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q10 | won't | 0 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. | 1,321 | YES | Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. | Could an outside observer find fault with the AARP for trying to resist change in Mantoloking, when residents could likely benefit from more modern communications? | 112 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. |
q20 | won't | 0 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. | 1,322 | NO | Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. | Would local politicians and consumer-protection groups fault Verizon for trying to cut costs rather than provide customers with cutting edge communications in Mantoloking? | 112 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. |
q30 | won't | 0 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. | 1,323 | YES | Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. | If Hurricane Sandy had never occurred, Mantoloking had kept its original infrastructure, and Verizon had made this decision simply as an ongoing business matter, would the decision have left local residents less vulnerable to floods or even freak earthquakes that could affect underground telephone lines? | 112 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. |
q10 | won't | 1 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. | 1,324 | YES | Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. | Could an outside observer find fault with the AARP for trying to resist change in Mantoloking, when residents could likely benefit from more modern communications? | 112 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it had decided against providing Mantoloking residents with "plain old telephone service" from replacement copper-wire lines, and had decided instead to provide them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. |
q20 | won't | 1 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. | 1,325 | NO | Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. | Would local politicians and consumer-protection groups fault Verizon for trying to cut costs rather than provide customers with cutting edge communications in Mantoloking? | 112 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it had decided against providing Mantoloking residents with "plain old telephone service" from replacement copper-wire lines, and had decided instead to provide them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. |
q30 | won't | 1 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. | 1,326 | YES | Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. | If Hurricane Sandy had never occurred, Mantoloking had kept its original infrastructure, and Verizon had made this decision simply as an ongoing business matter, would the decision have left local residents less vulnerable to floods or even freak earthquakes that could affect underground telephone lines? | 112 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it had decided against providing Mantoloking residents with "plain old telephone service" from replacement copper-wire lines, and had decided instead to provide them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. |
q10 | won't | 2 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. | 1,327 | NO | Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. | Could an outside observer find fault with the AARP for trying to resist change in Mantoloking, when residents could likely benefit from more modern communications? | 112 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't be providing Mantoloking residents with its Voice Link wireless service, but would instead rebuild the old telephone service, which relied on copper wires, and this decision drew protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. |
q20 | won't | 2 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. | 1,328 | YES | Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. | Would local politicians and consumer-protection groups fault Verizon for trying to cut costs rather than provide customers with cutting edge communications in Mantoloking? | 112 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't be providing Mantoloking residents with its Voice Link wireless service, but would instead rebuild the old telephone service, which relied on copper wires, and this decision drew protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. |
q30 | won't | 2 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. | 1,329 | NO | Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. | If Hurricane Sandy had never occurred, Mantoloking had kept its original infrastructure, and Verizon had made this decision simply as an ongoing business matter, would the decision have left local residents less vulnerable to floods or even freak earthquakes that could affect underground telephone lines? | 112 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't be providing Mantoloking residents with its Voice Link wireless service, but would instead rebuild the old telephone service, which relied on copper wires, and this decision drew protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. |
q10 | won't | 3 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. | 1,330 | NO | Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. | Could an outside observer find fault with the AARP for trying to resist change in Mantoloking, when residents could likely benefit from more modern communications? | 112 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it would rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, and also provide them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought praise from the AARP. Residents had previously complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls could be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages could result in the loss of service. |
q20 | won't | 3 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. | 1,331 | NO | Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. | Would local politicians and consumer-protection groups fault Verizon for trying to cut costs rather than provide customers with cutting edge communications in Mantoloking? | 112 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it would rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, and also provide them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought praise from the AARP. Residents had previously complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls could be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages could result in the loss of service. |
q30 | won't | 3 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. Residents have complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls may be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages would result in the loss of service. | 1,332 | YES | Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it won't rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, instead providing them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought protests from the AARP. | If Hurricane Sandy had never occurred, Mantoloking had kept its original infrastructure, and Verizon had made this decision simply as an ongoing business matter, would the decision have left local residents less vulnerable to floods or even freak earthquakes that could affect underground telephone lines? | 112 | When Hurricane Sandy made landfall in New Jersey on October 29, 2012, the effects were severe, and Mantoloking was especially hard hit, with more than 50 homes requiring demolition, accounting for almost 10% of the housing units in the borough as of the 2010 Census. Verizon Communications announced in July 2013 that it would rebuild its copper-wire based plain old telephone service to Mantoloking residents, and also provide them with its Voice Link wireless service, an effort that brought praise from the AARP. Residents had previously complained that many calls don't go through when dialed, that fax transmissions cannot be made, that 911 calls could be affected by network bottlenecks and that power outages could result in the loss of service. |
q10 | none | 0 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | 1,333 | NO | About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | Would any of the families with children need to consider signing up for free school lunches? | 113 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. |
q20 | none | 0 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | 1,334 | YES | About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | Are all of the parents able to provide shelter for their children? | 113 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. |
q30 | none | 0 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | 1,335 | NO | About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | Do poverty-stricken families tend to have a lot of children in this area? | 113 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. |
q10 | none | 1 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | 1,336 | NO | About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | Would any of the families with children need to consider signing up for free school lunches? | 113 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line; all of those are above the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. |
q20 | none | 1 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | 1,337 | YES | About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | Are all of the parents able to provide shelter for their children? | 113 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line; all of those are above the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. |
q30 | none | 1 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | 1,338 | NO | About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | Do poverty-stricken families tend to have a lot of children in this area? | 113 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line; all of those are above the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. |
q10 | none | 2 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | 1,339 | YES | About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | Would any of the families with children need to consider signing up for free school lunches? | 113 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including 28.6% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. |
q20 | none | 2 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | 1,340 | DON'T KNOW | About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | Are all of the parents able to provide shelter for their children? | 113 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including 28.6% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. |
q30 | none | 2 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | 1,341 | YES | About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | Do poverty-stricken families tend to have a lot of children in this area? | 113 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including 28.6% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. |
q10 | none | 3 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | 1,342 | YES | About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | Would any of the families with children need to consider signing up for free school lunches? | 113 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including some of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. |
q20 | none | 3 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | 1,343 | DON'T KNOW | About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | Are all of the parents able to provide shelter for their children? | 113 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including some of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. |
q30 | none | 3 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | 1,344 | DON'T KNOW | About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. | Do poverty-stricken families tend to have a lot of children in this area? | 113 | The median income for a household in the city was $22,500, and the median income for a family was $33,250. Males had a median income of $22,125 versus $20,417 for females. The per capita income for the city was $14,323. About 5.5% of families and 15.5% of the population were below the poverty line, including some of those under the age of eighteen and 28.6% of those 65 or over. |
q10 | impossible to | 0 | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. | 1,345 | DON'T KNOW | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. | Can an algorithm be tested for all possible scenarios? | 114 | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. |
q20 | impossible to | 0 | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. | 1,346 | YES | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. | Is the complexity of an algorithm dependent on the input? | 114 | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. |
q30 | impossible to | 0 | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. | 1,347 | DON'T KNOW | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. | Does the input determine the number of steps in an algorithm? | 114 | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. |
q10 | impossible to | 1 | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. | 1,348 | DON'T KNOW | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. | Can an algorithm be tested for all possible scenarios? | 114 | It is extremely challenging to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. |
q20 | impossible to | 1 | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. | 1,349 | YES | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. | Is the complexity of an algorithm dependent on the input? | 114 | It is extremely challenging to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. |
q30 | impossible to | 1 | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. | 1,350 | DON'T KNOW | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. | Does the input determine the number of steps in an algorithm? | 114 | It is extremely challenging to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. |
q10 | impossible to | 2 | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. | 1,351 | NO | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. | Can an algorithm be tested for all possible scenarios? | 114 | It is impossible to test an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. |
q20 | impossible to | 2 | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. | 1,352 | YES | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. | Is the complexity of an algorithm dependent on the input? | 114 | It is impossible to test an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. |
q30 | impossible to | 2 | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. | 1,353 | DON'T KNOW | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. | Does the input determine the number of steps in an algorithm? | 114 | It is impossible to test an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. |
q10 | impossible to | 3 | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. | 1,354 | YES | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. | Can an algorithm be tested for all possible scenarios? | 114 | It is possible to count the approximate number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. |
q20 | impossible to | 3 | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. | 1,355 | YES | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. | Is the complexity of an algorithm dependent on the input? | 114 | It is possible to count the approximate number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. |
q30 | impossible to | 3 | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. | 1,356 | YES | It is impossible to count the number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. | Does the input determine the number of steps in an algorithm? | 114 | It is possible to count the approximate number of steps of an algorithm on all possible inputs. As the complexity generally increases with the size of the input, the complexity is typically expressed as a function of the size (in bits) of the input, and therefore, the complexity is a function of. However, the complexity of an algorithm may vary dramatically for different inputs of the same size. Therefore, several complexity functions are commonly used. |
q10 | involuntary | 0 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | 1,357 | NO | Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | From the way that Action T4 was described in the passage, could you legitimately say that a majority of American states had acted in a worse manner than Nazi Germany, on this specific issue? | 115 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. |
q20 | involuntary | 0 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | 1,358 | The state | Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | If pre-natal screening for Down Syndrome had been available in the 1930s and 40s, does the description of Action T4 suggest that the decision to abort would be made by the mother or by the state? | 115 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. |
q30 | involuntary | 0 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | 1,359 | NO | Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | Assuming that no further action was taken after Action T4, would the details of said policy suggest that someone with Down Syndrome who also had willing and capable caregivers was more likely to survive to the end of World War II than a Jewish person who was unable to escape from Nazi territory? | 115 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. |
q10 | involuntary | 1 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | 1,360 | NO | Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | From the way that Action T4 was described in the passage, could you legitimately say that a majority of American states had acted in a worse manner than Nazi Germany, on this specific issue? | 115 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Nazi Germany had a public policy under their Action T4 program that led to mandatory and systematic euthanasia of those with Down syndrome. |
q20 | involuntary | 1 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | 1,361 | The state | Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | If pre-natal screening for Down Syndrome had been available in the 1930s and 40s, does the description of Action T4 suggest that the decision to abort would be made by the mother or by the state? | 115 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Nazi Germany had a public policy under their Action T4 program that led to mandatory and systematic euthanasia of those with Down syndrome. |
q30 | involuntary | 1 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | 1,362 | NO | Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | Assuming that no further action was taken after Action T4, would the details of said policy suggest that someone with Down Syndrome who also had willing and capable caregivers was more likely to survive to the end of World War II than a Jewish person who was unable to escape from Nazi territory? | 115 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Nazi Germany had a public policy under their Action T4 program that led to mandatory and systematic euthanasia of those with Down syndrome. |
q10 | involuntary | 2 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | 1,363 | YES | Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | From the way that Action T4 was described in the passage, could you legitimately say that a majority of American states had acted in a worse manner than Nazi Germany, on this specific issue? | 115 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. While registration of family members with Down Syndrome was involuntary in Nazi Germany, Action T4 made public a program of voluntary euthanization. |
q20 | involuntary | 2 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | 1,364 | The mother | Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | If pre-natal screening for Down Syndrome had been available in the 1930s and 40s, does the description of Action T4 suggest that the decision to abort would be made by the mother or by the state? | 115 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. While registration of family members with Down Syndrome was involuntary in Nazi Germany, Action T4 made public a program of voluntary euthanization. |
q30 | involuntary | 2 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | 1,365 | YES | Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | Assuming that no further action was taken after Action T4, would the details of said policy suggest that someone with Down Syndrome who also had willing and capable caregivers was more likely to survive to the end of World War II than a Jewish person who was unable to escape from Nazi territory? | 115 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. While registration of family members with Down Syndrome was involuntary in Nazi Germany, Action T4 made public a program of voluntary euthanization. |
q10 | involuntary | 3 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | 1,366 | YES | Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | From the way that Action T4 was described in the passage, could you legitimately say that a majority of American states had acted in a worse manner than Nazi Germany, on this specific issue? | 115 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of voluntary euthanasia in a medical setting for any immediate family member with Down Syndrome. |
q20 | involuntary | 3 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | 1,367 | The mother | Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | If pre-natal screening for Down Syndrome had been available in the 1930s and 40s, does the description of Action T4 suggest that the decision to abort would be made by the mother or by the state? | 115 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of voluntary euthanasia in a medical setting for any immediate family member with Down Syndrome. |
q30 | involuntary | 3 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | 1,368 | YES | Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of systematic involuntary euthanization. | Assuming that no further action was taken after Action T4, would the details of said policy suggest that someone with Down Syndrome who also had willing and capable caregivers was more likely to survive to the end of World War II than a Jewish person who was unable to escape from Nazi territory? | 115 | In the 20th century, many individuals with Down syndrome were institutionalized, few of the associated medical problems were treated, and most people died in infancy or early adulthood. With the rise of the eugenics movement, 33 of the then 48 U.S. states and several countries began programs of forced sterilization of individuals with Down syndrome and comparable degrees of disability. Action T4 in Nazi Germany made public policy of a program of voluntary euthanasia in a medical setting for any immediate family member with Down Syndrome. |
q10 | wasn't | 0 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. | 1,369 | YES | According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." | Was there a lot of tension at ALEC after the 2008 United States presidential election? | 116 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. |
q20 | wasn't | 0 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. | 1,370 | YES | According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." | Did Republicans working at ALEC likely intentionally forget to forward important emails to Democrats in 2007? | 116 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. |
q30 | wasn't | 0 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. | 1,371 | NO | According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." | In 2007, would Roman likely have hired a well qualified Democrat who was interviewing for a job at ALEC? | 116 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. |
q10 | wasn't | 1 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. | 1,372 | YES | According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." | Was there a lot of tension at ALEC after the 2008 United States presidential election? | 116 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she refused to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. |
q20 | wasn't | 1 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. | 1,373 | YES | According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." | Did Republicans working at ALEC likely intentionally forget to forward important emails to Democrats in 2007? | 116 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she refused to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. |
q30 | wasn't | 1 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. | 1,374 | NO | According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." | In 2007, would Roman likely have hired a well qualified Democrat who was interviewing for a job at ALEC? | 116 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she refused to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. |
q10 | wasn't | 2 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. | 1,375 | NO | According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." | Was there a lot of tension at ALEC after the 2008 United States presidential election? | 116 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC wasn't partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she liked Democrats and she was going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. |
q20 | wasn't | 2 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. | 1,376 | NO | According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." | Did Republicans working at ALEC likely intentionally forget to forward important emails to Democrats in 2007? | 116 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC wasn't partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she liked Democrats and she was going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. |
q30 | wasn't | 2 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. | 1,377 | YES | According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." | In 2007, would Roman likely have hired a well qualified Democrat who was interviewing for a job at ALEC? | 116 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC wasn't partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she liked Democrats and she was going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. |
q10 | wasn't | 3 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. | 1,378 | YES | According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." | Was there a lot of tension at ALEC after the 2008 United States presidential election? | 116 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats but she was going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. |
q20 | wasn't | 3 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. | 1,379 | DON'T KNOW | According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." | Did Republicans working at ALEC likely intentionally forget to forward important emails to Democrats in 2007? | 116 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats but she was going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. |
q30 | wasn't | 3 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. | 1,380 | DON'T KNOW | According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats and she wasn't going to work with them." | In 2007, would Roman likely have hired a well qualified Democrat who was interviewing for a job at ALEC? | 116 | Duane Parde served as the executive director from December 1996 to January 2006. Lori Roman, who served in the same role from 2006 to 2008, had an imperious style that led to financial difficulties and the departure of two thirds of ALEC's staff. According to Dolores Mertz, then a Democratic Iowa state representative and chairwoman of the ALEC board, ALEC became increasingly partisan during that period, with Roman once telling Mertz "she didn't like Democrats but she was going to work with them." Ron Scheberle became executive director in 2010 after acting as a lobbyist for Verizon Communications (previously GTE) and as an ALEC board member. |
q10 | refuse | 0 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. | 1,381 | YES | The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. | If a historian was to discover that Hadrian was given divine honours, is there a chance he will discover the emperor is Antoninus? | 117 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. |
q20 | refuse | 0 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. | 1,382 | DON'T KNOW | The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. | Did Antoninus turn out to be a good emperor? | 117 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. |
q30 | refuse | 0 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. | 1,383 | NO | The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. | Did Antoninus accept the position of Emperor and used it as a leverage against the Senate? | 117 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. |
q10 | refuse | 1 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. | 1,384 | YES | The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. | If a historian was to discover that Hadrian was given divine honours, is there a chance he will discover the emperor is Antoninus? | 117 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to reject the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. |
q20 | refuse | 1 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. | 1,385 | DON'T KNOW | The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. | Did Antoninus turn out to be a good emperor? | 117 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to reject the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. |
q30 | refuse | 1 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. | 1,386 | NO | The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. | Did Antoninus accept the position of Emperor and used it as a leverage against the Senate? | 117 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to reject the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. |
q10 | refuse | 2 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. | 1,387 | YES | The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. | If a historian was to discover that Hadrian was given divine honours, is there a chance he will discover the emperor is Antoninus? | 117 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had refused to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening them with his position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. |
q20 | refuse | 2 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. | 1,388 | DON'T KNOW | The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. | Did Antoninus turn out to be a good emperor? | 117 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had refused to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening them with his position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. |
q30 | refuse | 2 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. | 1,389 | YES | The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. | Did Antoninus accept the position of Emperor and used it as a leverage against the Senate? | 117 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had refused to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening them with his position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. |
q10 | refuse | 3 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. | 1,390 | NO | The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. | If a historian was to discover that Hadrian was given divine honours, is there a chance he will discover the emperor is Antoninus? | 117 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to accept the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. |
q20 | refuse | 3 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. | 1,391 | DON'T KNOW | The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. | Did Antoninus turn out to be a good emperor? | 117 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to accept the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. |
q30 | refuse | 3 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. | 1,392 | DON'T KNOW | The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to refuse the position of Emperor. | Did Antoninus accept the position of Emperor and used it as a leverage against the Senate? | 117 | He was buried first at Puteoli, near Baiae, on an estate that had once belonged to Cicero. Soon after, his remains were transferred to Rome and buried in the Gardens of Domitia, close by the almost-complete mausoleum. Upon completion of the Tomb of Hadrian in Rome in 139 by his successor Antoninus Pius, his body was cremated, and his ashes were placed there together with those of his wife Vibia Sabina and his first adopted son, Lucius Aelius Caesar, who also died in 138. The Senate had been reluctant to grant Hadrian divine honours; but Antoninus persuaded them by threatening to accept the position of Emperor. Hadrian was given a temple on the Campus Martius, ornamented with reliefs representing the provinces. The Senate awarded Antoninus the title of "Pius", in recognition of his filial piety in pressing for the deification of his adoptive father. At the same time, perhaps in reflection of the senate's ill will towards Hadrian, commemorative coinage honouring his consecration was kept to a minimum. |
q10 | inadequate | 0 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. | 1,393 | NO | Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. | Would the World Health Organization approve of the quality of urban management in Beirut? | 118 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. |
q20 | inadequate | 0 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. | 1,394 | NO | Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. | Are there strong city zoning regulations in Beirut? | 118 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. |
q30 | inadequate | 0 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. | 1,395 | NO | Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. | Would someone constructing a building in Beirut have to worry about their building height in relation to street width? | 118 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. |
q10 | inadequate | 1 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. | 1,396 | NO | Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. | Would the World Health Organization approve of the quality of urban management in Beirut? | 118 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and overly lax urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. |
q20 | inadequate | 1 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. | 1,397 | NO | Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. | Are there strong city zoning regulations in Beirut? | 118 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and overly lax urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. |
q30 | inadequate | 1 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. | 1,398 | NO | Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. | Would someone constructing a building in Beirut have to worry about their building height in relation to street width? | 118 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and overly lax urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. |
q10 | inadequate | 2 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. | 1,399 | NO | Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. | Would the World Health Organization approve of the quality of urban management in Beirut? | 118 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and poor urban management as indicated by high buildings on inadequately narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. |
q20 | inadequate | 2 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. | 1,400 | DON'T KNOW | Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. | Are there strong city zoning regulations in Beirut? | 118 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and poor urban management as indicated by high buildings on inadequately narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. |
q30 | inadequate | 2 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. | 1,401 | NO | Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. | Would someone constructing a building in Beirut have to worry about their building height in relation to street width? | 118 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and poor urban management as indicated by high buildings on inadequately narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. |
q10 | inadequate | 3 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. | 1,402 | YES | Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. | Would the World Health Organization approve of the quality of urban management in Beirut? | 118 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants, though strong urban management is now helping to mitigate pollution. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. |
q20 | inadequate | 3 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. | 1,403 | YES | Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. | Are there strong city zoning regulations in Beirut? | 118 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants, though strong urban management is now helping to mitigate pollution. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. |
q30 | inadequate | 3 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. | 1,404 | DON'T KNOW | Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure and inadequate urban management as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants. | Would someone constructing a building in Beirut have to worry about their building height in relation to street width? | 118 | As a result of increasingly hot summers and its location within the Mediterranean region, which is often cited for having long episodes of pollution, Lebanon, Beirut in particular, is at high risk for air pollution. Approximately 93 percent of Beirut's population is exposed to high levels of air pollution, which can most often be attributed to vehicle-induced emissions, whether it be long-range travel or short commuting traffic. The cost of air pollution to health may exceed ten million dollars a year. The levels of air pollution in Beirut are increasing annually, and were already above acceptable WHO (World Health Organization) standards by 2011. The most noted pollution in Beirut is particulate matter (street dust), chemicals in the air, and vehicle exhaust. Air pollution is exacerbated by city structure as indicated by high buildings on narrow streets, which contain air pollutants, though strong urban management is now helping to mitigate pollution. Some recommendations for improvement of air quality include encouragement of carpooling and citywide biking, alternative fuels for vehicles, and a widened public transit sector. |
q10 | impossible to | 0 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | 1,405 | NO | Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | Would someone who regularly eats Italian Ice's Hispanic counterpart of piragua only be able to find tropical flavors that are native to the island of Puerto Rico? | 119 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. |
q20 | impossible to | 0 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | 1,406 | NO | Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | Is piragua found in Puerto Rico with naturally-derived flavors from both tropical fruits and temperate fruits such as grapes and cherries? | 119 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. |
q30 | impossible to | 0 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | 1,407 | NO | Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | Could a native farmer in Puerto Rico feasibly grow all of the fruits necessary to satisfy the most common customer demands for flavors of piragua, or Italian Ice? | 119 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. |
q10 | impossible to | 1 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | 1,408 | NO | Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | Would someone who regularly eats Italian Ice's Hispanic counterpart of piragua only be able to find tropical flavors that are native to the island of Puerto Rico? | 119 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. Piragua, the Hispanic dish that is similar to Italian Ice, originally had such flavors as tamarind, mango, and coconut, but has evolved to include flavors such as cherry and grape, which are fruits that cannot be grown in Puerto Rico's tropical climate nor be exported from the island to New York. |
q20 | impossible to | 1 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | 1,409 | DON'T KNOW | Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | Is piragua found in Puerto Rico with naturally-derived flavors from both tropical fruits and temperate fruits such as grapes and cherries? | 119 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. Piragua, the Hispanic dish that is similar to Italian Ice, originally had such flavors as tamarind, mango, and coconut, but has evolved to include flavors such as cherry and grape, which are fruits that cannot be grown in Puerto Rico's tropical climate nor be exported from the island to New York. |
q30 | impossible to | 1 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | 1,410 | NO | Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | Could a native farmer in Puerto Rico feasibly grow all of the fruits necessary to satisfy the most common customer demands for flavors of piragua, or Italian Ice? | 119 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. Piragua, the Hispanic dish that is similar to Italian Ice, originally had such flavors as tamarind, mango, and coconut, but has evolved to include flavors such as cherry and grape, which are fruits that cannot be grown in Puerto Rico's tropical climate nor be exported from the island to New York. |
q10 | impossible to | 2 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | 1,411 | NO | Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | Would someone who regularly eats Italian Ice's Hispanic counterpart of piragua only be able to find tropical flavors that are native to the island of Puerto Rico? | 119 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, customer demand for "piragua" is evolving to include the desire for flavors like grape and cherry, but these are fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate, and so they have to be produced artificially on the island and exported back to New York. |
q20 | impossible to | 2 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | 1,412 | NO | Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | Is piragua found in Puerto Rico with naturally-derived flavors from both tropical fruits and temperate fruits such as grapes and cherries? | 119 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, customer demand for "piragua" is evolving to include the desire for flavors like grape and cherry, but these are fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate, and so they have to be produced artificially on the island and exported back to New York. |
q30 | impossible to | 2 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | 1,413 | NO | Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | Could a native farmer in Puerto Rico feasibly grow all of the fruits necessary to satisfy the most common customer demands for flavors of piragua, or Italian Ice? | 119 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, customer demand for "piragua" is evolving to include the desire for flavors like grape and cherry, but these are fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate, and so they have to be produced artificially on the island and exported back to New York. |
q10 | impossible to | 3 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | 1,414 | NO | Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | Would someone who regularly eats Italian Ice's Hispanic counterpart of piragua only be able to find tropical flavors that are native to the island of Puerto Rico? | 119 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" has evolved to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are difficult, but not impossible, to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and which get exported back to the island from New York. |
q20 | impossible to | 3 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | 1,415 | YES | Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | Is piragua found in Puerto Rico with naturally-derived flavors from both tropical fruits and temperate fruits such as grapes and cherries? | 119 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" has evolved to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are difficult, but not impossible, to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and which get exported back to the island from New York. |
q30 | impossible to | 3 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | 1,416 | YES | Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" is evolving to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are impossible to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and get exported back to the island from New York. | Could a native farmer in Puerto Rico feasibly grow all of the fruits necessary to satisfy the most common customer demands for flavors of piragua, or Italian Ice? | 119 | A summertime treat, Italian ice, began its life as a sweeter adaptation of the Sicilian granita that was strictly lemon-flavored and brought to New York and Philadelphia. Its Hispanic counterpart, "piragua", is a common shaved-ice treat brought to New York by Puerto Ricans in the 1930s. Unlike the original dish which included flavors like tamarind, mango, coconut, "piragua" has evolved to include flavors like grape and cherry, fruits which are difficult, but not impossible, to grow in the tropical Puerto Rican climate and which get exported back to the island from New York. |
q10 | unsuccessful | 0 | After the purchase of United Artists, David Begelman's duties were transferred to that unit. Under Begelman, MGM/UA produced a number of unsuccessful films, and he was fired in July 1982. Out of the 11 films he put into production, by the time of his release from the studio, only one film, "Poltergeist" (1982), proved to be a clear hit. Not even MGM's greatest asset – its library – was enough to keep the studio afloat. After 1982, the studio relied more on distribution, picking up independent productions, rather than financing their own projects. | 1,417 | NO | Under Begelman, MGM/UA produced a number of unsuccessful films, and he was fired in July 1982. | Did Begelman work for MGM/UA in 1983 | 120 | After the purchase of United Artists, David Begelman's duties were transferred to that unit. Under Begelman, MGM/UA produced a number of unsuccessful films, and he was fired in July 1982. Out of the 11 films he put into production, by the time of his release from the studio, only one film, "Poltergeist" (1982), proved to be a clear hit. Not even MGM's greatest asset – its library – was enough to keep the studio afloat. After 1982, the studio relied more on distribution, picking up independent productions, rather than financing their own projects. |
q20 | unsuccessful | 0 | After the purchase of United Artists, David Begelman's duties were transferred to that unit. Under Begelman, MGM/UA produced a number of unsuccessful films, and he was fired in July 1982. Out of the 11 films he put into production, by the time of his release from the studio, only one film, "Poltergeist" (1982), proved to be a clear hit. Not even MGM's greatest asset – its library – was enough to keep the studio afloat. After 1982, the studio relied more on distribution, picking up independent productions, rather than financing their own projects. | 1,418 | NO | Under Begelman, MGM/UA produced a number of unsuccessful films, and he was fired in July 1982. | Did MGM/UA have a successful career at MGM/UA? | 120 | After the purchase of United Artists, David Begelman's duties were transferred to that unit. Under Begelman, MGM/UA produced a number of unsuccessful films, and he was fired in July 1982. Out of the 11 films he put into production, by the time of his release from the studio, only one film, "Poltergeist" (1982), proved to be a clear hit. Not even MGM's greatest asset – its library – was enough to keep the studio afloat. After 1982, the studio relied more on distribution, picking up independent productions, rather than financing their own projects. |
q30 | unsuccessful | 0 | After the purchase of United Artists, David Begelman's duties were transferred to that unit. Under Begelman, MGM/UA produced a number of unsuccessful films, and he was fired in July 1982. Out of the 11 films he put into production, by the time of his release from the studio, only one film, "Poltergeist" (1982), proved to be a clear hit. Not even MGM's greatest asset – its library – was enough to keep the studio afloat. After 1982, the studio relied more on distribution, picking up independent productions, rather than financing their own projects. | 1,419 | YES | Under Begelman, MGM/UA produced a number of unsuccessful films, and he was fired in July 1982. | Did MGM/UA have make any films that didn't do very well at the box office? | 120 | After the purchase of United Artists, David Begelman's duties were transferred to that unit. Under Begelman, MGM/UA produced a number of unsuccessful films, and he was fired in July 1982. Out of the 11 films he put into production, by the time of his release from the studio, only one film, "Poltergeist" (1982), proved to be a clear hit. Not even MGM's greatest asset – its library – was enough to keep the studio afloat. After 1982, the studio relied more on distribution, picking up independent productions, rather than financing their own projects. |
q10 | unsuccessful | 1 | After the purchase of United Artists, David Begelman's duties were transferred to that unit. Under Begelman, MGM/UA produced a number of unsuccessful films, and he was fired in July 1982. Out of the 11 films he put into production, by the time of his release from the studio, only one film, "Poltergeist" (1982), proved to be a clear hit. Not even MGM's greatest asset – its library – was enough to keep the studio afloat. After 1982, the studio relied more on distribution, picking up independent productions, rather than financing their own projects. | 1,420 | NO | Under Begelman, MGM/UA produced a number of unsuccessful films, and he was fired in July 1982. | Did Begelman work for MGM/UA in 1983 | 120 | After the purchase of United Artists, David Begelman's duties were transferred to that unit. Under Begelman, MGM/UA produced a number of flop films, and he was fired in July 1982. Out of the 11 films he put into production, by the time of his release from the studio, only one film, "Poltergeist" (1982), proved to be a clear hit. Not even MGM's greatest asset – its library – was enough to keep the studio afloat. After 1982, the studio relied more on distribution, picking up independent productions, rather than financing their own projects. |
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