it was abolished |
|
right after that--and one of the things we learned at that |
|
time-- |
|
Mr. Gibbons. When was that produced? |
|
Mr. Copulos. 1988. I actually have a copy somewhere in my |
|
files. |
|
What we saw then was there was a lot of pressure to get rid |
|
of stockpiles, strategic stockpiles for budgetary reasons, one |
|
would be to sell it to help alleviate the deficit. The only |
|
trouble with that strategy is, as we learned in World War II |
|
and during the Korean War and many other times in our history, |
|
was that no matter what the stockpile costs--and we're only |
|
talking about minerals we can't produce ourselves and don't |
|
have a substitute for--it's a fraction of what it's going to |
|
cost you to--stockpiling is going to be a fraction of what it's |
|
going to cost you if you have to buy it in times of crisis. |
|
We allowed our World War II stockpiles to be sold off and |
|
decline immediately after--in the immediate post-war period, |
|
Korea came along and we paid 8 to 10 times their value to |
|
replace them in a very short period of time under crisis |
|
conditions, which caused all sorts of other problems. When the |
|
Korean War broke out and during the Vietnam War, we had been |
|
dumping some of our nickel stockpiles, there was a Canadian |
|
nickel strike, and all of a sudden we wound up short of |
|
nickels. These things happen. |
|
And so we have to hold ourselves harmless against them, |
|
especially when you're talking about, for example, gallium; |
|
gallium arsenide is fundamental to the manufacture of computer |
|
chips. And I don't think there is anyone who would argue that |
|
today the computer is not an essential element of our society, |
|
it also happens to be an essential element of our national |
|
defense with the new electronic battlefield that we've seen |
|
operate so effectively. |
|
Graphite, which we tend to think of as pencils, is also |
|
what is being used to manufacture microchips. So we need a |
|
stockpile. Where we can develop substitutes through R&D we |
|
should. And we should also look into recycling. There are a lot |
|
of things like millable metals, and so on that you can recover |
|
from through recycling. And a lot of that's done, perhaps we |
|
need to make sure it's done to the maximum degree possible. |
|
Now in terms of information, one of the reasons we were |
|
able to do the report that we did in 1988 is we did have access |
|
to that information, We had good information. You can't make |
|
good decisions without good information. I'm always in favor of |
|
having as much information available to our legislators as |
|
possible because the decisions they make are far too important |
|
to be made in the absence. |
|
And if I might, I do want to add one brief thing that gets |
|
us back to energy a little bit. Talking about alternatives, |
|
because I think one thing we need to really get into the record |
|
and start understanding is to start being honest about what |
|
alternative energy is and is not doing in our economy. |
|
On the transportation sector, if you factor out alcohol |
|
fuels that are used as an octane booster and inoxygenate an |
|
extender. There are about 175,000 alternative fuel vehicles on |
|
the road today, the bulk of which you're seeing is your natural |
|
gas. So let's not argue that they are making a lot of inroads, |
|
it's simply not true, and we're fooling ourselves if we say |
|
they are. |
|
The other thing is, in many cases the alternative fuel |
|
vehicles that are out there are dual-fueled, and they're using |
|
gasoline instead, and I can give you a longer list of examples. |
|
That's not to say they can't be used, shouldn't be used, or we |
|
shouldn't encourage them, but I think one of the things we need |
|
to do is start making sure that when people do acquire an |
|
alternative fuel vehicle, they actually use the fuel. |
|
The second thing is we have to bear in mind that there are |
|
220 million cars and light trucks that are currently in the |
|
United States today; they need conventional fuels, you're not |
|
going to go back and retrofit them, they've got an average life |
|
span of 16.8 years. And as long as they're on the road we're |
|
going to need--we looked at this in our 2003 report, and it was |
|
our estimate that it would take 25 years to make a transition |
|
from our current fuel mix to alternatives. I think that figure |
|
is still valid. It can be done, but we need to first make a |
|
decision that we want to do it. |
|
Mr. Gibbons. Thank you both very much. We're, of course, |
|
running out of time here for our panels, and I just wanted to |
|
sum up--first of all, I would like to show a slide if I could, |
|
if we could bring it up on the screen there for not just the |
|
panel, but for the audience as well. |
|
As you look at that graphic up there, it's pretty much of a |
|
statement of the balance between the economic and environmental |
|
progress we've made between 1970 and the year 2000. And as you |
|
can see, since 1970, there have been emissions of six criteria |
|
pollutants that have dropped between 28 and 98 percent. And |
|
while in America we saw 164 percent increase in the GDP, a 37 |
|
percent increase in population, a 42 percent increase in energy |
|
consumption, and a 140 percent increase in vehicle miles |
|
driven. |
|
Now, what this says is that we have significantly increased |
|
our gross domestic product in this country by vehicle miles |
|
driven, while at the same time reducing pollutants in six |
|
important criteria for air pollution. |
|
I don't think we could achieve the reduction in our |
|
pollutants or the increase in the economic standard of this |
|
country without the state-of-the-art pollution controls and |
|
energy efficiencies from our factories, from manufacturing, in |
|
vehicles, and offices in homes throughout. So I think what the |
|
point of this slide is that it's clear the United States has |
|
the technology to both improve its economic base, as well as |
|
address air quality standards and reduce the pollutants in the |
|
air as well. So to me it's a very important indicator of the |
|
American ingenuity, the entrepreneurial skills in this country |
|
in order to balance out the economy that we have in this |
|
country. |
|
And if we can go to slide 2, I think this is what we're |
|
faced with now as we look over there. We're looking at the |
|
problem of having areas of this country which are known sources |
|
of--known areas where there are resources for this country to |
|
develop, but they are off limits. When you look at that area |
|
for California, the east coast, the Florida coast and the Gulf |
|
of Mexico, the center part of the Rockies, all of that's |
|
literally off limits to oil and gas exploration and |
|
development. And as this country moves forward with its |
|
economic expansion, the population expansion, the demand for |
|
energy in this country can only increase if we expect to |
|
maintain our economic advantage in the world, and I think it's |
|
very clear to everybody and anyone who looks at this photograph |
|
that we've got to address some of the problems we have with the |
|
restrictions on our exploration for oil and gas if we're going |
|
to be able to supply the demand, supply the needs of this |
|
country. Even in, as many of you have said, the face of |
|
alternative fuels which are out there--which are necessary, |
|
they're needed, they're a critical component to the energy and |
|
economic picture of this country, but we've got to start |
|
looking at where we can produce these fuels, and what are our |
|
restrictions and why are we restricting ourselves from that. |
|
That, I think, was the fact and the issue that Mr. Peterson was |
|
talking about. |
|
We have created our own binding restriction on this country |
|
by ourselves by refusing to allow oil and gas exploration--for |
|
whatever reason, whether it's aesthetic purposes, NIMBY |
|
purposes, whatever you want to call it, the not-in-by-back- |
|
yard-issue, which I think hurts us, harms us economically |
|
tremendously in our ability to get over the importation of |
|
foreign sources of energy for this country. |
|
With that said, let me wrap this up because many of you |
|
have been here longer than had anticipated for this hearing. I |
|
do want to thank you gentlemen, and as I said to the previous |
|
panel, we will submit written questions to you, we would ask |
|
that you look at those questions, and of course respond to us |
|
in writing for additional questions that me or members or staff |
|
of this Committee may have. With that, I want to thank both of |
|
you very much for sticking around that extra time, |
|
understanding the Congressional schedule being part of our |
|
Committee, giving us what I think is probably some of the most |
|
insightful testimony and interesting facts with regard to where |
|
this country is going regarding our energy portfolios, where |
|
we're going economically. Where we need to be going in the |
|
future is a very critical policy decision that we in Congress |
|
have to make. And your assistance, your help, your insight and |
|
guidance is a big part of that overall picture. |
|
So with that I want to thank you both. I want to release |
|
the second panel, and with that, in addition, this Subcommittee |
|
hearing is adjourned. |
|
[Whereupon, at 12:40 p.m., the Subcommittee was adjourned.] |
|
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