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Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Immigrants from the southern provinces of China arrived in significant numbers in the region between the 14th and 17th centuries, taking abode in the Malay Peninsula (where their descendants in Malacca, Singapore and Penang are referred to as Baba–Nyonya); the Indonesian Archipelago (where their descendants are referred to as Kiau–Seng); and Southern Thailand, primarily in Phuket, Trang, Phang Nga, Takua Pa and Ranong. Intermarriage between these Chinese settlers and their Malay, Thai, Javanese or other predecessors in the region contributed to the emergence of a distinctive hybrid culture and ostensible phenotypic differences. |
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Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | The Peranakans are considered a multiracial community, with the caveat that individual family histories vary widely and likewise self-identification with multiracialism as opposed to Chineseness varies widely. The Malay/Indonesian phrase "orang Cina bukan Cina" ("a not-Chinese Chinese person") encapsulates the complex relationship between Peranakan identity and Chinese identity. The particularities of genealogy and the unique syncretic culture are the main features that distinguish the Peranakan from descendants of later waves of Chinese immigrants to the region. |
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Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Terminology | The word Peranakan is a grammatical inflection of the Malay and Indonesian word anak, meaning child or offspring. With the addition of the prefix per- and the suffix -an to the root anak, the modified word peranakan has a variety of meanings. Among other things, it can mean womb, or it can be used as a designator of genealogical descent, connoting ancestry or lineage, including great-grandparents or more-distant ancestors. On its own, when used in common parlance, the word "peranakan" does not denote a specific ethnicity of descent unless followed by a subsequent qualifying noun. For example Peranakan Tionghoa/Cina may simply mean "Chinese descendants"; likewise Jawi Peranakan can mean "Arab descendants", or Peranakan Belanda "Dutch descendants". |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Terminology | However, in a semantic shift, the word peranakan has come to be used as a "metaphorical" adjective that has the meaning of "locally born but non-indigenous". In Indonesian, it can denote "hybrid" or "crossbred". Thus the term "Peranakan Cina" or "Peranakan Tionghoa" can have the literal or archaic meaning of "Chinese womb" or "Chinese descendants" or "Chinese ancestry" or "descended from the Chinese"—but more latterly has come to mean "locally born but non-indigenous Chinese" or even "half-caste Chinese". The semantic shift is presumed to have arisen from the thorough hybridization or assimilation of the earliest Chinese or other non-indigenous settlers in the Malay Archipelago such that their ethnic heritage needed to be specified whenever referring to them, either to avoid confusion or to emphasise difference. The designator peranakan—in its original sense simply connoting "descendant of X ethnicity", or "the wombs of X"—emerged as the name for entire ethnic groups that were "locally born but non-indigenous" or perceived to be "hybrid" and "crossbred", and, in time, the latter meaning has come to predominate. It should also be noted that the broadness of the semantic range of peranakan means that it can have significantly different connotations in different parts of the Nusantara region and across different dialects or variants of the Malay and Indonesian languages. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Terminology | The word Peranakan, which can have very broad and labile meanings in Malay and Indonesian and, when used in common parlance, is simply an indicator of heritage or descent, may also be used to refer to other ethnic groups in the same region. Owing to the broad meaning of the term 'peranakan', the term is also encountered when referring to other communities in the region with similar histories of immigration and assimilation. For example, the Chitty may accurately refer to themselves as 'Indian Hindu Peranakans', meaning "of Indian Hindu descent" or "locally born but non-indigenous Indian Hindu". Likewise the Kristang may accurately refer to themselves as 'Eurasian Peranakans'. The name of the Jawi Pekan people is derived from 'Peranakan', Jawi being the Javanised Arabic script, and Pekan being a colloquial contraction of Peranakan. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Terminology | The prominence of Peranakan Chinese culture, however, has led to the common elision whereby 'Peranakan' may simply be taken to refer to the Peranakan Chinese, i.e. the culturally unique descendants of the earliest Chinese settlers in the Malay Archipelago, as opposed to the other smaller groups that also justifiably call themselves 'peranakan'. For some Peranakans of Chinese descent, calling oneself "Peranakan" without the qualifier "Chinese" can be a way of asserting an ethnic identity distinct from and independent of Chineseness (though such a use of "Peranakan" as a single-word ethnonym may clash with the desire of other groups of non-Chinese descent to equally call themselves "Peranakan"). |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Terminology | Later waves of immigrants to South East Asia are generally referred to using larger umbrella terms such as Malaysian Chinese, Chinese Singaporean, Chinese Indonesian or Tionghoa, or Thai Chinese. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Terminology | One of the sub-groups of Chinese-Peranakan, Straits Chinese or Straits-born Chinese were defined as those born or living in the Straits Settlement: a British colony consisting of Penang, Malacca and Singapore which was established in 1826. Straits Chinese were not considered Baba Nyonya unless they displayed certain Sino-Malay syncretic attributes, in terms of attire worn, food, spoken language, choice of education, preferred career choices, choice of religion and loyalties. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Terminology | However, given that 'Straits Chinese' is a geographical designator specific to the former British colonies in the region, whereas 'Peranakan Chinese' is a broader genealogical designator covering all parts of the Nusantara region where Chinese people settled (including areas colonized by the Dutch, who would not have used the word 'Straits'), the two terms cannot be said to fully overlap or be interchangeable. Someone who is said to be 'Straits Chinese' in British colonial documents might, for example, be non-Peranakan, i.e. a person who arrived in the Nusantara region during much later periods of Chinese migration. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Terminology | Conversely, the other Dutch, Malay and Siamese-speaking Peranakan Chinese in Dutch East Indies, Siam and Malaya would be unlikely to refer to themselves using the English term 'Straits Chinese'. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Terminology | The Peranakan Chinese commonly refer to themselves as Baba-Nyonya. The term Baba is an honorific for Straits Chinese men. It originated as a Hindi (originally Persian) loan-word borrowed by Malay speakers as a term of affection for one's grandparents, and became part of the common vernacular. In Penang Hokkien, it is pronounced bā-bā (in Pe̍h-ōe-jī), and sometimes written with the phonetic loan characters 峇峇. Female Straits-Chinese descendants were either called or styled themselves Nyonyas. Nyonya (also spelled nyonyah or nonya) is a Malay and Indonesian honorific used to refer to a foreign married lady. It is a loan word, borrowed from the old Portuguese word for lady donha (compare, for instance, Macanese creole nhonha spoken on Macau, which was a Portuguese colony for 464 years). Because Malays at that time had a tendency to address all foreign women (and perhaps those who appeared foreign) as nyonya, they used that term for Straits-Chinese women as well. It gradually became more exclusively associated with them. In Penang Hokkien, it is pronounced nō͘-niâ (in Pe̍h-ōe-jī), and sometimes written with the phonetic loan characters 娘惹. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Ancestry | Many Peranakans identify as Holoh (Hokkien) despite being of numerous origins, such as the descendants of adopted local Malaysian aborigines. A sizeable number are of Teochew or Hakka descent, including a small minority of Cantonese. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Ancestry | Baba Nyonya are a subgroup within Chinese communities. Peranakan families occasionally arranged brides from China for their sons or arranged marriages for their daughters with newly arrived Chinese immigrants. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Ancestry | There are parallels between the Peranakan Chinese and the Cambodian Hokkien, who are descendants of Hoklo Chinese. Likewise the Pashu of Myanmar, a Burmese word for the Peranakan or Straits Chinese who have settled in Myanmar. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Ancestry | They maintained their culture partially despite their native language gradually disappearing a few generations after settlement. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Ancestry | Popular accounts of the Peranakan Chinese in Malacca, Singapore, and Penang sometimes state exclusive descent from the royal retinue of a purported Ming Dynasty princess named Hang Li Po or Hong Li-Po—mentioned in the Malay Annals as having made a marriage of alliance with the Sultan of Malacca in the fifteenth century—but the historical evidence for this (likely romanticized) claim is unreliable. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Ancestry | A 2021 genetic study of Peranakans in Singapore found that on average, their ancestry was 5–10% Malay. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Language | The language of the Peranakans, Baba Malay (Bahasa Melayu Baba) or Peranakan Malay, is a creole language related to the Malay language (Bahasa Melayu), which contains many Hokkien words. It is a dying language, and its contemporary use is mainly limited to members of the older generation. It is common for the Peranakan of the older generation (particularly among women) to latah in Peranakan Malay when experiencing unanticipated shock. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Language | The Peranakan Malay spoken by the Malaccan Peranakans community is strongly based on the Malay language as most of them can only speak little to none of the language of their Chinese forebears. Whereas in the east coast of Peninsula Malaysia, the Peranakans are known to not only speak a Hokkien version of their own but also Thai and Kelantanese Malay in Kelantan and Terengganu Malay in Terengganu. Unlike the rest of the Peranakans in Malaysia, Penang Peranakans are much heavily influenced by a dialect of Hokkien known locally as Penang Hokkien. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Language | In Indonesia, the Peranakan language is mainly based on Indonesian and Javanese, which is mixed with elements of different Chinese varieties, mostly Hokkien. Speakers of the Peranakan language can be found scattered along the northern coastline area throughout West Java, Central Java and East Java, and also in Special Region of Yogyakarta, Indonesia. Young Peranakans can still speak this creole language, although its use is limited to informal occasions. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | History | The first Chinese immigrants to settle in the Malay Archipelago arrived from Guangdong and Fujian provinces in the 10th century C.E. They were joined by much larger numbers of the Chinese in the 15th through 17th centuries, following on the heels of the Ming emperor's reopening of Chinese-Malay trade relations in the 15th century. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | History | In the 15th century, some small city-states of the Malay Peninsula often paid tribute to various kingdoms such as those of China and Siam. Close relations with China were established in the early 15th century during the reign of Parameswara when Admiral Zheng He (Cheng Ho), a Muslim Chinese, visited Malacca and Java during his expedition (1405–1433). According to a legend in 1459 CE, the Emperor of China sent a princess, Hang Li Po, to the Sultan of Malacca as a token of appreciation for his tribute. The nobles (500 sons of ministers) and servants who accompanied the princess initially settled in Bukit Cina and eventually grew into a class of Straits-born Chinese known as the Peranakans. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | History | Chinese men in Melaka fathered children with Javanese, Batak and Balinese slave women. Their descendants moved to Penang and Singapore during the period of British rule. Chinese men in colonial southeast Asia also obtained slave wives from Nias. Chinese men in Singapore and Penang were supplied with slave wives of Bugis, Batak, and Balinese origin. The British colonial government tolerated the importation of slave wives since they improved the standard of living for the slaves and provided contentment to the male population. The usage of slave women or house maids as wives by the Chinese was widespread. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | History | It cannot be denied, however, that the existence of slavery in this quarter, in former years, was of immense advantage in procuring a female population for Pinang. From Assaban alone, there used to be sometimes 300 slaves, principally females, exported to Malacca and Pinang in a year. The women get comfortably settled as the wives of opulent Chinese merchants, and live in the greatest comfort. Their families attach these men to the soil; and many never think of returning to their native country. The female population of Pinang is still far from being upon a par with the male; and the abolition therefore of slavery, has been a vast sacrifice to philanthropy and humanity. As the condition of the slaves who were brought to the British settlements, was materially improved, and as they contributed so much to the happiness of the male population, and the general prosperity of the settlement, I am disposed to think (although I detest the principles of slavery as much as any man), that the continuance of the system here could not, under the benevolent regulations which were in force to prevent abuse, have been productive of much evil. The sort of slavery indeed which existed in the British settlements in this quarter, had nothing but the name against it; for the condition of the slaves who were brought from the adjoining countries, was always ameliorated by the change; they were well fed and clothed; the women became wives of respectable Chinese; and the men who were in the least industrious, easily emancipated themselves, and many became wealthy. Severity by masters was punished; and, in short, I do not know any race of people who were, and had every reason to be, so happy and contented as the slaves formerly, and debtors as they are now called, who came from the east coast of Sumatra and other places. John Anderson – Agent to the Government of Prince of Wales Island |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | History | People of Chinese ancestry in Phuket, Thailand make up a significant population, many of whom having descended from tin miners who migrated to the island during the 19th century. The Peranakans there are known as "Phuket Babas" in the local tongue, constitute a fair share of members Chinese community, particularly among those who have family ties with the Peranakans of Penang and Malacca. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | History | Chinese who married local Javanese women and converted to Islam created a distinct Chinese Muslim Peranakan community in Java. Chinese rarely had to convert to Islam to marry Javanese abangan women but a significant number of their offspring did, and Batavian Muslims absorbed the Chinese Muslim community which was descended from converts. Adoption of Islam back then was a marker of peranakan status which it no longer means. The Semaran Adipati and the Jayaningrat families were of Chinese origin. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | History | Peranakans were held in high regard by Malays. Some Malays in the past may have taken the word "Baba", referring to Chinese males, and put it into their name, when this used to be the case. This is not followed by the younger generation, and the current Chinese Malaysians do not have the same status or respect as Peranakans used to have. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | History | In Penang, Thai women replaced Nias slave women and Batak slave women as wives of Chinese men after the 1830s when slavery was abolished. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | History | Many Peranakan in Java, Indonesia are descendants of non-Muslim Chinese men who married abangan Javanese Muslim women. Most of the Chinese men did not convert to Islam since their Javanese wives did not ask them to, but a minority of Javanese women asked them to convert so a Chinese Muslim community made out of converts appeared among the Javanese. In the late half of the 19th century, Javanese Muslims became more adherent to Islamic rules due to going on hajj and more Arabs arriving in Java, ordering circumcision for converts. The Batavian Muslims in the 19th century completely absorbed the converted Chinese Muslims who originally had their own separate kapitan and community in the late 18th century. The remaining commoner non-Muslim Chinese Peranakans descended from Chinese men and Javanese Muslim women generally stopped marrying Javanese and the elite Peranakans stopped marrying Javanese completely and instead started only marrying fellow Chinese Peranakans in the 19th century, as they realized they might get absorbed by the Muslims. DNA tests done on Chinese Peranakan in Singapore showed that those Peranakan who are mixed with Malays are mostly of paternal Han Chinese descent and of maternal Malay descent. Peranakans in Malaysia and Singapore formed when non-Muslim Chinese men were able to marry Malay Muslim women a long time ago without converting to Islam. This is no longer the case in modern times where anyone who marries Malay women is required to convert to Islam. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | History | Peranakan, Straits Chinese, Baba Nyonya are all names for the descendants of Han Chinese men and their Javanese, Sumatran and Malay wives. Han Chinese men did not allow their women to leave China, so they married local Muslim Javanese and other Southeast Asian women. Dayak women were married by Han Chinese men who settled in Borneo as noted in the 18th century. One Dayak man named Budi mentioned a Chinese man married Budi's sister and that he liked Chinese but he hated Madurese as he was talking about the massacres of Madurese settlers. Malay and Dayak ethnically cleansed Madurese settlers from their and in West Kalimantan starting in Sambas from December 1996 to February 2001 after the Sampit fights in December 2000. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | History | The Chinese are perhaps the most important people in Borneo. They have been traders and settlers on the coast from beyond historic times, and, as has just been stated, have for an equally long period mixed with the natives; so that some Dyaks—the Dusuns especially might almost be classed with them. They are not only traders who amass wealth merely to return with it to their own empire, but miners, agriculturists, and producers, without whom it would be difficult to develop the country. The Philippines, Singapore, and Borneo receive, perhaps, a larger number of these immigrants than any other countries. In Borneo they are scattered over the whole seaboard, carrying on a good deal of the river trade, and supplanting in many ways the less energetic Malay. But they are chiefly to be found in West Borneo, especially in the mining districts, as in Sambas and Montrado (Menteradu) in Dutch territory. Numbers are settled around Bau and Bidi, in Sarawak, and in the capital, Kuching. In North Borneo an irruption of some thousands occurred on the opening up of the country, and great numbers are employed on the tobacco plantations lately established. In Labuan, and in Pengaron in South Borneo, the coal mines were worked by Chinese, and they still act as sago-washers in the former island. Bound together by societies with stringent laws, their system of co-operation enables them to prosper where others would fail. In West Borneo they thus became so powerful as to defy the Dutch Government, who had great difficulty in subduing them. In 1912, Chinese engaged in mass violent riots against Dutch colonial rule in Surayaba and Batavia in the Dutch East Indies. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | History | Among the Straits Chinese (Peranakan) descendants in Sulu, the Philippines is Abdusakur Tan II, the governor. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | History | Many Straits Chinese (Peranakans) migrated from Singapore to Jolo, Sulu and Mindanao to live and trade among the Moro Muslims like the Tausug people and Maguindanaons and sell weapons, rifles, cannon and opium to them in exchange for gutta-percha. Tausug and Chinese married each other and Chinese also converted to Islam. Moros carried out suicide juramentado attacks against the Japanese. Moro juramentados used opium in their attacks against US soldiers. American military officers Charles Wilkes saw Sulu Moro Sultan Mohammed Damaliel Kisand (spelling error of Jamalul Kiram) and his sons smoke opium and he had bloodshot eyes because of it. Datu Uto received Spencer and Enfield rifles from Straits Chinese (Peranakan) merchants. Lantaka swivel bronze cannon were sold by Chinese to the Moros who were fighting the Americans. A novel was written about this. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | History | Balinese women, Bugis women and other native women in Indonesia who married Han Chinese men were buried according to Chinese custom with Chinese characters on their gravestones instead of being cremated. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | The Peranakan retained most of their ethnic and religious origins (such as ancestor worship), but assimilated the language and culture of the Malays. The Nyonya's clothing, Baju Panjang (Long Dress) was adapted from the native Malay's Baju Kurung. It is worn with a batik sarong (batik wrap-around skirt) and three kerosang (brooches). Peranakan beaded slippers called Kasot Manek were hand-made with much skill and patience: strung, beaded and sewn onto canvas with tiny faceted glass cut beads (known as Manek Potong) from Bohemia (present-day Czech Republic). |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Traditional kasot manek design often have European floral subjects, with colours influenced by Peranakan porcelain and batik sarongs. They were made into flats or bedroom slippers. But from the 1930s, modern shapes became popular and heels were gradually added. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | In Indonesia, the Peranakans develop their own kebaya, most notably kebaya encim, derived from the name encim or enci to refer to a married Chinese woman. Kebaya encim was commonly worn by Chinese ladies in Javan coastal cities with significant Chinese settlements, such as Semarang, Lasem, Tuban, Surabaya, Pekalongan and Cirebon. It marked differently from Javanese kebaya with its smaller and finer embroidery, lighter fabrics and more vibrant colours. They also developed their own batik patterns, which incorporate symbols from China. The kebaya encim fit well with vibrant-coloured kain batik pesisiran (Javan coastal batik), which incorporated symbols and motives from China; such as dragon, phoenix, peony and lotus. For the Baba they will wear baju lokchuan (which is the Chinese men's full costume) but the younger generation they will wear just the top of it which is the long-sleeved silk jacket with Chinese collar or the batik shirt. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Most Peranakans generally subscribed to Chinese beliefs systems such as Taoism, Confucianism and Han Buddhism, and even Roman Christianity nowadays. Just like the Chinese, the Peranakans also celebrate Lunar New Year, Lantern Festival and other Chinese festivals, while adopting the customs of the land they settled in, as well as those of their colonial rulers. There are traces of Portuguese, Dutch, British, Malay and Indonesian influences in Peranakan culture. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Just like in any other cultures, the Peranakans still believe in pantang larang (meaning taboos) especially among the older generations. In some cases, quite a number the Peranakan's pantang larang are deemed too strict and complex. But today, most Peranakans no longer practice complex pantang larang to keep up with the modern times. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | A significant number of the modern Peranakan community have embraced Christianity, most notably in Indonesia. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | In 2019, a new branch of Singapore-specific Peranakan intermarriages were found to exist within the early Roman Catholic Church starting from 1834. This early church was set up by French missionaries (Mission Enstrangeres de Paris Order) in 1832 on Bras Basah Road, on the grounds of the present day Singapore Art Museum. Approximately 26 intermarriages between mainly China-born Teochew men and Melaka Serani, Malay, Peranakan Chinese and Indian women, took place under the auspices of this church, between 1834 and the early 1870s. Most, if not all descendants, identify as Teochew Peranakans today. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | In Singapore, the Kampong Kapor Methodist Church, founded in 1894 by an Australian missionary, Sophia Blackmore, is considered one of the first Peranakan churches. During its establishment, Sunday service were conducted in Baba Malay language, and it is still one of the languages being used in their services. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Despite living in Muslim majority countries such as Indonesia and Malaysia, converting to Christianity allows Peranakans to continue eating pork which is a key part of the Peranakan diet. Moreover, Peranakans were traditionally English educated at missionary schools, notably in Penang. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | In Indonesia, Peranakan referred to all Indonesian Chinese who had converted to Islam up until the 19th century. This indicated the importance of Islamic identity as a "criterion of indigenization." Later, Peranakan referred to all Indonesian Chinese born in the country, including those of descendants of mixed race unions. Large numbers of Peranakans, many from Fujian having prior experience with foreign Muslims who had a dominant position in that provinces most important seaport, adopted Islam in Java, strongly Muslim areas of Indonesia, and Malaysia. As in the case of the Peranakans in Cirebon, this conversion process occurred over several centuries and was even recorded before the Dutch seized Jakarta. Many of these Peranakans in Indonesia who converted to Islam would marry into aristocratic dynasties. One organisation of Indonesian Peranakan Muslims is the Persatuan Islam Tionghoa Indonesia (Association of Indonesian Chinese Muslims), which was formed in 1936 in Medan. Some prominent Peranakan Muslims include the Indonesians Junus Jahja, Abdul Karim Oei Tjeng Hien and Tjio Wie Tay and from Pattani, the Peranakan convert to Islam, Datu Seri Nara, who according to Wybrand of Warwijck was the most important commercial and military figure in Pattani in 1602. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Due to the culture of Nyonya and Babas is merged between Malay and Chinese and influence by Indonesia. Malacca was once the world's merchant gathering point enabling the birth of Baba and Nyonya ethnic group. Therefore, the Nyonya food can be summarized as "Malay Archipelago Delicacies of Nanyang Cuisine". |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | From the Malay influence, a unique "Nyonya" cuisine has developed using typical Malay spices. Examples are chicken kapitan, a dry chicken curry and inchi kabin, a Nyonya version of fried chicken. Pindang bandeng is a common fish soup served in Indonesia during the Chinese New Year and so is a white round mooncake from Tangerang which is normally used during the Autumn Festival. Swikee purwodadi is a Peranakan dish from Purwodadi, a frog soup dish. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Nyonya laksa is a very popular dish in Malacca, Malaysia while another variant called asam laksa is famous in Penang, Malaysia. Pongteh is also another popular and savoury dish of the Malaccan Peranakan community. The main ingredient is onion, black mushroom (optional), chicken (at times pork is used instead of chicken, hence it's called babi pongteh) and fermented bean sauce. The Malaccan Nyonyas are well known for this dish. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Other dishes from the east coast of Peninsular Malaysia Peranakans in Kelantan include telur kesum, ayam kerabu and khau jam are influenced by Chinese, Malay and Thai cuisine. While in Terengganu, popular Peranakan foods are such as the local version of crab cake, ayam pachok which resembles satay with a stronger flavour, fish in spicy tamarind sauce and slow-cooked chicken with palm sugar. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Besides that, Peranakans of Malacca are also well known for a wide variety of traditional cakes (kueh or kue) such as lepak kacang, ang ku kue (a black variant is called kueh ku hitam), kueh tae or nastar, Nyonya bak chang, apom balik (Peranakan's version closely resembles Indonesian's serabi), kueh bakol, tapae, kueh kochi, kueh bongkong, rempah udang, pulot enti, kueh gulong (another variant is kueh kapit), kueh bolu, galeng galoh (also known as seri muka), kueh bangket and many more. Traditional kueh (or kue) are sometimes made in conjunction with festivals that the Peranakans celebrate. For example, kueh genggang (also commonly known as kueh lapis), is a type of multi layered cake, most often eaten during Chinese New Year to symbolise a ladder of continued prosperity. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | A small number of restaurants serving Nyonya food can be found in Penang and Malacca in Malaysia; and Jakarta, Semarang and Surabaya in Indonesia. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | It was not uncommon for early Chinese traders to take Malay women from Peninsular Malaya or Sumatra as wives or concubines. Consequently, the Baba Nyonya display a mix of Sino-Malay cultural traits. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Written records from the 19th and early 20th centuries show that Peranakan men usually took brides from within the local Peranakan community. Peranakan families occasionally imported brides from China and sent their daughters to China to find husbands. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Marriages within the community and of similar stature were the norm during that time. Wealthy men prefigured to marry a chin choay: or matrilocal marriage where husband moved in with the wife's family. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Proposals of marriage were made by a gift of a pinangan, in a 2-tiered lacquered basket known as Bakul Siah in Malaysia or Tenong Keranjang in Indonesia, to the intended bride's parents brought by a go-between who speaks on behalf of the suitor. There are rare cases where wealthy Peranakans in the past used highly decorative glided pagoda trays (Botekan Candi in Indonesian) instead of the Bakul Siah or Tenong Keranjang. Most Peranakans have retained the traditions of ancestor worship of the Chinese, though some have converted to Christianity and Islam. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | The wedding ceremony of the Peranakan is largely based on Chinese tradition, and is one of the most colourful wedding ceremonies in Malaysia. At Malacca weddings, the Dondang Sayang, a form of extempore rhyming song in Malay sung and danced by guests at the wedding party, was a highlight. Someone would begin a romantic theme which was carried on by others, each taking the floor in turn, dancing in slow gyrations as they sang. It required quick wit and repartee and often gave rise to laughter and applause when a particularly clever phrase was sung. The melodic accents of the Baba-Nonya and their particular turns of phrase lead to the charm of this performance. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | The important wedding rites had to be commenced on auspicious days at specific times, according to the pek ji, the eight Chinese characters annotating one's birth date and time. At these rites, pantangs (taboos) were carefully observed – the wedding rituals had to be legitimised and witnessed by elders, deities and ancestors. Marriages were typically match-made. Parents and elders made the final decision, but the potential bride and bridegroom were also consulted in the process. Wedding items commonly utilised the prosperous colours of red, pink, orange, yellow and gold and were embellished with special motifs to ensure a good marriage. Similar to the Chinese, Peranakans believed that good things always come in pairs, therefore many wedding items came in pairs. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Historical and cultural items from the Peranakan culture are displayed in Baba Nyonya Heritage Museum, Straits Chinese Jewellery Museum and other cultural establishments on Heeren Street, Jonker Street and other streets in the same neighbourhood in Malacca; the Pinang Peranakan Mansion in Penang, Malaysia; and at the Peranakan Museum, Baba House and the Intan Museum in Singapore. Furniture, food, and even traditional clothes of the Baba and Nyonya are exhibited. Free weekly street shows featuring Baba performances, and traditional and pop Chinese cultural performances are found in Jonker Street in Malacca. The shows are part of the night market scene, and are usually crowded with shoppers, both local and foreign. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | On 11 November 2011, Benteng Heritage Museum in Tangerang, near Jakarta is opened to display mainly about Benteng Chinese uses an old genuine traditional Chinese Peranakan house. And in August 2013, the Museum Peranakan Indonesia was officially opened by the Yayasan Budaya Tionghoa Indonesia. The museum is located at the Cheng Ho Museum, next to the Hakka Museum, at the pavilion of Taman Budaya Tionghoa Indonesia, Taman Mini Indonesia Indah in Jakarta. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Other Peranakan cultural collections such as batik and bead works can also be found in museums outside of South East Asia. Honolulu Museum of Art and Australian Museum are known to exhibit such collections. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Apart from that, exhibition of Peranakan Chitty history, antiques and culture can be seen at the Chitty Museum in Kampung Chitty, Malacca, Malaysia. In 2013, there were controversies of development at the expense of demolishing part of Kampung Chitty, a historical and cultural village. A proposal to construct a condominium, a hotel and a road cutting through the village are seen as a threat affecting the residents and a temple built in 1827. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | In Kelantan, the Persatuan Peranakan Cina Kelantan or the Kelantan Chinese Peranakan Association (abbreviated as PPCK) have opened a gallery which provides visitors with various insights into the Kelantanese Chinese Peranakan culture. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Many Peranakan were active in trade and considered supportive of continued European rule in Malaysia and Indonesia. Peranakans often played the role of middleman of the British and the Chinese, or the Chinese and Malays, because they were mostly English educated and spoke Malay more fluently than newer Chinese immigrants. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | By the middle of the twentieth century, most Peranakan were English or Dutch-educated at Western-style institutions. Peranakans readily embraced Western culture and education as a means to advance economically thus administrative and civil service posts were often filled by prominent Straits Chinese. Many in the community chose to convert to Christianity due to its perceived prestige and proximity to the preferred company of British and Dutch officials. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | The Peranakan community thereby became very influential in Malacca and Singapore and were known also as the King's Chinese due to their loyalty to the British Crown. Because of their interaction with different cultures and languages, most Peranakans were (and still are) trilingual, being able to converse in Chinese, Malay, and English. Common vocations were as merchants, traders, and general intermediaries between China, Malaya and the West; the latter were especially valued by the British and Dutch. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Things started to change in the first half of the 20th century, with some Peranakans starting to support Malaysian and Indonesian independence. In Indonesia three Chinese communities started to merge and become active in the political scene. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | They were also among the pioneers of Indonesian newspapers. In their fledgling publishing companies, they published their own political ideas along with contributions from other Indonesian writers. In November 1928, the Chinese weekly Sin Po (Chinese: 新報; pinyin: xīn bào) was the first paper to openly publish the text of the national anthem Indonesia Raya. On occasion, those involved in such activities ran a concrete risk of imprisonment or even of their lives, as the Dutch colonial authorities banned nationalistic publications and activities. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Chinese were active in supporting the independence movement during the 1940s Japanese occupation, when the all but the so-called "Overseas Chinese Association", or residents of Chinese ancestry (Chinese: 華僑中會; pinyin: Huáqiáo Zhōnghuì) were banned by the Japanese military authorities. Some notable pro-independence activists were Siauw Giok Tjhan, Liem Koen Hian, and Yap Tjwan Bing, a member of Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia, who in the 1960s became a citizen of the United States. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Muslim Southeast Asians adopted Chinese symbols like the colour yellow for royals, including Malays, Javanese and Moros. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | One Dutch mentioned "yellow Chinese belts which only the Javanese will buy." |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Malays and Dayaks in Borneo did not use milk or dairy probably due to Chinese influence. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Culture | Malays adopted the Chinese zodiac. The Dragon (Loong) is normally equated with the nāga but it is sometimes called Big Snake (ular besar) while the Snake sign is called Second Snake (ular sani). This is also recorded in a 19th-century manuscript compiled by John Leyden. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Current status | Peranakan culture has started to disappear in Malaysia and Singapore. Without support from the colonial government for their perceived ethnic independence, government policies in both countries following independence from colonial rule have resulted in the assimilation of Peranakans back into mainstream Chinese culture. Singapore classifies the Peranakans as ethnically Chinese, so they receive formal instruction in Mandarin Chinese as a second language (in accordance with the "Mother Tongue Policy") instead of Malay. In Malaysia, the standardisation of Malay as Bahasa Melayu—required for all ethnic groups—has led to a disappearance of the unique characteristics of Baba Malay. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Current status | In Indonesia, the Peranakan culture appears to be losing popularity to modern Western culture, but to some degree the Peranakans are still trying to retain their language, cuisines and customs. Young Peranakans still speak their creole language, although many young women do not wear the kebaya. Marriages normally follow the western culture because the traditional Peranakan customs are losing popularity. Only three communities of Peranakan still uphold the traditional Peranakan wedding customs, Tangerang (by the Cina Benteng people), Makassar and Padang. Of the three communities the Cina Benteng people are the most adherent to the Peranakan culture, but their numbers are dwindling. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Current status | Cina Benteng people are normally poor people and many seek, or have sought, opportunities in other areas. Some organisations do try to ease their burden of living. As of May 2012, 108 Cina Benteng families are facing eviction from their traditional homes, the reason given by the Tangerang government being that the area they occupy is actually meant as a green space for the city. Most of these families are low income and have nowhere to move to, as the government is not providing enough money for them to relocate. Several traumatic eviction attempts at 2010 and 2011 ended in violence. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Current status | The migration of some Peranakan families, particularly the well-to-do, has led to a small Peranakan diaspora to neighbouring countries, mainly from Vietnam to Australia. The 1998 anti-Chinese riots in Indonesia during the fall of Suharto terrorised many Chinese Indonesians and Peranakans alike, causing Chinese Indonesian communities affected by the riots to leave the country. However, these communities are very small, and with the increasing use of the various languages in their respective countries, the use of Peranakan Malay or Baba Malay has been diluted, especially among the younger generation. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Current associations | Associations of Chinese Peranakans include The Peranakan Association Singapore (TPAS), Aspertina (Asosiasi Peranakan Tionghoa Indonesia) and the Gunong Sayang Association (GSA), a performing arts group in Singapore. The Peranakan Association Singapore has over 2,000 members, and the Gunong Sayang Association has about 200 members. The Peranakan Association Singapore consists of a mix of young and old members, while the Gunung Sayang Association has primarily elderly or retired members. In Malacca, there is an Indian Peranakan Association known as the Chitty Melaka. This is a tightly knit community of Saivite Hindus. Chitty Peranakans display considerable similarity to Chinese Peranakans in terms of dressing, songs, folk dances and pantun. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Current associations | In Malaysia, there are Peranakan associations in Malacca, KL, Penang, Kelantan, and Terengganu. The Peranakan association that is based in Kelantan is named the Persatuan Peranakan Cina Kelantan (lit. the "Kelantan Chinese Peranakan Association", abbreviated as PPCK) while the one that is located in Terengganu is the Persatuan Peranakan Cina Terengganu (lit. the "Terengganu Chinese Peranakan Association"). |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Current associations | The Thai Peranakans live largely in Phuket and have an Association as well. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | Current associations | There are also Peranakan associations in Australia: Melbourne, Perth and New South Wales. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | In popular culture | Interest in the Peranakan culture had begun as early as the 1950s with films from Hong Kong such as the Niangre / Nyonyah (Yue Feng, 1952), Fengyu Niuche Shui / Rainstorm in Chinatown (Yan Jun 1956), Niangre Yu Baba / Nonya And Baba (Yan Jun 1956), and Niangre Zhi Lian / Love With A Malaysian Girl (Lui Kei, 1969). |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | In popular culture | In Malaysia, a comedy drama series, Baba Nyonya was popular in the 1990s. The series is recognised by the Malaysian Book Of Records as the longest-running TV series in the country ever, lasting from the late 1980s until 2000, with 509 episodes in total. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | In popular culture | Along the passing of the Reform Era in Indonesia and the removal of the ban on Chinese culture, in 1999, Indonesian writer Remy Sylado released a novel called Ca-Bau-Kan: Hanya Sebuah Dosa raised the Peranakan culture and history in Indonesia. The novel was adapted into a film called Ca-Bau-Kan by Nia Dinata in 2002. Riri Riza directed a biographical film on an Indonesian student activist named Soe Hok Gie (played by Nicholas Saputra), entitled Gie in 2005. The film is based on a diary Catatan Seorang Demonstran written by Soe Hok Gie, features a glimpse into the everyday life of an Indonesian Peranakan family in the 1960s. A novel that elevates the history and culture of the Benteng Chinese (Cina Benteng is another term in Indonesian referring to Peranakan) titled Bonsai: Hikayat Satu Keluarga Cina Benteng written by Pralampita Lembahmata and published by Gramedia in 2011. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | In popular culture | In 2008, a Singaporean drama series The Little Nyonya was aired in Singapore, and later gained popularity in Asia especially within South East Asia region. The filming of the drama took place in Malacca, Penang and Ipoh, Malaysia. |
Baba dan Nyonya | 75,676,632 | In popular culture | In Yasmin Ahmad films Sepet and Gubra has featured Peranakan character as the lead actor's mother played by Peranakan actress Tan Mei Ling. Lead actors from the 1990s Baba Nyonya series were also featured in Namewee's multi-language and multi-cultural film, Nasi Lemak 2.0 in 2011, showcasing Peranakan culture. |
Wu Yu (boxer) | 75,676,639 | Wu Yu (born 13 January 1995) is a Chinese boxer. |
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Wu Yu (boxer) | 75,676,639 | She won a gold medal at the 2023 AIBA Women's World Boxing Championships. |
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Melturi | 75,676,650 | Melturi Station is a railway stop in Latvia on the Riga-Lugaži railway line. Not all trains stop at the station. |
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Bhoomi Sena (Maharashtra) | 75,676,651 | The Bhoomi Sena or Bhumi Sena was a tribal army organization founded by Kaluram Dhodade in 1970 in Maharashtra to regain the lands of Adivasis from Indian National Congress party leaders, Sahukars and other rich personalities and fight for the rights of tribals and poors. |
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Bhoomi Sena (Maharashtra) | 75,676,651 | Bhoomi Sena demanded the Government of Maharashtra a daily minimum wage of Rs. 12 for agricultural workers in unirrigated areas and Rs. 16 in irrigated areas. |
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Bhoomi Sena (Maharashtra) | 75,676,651 | Bhoomi Sena was spread over the 100 villages of Palghar district of Maharashtra. In Jawhar Taluka, Bhoomi Sena came into conflict with Shiv Sena (a regional rightist party), which was backed by the local sahukars. Shiv Sena tried to intimidate Bhoomi Sena workers and supporters and one evening attempted to attack Kaluram Dhodade while he was resting in a adivasi hut but Kaluram was protected by adivasis. |
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Bhoomi Sena (Maharashtra) | 75,676,651 | Formation | The Bhoomi Sena was formed in 1970 by Kaluram Dhodade who was a full time working leader of Praja Socialist Party. When the lands of tribals were grabbed by Indian National Congress party's leaders, the Praja Socialist Party showed the intrest in tribals and under the leadership of Kaluram Dhodade, Praja Socialist Party started an Satyagraha to regain the lands of tribals. After that, Kakuram Dhodade was imprisoned for fifteen days in Palghar jail. During his imprisonment, Kaluram Dhodade realised that PSP is showing interest in tribal's Bhoomi Mukti Andolan because of their politics and to gain the popularity in tribals areas to get votebank and PSP was aggressive whe he was in jail so Kaluram Dhodade decided to form an own tribal dominated army or organisation named Bhoomi Sena and collected an army of 800 tribals in Palghar region. |
Bhoomi Sena (Maharashtra) | 75,676,651 | Activities and history | The first action taken by Bhoomi Sena was a dramatic example of direct action aimed at moving local government to implement laws that were in the best interest of the poor adivasis and not of the landlords. The laws in question were a series of Tenancy Acts that were designed, and refined over the years, to establish "protected tenants" tenants with fixity of tenure. they later gave rights of ownership to tenants cultivating the land, Bhoomi Sena's first activity was to organize an investigation of land ownership in ten villages. |
Bhoomi Sena (Maharashtra) | 75,676,651 | Activities and history | The investigation revealed that there were innumerable cases where the Sahukars were actually occupying the land which the revenue records showed as belonging to the adivasis or the sawkars had managed to transfer the title of adivasis land to themselves. |
Bhoomi Sena (Maharashtra) | 75,676,651 | Activities and history | The initial tactic used by Bhoomi Sena was to forcibly harvest the crops on adivasi land that had been-illegally-cultivated by the sahukars. In the first action, some 600 adivasis bearing sickles harvested the crops on one Sahukars land. Initially, there was no resistance from the surprised landowners. But as the harvesting continued, they called in the police. The police threatened the adivasis with arrest, but they stood their ground, explaining to the police that they were acting legally by taking the crops from lands that rightfully belonged to them; they told the police it was they who were acting illegally by defending the Sahukars. |
Bhoomi Sena (Maharashtra) | 75,676,651 | Activities and history | While these confrontations were occurring locally, they were publicized at the state level by the MLA for Palghar, Navinit Shah, Shah was a member of the Praja Socialist Party and had been an important influence on Kaluram's political development; he was wholly in sympathy with Bhoomi Sena's actions. Shah argued in the Maharashtra Assembly that the government should give protection to the adivasis, who were only demanding that the law be enforced. As a result of these dual pressures, the District Sub-Divisional Officer agreed to come to Palghar, and to decide cases of disputed land ownership on the spot. To the surprise of Bhoomi Sena, and of Shah, the Sub-Divisional Officer not only brought his court to the villages, be ruled in favor of the adivasi complainant in 799 of the 800 cases he heard: the adivasis won back several thousand acres of land." Navinit Shah firmly believes that it was the power of the organized adivasis that had produced the most impact; in previous years, when he as MLA had tried to get the land laws implemented, he had not been successful. As MLA he could be useful to the movement by adding pressure and bringing its case to the attention of state officials but bureaucrats, he found. would not listen to an MLA unless he had an organized movement behind him. |
Bhoomi Sena (Maharashtra) | 75,676,651 | Activities and history | Following this victory, the Bhoomi Sena came to the attention of a number of outside, urban-based political activists. Control over the development of the movement was soon yielded by the local adivasis to a voluntary organization for adivasi uplift, the Bhumi Putra Pratisthan, which was intent on improving the production methods used by the adivasis. New agricultural methods, it was hoped, would lead to general social and economic uplift. In 1972, the Shetkari Mandal (Farmers Association) was established in Palghar to administer loans provided by the Bank of Maharashtra, which agreed to cooperate with the program on the urging of the Bhumi Putra Pratisthan." Over the next three years, the Shetkari Mandal undertook a number of economic schemes they hoped would bring increased |
Bhoomi Sena (Maharashtra) | 75,676,651 | Activities and history | prosperity to the adivasis: in addition to administering the bank loans, it entered the grass trade, serving as middleman between the adivasis and the grass traders in a failed effort to secure higher prices, and dug costly wells, a number of which proved to be dry. The major failing of the Shetkari Mandal, however, was its mismanagement of the bank loan program. Although an audit by the bank showed that there had been no misappropriation of funds, the funds had been diverted for unauthorized and uneconomic projects." Kaluram, the adivast leader, had lent his support to this venture, and in 1975 he publicly admitted his part in its failure. In 1976, the Bhumi Putra Pratisthan workers left the area, and Kaluram and others worked once again to establish Bhoomi Sena under local control. |
Bhoomi Sena (Maharashtra) | 75,676,651 | Activities and history | Now in its third incarnation, Bhoomi Sena has worked to become a grass roots political organization with sufficient power to have an impact on local officials and landlords and to insure the application of the law. In addition to taking on specific issues-notably the struggle against illegal land alienation and bonded labor, and for the implementation of the minimum wage law-Bhoomi Sena has worked for "conscientization, or what westerners might call consciousness raising, among the adivasis. The effort is to educate and politicize, both to eliminate wasteful social evils, such as alcoholism and gambling, and in order to create a pressure group capable, like the vested interests, of being heeded. The effort is entirely within the legal structures of society, and is gradualist; but it is potentially threatening to the dominant class in the countryside whose support has been important to state and union governments. To the extent that such pressure can motivate local officials to vigorously enforce the law, and can push on the state level for more progressive legislation which then in turn serves as a rallying point for more organization, such movements can have a gradual but potentially profound effect. Government cannot legitimately move against groups acting entirely within the law and, indeed, embarrassing the government into enforcing the law. The attention paid to the rural efforts by urban intellectuals and journalists is thus absolutely crucial to widening the impact that can be made at the local level, for government must be pushed to act vigorously by a wide audience. in last years, Bhoomi Sena tried to form as a political party to get more power in state. |
2013–14 Bangladesh Cricket League | 75,676,657 | The 2013–14 Bangladesh Cricket League is the 2nd edition of the Bangladesh Cricket League (BCL), a first-class cricket competition that is being held in Bangladesh from 12 January 2014 to 13 May 2014. Central Zone were champion on previous season, they beat North Zone by 31 runs in Final. |
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2013–14 Bangladesh Cricket League | 75,676,657 | South Zone is champion of this season, by defeating North Zone in Final. |
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