chunk_id
stringlengths 5
8
| chunk
stringlengths 1
1k
|
|---|---|
1749_11 | McCudden performed well and took on more administrative responsibilities once he was promoted to Corporal on 20 November 1914. During this period, the First Battle of Ypres was being fought and the Squadron re-equipped with the higher performing Morane-Saulnier L aircraft. Several months later, on 1 April 1915, he was promoted to sergeant and made NCO in charge of all engines in his flight. McCudden's delight at gaining a promotion was cut short by news that his brother William had been killed in an air crash while flying an elderly Blériot. Just a week later, his eldest sister Mary lost her husband in an explosion which destroyed the minelayer HMS Princess Irene on 27 May 1915. |
1749_12 | Undeterred, McCudden made a formal application to become a pilot and fly on operations but it was rejected on the grounds he was too valuable to risk losing. His reputation as a mechanic had spread since his supervision in the unit had led to a record-low number of engine failures. He continued to fly as an observer despite the recommendation of his rejection letter. |
1749_13 | On 8 June he made his first official observer qualifying sortie which he passed. At this time the German Luftstreitkräfte (Air Service) introduced the Fokker Eindecker fighter equipped with Synchronization gear. Firing through the propeller, the Germans had a machine that soon became a serious threat to McCudden's unit. The enemy succeeded establishing a period of air superiority at this time. McCudden still flew regularly as an observer with the new commanding Officer, Edgar Ludlow-Hewitt, who had taken over command on 20 November 1915. He recorded a flight of 2 hours 40 minutes on 27 November which included an abortive chase after an Albatros C.I reconnaissance aircraft. On 16 December 1915 he acted as aerial gunner, when he drove off an attack on his flight by the German ace Max Immelmann. While firing at the Fokker, McCudden saw a piece of paper or fabric fall off the German machine. Although the ground was diligently searched, no trace of it was found. On 19 January 1916, |
1749_14 | McCudden exchanged fire with another German observer without result. |
1749_15 | During this time, McCudden's Squadron was also experimenting with wireless technology. Captain D.S Lewis, who commanded the headquarters flight, fitted his B.E.2a with a wireless set to help direct artillery fire. In April 1915 he commanded 3 Squadron and became McCudden's commanding officer. He was killed a year later when he was shot down by ground-fire. It is unknown whether McCudden participated in these pioneering ventures.
On 21 January 1916 McCudden was awarded the Croix de guerre for gallantry. He travelled to Lillers to receive his award from General Joseph Joffre, Commander-in-Chief of the French Army. On 23 January he was promoted to flight sergeant and 24 hours later he was ordered home to England to begin pilot training. |
1749_16 | Pilot training
McCudden was based at Farnborough and began his training on 22 February 1916. He started with a 20-minute flight in a Henry Farman pusher. McCudden had already flown 100 hours as a passenger with 25 different pilots including 46 hours as a regular observer since November 1915 and had much experience with his surroundings. His instructor was impressed with his grasp of the mechanics and theory. He practiced six landings and progressed to the more powerful Avro 504 as the last Farman had been written off by another student. |
1749_17 | On 9 April he was sent to Gosport, assigned to No. 41 Squadron RFC, and made his first solo flight on 16 April in a Farman MF.7. Later that day he was awarded his Royal Aero Club certificate after completing four figure-of-eight turns, a glide from 1,200 feet and a landing within forty yards of a selected mark. He completed 22 flights at Gosport, the longest a 50-minute flight to 7,000 feet. On 29 April he was posted to the Central Flying School (CFS) at Upavon, near Salisbury Plain, for advanced training, arriving on 1 May. |
1749_18 | On 7 May he became the 107th non-commissioned officer to receive his CFS certificate, passing as Second Class Flier. He was good enough to be selected as an instructor and took his first pupil after having flown only nine hours of solo flight himself. Two of his pupils included the future ace and 56 Squadron colleague Geoffrey Hilton Bowman and Mick Mannock. Soon afterwards, while teaching a student in an Airco DH.1, the aircraft entered a dangerous spin. McCudden narrowly avoided a crash, pulling up feet above the ground. An impact would certainly have killed them both. |
1749_19 | On 30 May he was graded First Class Flier. The grade was based upon his achievements; he had achieved a dead-stick landing within a fifty-yard marker, a 15-minute flight at 6,000 feet, a 60-mile cross-country flight and 15 hours solo flying. On 24 May he passed his final test with a two-hour flight from Salisbury, to Southampton and on to Basingstoke. His 74 hours flying experience was well above the minimum. By the time he left for France in June he had accumulated 121 flying hours, given 177 lessons as instructor, and had personally tutored 40 student pilots. |
1749_20 | Back at the front line |
1749_21 | McCudden joined No. 20 Squadron on 8 July 1916. The unit was equipped with Royal Aircraft Factory F.E.2 and flew from Clairmarais aerodrome, near Saint-Omer. He flew his first operational sortie two days later and continued as the Battle of the Somme raged. The Squadron was ordered to intercept and shoot down German reconnaissance aircraft. He patrolled the Ypres and Roeselare (Roulers) region. He did not spot any enemy reconnaissance machines but did come into contact with a single Fokker near Lille. Flying in formation, the British were well placed to deal with lone German fighters since they could use their gunners to form a formidable defence screen. This particular German used a tactic of climbing above the British, making a diving attack at the rear-most aircraft and diving away if he did not score a decisive hit. Two days later McCudden ran out of fuel in the Lille district. Disorientated because of heavy mist, he force-landed in Allied territory, crashing and coming to halt in |
1749_22 | the garden of a French farmhouse. Little damage was done to the machine. On 2 August he took part in an operation to bomb the Zeppelin sheds at Brussels. The flight was unmolested, though the familiar lone Fokker made an appearance and then withdrew without attacking. |
1749_23 | That same evening McCudden was told to pack his belongings since he was to be reassigned to 29 Squadron RFC flying Airco DH.2 scouts. McCudden was pleased to be flying scouts, finding it "light after flying the F.E." McCudden soon found from pilots that the machine was not popular and had to be handled with care. Nevertheless, while on patrol between Armentières and Ypres on 6 September 1916 he scored his first victory. He engaged an all-white Albatros B.II, and shot it down. He then chased another but it escaped through superior speed. Confirmation of his victory was given three days later by a I ANZAC Corps unit. It had crashed on the Gheluve-Mennin road at the time and place of his claim. McCudden nearly added to this score the following day. He engaged a Fokker monoplane but his gun jammed. Switching off his engine, he rectified the damage but the Fokker pilot took the opportunity to pursue him. Restarting his engine as the German closed, McCudden outmanoeuvred him and was |
1749_24 | presented with a close-astern shot, but once again his gun jammed and the battle ended inconclusively when the faster Fokker dived away. |
1749_25 | McCudden did not score again during the year but had a remarkable escape on 27 December 1916. Flying from Arras to Monchy on patrol, his flight of six DH.2s engaged an enemy formation of Albatros D.IIs. McCudden rushed to the aid of Alexander James, a member of his flight, who had been attacked by a German fighter. He attacked the Albatros head-on but his gun jammed after 20 shots. As he fought to clear the jam he found himself surrounded by German fighters.
One soon latched onto him and began firing. McCudden dived steeply but the enemy pilot remained behind him. At 800 feet McCudden began a spinning dive until the German, now some distance behind, abruptly turned away. The enemy aircraft was fired at by British ground forces and McCudden, who by now had unjammed his Lewis machine gun, turned to give pursuit. The enemy pilot, apparently unaware of this, was already too high and McCudden watched as he re-joined his flight and departed the area. |
1749_26 | McCudden returned to base; in spite of his narrow escape his machine had not been hit. His squadron mates were surprised to see him; they had witnessed his dive, assumed the spin to be terminal, and were in the process of posting him missing in action. It has been suggested that the enemy pilot was none other than Manfred von Richthofen, "The Red Baron", in which case McCudden had narrowly avoided becoming the rising star's 15th victim. Richthofen was credited with a "two seat Vickers biplane" that afternoon, which has usually been listed as the F.E.2b of Captain Quested and Lieutenant Dicksee, but recent research indicates that the action with McCudden may fit the time frame. |
1749_27 | 1916 ended on a personal high for McCudden. He received his commission on 28 December which came into effect on 1 January 1917. He was granted two weeks leave and returned to England. As a second lieutenant, McCudden returned to France on 21 January. He was determined to build up his personal tally despite the limitations of his DH.2. The very same day he was forced down for the first and only time. He attacked an Albatros D.III and damaged its engine which stopped. Unfortunately another attacked and he was forced to break off a certain kill when one of his propeller blades was partly shot off. Another DH.2 intervened and McCudden landed near Arras, ordered a new propeller, and flew back to base. Since no member witnessed the fate of the Albatros no claim was made. |
1749_28 | McCudden's fortunes changed in the new year. He dispatched a two-seater on 26 January and another on 2 February 1917. On 5 February he attacked an Albatros C.III returning from a photo-reconnaissance mission. Diving out of the sun to blind the gunner, he shot it down over the front line, where it was shelled by British artillery. Ten days later he engaged an Albatros escorted by a LFG Roland C.II. After a brief dogfight and pursuit, the Albatros escaped but he destroyed the Roland which crashed near Monchy. The next day McCudden was awarded the Military Cross for his fifth victory. His award was gazetted on 12 March. |
1749_29 | Return to England
He returned to England on 23 February and was appointed an instructor once more. He was slightly aggrieved as he felt he was now getting into his stride as a fighter pilot. He had also hoped that his squadron was about to receive the French-designed Nieuports, which were a better match for the Albatros and Halberstadt "D" class fighters than the obsolescent DH.2. His posting was not surprising to him. The beginning of 1917 witnessed an enormous expansion of the RFC and experienced tutors were required to train the mass of new students. |
1749_30 | McCudden was posted to the 6th Training Wing at Maidstone until transferred to Dover on 15 April where he learned to fly the Bristol Scout. One of his aircraft was adorned with the name "Teddie", which his fellow officers suspected was the name of a girlfriend—a blonde dancer, Ms Teddie O'Neil. McCudden was notoriously private about this aspect of his life but it was suspected that he took her on unauthorised flights in the Scout since his log book recorded such escapades in April. He praised the qualities of his Scout even though he managed to survive two accidents in this aircraft on 29 April and 2 June. Concurrent with his tenure at Dover, his brother John also enrolled as a pilot pupil there. To avoid accusations of favouritism, he remained aloof from his brother which amused his senior officers who had guessed his intentions. |
1749_31 | In late May and June he collected and experimented on the new Sopwith Pups which began to reach British units in January. He was impressed with the aircraft's agility and flew it often. During this period he met the now famous ace Albert Ball who advised him attack tactics against reconnaissance and bomber aircraft. Ball advised McCudden to fly underneath his target, in the blind spot of the observer, and angle his guns directly above then fire. McCudden was intrigued at the prospect and believed this offered a much better chance of shooting down an enemy aircraft. It is not clear if, or how often, McCudden implemented Ball's advice in battle and how many of his victories were claimed that way. McCudden's principal tactics did stress surprise and minimal risk. |
1749_32 | It is known McCudden proved remarkably good at stalking tactics, which enabled him to get up underneath an opponent, pull down the wing gun and fire up into the German machine. The first the recipients would know of the attack was bullets coming up through the bottom of the fuselage of the aircraft, often causing death or injury, holing petrol tanks and crippling engines. The gun, being fed by a drum of ammunition, could also be reloaded in its pulled-down position, the pilot having two or more spare drums located in his cockpit. |
1749_33 | This conversation coincided with the Gotha Raids in which German heavy bombers attacked London. He attempted interceptions against the high-flying machines and on 13 June finally got to within range of one. He fired but it swerved and resumed course. He chased the formation 21 miles (34 km) out to sea but could not get closer than 500 feet (160m). On 7 July he shot down the Gotha crewed by Leutnant Erwin Kollberg and Walter Aschoff (of bomber unit Bogohl 3). He damaged a second and narrowly avoided a collision with the machine as he flew by. On one raid a Gotha gunner's bullet struck his windshield. The raids continued and British aerial defences gained only a handful of successes against the Gothas. |
1749_34 | Before returning to France, McCudden met with Frank Barnwell and Harold Barnwell, the sibling chief engineers at Vickers Limited, with whom he exchanged information on aircraft design and operations. The brothers gained a greater appreciation of the pilot's perspective. After watching him fly the F.B.9, the brothers were convinced of his skill and consequently McCudden was invited to fly several of their products. Among these machines was the Vickers F.B.16. McCudden claimed to have reached 136 mph (219 km/h) in the aircraft, describing it as a "nice bus". Other pilots noted it was faster than the French SPAD and the S.E.5. On the strength of this evaluation Vickers approached the War Office for front line use. It was not selected for production. McCudden believed the unavailability of the engine was a main factor in its rejection. |
1749_35 | With 56 Squadron
In June he joined No. 66 Squadron RFC at Aire, equipped with the Sopwith Pup. He undertook a refresher course but his tenure there was unremarkable. He was ordered to fly with the group rather than fly solo patrols. He flew 47 hours in 66 Squadron and 21 patrols. He encountered the enemy six times but could not score. Finally on 21 and 26 July he shot down one Albatros D.V fighter for his 6–7th aerial victories. |
1749_36 | He flew 13 different Pups while with the unit which meant he returned across the English Channel to collect new aircraft frequently. While collecting one from Rochester, England on 12 August 1917 a Gotha raid occurred and within 30 minutes he was flying at 17,000 feet over Herne Bay in an attempt to intercept them. Once more, he returned without success against the high-flying Gothas. After landing from the sortie he was informed he was to be transferred to the recently formed No. 56 Squadron which was winning a reputation as a very successful unit over the Western Front. The unit was equipped with the Royal Aircraft Factory S.E.5 (S.E.5a) fighters which were among the most effective combat aircraft of the war and arguably the best designed British fighter of the conflict. It was heavily armed and very fast for its time. |
1749_37 | Along with the new fighter McCudden was eager to fly was the company he would be flying with. Albert Ball (44 victories), rising star Arthur Rhys-Davids (27) and McCudden's former pupil Geoffrey Hilton Bowman (32) were just some of the fighter aces who flew with the unit. Though Ball was killed in May 1917, he would fly and fight alongside Rhys-Davids, Bowman, Richard Maybery, Reginald Hoidge and Keith Muspratt.
This competitive group would spur McCudden to increase his score. 56's commanding officer, Major Richard Bloomfield noticed McCudden's leadership qualities and had hoped he could help turn the unit into an effective fighting team. At present the pilots, though talented, performed more as individuals. After flying for the first time with them Bloomfield promised to have him allocated to a position of Flight Commander. He formally took command of B flight on 14 August. |
1749_38 | McCudden brought his substantial technical knowledge to 56 Squadron. He frequently inspected his flight's aircraft, expecting a high standard of mechanical refinement. He believed the finer the aircraft could be tuned the less likelihood there would be of losing pilots to structural or mechanical failures, which at that time were the cause of many fatalities among aircrew. Force-landings were rarely fatal owing to the low-landing speeds but the prospect of coming down behind enemy lines—especially since the RFC was adopting an offensive stance—was an undesirable prospect. Alex J. Gray, Air Mechanic First Class, 56 Squadron: |
1749_39 | Victories 8–57
On 31 July the Third Battle of Ypres began and the unit was heavily involved. 56 was tasked with air superiority operations to allow RFC bomber and reconnaissance units to operate with relative freedom. The Germans had adopted a defensive stratagem of massing their aircraft, now increasingly outnumbered, at critical points of the front. Their units were also a collection of highly successful aces. The S.E.5s engaged in battle with the German fighters throughout the summer. |
1749_40 | On 18 August 1917 McCudden scored his first victory as an official member of 56 Squadron over an Albatros D.V. Another the following day and two on 20 August raised his tally from 7 to 11 victories. He was pleased with his success but berated the armourers for the frequent gun-stoppages. Over the next four weeks his machine suffered engine difficulties and gun-jams. He could only claim damaged enemy aircraft and once suffered a galling experience when the DFW C.V reconnaissance he was attacking holed his engine while his guns jammed. It had to be sent for major repairs. He received a new fighter, B4863, which then became his regular mount. |
1749_41 | McCudden was determined his machine would remain in first-class fighting order. He spent three days working with his fitters and armourers, stripping down the Vickers gun's synchronising gear, firing at the butts and making eight test flights shooting at ground targets. His armourers joked that his guns would never work in the air if he wore them out on the ground. He continued to experience jams and his unclaimed victim of 14 September 1917—Ernst Wiegand—was able to escape and crash-land wounded in German territory thanks to another stoppage. Since his crash was not witnessed his claim went uncredited. |
1749_42 | On 19 September he attacked a Rumpler C.IV which he drove down to 1,000 feet and saw camera and photographic plates fall from the machine as it took violent evasive action. He abandoned the chase and spotted another. This time he attacked from the sun and from behind and below. His Lewis gun stopped after one round but his Vickers fired 60 rounds and the Rumpler crashed behind enemy lines. Other pilots and gunners on the line confirmed the kill. A DFW C.V followed on 23 September—his 13th victory.
After this victory his flight engaged a Fokker Dr.I flown by the 48-victory ace Werner Voss and an Albatros piloted by Carl Menckhoff. Voss, aided by the frequent jams of his opponents' guns, avoided being hit and drove two S.E.5's out of the fight before being fatally hit by Rhys-Davids. McCudden's account of this fight has become famous: |
1749_43 | Over the course of September and October McCudden added five victories including a LVG C.V on 26 September, raising his tally from 13 to 18. On 6 October he was awarded the Bar to his Military Cross. Another five in November brought his tally to 23. His method of diving behind and under the enemy machines before firing was working particularly well.
In December he downed another 14 enemies for victory numbers 24–37 including several during the Battle of Cambrai. His successes included four on 23 December, three on 28th and two on the 29th. In December 1917 he received the Distinguished Service Order and a Bar He received two congratulatory messages from AOC RFC Hugh Trenchard on 6 and 12 December:
McCudden had hardened to the realities of aerial combat by this time and reveled in his own success. He appeared to have limited empathy for his opponents, most of whom did not survive his attacks. On 24 January, after claiming his 43rd air victory, he remarked: |
1749_44 | McCudden was now closing in on the tally of Albert Ball who was credited with 44 enemy aircraft. A further nine in January 1918 elevated his tally from 37 to 46. In February, 11 aircraft brought his tally to 57—four fell on the 16th. After achieving his 57th he probably downed a 58th—a Hannover CL.III—but it went down over enemy lines under control as McCudden's guns seized having already fired 300 rounds at his first victim. |
1749_45 | By this stage McCudden was suffering from combat fatigue. It manifested itself in his decisions, of late, to seek a victory at any price, which was alien to his normal, calculated approach to combat. Knowing he was to soon be sent home, he was obsessed with catching up to von Richthofen's score. His contribution to 56 Squadron at this time was impressive; the unit had claimed 175 enemy aircraft while reporting 14 pilots killed and missing and seven captured. As Flight Commander, B Flight, McCudden's pilots had shot down 77–52 of which were his—while losing four pilots. To celebrate his success he dined with Brigadier General John Higgins and the following evening was invited to the headquarters of General Julian Byng, General Officer Commanding the British Third Army, to be personally congratulated. |
1749_46 | McCudden was soon rotated home on 5 March. More than 50 officers gathered for a formal farewell dinner and they presented him with a silver model of his S.E.5A on 4 March. McCudden would not see action again. In the remaining eight months of the war, only British pilots Billy Bishop (72) and Mick Mannock (61) and Raymond Collishaw (60) would surpass his total while serving with the RFC (and later the Royal Air Force—RAF). Ernst Udet (62) René Fonck (75) and Manfred von Richthofen (80) were the only foreign pilots to beat McCudden's total.
Modified S.E.5a |
1749_47 | McCudden's long-term interest in mechanics prompted him to modify his own aircraft to increase combat performance. He made a series of modifications to his aircraft which caused them to excel in performance in comparison to any other S.E.5 at the front and perhaps any other German fighter available at the time. Performance, a generic term, required improvements in all-round capability. McCudden's changes were made with one main objective in mind: high-altitude performance. He had achieved some success without these personal experiments. On 23 December 1917, for example, he intercepted an enemy aircraft at 18,000 feet and drove it down to 8,000 feet before shooting it down for his 30th victory. Incidentally, he was nearly killed in action when one of the wings broke away from his victim and nearly struck his own aircraft. |
1749_48 | McCudden had always found it difficult to intercept high-flying German reconnaissance aircraft. The latest Rumpler C.VII which had entered service proved particularly elusive. With a 240 horse power engine, it could reach 24,000 feet and was thus beyond the reach of any prospective adversary. The average S.E.5, at that point, could reach only 17,000 feet. While most pilots were prepared to accept this tactical-technological situation, McCudden was not.
Through an as yet unspecified channel, he obtained high compression pistons used in the latest Hispano-Suiza 8 or V8 engine and fitted them to his power plant. It delivered revolutions at a much faster rate on the test bench. He removed any excess weight by shortening the exhaust pipes by several feet. He also added a spinner from a captured enemy aircraft which he believed added an extra 3 mph to his speed while also reducing the wing dihedral to increase agility. |
1749_49 | A final alteration was to fit a simpler shutter (radiator vent) which had the object of warming the cockpit by directing heat from the engine. For McCudden this aspect was very important. At high altitude McCudden was to spend long periods of time in an extremely chilly environment. Operating the D.H.2 in 1916, he suffered terrible agonies as adequate blood circulation returned to his muscles once he reached terra firma. McCudden reported few general side-effects from high flight. Dizziness was a feature but he put this down to the cold rather than any form of anoxia. High altitude oxygen was too thin for humans which induced breathlessness. Aviation medicine was still in its infancy meaning pilots were left to solve operational problems themselves. Only the high-altitude bombers were equipped with oxygen equipment to assist with breathing. Despite his circulation difficulties, McCudden proved remarkably resistant to the effects of high altitude flying without oxygen. |
1749_50 | The results of these personal modifications mostly went unrecorded. It is believed he achieved a height of 10,000 feet in nine minutes, curtailing the standard time by some five minutes. It was perhaps on exaggeration but no record remains to certify what McCudden did. He did note the maximum ground-level speed as 135 mph in his log book. He achieved these feats with the limited resources of a front-line squadron and without any official assistance.
Eager to test the modifications, he began operations on 28 January 1918. Until 16 February when 8491 was submitted for repair, he claimed his 45–50th aerial victories, the last at 11:30 on that date. His last victory that day was scored in another machine. |
1749_51 | War hero
Unlike the German and French governments, the War Office had been reluctant to identify individual soldiers and aces for propaganda and public consumption, the most notable exception being Albert Ball. However, from December 1917 Viscount Northcliffe, the proprietor of the Daily Mail newspaper was appointed to the Ministry of Information. Northcliffe had a solid background in aviation. He campaigned for "air mindedness", when aircraft began to make technological headway and the nation, now facing the existence and efficiency of airships which could circumvent the North Sea and English Channel, was now increasingly concerned about aerial bombardment. Northcliffe supported the creation of the Air League and the Aerial League of the British Empire, a pressure group designed to impress upon a lethargic government the promising and threatening nature of aerial vehicles. |
1749_52 | As head of the Ministry and Daily Mail, he felt an opportunity was being missed, and so ran a campaign in his publications to name outstanding individual combatants. On 3 January 1918 he ran a story in the Daily Mail under the headline "Our Unknown Air Heroes", which focused primarily on McCudden. In the front page segment it read:
The campaign was an instant success. The Daily Chronicle echoed these sentiments with "Young Lionheart of the Air". On 7 January the Daily Mail ran the story "Our Wonderful Airmen—Their names at Last." The article was accompanied by a large photograph of McCudden and other pilots. Thereafter exploits of British airmen were routinely published. McCudden loathed the attention. In a letter to his father the following day he believed such "bosh" and hero worship would make him an unpopular figure in the RFC and with his comrades. |
1749_53 | He was thankful to be posted to the No. 1 School of Aerial Fighting at Ayr in Scotland, where he flew the excellent performing Sopwith Snipe. It was in Scotland that he learned of the death of his brother, apparently shot down by the German ace Hans Wolff on 19 March. He wrote to his brother's commanding officer, Sholto Douglas asking for any news but understanding the Major's attention was now fixed on the German spring offensive. His death depressed McCudden greatly. |
1749_54 | The same month he returned home, he was awarded the Victoria Cross, the highest award for gallantry. The letter from Trenchard confirming the King had bestowed this honour upon him was dated 30 March 1918. The award was gazetted on 29 March and the details were published on 2 April 1918. Shying away from this publicity, McCudden did not even tell his family of his attendance at Buckingham Palace on 6 April to receive his Victoria Cross from King George V and promotion to major. While on leave in London, he socialised a great deal with his friend Mick Mannock. He met C. G. Grey owner of The Aeroplane weeks later who offered to help McCudden finish his manuscript for his biography, Flying Fury, due for publication that year. McCudden accepted. Now famous, he also had his portrait painted by the known artist William Orpen.
Death |
1749_55 | McCudden remained in England until July 1918 when he was given command of No. 60 Squadron RAF. He flew to Farnborough in a Vickers F.B.16 to collect his new Royal Aircraft Factory S.E.5a before returning to France to lead his new Squadron. On 3 July he flew back in this fighter and over his home in Kingston upon Thames, taking the aircraft to 17,000 feet and circling London for an hour. When he landed, he made his last entry into his log book. His total flying time had reached 872 hours and 40 minutes. |
1749_56 | On the morning of 9 July 1918 he travelled to the home of his fiancée, Miss Alex-Tweedie in Whitehall Court. Tweedie recalled their conversation revolved around his new posting and his book. He had delivered the manuscript to Grey two days earlier, and was expecting its publication. While there, McCudden promised to surpass von Richthofen, who had been killed in action on 21 April 1918. In view of what happened to von Richthofen and John McCudden, he promised that "I won't bustle, or do anything foolish like my brother". He then went next door, and had breakfast with his sister Mary. Upon leaving, he fumbled around in his pocket and handed her a bulky envelope containing his Victoria Cross and other decorations. He took his leave of her and drove to Hounslow, where he climbed into his S.E.5a (C1126). He took off shortly after 13:00. McCudden certainly stopped en route, since about six o'clock that afternoon he called the AOC No. 13 Wing, Patrick Playfair, to announce his imminent |
1749_57 | arrival at Boffles, where No. 60 Squadron was stationed. |
1749_58 | McCudden set out across the English Channel. Unsure of the dispositions on the ground after the German advance, he checked the airfield he suspected to be Boffles but found it empty. Flying in heavy mist he decided to head to Auxi-le-Château, France, to get directions from the RAF personnel stationed there. He approached Corporal W .H. Burdett and L. E. Vallins of 52 Squadron. Burdett had served with McCudden in 3 Squadron back in 1915. Burdett did not recognise him in his flying gear. They marked his map, and McCudden returned to his machine. Around 90 seconds after takeoff from Auxi-le-Château, the S.E.5a plunged into the ground. 8 Squadron's Corporal W. H. Howard was on the scene within minutes and fought through the fire to free McCudden who was lying next to one of the wings—he had not worn his safety belt. Burdett followed and recognised the pilot as soon as his headgear had been removed. He was taken to No. 21 Casualty clearing station and diagnosed with a fractured skull. He |
1749_59 | did not regain consciousness, and died at 20:00. |
1749_60 | Corporal Burdett later stated, "When McCudden took off he put the machine into a nearly vertical climb, seemed to do a half-roll and then nosed dived into a wood... it was usual for scout pilots to perform some little stunt... I think that is what he was doing." Witness Lieutenant L. M. Fenton had a different view, "the aircraft took off into wind and at about 100 feet did a vertical turn and flew back across the aerodrome by the side of the wood. The engine appeared to be running badly. The pilot rolled the machine, which failed to straighten out, at approximately 200 feet. It crashed nose down into the wood." Lieutenant E.M Greenwood stated he thought the crash was the result of a failed aerobatic manoeuvre: "I was watching an S.E.5 flying over the aerodrome at about 200 feet, when it did one complete roll to the right, then dived steeply to the ground behind the trees." Lieutenant K. V. King believed a similar thing: "[It flew]... very low over the aerodrome, going east towards the |
1749_61 | wood on the south-east side of the aerodrome. He had apparently been rolling. I saw him nose down and engine off entering the trees and immediately afterwards heard a crash." Lieutenant T. H. Barry, though supports the notion that something was amiss with the engine: "I saw an S.E.5 flying from west to east across the aerodrome at 200–300 feet. The engine was firing irregularly. Just after crossing the end of the aerodrome the pilot did a sharp stalling turn. The nose dropped and it dived behind the trees. During this dive the noise of the engine ceased." |
1749_62 | Usually reports were issued on any incident with every aircraft. On the date McCudden died, 29 such returns exist for S.E.5s but the report pertaining to his accident is not among them leaving the official cause of the crash unexplained. It is possible the engine failed due to a wrongly installed carburettor. However, there is some doubt as to whether a mechanical defect was the culprit. The witnesses reported the pilot was attempting low-level stunts, manifesting in several turns and rolls. Many years later other witnesses disputed the aircraft performed a roll, but all agreed the trouble began when the machine entered an attitude resembling a near-vertical turn. |
1749_63 | McCudden's remains were subsequently buried at the nearby Wavans war cemetery in the Pas de Calais. McCudden's death occurred only two months after the death of German ace Manfred von Richthofen, whom some commented had been honoured with a longer and more elaborate funeral by the British. McCudden's wartime score was 57 victories included 19 captured, 27 and 1 shared destroyed, 8 and 2 shared "down out of control"—an official classification which still counted the claim as a victory. |
1749_64 | Relics and memorial
On the morning of 9 July, McCudden had handed his sister an envelope over breakfast, which was subsequently found to contain all of his medals. Today all of McCudden's medals including his Victoria Cross are displayed at the Royal Engineers Museum in Gillingham, Kent, alongside those of two of his brothers and his father. The original brass engraved grave plaque used, along with a wooden propeller, are also displayed. The shattered windscreen from McCudden's crashed S.E.5a is preserved in the collection of the Imperial War Museum. The museum's collections also include McCudden's uniform 'maternity jacket' and a half-length portrait of McCudden by William Orpen. In March 2009, McCudden and his contemporary Edward Mannock, were the subjects of the BBC Timewatch episode, WWI Aces Falling.
List of victories
A complete list of the 58 claims by McCudden and the 57 credited to him. |
1749_65 | {| class="wikitable sortable"
|-
! style="width:40px; text-align:center;"|Victory No.
! style="width:150px; text-align:center;"|Date
! style="width:80px; text-align:center;"|Time
! style="width:80px; text-align:center;"|Enemy Type
! style="width:200px; text-align:center;"|Location
! style="width:100px; text-align:center;"|Result
! style="width:500px; text-align:center;"|Notes
|-
|1
|6 September 1916
|13:15
|Two-seater
|Houthem-Gheluwe
|Crashed
|Unknown. But confirmed and witnessed by British ground forces.
|-
|2
|26 January 1917
|10:05
|Two-seater
|Ficheux
|Crashed
|
|-
|3
|2 February 1917
|14:50
|Two-seater
|Adinfer Wood
|Crashed
|Shared with Major A.W Gratten-Bellew.
|-
|4
|6 February 1917
|14:00
|Albatros D.III
|Adinfer Wood
|Crashed
|
|-
|5
|15 February 1917
|12:00
|Roland C.II
|Monchy
|Crashed
|
|-
|6
|21 July 1917
|20:00
|Albatros D.V
|Polygon Wood
|
|
|-
|7
|26 July 1917
|20:15
|Albatros D.V
|Gheluwe
|
|
|-
|8
|18 August 1917
|07:00
|Albatros D.V
|E Houthem
|
|
|-
|9 |
1749_66 | |19 August 1917
|17:00
|Albatros D.V
|Gheluvelt
|
|
|-
|10
|20 August 1917
|18:50
|Albatros D.III
|SE Polygon Wood
|Flamed
|Vizefeldwebel Karl-Josef Ohler (Jasta 24), in Albatros DIII No.756/17, killed.
|-
|11
|20 August 1917
|19:00
|Albatros D.V
|Polygon Wood
|
|
|-
|u/c
|14 September 1917
|18:00
|Albatros D.V
|Roeselare
|
|Believed to have been Oberleutnant Ernst Wiegand (3 victories), Jasta 10, wounded.
|-
|12
|19 September 1917
|12:15
|Rumpler C.I
|Radinghem
|Crashed
|
|-
|13
|23 September 1917
|13:00
|DFW C.V
|Gheluwe
|Crashed
|Unteroffizier Rudolf Francke and Leutnant Gustav Rudolph, (FA6), both killed.
|-
|14
|26 September 1917
|15:15
|LVG C.V
|SE Langemark (Langemarck)
|Flames
|Unteroffizier Hans Gossler and Bruno Wiedermann, Schutzstaffel 27. Both men killed. Wiedermann fell over German lines, the aircraft and Gossler over British lines.
|-
|15
|28 September 1917
|08:00
|Albatros D.V
|S Houthulst Forest
|Crashed |
1749_67 | |Leutnant Gunther Pastor, Jasta 29, killed when he fell out at 9,000 feet.
|-
|16
|1 October 1917
|17:50
|Albatros D.V
|Westrozebeke
|
|
|-
|17
|17 October 1917
|10:25
|LVG C.V
|S Vlammertinge
|
|Flieger Heinrich Horstmann and Oberleutnant Ernst Hadrich, (FA8) in LVG No. 8431/16, both killed.
|-
|18
|21 October 1917
|13:00
|Rumpler C.IV
|Marzingarbe
|
|Unteroffizier Richard Hiltweis and Leutnant Hans Laitko, FA5 (No. 8431/16), both killed.
|-
|19
|18 November 1917
|09:40
|DFW C.V
|Bellicourt
|
|Possibly from FA210(A) or FA259(A)
|-
|20
|23 November 1917
|12:00
|Albatros D.V
|E Noyelles
|Crashed
|Possibly Vizefeldwebel Karl Bey, Jasta 5 killed. Bey had claimed one confirmed victory, one unconfirmed.
|-
|21
|29 November 1917
|07:30
|DFW C.V
|S Bellicourt
|Crashed
|Leutnant Kurt Dittrich and Leutnant Manfred Hoettger, FA202(A), both killed.
|-
|22
|29 November 1917
|13:15
|DFW C.V
|Rouvroy
|Crashed
|Leutnant Georg Dietrich and Leutnant Dietrich Schenk, FA268(A), both killed.
|-
|23 |
1749_68 | |30 November 1917
|11:15
|LVG C.V
|SE Havrincourt
|Crashed
| Vizefeldwebel Wilhelm Flohrig and Gefreiter Eckerle captured (FA19). Flohrig died of wounds 1 December.
|-
|24
|5 December 1917
|12:40
|Rumpler C.VII
|Hermies
|Crashed
|Leutnant Fritz Pauly and Leutnant Ernst Sauter, FA45b, both killed.
|-
|25
|6 December 1917
|10:25
|Rumpler C.IV
|NW Saint-Quentin
|Crashed
|Unteroffizier Karl Pohlisch and Leutnant Martin Becker, FA255(A), both killed.
|-
|26
|6 December 1917
|15:00
|Albatros D.V
|Fontaine
|Crashed
|
|-
|27
|15 December 1917
|11:05
|Rumpler C.IV
|E of Bois de Vaucelles
|Crashed
|
|-
|28
|22 December 1917
|12:05
|DFW C.V
|NW St Quentin
|
|Unteroffizier Biesenbach and Unteroffizier Anton Bode, Schutzstaffel 5, both killed
|-
|29
|23 December 1917
|11:25
|LVG C
|Anguilcourt
|Crashed
|
|-
|30
|23 December 1917
|12:20
|Rumpler C.VII
|Gontescourt
|
|Leutnant Otto Horing and Leutnant Emil Tibussek, FA 23 (s.no 3028/17), both killed
|-
|31
|23 December 1917
|14:40
|Rumpler C |
1749_69 | |NW Gouzeaucourt
|
|Crew from Bogohl 7, both captured.
|-
|32
|23 December 1917
|15:30
|LVG C.V
|Nr Metz-en-Couture
|
|Vizefeldwebel Kurt Boje and Vizefeldwebel Friedrich Neimann, Schutzstaffel 12, both killed.
|-
|33
|28 December 1917
|12:15
|Rumpler C
|Velu Wood
|
|Unteroffizier Munz and Lt. Ruecker, FA7, both captured.
|-
|34
|28 December 1917
|12:30
|Rumpler C
|Flers
|Flames
|Unteroffizier Oskar Guntert and Leutnant Hans Mittag, FA40(A), both killed.
|-
|35
|28 December 1917
|12:55
|LVG C
|Havrincourt Wood
|
|Leutnant Albert Weinrich and Leutnant Walter Bergmann, FA210(A), both killed.
|-
|36
|29 December 1917
|08:55
|LVG C
|Havrincourt
|
| Vizefeldwebel Kurt Gershal (died of wounds) and Unteroffizier Lehnert, captured, Schutzstaffel 10.
|-
|37
|29 December 1917
|14:00
|LVG C
|NE Epehy
|
|Leutnant Walter Dern and Leutnant Georg Müller, FA33, both killed.
|-
|38
|9 January 1918
|11:30
|LVG C
|Graincourt
|Crashed
|
|-
|39
|13 January 1918
|09:40
|LVG C
|E Le Haucourt
|Crashed |
1749_70 | |? Notler, killed and Leutnant Max Pappenheimer uninjured, FA2649(A).
|-
|40
|13 January 1918
|09:50
|DFW C.V
|N Vendhuile
|Crashed
| Vizefeldwebel Hans Rautenberg and Leutnant Gerhard Besser, Bogohl 7, both killed.
|-
|41
|13 January 1918
|10:05
|LVG C
|E Lempire
|Flamed
|Possibly one crew was Leutnant M. Rittermann (Bogohl 7) killed.
|-
|42
|20 January 1918
|10:30
|LVG C
|NW Cambrai
|Crashed
|Unteroffizier Gustav Mosch and Leutnant Friedrich Bracksiek, FA202(A), both killed.
|-
|43
|24 January 1918
|13:55
|DFW C.V
|Vitry
|
|crew included Leutnant Georg Pallocks FA240, died of wounds.
|-
|44
|25 January 1918
|14:45
|Rumpler C
|Itancourt
|Crashed
|Leutnant Schramm, survived, Leutnant Hermann Bucher, died of wounds, FA225(A).
|-
|45
|30 January 1918
|11:15
|Albatros
|Anneux
|
|Vizefeldwebel Adam Barth, Jasta 10, in Albatros DV 4565/17, killed.
|-
|46
|30 January 1918
|11:15
|Pfalz D.III
|Anneux
|
|
|-
|47
|2 February 1918
|10:40
|LVG C
|E Vulu
|Crashed |
1749_71 | |Vizefeldwebel Erich Szafranek and Leutnant Werner von Kuczkowski, Bogohl 7, both killed in LVG No. 9775/17.
|-
|48
|16 February 1918
|10:35
|Rumpler C
|SW Caudry
|Crashed
|Unteroffizier Max Hanicke and Leutnant Fritz Düsterdieck, FA269(A), both killed.
|-
|49
|16 February 1918
|10:45
|DFW C
|NE Le Catelet
|Crashed
|Unteroffizier Albert Fröhlich and Leutnant Ernst Karlowa, FA202(A), both killed.
|-
|50
|16 February 1918
|11:10
|Rumpler C
|Hargicourt
|Crashed
|
|-
|51
|16 February 1918
|12:30
|Rumpler C.IV
|Lagnicourt-Marcel
|
|Gefreiter Heinrich Lechleiter and Lorenz Zeuch, Schutzstaffel 29b, both killed.|-
|52
|17 February 1918
|10:25
|Rumpler C.V
|Guémappe
|
|Possibly Leutnant Otto Jablonski and Joseph Klauke, FA 263(A), both killed.
|-
|53
|18 February 1918
|09:40
|Albatros D.V
|Vitry-en-Artois
|Crashed
|Unteroffizier Justus Kaiser, Jasta 35b in Albatros DV No. 4448/17, killed.
|-
|54
|18 February 1918
|09:45
|Albatros D.V
|Quiéry-la-Motte
|Crashed |
1749_72 | |Unteroffizier Joachim von Stein zu Lausnitz, Jasta 35b, wounded in the left shoulder, neck and mouth: landed and hospitalised.
|-
|55
|21 February 1918
|13:47
|DFW C.V
|S Maricourt
|Crashed
|Vizefeldwebel Erich Klingenberg and Leutnant Karl Heger, FA235(A), both killed.
|-
|56
|26 February 1918
|11:20
|Rumpler C
|Oppy, Pas-de-Calais
|Crashed
|Vizefeldwebel Otto Kresse and Leutnant Rudolf Binting of FA7, both killed.
|-
|57
|26 February 1918
|11:30
|Hannover CL
|Chérisy
|Crashed
|Unteroffizier Max Schwaier and Leutnant Walter Jager, FA293(A), both killed.
|-
|} |
1749_73 | References
Notes
Citations |
1749_74 | Bibliography
Buckley, John (1999). Air Power in the Age of Total War. UCL Press, London.
Cole, Christopher (1967). McCudden, VC. William Kimber, London. Standard Book Number 7183 0460 8
Cooksley, Peter (1999). The Air Vcs. Sutton Publishing, London.
Corum, James (1997). The Luftwaffe: Creating the Operational Air War, 1918–1940. Kansas University Press. 1997.
Franks, Norman (2007). SE 5/5a Aces of World War 1. Osprey, Oxford.
Franks, Norman (2007). Dog Fight: Aerial Tactics of the Aces of World War I. Greenhill Books, London.
Guttman, Jon (2009). Pusher Aces of World War 1. Osprey, Oxford.
Hyde, Andrew. (2012). The First Blitz. Pen & Sword Military, London.
Jones, Ira (2009). King of Air Fighters: The Biography of Major "Mick" Mannock, VC, DSO, MC. Casemate Publishers, London.
Leach, Norman (2014). Cavalry of the Air. Dundurn, Toronto.
McCudden, James Byford (1987) [1918]. Flying Fury: Five Years in the Royal Flying Corps. Lionel Leventhal, London. |
1749_75 | O'Connor, Michael. (2001). Airfields and Airmen: Ypres. Pen and Sword, London.
Revell, Alex (2010). Brief Glory: The Life of Arthur Rhys Davids, DSO, MC and Bar. Pen & Sword Aviation, Barnsley. .
Revell, Alex. (2009). No 56 Sqn RAF/RFC. Osprey publishing, Oxford.
Revell, Alex (1987). James McCudden VC. Albatros Productions, Hertfordshire.
Shores, Christopher; Franks, Norman; and Guest, Russell (1990). Above the Trenches: A Complete Record of the Fighter Aces and Units of the British Empire Air Forces, 1915–20. Grub Street, London.
Taylor, S. J. (1996). The Great Outsiders: Northciffe, Rothermere and the Daily Mail''. Weidenfeld and Nicolson, London. |
1749_76 | External links
James McCudden
1895 births
1918 deaths
British World War I flying aces
British World War I recipients of the Victoria Cross
Royal Flying Corps recipients of the Victoria Cross
Recipients of the Military Medal
Aviators killed in aviation accidents or incidents in France
Royal Engineers officers
Royal Flying Corps officers
Royal Air Force officers
British Army personnel of World War I
Royal Air Force personnel of World War I
People from Gillingham, Kent
English aviators
Recipients of the Military Cross
Companions of the Distinguished Service Order
British Army recipients of the Victoria Cross
British military personnel killed in World War I
Military personnel from Kent |
1750_0 | The , commonly shortened to PC-98 or , is a lineup of Japanese 16-bit and 32-bit personal computers manufactured by NEC from 1982 to 2000. The platform established NEC's dominance in the Japanese personal computer market, and, by 1999, more than 18 million units had been sold. While NEC did not market these specific machines in the West, it sold the NEC APC III, which had similar hardware as early PC-98 models. |
1750_1 | The PC-98 was initially released as a business-oriented personal computer which had backward compatibility with the successful PC-8800 series. The range of the series has expanded, and in the 1990s it was used in a variety of industry fields including education and hobbies. NEC succeeded in attracting third-party suppliers and a wide range of users, and the PC-98 dominated the Japanese PC market with more than 60% by 1991. IBM clones lacked graphics capabilities to handle complex Japanese writing systems. In addition, Japanese computer manufacturers marketed personal computers that were based on each proprietary architecture for the domestic market. Global PC manufacturers, with the exception of Apple, had failed to overcome the language barrier, and the Japanese PC market was isolated from the global market. |
1750_2 | By 1990, average CPUs and graphics capabilities were sufficiently improved. The DOS/V operating system enabled IBM clones to display Japanese text by using a software font only, giving a chance for global PC manufacturers to enter the Japanese PC market. The PC-98 is a non-IBM compatible x86-based computer, thus it can run a localized version of MS-DOS and Microsoft Windows. However, spreading Windows, software developers no longer had to dedicate to the specific platform, and the PC-98 was regarded as one of the Windows-based machines like other IBM clones. The PC-98 adopted non-proprietary parts developed for IBM clones to reduce manufacturing costs. Due to the popularity of Windows 95, the demand for the PC-98 on which legacy applications depend had declined. In 1997, NEC abandoned compatibility with the PC-98 and released the PC98-NX series based on the PC System Design Guide.
History |
1750_3 | Background |
1750_4 | NEC developed mainframes since the 1950s. By 1976, the company had the 4th highest mainframe sales (10.4%) in Japan after IBM (29.6%), Fujitsu (20.1%) and Hitachi (15.8%). NEC did not have a presence in the consumer market, and its subsidiary, New Nippon Electric (later NEC Home Electronics), had limited success with consumer products. NEC's Information Processing Group, which developed mainframes and minicomputers, had not developed a personal computer because they assumed microprocessors were not suitable for computing as they suffered from a lack of performance and reliability. However, the Electronic Device Sales Division developed the microprocessor evaluation kit TK-80, which became unexpectedly popular among hobbyists. , a developer of the TK-80, observed the rise in popularity of personal computers at the 1977 West Coast Computer Faire in San Francisco. Goto and his section manager, , decided to develop a personal computer despite criticism from the Information Processing |
1750_5 | Group. The division only had a small distribution network of electronic parts stores, so they asked New Nippon Electric to sell the personal computers through their consumer distribution network. |
1750_6 | The Electronic Device Sales Division launched the PC-8001 in 1979, and it dominated 40% of the Japanese personal computer market in 1981. The vice president of NEC, , stated:
In April 1981, NEC decided to expand their personal computer lines into three groups: New Nippon Electric, the Information Processing Group, and the Electronic Devices Group, with each specializing in a particular series. New Nippon Electric made 8-bit home computers (PC-6000 series), while the Information Processing Group made 16-bit business personal computers and the Electronic Devices Group made other personal computers such as the PC-8000, the PC-8800 and the PC-100 series.
Development |
1750_7 | In the Information Processing Small Systems Division, directed the project and did the product planning. The development team initially planned for the new personal computer to be a small version of the business computer line which originated from the 1973 NEAC System 100. Kazuya Watanabe stated that the personal computer must have Microsoft BASIC, considered compatibility of peripheral devices with previous NEC PCs, and disclosed specifications of its expansion slot. In September 1981, Hamada requested ASCII's Kazuhiko Nishi to rewrite N88-BASIC to run on the Intel 8086 processor, and Nishi replied, saying that he wanted to talk with Bill Gates. Three months later, Nishi rejected Hamada's request because Microsoft was busy with the development of GW-BASIC, and they did not want to produce more variants of Microsoft BASIC. Nishi told him, "Microsoft is rewriting a BASIC that has the same function with more structured internal code, and it will be sold as the definitive 16-bit |
1750_8 | version named GW-BASIC. We'll provide a BASIC sooner if you choose the Japanese adoption of GW BASIC.". Hamada replied, "As I said, we want a BASIC that is compatible with the previous ones". They could not make an agreement. |
1750_9 | Hamada could not decide which plan they should develop, a small business computer or a personal computer, because the possibilities of Watanabe's plan was uncertain. While they were visiting software companies to collect and research applications for the PC-8001 and PC-8801, Hamada and Watanabe discovered that the consumer market wanted a 16-bit machine compatible with both PCs. Hamada decided to adopt two plans for different markets. In April 1982, the small business personal computer became the NEC System 20 model 15, which used a proprietary 16-bit microprocessor. The machine was introduced as a new model of traditional business computers, so it was not notable. |
1750_10 | In February 1982, the software development team started reverse engineering N88-BASIC and designing N88-BASIC(86). After the team finished in March 1982, they started development on the PC-9801 (named N-10 Project). A PC-9801 prototype was completed at the end of July 1982. The code of N88-BASIC (86) was written completely from scratch, but Nishi pointed out that the bytecode matched Microsoft's. It was unclear if the copyright law could apply to the bytecode. Nishi suggested to Hamada that NEC must have purchased the same amount of Microsoft's product as it corresponded to the license fee, and N88-BASIC(86) must show copyright notification for both Microsoft and NEC. Hamada approved it.
The team considered third-party developers to be very important for the market's expansion. They provided 50–100 prototypes and technical information for independent companies without a fee. |
1750_11 | In 1981, the Terminal Units Division of the Information Processing Group also launched the personal computer series , which was branded as the "personal terminal". It used an Intel 8086 processor and a µPD7220 display controller. Its architecture was similar to that of the PC-98, but it mostly ran the proprietary operating system PTOS. NEC introduced it as an intelligent terminal or a workstation and was distinguished within personal computer lines. For this market, Fujitsu released the in 1981, and IBM Japan released the Multistation 5550 in 1983.
Release and growing
The first model, the PC-9801, launched in October 1982, and employs an 8086 CPU. It runs at a clock speed of 5 MHz, with two µPD7220 display controllers (one for text, the other for video graphics), and was shipped with 128 KB of RAM that can be expanded to 640 KB. Its 8-color display has a maximum resolution of 640×400 pixels. |
1750_12 | When the PC-9801 launched in 1982, it was initially priced at 298,000 yen (about US$1,200 in 1982 dollars). It can use PC-88 peripherals such as displays and floppy disk drives, and it can run software developed for N88-BASIC with a few modifications. For new buyers, it required either an expensive 1232 KB 8-inch floppy drive or a smaller capacity 320 KB 5¼-inch floppy drive. The basic system can display JIS X 0201 characters including numbers, English characters, and half-width kana, so most users added an optional kanji ROM board for using a Japanese word processor. Its successor, the PC-9801F, employs an 8086-2 CPU, which can selectively run at a speed of either 5 or 8 MHz. The F2 model contains two 640 KB 5¼-inch 2DD (quad density) floppy drives, a JIS level 1 kanji (2,965 characters) font ROM, and was priced at 398,000 yen (about US$1,700 in 1983). It was positively received by engineers and businesses. Ozawa explained the reason why the PC-9801F used a 640 KB floppy drive, "For |
1750_13 | Japanese business softwares, 320 KB is small, 640 KB is just barely enough, and 1 MB is preferable. We want to choose a 1 MB floppy drive, but its 8-inch drive is expensive, and its 5-inch drive lacks reliability. So, we think 640 KB is the best choice. Also, it can read a 320 KB floppy disk". |
1750_14 | The Electronic Devices Group launched the PC-100 in October 1983 and attempted to present a GUI similar to the Apple Lisa. The PC-100 did not sell well due to its time and high cost. Moreover, the marketing competed with the PC-98 of the Information Processing Group, which did not assure distributors. In December 1983, Ouchi decided that NEC would consolidate their personal computer business into two divisions: NEC Home Electronics to deal with the 8-bit home computer line, and Nippon Electric's Information Processing Group to deal with the 16-bit personal computer line. The Electronic Device Group passed off their personal computer business to NEC Home Electronics. |
1750_15 | Fujitsu released the in December 1984. It has an Intel 80186 CPU at 8 MHz and a 1.2 MB 5¼-inch 2HD (high density) floppy drive. The FM-16β failed because it bundled CP/M-86, not MS-DOS, and was marketed by Fujitsu's Electronic Devices department instead of the Computers department. They modified their policies in mid-1985, but it was too late. In another incident, Fujitsu bundled a business software package with the FM-11 (predecessor to FM-16β) which discouraged users from purchasing third-party software and forced them to use it for a specific purpose, which caused Fujitsu to fail to expand their platform. |
1750_16 | NEC introduced the PC-9801M2 that has two 5¼-inch 2HD floppy drives against the release of FM-16β. This model cannot read 2DD floppy disks. The PC-9801VM uses an NEC V30 CPU clocked at 10 MHz, and was released in July 1985. The VM2 model shipped with two 5¼-inch 2HD floppy drives and supports both 2DD and 2HD floppy disks. It became the best-selling computer in Japan, with annual sales of 210,000 units.
NEC permitted software companies to bundle a subset of MS-DOS 2.11 without a license fee between 1983 and 1987. ASCII and Microsoft allowed it to enter the market and compete with CP/M-86. NEC also let users buy a self-contained application package. It occupied half of the Japanese personal computer market at the end of 1983. As of March 1984, 700 software packages were available for PC-98. In 1987, NEC announced one million PC-98s were shipped, and about 3,000 software packages were available. Masayoshi Son recalled in 1985 that: |
1750_17 | NEC took care to maintain compatibility and inheritance. The PC-9801VM can select a clock frequency between 8 and 10 MHz and also offers an optional 8086 card because the V30 has different instruction cycles. The V30 has unique instructions which are not implemented in other Intel x86 processors. Some PC-98 applications use them, so the PC-9801VX (1986) was designed to run Intel 80286 and V30 selectively. The PC-9801RA (1988) has an Intel 80386 and a V30. The PC-9801DA (1990) does not have this, but its clock speed is configurable.
NEC focused heavily on financing advertisements and exhibitions, from in the 1970s, to over in 1985.
While NEC did not market these specific machines in the West, it sold the NEC APC III, which had similar hardware as early PC-98 models. However, NEC began selling an IBM clone (APC IV) outside Japan in 1986. By 1990, PC-9800/9801 units were sold in Japan.
Race with laptops and PC-98 clones |
1750_18 | Toshiba had developed laptop computers since the autumn of 1983, while their desktops were a failure in the Japanese PC market. In October 1986, they introduced the which allowed the T3100 to handle Japanese text. NEC did not expect it to become the first successful laptop computer. In Japan, a typical office layout is an open office that is made up of rows of tight desks, so laptop computers received a good reception from corporate customers. In the same month, NEC introduced the PC-98LT laptop computer. This model had poor compatibility with the PC-9801 and could not gain a significant profit. NEC understood, despite difficulties, that the PC-98 needed a new custom chipset to make the motherboard smaller. |
1750_19 | In March 1987, Epson announced the first PC-98 clone desktop computer and named it the PC-286 series. NEC investigated and sued Epson on the claim that its BIOS infringed their copyright. Epson canceled their PC-286 model 1-4 and released the PC-286 model 0 whose BIOS was made by another team under a clean room design; it did not have a built-in BASIC interpreter. NEC countered that the PC-286 model 0 lacked compatibility with the PC-98. Although it seemed NEC would not be able to win the lawsuit, Epson settled with NEC in November 1987 after considering the damage that would be done to their reputation. |
1750_20 | The PC-286 model 0 employs an Intel 80286 processor operating at 10 MHz - 25% faster than NEC's PC-9801VX using the same CPU at 8 MHz. In June 1987, NEC released a 10 MHz version of the PC-9801VX (VX01, VX21 and VX41 models). They added a BIOS signature check to their operating systems to prevent non-NEC machines from booting the OSes; it was commonly called an "EPSON check". In September 1987, Epson introduced the PC-286V and the PC-286U and also released the BASIC Support ROM to add a BASIC interpreter to their computers. Epson also bundled the Software Installation Program which was a patch kit to remove the EPSON check. Both machines were received well due to their reasonable prices and better compatibility. In 1988, Epson made annual sales of 200,000 units and successfully established PC-98 clones in the Japanese PC market. |
1750_21 | In October 1987, Epson released the PC-286L which was a PC-98 compatible laptop before NEC started development of their own laptop. In March 1988, NEC released the PC-9801LV which was a 100% PC-98 compatible laptop. It was accomplished by three custom VLSI chips. These chipsets are also used in other desktops such as the PC-9801UV11 and the PC-9801RA.
In July 1989, Toshiba released the J-3100SS branded as the DynaBook, a true laptop computer which was light and battery operated. It made annual sales of 170,000 units. Four months later, NEC released the PC-9801N and branded it as the "98NOTE". The DynaBook started off well but the 98NOTE outsold it in 1990.
Microsoft and other PC manufacturers developed the AX specification in 1987. It allowed IBM PC clones to handle Japanese text by using special video chips, the Japanese keyboard, and software written for it. However, the AX could not break into the Japanese PC market due to its higher cost and less compatible software. |
1750_22 | Sharp X68000 and Fujitsu FM Towns intended to offer a multimedia platform for home users. Both have rich graphics and sound capabilities in comparison to the basic configuration of PC-98. They enjoyed modest success, but not enough to threaten the domination of the PC-98.
The Nikkei Personal Computing magazine stated in January 1992 that "users choose a PC with considering compatibility and expandability. The PC-9800 compatibles is the most popular, and the IBM PC/AT compatibles also gains their strong support. PC users are stubborn and conservative. We conclude these opinions are related to the slump in other PC sales including Fujitsu FMR, Sharp X68000, AX machines, Canon Navi and rapidly declining 8-bit machines like MSX."
As a PC game platform |
1750_23 | In the early 1980s, home users chose 8-bit machines rather than 16-bit machines because 16-bit systems were expensive and designed exclusively for business. By the mid-1980s, the Japanese home computer market was dominated by the NEC PC-88, the Fujitsu FM-7, and the Sharp X1. In this era, simulation games was the most popular genre for PC-98, which took advantage of higher clock speed and larger memory reserves. The Daisenryaku series and the Romance of the Three Kingdoms series were particularly popular and they established PC-98 as a PC game platform. |
1750_24 | Towards the end of the 1980s, the Japanese PC game platform slowly shifted from PC-88 to PC-98, as the X68000 and the FM Towns also had a niche market. In the 1990s, many computer role-playing games were developed for the PC-98 or imported from other platforms, such as Brandish, Dungeon Master and the Alone in the Dark series. The higher display resolution and higher storage capacity allowed better graphics, but because of the PC-98's lack of hardware sprites, most of the games made for the system were slow-paced. As a result of this limitation, adult dating sims and visual novels appeared as a revival of 1980's adventure games and gained popularity, such as Dōkyūsei and YU-NO. After the PC-98 declined, many Japanese PC game developers shifted the game platform to video game consoles, except for eroge distributed by computer stores.
Price war with DOS/V PCs |
1750_25 | In the 1980s and early 1990s, NEC dominated the Japanese domestic PC market with more than 60% of the PCs sold as PC-9801 or PC-8801. In 1990, IBM Japan introduced the DOS/V operating system which enabled displaying Japanese text on standard IBM PC/AT VGA adapters. Other Japanese PC manufacturers joined the PC Open Architecture Developer Group (OADG) organized by IBM Japan and Microsoft. In October 1992, Compaq released a DOS/V computer priced at compared to the lowest priced PC-98 at , causing a price war in the Japanese PC market. In 1993, Toshiba introduced DOS/V computers, Epson founded Epson Direct Corporation to sell DOS/V computers, and Fujitsu started selling DOS/V computers branded as FMV. |
1750_26 | In November 1992, NEC introduced a mid-range Windows PC, the PC-9821 which contained an Intel 386SX processor, a CD-ROM drive, 16-bit PCM audio playback, MS-DOS 5.0A, and Windows 3.0A. In January 1993, PC-98 desktops were expanded into three lines: a high-performance Windows-based line named "98MATE", a low-priced MS-DOS line named "98FELLOW", and an all-in-one desktop line named "98MULTi". PC-98s were still popular among Japanese users because they had many applications.
NEC managed to adopt industrial standards and reduce costs. From 1993 to 1995, the PC-98 adopted 72-pin SIMMs, the 3.5-inch 1.44 MB floppy format, IDE storage drives, a 640×480 DOS screen mode, 2D GUI acceleration GPUs, Windows Sound System, PCI slots, and PCMCIA card slots. NEC had outsourced manufacturing of motherboards to Taiwanese companies such as ECS and GVC (acquired by Lite-On). |
1750_27 | Decline
Aside from other Japanese domestic platforms which had disappeared, Windows 95 overturned the dominance of the PC-98. The difference in the architecture was not only ineffective for platform-independent environments but also increasing development resources to adopt them.
During the development of Windows 95, NEC sent an average of 20 engineers to Microsoft's office in Seattle. Even though the PC-98 uses some IBM clone components, Windows requires the special driver or HAL to support its IRQ, I/O and C-Bus. The Nikkei Personal Computing magazine wrote, "The PC-98 features a number of MS-DOS applications, but there is no difference between PC-98 and PC/AT clones for using Windows 95. The status of the PC-98 series is not based on its hardware feature or the number of softwares and peripherals, but its strength in promotion, parts procurement and faith in the NEC brand." |
1750_28 | In 1997, NEC introduced the PC98-NX series as a main personal computer line that conformed to the PC System Design Guide and were IBM PC compatible. The PC-9801's last successor was the Celeron-based PC-9821Ra43 (with a clock frequency of 433 MHz, using a 440FX chipset-based motherboard design from 1998), which appeared in 2000. NEC announced that the PC-98 would be discontinued in 2003. 18.3 million of PC-98s shipped by the end of shipments in March 2004. The last version of Windows to support PC-98 is Windows 2000.
Hardware
The PC-98 is different from the IBM PC in many ways; for instance, it uses its own 16-bit C-bus (Cバス) instead of the ISA bus; BIOS, I/O port addressing, memory management and graphics output are also different. However, localized MS-DOS, Unix, OS/2, or Windows will still run on PC-9801s.
Expansion bus |
1750_29 | All PC-98 desktop models use a 100-pin expansion slot. It has 16 data lines and 24 address lines. The bus frequency is fixed at 5, 8 or 10 MHz. The PC-H98 and PC-9821A series computers use a proprietary 32-bit local bus slot along with 16-bit slots. The 16-bit expansion bus was also called C-bus (Compatible Bus). The PC-9821Xf introduced in 1994 shipped with C-bus slots and PCI slots on the motherboard, replacing the proprietary local bus slot.
Memory
Many PC-9801 models can increase system memory by installing expansion boards, daughterboards, or proprietary SIMMs. They are limited to 14.6 MB, due to 24-bit address pins and reserve space. EMS memory boards for C-bus are also available. The PC-9821Af introduced in 1993 shipped with standard 72-pin SIMMs, broke the 14.6 MB barrier, and supported memory up to 79.6 MB. Later desktop models shipped with standard SIMM or DIMM memory. |
1750_30 | The PC-98XA (1985) and its successors, called high-resolution machine or simply hi-reso machine, are capable of 768 KB base memory, but their I/O ports and memory addressing are quite different from normal PC-98s.
Storage
Early PC-9801 models supported 1232 KB 8-inch floppy drives and/or 640 KB -inch floppy drives. Each used different IRQ lines and I/O ports. Later models support both interfaces. High density -inch and -inch floppy disks use the same logical format and data rate as 1232 KB 8-inch floppy disks. They became a non-standard format while formats brought by IBM PC/AT and PS/2 became the industry standard. |
1750_31 | The PC-98 supports up to four floppy drives. If the system is booted from a floppy drive, MS-DOS assigns letters to all of the floppy drives before considering hard drives; it does the opposite if it is booted from a hard drive. If the OS was installed on the hard drive, MS-DOS would assign the hard drive as drive "A:" and the floppy as drive "B:"; this would cause incompatibility among Windows PC applications, although it can be resolved with the SETUP command in Windows 95 by turning on the "/AT" switch to assign the Windows system drive to the standard "C:" drive.
The PC-98 uses several different interfaces of hard drives. Early models used Shugart Associates System Interface (SASI) or ST506, and later models used SCSI or IDE drives.
Graphics |
1750_32 | A standard PC-98 has two µPD7220 display controllers (a master and a slave) with 12 KB and 256 KB of video RAMs respectively. The master display controller provides video timings and the memory address for the character generator, and the character generator generates a video signal from two bytes of the character code and a single byte of the attribute. The font ROM contains over 7,000 glyphs including the single-byte character set JIS X 0201 and the double-byte character set JIS X 0208, although early models provided the double-byte character set as an option. Each character has a variety of display options, including bits for secret, blinking, reverse, underline, and three intensity bits (grayscale or RGB). The other display controller is set to slave mode and connected to 256 KB of planar video memory, allowing it to display 640 × 400 pixel graphics with 16 colors out of a palette of 4096. This video RAM is divided into pages (2 pages × 4 planes × 32 KB in 640 × 400 with 16 |
1750_33 | colors), and the programmer can control which page is written to and which page is output. The slave display controller synchronizes with the master, so the text screen can be overlapped onto the graphics. |
Subsets and Splits
No community queries yet
The top public SQL queries from the community will appear here once available.