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q20 | not | 1 | They were often communally owned by coastal farmers or commissioned by kings in times of conflict, in order to quickly assemble a large and powerful naval force. While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were mostly used as troop transports, not warships. In the tenth century, longships would sometimes be tied together in offshore battles to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. During the 9th century peak of the Viking expansion, large fleets set out to attack the degrading Frankish empire by attacking up navigable rivers such as the Seine. Rouen was sacked in 841, the year after the death of Louis the Pious, a son of Charlemagne. Quentovic, near modern Étaples, was attacked in 842 and 600 Danish ships attacked Hamburg in 845. In the same year, 129 ships returned to attack up the Seine. They were called "dragonships" by enemies such as the English because they had a dragon-shaped bow. The Norse had a strong sense of naval architecture, and during the early medieval period they were advanced for their time. | 3,938 | YES | While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were mostly used as troop transports, not warships. | Since Vikings are mostly known in popular culture for their raids on coastal villages, does it seem fitting that the longship is similarly well-remembered, as this would be the kind of boat most likely to be seen and recorded in these raids? | 331 | They were often communally owned by coastal farmers or commissioned by kings in times of conflict, in order to quickly assemble a large and powerful naval force. Longships were used by the Norse in a military capacity, but mostly for transporting troops rather than as true warships. In the tenth century, longships would sometimes be tied together in offshore battles to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. During the 9th century peak of the Viking expansion, large fleets set out to attack the degrading Frankish empire by attacking up navigable rivers such as the Seine. Rouen was sacked in 841, the year after the death of Louis the Pious, a son of Charlemagne. Quentovic, near modern Étaples, was attacked in 842 and 600 Danish ships attacked Hamburg in 845. In the same year, 129 ships returned to attack up the Seine. They were called "dragonships" by enemies such as the English because they had a dragon-shaped bow. The Norse had a strong sense of naval architecture, and during the early medieval period they were advanced for their time. |
q30 | not | 1 | They were often communally owned by coastal farmers or commissioned by kings in times of conflict, in order to quickly assemble a large and powerful naval force. While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were mostly used as troop transports, not warships. In the tenth century, longships would sometimes be tied together in offshore battles to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. During the 9th century peak of the Viking expansion, large fleets set out to attack the degrading Frankish empire by attacking up navigable rivers such as the Seine. Rouen was sacked in 841, the year after the death of Louis the Pious, a son of Charlemagne. Quentovic, near modern Étaples, was attacked in 842 and 600 Danish ships attacked Hamburg in 845. In the same year, 129 ships returned to attack up the Seine. They were called "dragonships" by enemies such as the English because they had a dragon-shaped bow. The Norse had a strong sense of naval architecture, and during the early medieval period they were advanced for their time. | 3,939 | YES | While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were mostly used as troop transports, not warships. | From this passage, could you reasonably conclude that the dragon-shaped bow on a Viking longship was mainly used to instill fear in ground-based soldiers and civilians, rather than to provide some offensive purpose in pitched naval battles? | 331 | They were often communally owned by coastal farmers or commissioned by kings in times of conflict, in order to quickly assemble a large and powerful naval force. Longships were used by the Norse in a military capacity, but mostly for transporting troops rather than as true warships. In the tenth century, longships would sometimes be tied together in offshore battles to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. During the 9th century peak of the Viking expansion, large fleets set out to attack the degrading Frankish empire by attacking up navigable rivers such as the Seine. Rouen was sacked in 841, the year after the death of Louis the Pious, a son of Charlemagne. Quentovic, near modern Étaples, was attacked in 842 and 600 Danish ships attacked Hamburg in 845. In the same year, 129 ships returned to attack up the Seine. They were called "dragonships" by enemies such as the English because they had a dragon-shaped bow. The Norse had a strong sense of naval architecture, and during the early medieval period they were advanced for their time. |
q10 | not | 2 | They were often communally owned by coastal farmers or commissioned by kings in times of conflict, in order to quickly assemble a large and powerful naval force. While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were mostly used as troop transports, not warships. In the tenth century, longships would sometimes be tied together in offshore battles to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. During the 9th century peak of the Viking expansion, large fleets set out to attack the degrading Frankish empire by attacking up navigable rivers such as the Seine. Rouen was sacked in 841, the year after the death of Louis the Pious, a son of Charlemagne. Quentovic, near modern Étaples, was attacked in 842 and 600 Danish ships attacked Hamburg in 845. In the same year, 129 ships returned to attack up the Seine. They were called "dragonships" by enemies such as the English because they had a dragon-shaped bow. The Norse had a strong sense of naval architecture, and during the early medieval period they were advanced for their time. | 3,940 | YES | While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were mostly used as troop transports, not warships. | Is it reasonable to assume that Viking longships were fitted with battering rams or even early cannons, depending on what would be used in naval battles at this time in history? | 331 | They were often communally owned by coastal farmers or commissioned by kings in times of conflict, in order to quickly assemble a large and powerful naval force. While longships were used by the Norse in warfare they were used as warships, and not as troop transports during raids. In the tenth century, longships would sometimes be tied together in offshore battles to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. During the 9th century peak of the Viking expansion, large fleets set out to attack the degrading Frankish empire by attacking up navigable rivers such as the Seine. Rouen was sacked in 841, the year after the death of Louis the Pious, a son of Charlemagne. Quentovic, near modern Étaples, was attacked in 842 and 600 Danish ships attacked Hamburg in 845. In the same year, 129 ships returned to attack up the Seine. They were called "dragonships" by enemies such as the English because they had a dragon-shaped bow. The Norse had a strong sense of naval architecture, and during the early medieval period they were advanced for their time. |
q20 | not | 2 | They were often communally owned by coastal farmers or commissioned by kings in times of conflict, in order to quickly assemble a large and powerful naval force. While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were mostly used as troop transports, not warships. In the tenth century, longships would sometimes be tied together in offshore battles to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. During the 9th century peak of the Viking expansion, large fleets set out to attack the degrading Frankish empire by attacking up navigable rivers such as the Seine. Rouen was sacked in 841, the year after the death of Louis the Pious, a son of Charlemagne. Quentovic, near modern Étaples, was attacked in 842 and 600 Danish ships attacked Hamburg in 845. In the same year, 129 ships returned to attack up the Seine. They were called "dragonships" by enemies such as the English because they had a dragon-shaped bow. The Norse had a strong sense of naval architecture, and during the early medieval period they were advanced for their time. | 3,941 | NO | While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were mostly used as troop transports, not warships. | Since Vikings are mostly known in popular culture for their raids on coastal villages, does it seem fitting that the longship is similarly well-remembered, as this would be the kind of boat most likely to be seen and recorded in these raids? | 331 | They were often communally owned by coastal farmers or commissioned by kings in times of conflict, in order to quickly assemble a large and powerful naval force. While longships were used by the Norse in warfare they were used as warships, and not as troop transports during raids. In the tenth century, longships would sometimes be tied together in offshore battles to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. During the 9th century peak of the Viking expansion, large fleets set out to attack the degrading Frankish empire by attacking up navigable rivers such as the Seine. Rouen was sacked in 841, the year after the death of Louis the Pious, a son of Charlemagne. Quentovic, near modern Étaples, was attacked in 842 and 600 Danish ships attacked Hamburg in 845. In the same year, 129 ships returned to attack up the Seine. They were called "dragonships" by enemies such as the English because they had a dragon-shaped bow. The Norse had a strong sense of naval architecture, and during the early medieval period they were advanced for their time. |
q30 | not | 2 | They were often communally owned by coastal farmers or commissioned by kings in times of conflict, in order to quickly assemble a large and powerful naval force. While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were mostly used as troop transports, not warships. In the tenth century, longships would sometimes be tied together in offshore battles to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. During the 9th century peak of the Viking expansion, large fleets set out to attack the degrading Frankish empire by attacking up navigable rivers such as the Seine. Rouen was sacked in 841, the year after the death of Louis the Pious, a son of Charlemagne. Quentovic, near modern Étaples, was attacked in 842 and 600 Danish ships attacked Hamburg in 845. In the same year, 129 ships returned to attack up the Seine. They were called "dragonships" by enemies such as the English because they had a dragon-shaped bow. The Norse had a strong sense of naval architecture, and during the early medieval period they were advanced for their time. | 3,942 | NO | While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were mostly used as troop transports, not warships. | From this passage, could you reasonably conclude that the dragon-shaped bow on a Viking longship was mainly used to instill fear in ground-based soldiers and civilians, rather than to provide some offensive purpose in pitched naval battles? | 331 | They were often communally owned by coastal farmers or commissioned by kings in times of conflict, in order to quickly assemble a large and powerful naval force. While longships were used by the Norse in warfare they were used as warships, and not as troop transports during raids. In the tenth century, longships would sometimes be tied together in offshore battles to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. During the 9th century peak of the Viking expansion, large fleets set out to attack the degrading Frankish empire by attacking up navigable rivers such as the Seine. Rouen was sacked in 841, the year after the death of Louis the Pious, a son of Charlemagne. Quentovic, near modern Étaples, was attacked in 842 and 600 Danish ships attacked Hamburg in 845. In the same year, 129 ships returned to attack up the Seine. They were called "dragonships" by enemies such as the English because they had a dragon-shaped bow. The Norse had a strong sense of naval architecture, and during the early medieval period they were advanced for their time. |
q10 | not | 3 | They were often communally owned by coastal farmers or commissioned by kings in times of conflict, in order to quickly assemble a large and powerful naval force. While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were mostly used as troop transports, not warships. In the tenth century, longships would sometimes be tied together in offshore battles to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. During the 9th century peak of the Viking expansion, large fleets set out to attack the degrading Frankish empire by attacking up navigable rivers such as the Seine. Rouen was sacked in 841, the year after the death of Louis the Pious, a son of Charlemagne. Quentovic, near modern Étaples, was attacked in 842 and 600 Danish ships attacked Hamburg in 845. In the same year, 129 ships returned to attack up the Seine. They were called "dragonships" by enemies such as the English because they had a dragon-shaped bow. The Norse had a strong sense of naval architecture, and during the early medieval period they were advanced for their time. | 3,943 | YES | While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were mostly used as troop transports, not warships. | Is it reasonable to assume that Viking longships were fitted with battering rams or even early cannons, depending on what would be used in naval battles at this time in history? | 331 | They were often communally owned by coastal farmers or commissioned by kings in times of conflict, in order to quickly assemble a large and powerful naval force. While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were used interchangeably as warships and as troop transports. In the tenth century, longships would sometimes be tied together in offshore battles to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. During the 9th century peak of the Viking expansion, large fleets set out to attack the degrading Frankish empire by attacking up navigable rivers such as the Seine. Rouen was sacked in 841, the year after the death of Louis the Pious, a son of Charlemagne. Quentovic, near modern Étaples, was attacked in 842 and 600 Danish ships attacked Hamburg in 845. In the same year, 129 ships returned to attack up the Seine. They were called "dragonships" by enemies such as the English because they had a dragon-shaped bow. The Norse had a strong sense of naval architecture, and during the early medieval period they were advanced for their time. |
q20 | not | 3 | They were often communally owned by coastal farmers or commissioned by kings in times of conflict, in order to quickly assemble a large and powerful naval force. While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were mostly used as troop transports, not warships. In the tenth century, longships would sometimes be tied together in offshore battles to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. During the 9th century peak of the Viking expansion, large fleets set out to attack the degrading Frankish empire by attacking up navigable rivers such as the Seine. Rouen was sacked in 841, the year after the death of Louis the Pious, a son of Charlemagne. Quentovic, near modern Étaples, was attacked in 842 and 600 Danish ships attacked Hamburg in 845. In the same year, 129 ships returned to attack up the Seine. They were called "dragonships" by enemies such as the English because they had a dragon-shaped bow. The Norse had a strong sense of naval architecture, and during the early medieval period they were advanced for their time. | 3,944 | YES | While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were mostly used as troop transports, not warships. | Since Vikings are mostly known in popular culture for their raids on coastal villages, does it seem fitting that the longship is similarly well-remembered, as this would be the kind of boat most likely to be seen and recorded in these raids? | 331 | They were often communally owned by coastal farmers or commissioned by kings in times of conflict, in order to quickly assemble a large and powerful naval force. While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were used interchangeably as warships and as troop transports. In the tenth century, longships would sometimes be tied together in offshore battles to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. During the 9th century peak of the Viking expansion, large fleets set out to attack the degrading Frankish empire by attacking up navigable rivers such as the Seine. Rouen was sacked in 841, the year after the death of Louis the Pious, a son of Charlemagne. Quentovic, near modern Étaples, was attacked in 842 and 600 Danish ships attacked Hamburg in 845. In the same year, 129 ships returned to attack up the Seine. They were called "dragonships" by enemies such as the English because they had a dragon-shaped bow. The Norse had a strong sense of naval architecture, and during the early medieval period they were advanced for their time. |
q30 | not | 3 | They were often communally owned by coastal farmers or commissioned by kings in times of conflict, in order to quickly assemble a large and powerful naval force. While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were mostly used as troop transports, not warships. In the tenth century, longships would sometimes be tied together in offshore battles to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. During the 9th century peak of the Viking expansion, large fleets set out to attack the degrading Frankish empire by attacking up navigable rivers such as the Seine. Rouen was sacked in 841, the year after the death of Louis the Pious, a son of Charlemagne. Quentovic, near modern Étaples, was attacked in 842 and 600 Danish ships attacked Hamburg in 845. In the same year, 129 ships returned to attack up the Seine. They were called "dragonships" by enemies such as the English because they had a dragon-shaped bow. The Norse had a strong sense of naval architecture, and during the early medieval period they were advanced for their time. | 3,945 | NO | While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were mostly used as troop transports, not warships. | From this passage, could you reasonably conclude that the dragon-shaped bow on a Viking longship was mainly used to instill fear in ground-based soldiers and civilians, rather than to provide some offensive purpose in pitched naval battles? | 331 | They were often communally owned by coastal farmers or commissioned by kings in times of conflict, in order to quickly assemble a large and powerful naval force. While longships were used by the Norse in warfare, they were used interchangeably as warships and as troop transports. In the tenth century, longships would sometimes be tied together in offshore battles to form a steady platform for infantry warfare. During the 9th century peak of the Viking expansion, large fleets set out to attack the degrading Frankish empire by attacking up navigable rivers such as the Seine. Rouen was sacked in 841, the year after the death of Louis the Pious, a son of Charlemagne. Quentovic, near modern Étaples, was attacked in 842 and 600 Danish ships attacked Hamburg in 845. In the same year, 129 ships returned to attack up the Seine. They were called "dragonships" by enemies such as the English because they had a dragon-shaped bow. The Norse had a strong sense of naval architecture, and during the early medieval period they were advanced for their time. |
q10 | prevent | 0 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. | 3,946 | YES | The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. | Did the Spaniards put any prohibition in place after they conquered the Incas? | 332 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. |
q20 | prevent | 0 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. | 3,947 | YES | The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. | Where the Inca people subject to slavery under the rule of Spain? | 332 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. |
q30 | prevent | 0 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. | 3,948 | YES | The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. | Where Incas deprived from coca leaf by the Spaniard rulers? | 332 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. |
q10 | prevent | 1 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. | 3,949 | YES | The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. | Did the Spaniards put any prohibition in place after they conquered the Incas? | 332 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to take "the luxury" of the coca leaf away from them. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. |
q20 | prevent | 1 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. | 3,950 | YES | The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. | Where the Inca people subject to slavery under the rule of Spain? | 332 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to take "the luxury" of the coca leaf away from them. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. |
q30 | prevent | 1 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. | 3,951 | YES | The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. | Where Incas deprived from coca leaf by the Spaniard rulers? | 332 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to take "the luxury" of the coca leaf away from them. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. |
q10 | prevent | 2 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. | 3,952 | YES | The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. | Did the Spaniards put any prohibition in place after they conquered the Incas? | 332 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from any luxury but the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. |
q20 | prevent | 2 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. | 3,953 | YES | The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. | Where the Inca people subject to slavery under the rule of Spain? | 332 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from any luxury but the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. |
q30 | prevent | 2 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. | 3,954 | NO | The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. | Where Incas deprived from coca leaf by the Spaniard rulers? | 332 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from any luxury but the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. |
q10 | prevent | 3 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. | 3,955 | DON'T KNOW | The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. | Did the Spaniards put any prohibition in place after they conquered the Incas? | 332 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards prevented people to enslave Incas in order to have "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. |
q20 | prevent | 3 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. | 3,956 | NO | The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. | Where the Inca people subject to slavery under the rule of Spain? | 332 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards prevented people to enslave Incas in order to have "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. |
q30 | prevent | 3 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. | 3,957 | NO | The Spaniards enslaved Inca people and tried to prevent them from having "the luxury" of the coca leaf. | Where Incas deprived from coca leaf by the Spaniard rulers? | 332 | After the Spanish invasion and colonisation of the Inca Empire, the use of coca was restricted and appropriated by the Spaniards. By many historical accounts, the Spaniards tried to eradicate the coca leaf from Inca life. The Spaniards prevented people to enslave Incas in order to have "the luxury" of the coca leaf. Although the Spaniards noticed the state-controlled storage facilities that the Inca had built to distribute to its workers, they were still ignorant to the importance of this divine plant for Inca people. Not only that, enslaved Inca people were not capable of enduring the arduous labour the Spaniards made them do without using coca. Even though Spaniards were trying to push catholicism onto the Inca, which did not allow them to eat before the Eucharist (the Spaniards thought coca to be food), they allowed them to continue to use coca to endure the labour associated with slavery. After seeing the effects and powers of the coca plant, many Spaniards saw another opportunity for appropriation of Inca culture and started growing and selling coca themselves. |
q10 | absent | 0 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | 3,958 | "Saving Private Ryan" | The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | Would someone who had never seen the "Starship Troopers" movie, yet was otherwise well-acquainted with sci-fi action films, expect to see something more similar to "Pacific Rim" or to "Saving Private Ryan"? | 333 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. |
q20 | absent | 0 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | 3,959 | YES | The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | Given that the novel was written decades before the script was ultimately filmed, could a fan point to the irony of the more modern telling displaying considerably less high-tech gear available to the infantry? | 333 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. |
q30 | absent | 0 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | 3,960 | YES | The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | Does the film version of Starship Troopers imply that the phrase "boots on the ground" is still used in the future to describe the pivotal aspects of combat? | 333 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. |
q10 | absent | 1 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | 3,961 | "Saving Private Ryan" | The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | Would someone who had never seen the "Starship Troopers" movie, yet was otherwise well-acquainted with sci-fi action films, expect to see something more similar to "Pacific Rim" or to "Saving Private Ryan"? | 333 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. While the novel featured mechanized suits in many scenes, these were never shown or hinted at in the movie, because the budget would not allow for such expense. |
q20 | absent | 1 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | 3,962 | YES | The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | Given that the novel was written decades before the script was ultimately filmed, could a fan point to the irony of the more modern telling displaying considerably less high-tech gear available to the infantry? | 333 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. While the novel featured mechanized suits in many scenes, these were never shown or hinted at in the movie, because the budget would not allow for such expense. |
q30 | absent | 1 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | 3,963 | YES | The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | Does the film version of Starship Troopers imply that the phrase "boots on the ground" is still used in the future to describe the pivotal aspects of combat? | 333 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. While the novel featured mechanized suits in many scenes, these were never shown or hinted at in the movie, because the budget would not allow for such expense. |
q10 | absent | 2 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | 3,964 | "Pacific Rim" | The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | Would someone who had never seen the "Starship Troopers" movie, yet was otherwise well-acquainted with sci-fi action films, expect to see something more similar to "Pacific Rim" or to "Saving Private Ryan"? | 333 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that were only proposed by military planners in the novel, and completely absent from any combat scene, became a major plot point in the movie, due to the desire to create a big-budget blockbuster. |
q20 | absent | 2 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | 3,965 | NO | The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | Given that the novel was written decades before the script was ultimately filmed, could a fan point to the irony of the more modern telling displaying considerably less high-tech gear available to the infantry? | 333 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that were only proposed by military planners in the novel, and completely absent from any combat scene, became a major plot point in the movie, due to the desire to create a big-budget blockbuster. |
q30 | absent | 2 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | 3,966 | NO | The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | Does the film version of Starship Troopers imply that the phrase "boots on the ground" is still used in the future to describe the pivotal aspects of combat? | 333 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that were only proposed by military planners in the novel, and completely absent from any combat scene, became a major plot point in the movie, due to the desire to create a big-budget blockbuster. |
q10 | absent | 3 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | 3,967 | "Pacific Rim" | The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | Would someone who had never seen the "Starship Troopers" movie, yet was otherwise well-acquainted with sci-fi action films, expect to see something more similar to "Pacific Rim" or to "Saving Private Ryan"? | 333 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were also the centerpiece of military tactics in the movie, but had limited screen time (with most scenes focusing on the aftermath of battles) due to budget constraints. |
q20 | absent | 3 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | 3,968 | NO | The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | Given that the novel was written decades before the script was ultimately filmed, could a fan point to the irony of the more modern telling displaying considerably less high-tech gear available to the infantry? | 333 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were also the centerpiece of military tactics in the movie, but had limited screen time (with most scenes focusing on the aftermath of battles) due to budget constraints. |
q30 | absent | 3 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | 3,969 | NO | The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were absent from the film, due to budget constraints. | Does the film version of Starship Troopers imply that the phrase "boots on the ground" is still used in the future to describe the pivotal aspects of combat? | 333 | The film rights to the novel were licensed in the 1990s, several years after Heinlein's death. The project was originally entitled "Bug Hunt at Outpost Nine", and had been in production before the producers bought the rights to "Starship Troopers". The film was directed by Paul Verhoeven (who found the book too boring to finish), and released in 1997. The screenplay, by Ed Neumeier, shared character names and some plot details with the novel. The film contained several elements that differed from the book, including a military that is completely integrated with respect to sex. It had the stated intention of treating its material in an ironic or sarcastic manner, to undermine the political ideology of the novel. The mechanized suits that featured prominently in the novel were also the centerpiece of military tactics in the movie, but had limited screen time (with most scenes focusing on the aftermath of battles) due to budget constraints. |
q10 | lack | 0 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | 3,970 | YES | All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | Assuming that the terrain itself had not changed significantly, could the discovery of a cache of maps used by British and/or German troops in World War II have been of help to the Egyptian commanders at the onset of this war? | 334 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. |
q20 | lack | 0 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | 3,971 | NO | All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | It's often said that great generals study logistics, but was the problem that Egypt faced at the start of the war an issue of education and training, rather than the ability to get the right equipment into the hands of soldiers who were already in the field? | 334 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. |
q30 | lack | 0 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | 3,972 | YES | All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | If the Red Army had produced accurate topographical maps of North Africa, could Egypt's Cold-War ally of the Soviet Union have helped by donating said maps to the field commanders? | 334 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. |
q10 | lack | 1 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | 3,973 | YES | All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | Assuming that the terrain itself had not changed significantly, could the discovery of a cache of maps used by British and/or German troops in World War II have been of help to the Egyptian commanders at the onset of this war? | 334 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All of Egypt's field commanders complained that in the early months of the war, they did not have any topographical maps, which led to their great difficulties. |
q20 | lack | 1 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | 3,974 | NO | All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | It's often said that great generals study logistics, but was the problem that Egypt faced at the start of the war an issue of education and training, rather than the ability to get the right equipment into the hands of soldiers who were already in the field? | 334 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All of Egypt's field commanders complained that in the early months of the war, they did not have any topographical maps, which led to their great difficulties. |
q30 | lack | 1 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | 3,975 | YES | All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | If the Red Army had produced accurate topographical maps of North Africa, could Egypt's Cold-War ally of the Soviet Union have helped by donating said maps to the field commanders? | 334 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All of Egypt's field commanders complained that in the early months of the war, they did not have any topographical maps, which led to their great difficulties. |
q10 | lack | 2 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | 3,976 | NO | All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | Assuming that the terrain itself had not changed significantly, could the discovery of a cache of maps used by British and/or German troops in World War II have been of help to the Egyptian commanders at the onset of this war? | 334 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of understanding among the enlisted ranks of the topographical maps that had been distributed to them, which caused a real problem in the first months of the war. |
q20 | lack | 2 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | 3,977 | YES | All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | It's often said that great generals study logistics, but was the problem that Egypt faced at the start of the war an issue of education and training, rather than the ability to get the right equipment into the hands of soldiers who were already in the field? | 334 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of understanding among the enlisted ranks of the topographical maps that had been distributed to them, which caused a real problem in the first months of the war. |
q30 | lack | 2 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | 3,978 | NO | All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | If the Red Army had produced accurate topographical maps of North Africa, could Egypt's Cold-War ally of the Soviet Union have helped by donating said maps to the field commanders? | 334 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of understanding among the enlisted ranks of the topographical maps that had been distributed to them, which caused a real problem in the first months of the war. |
q10 | lack | 3 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | 3,979 | NO | All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | Assuming that the terrain itself had not changed significantly, could the discovery of a cache of maps used by British and/or German troops in World War II have been of help to the Egyptian commanders at the onset of this war? | 334 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained that their topographical maps, though abundant and accurate, were written in English rather than Arabic, which caused a real problem for the soldiers attempting to use them in the first months of the war. |
q20 | lack | 3 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | 3,980 | NO | All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | It's often said that great generals study logistics, but was the problem that Egypt faced at the start of the war an issue of education and training, rather than the ability to get the right equipment into the hands of soldiers who were already in the field? | 334 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained that their topographical maps, though abundant and accurate, were written in English rather than Arabic, which caused a real problem for the soldiers attempting to use them in the first months of the war. |
q30 | lack | 3 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | 3,981 | NO | All the Egyptian field commanders complained of a total lack of topographical maps causing a real problem in the first months of the war. | If the Red Army had produced accurate topographical maps of North Africa, could Egypt's Cold-War ally of the Soviet Union have helped by donating said maps to the field commanders? | 334 | Within three months of sending troops to Yemen in 1962, Nasser realized that the engagement would require a larger commitment than anticipated. By early 1963, he would begin a four-year campaign to extricate Egyptian forces from Yemen, using an unsuccessful face-saving mechanism, only to find himself committing more troops. A little less than 5,000 troops were sent in October 1962. Two months later, Egypt had 15,000 regular troops deployed. By late 1963, the number was increased to 36,000; and in late 1964, the number rose to 50,000 Egyptian troops in Yemen. Late 1965 represented the high-water mark of Egyptian troop commitment in Yemen at 55,000 troops, which were broken into 13 infantry regiments of one artillery division, one tank division from the Egyptian Armoured Corps and several Special Forces as well as airborne regiments. All the Egyptian field commanders complained that their topographical maps, though abundant and accurate, were written in English rather than Arabic, which caused a real problem for the soldiers attempting to use them in the first months of the war. |
q10 | not | 0 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. | 3,987 | YES | But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. | Does Microsoft CLI's conformance clause have anything to say about the addition of new members to interfaces? | 336 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. |
q20 | not | 0 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. | 3,988 | NO | But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. | Are Microsoft interfaces open to new members? | 336 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. |
q30 | not | 0 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. | 3,989 | DON'T KNOW | But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. | Is it possible to create new interfaces under Microsoft CLI's conformance clause? | 336 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. |
q10 | not | 1 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. | 3,990 | YES | But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. | Does Microsoft CLI's conformance clause have anything to say about the addition of new members to interfaces? | 336 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it makes impossible adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. |
q20 | not | 1 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. | 3,991 | NO | But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. | Are Microsoft interfaces open to new members? | 336 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it makes impossible adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. |
q30 | not | 1 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. | 3,992 | DON'T KNOW | But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. | Is it possible to create new interfaces under Microsoft CLI's conformance clause? | 336 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it makes impossible adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. |
q10 | not | 2 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. | 3,993 | DON'T KNOW | But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. | Does Microsoft CLI's conformance clause have anything to say about the addition of new members to interfaces? | 336 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. |
q20 | not | 2 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. | 3,994 | DON'T KNOW | But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. | Are Microsoft interfaces open to new members? | 336 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. |
q30 | not | 2 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. | 3,995 | NO | But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. | Is it possible to create new interfaces under Microsoft CLI's conformance clause? | 336 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. |
q10 | not | 3 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. | 3,996 | NO | But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. | Does Microsoft CLI's conformance clause have anything to say about the addition of new members to interfaces? | 336 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it keeps silent about the possibility of adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. |
q20 | not | 3 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. | 3,997 | DON'T KNOW | But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. | Are Microsoft interfaces open to new members? | 336 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it keeps silent about the possibility of adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. |
q30 | not | 3 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. | 3,998 | DON'T KNOW | But it does not allow for adding new members to interfaces. | Is it possible to create new interfaces under Microsoft CLI's conformance clause? | 336 | As of July 2009, Microsoft added and CLI to the list of specifications that the Microsoft Community Promise applies to, so anyone can safely implement specified editions of the standards without fearing a patent lawsuit from Microsoft. To implement the CLI standard requires conformance to one of the supported and defined profiles of the standard, the minimum of which is the kernel profile. The kernel profile is actually a very small set of types to support in comparison to the well known core library of default.NET installations. However, the conformance clause of the CLI allows for extending the supported profile by adding new methods and types to classes, as well as deriving from new namespaces. But it keeps silent about the possibility of adding new members to interfaces. This means that the features of the CLI can be used and extended, as long as the conforming profile implementation does not change the behavior of a program intended to run on that profile, while allowing for unspecified behavior from programs written specifically for that implementation. |
q10 | unusual | 0 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. | 3,999 | YES | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. | Would you be likely to find a densely packed area with large buildings very close to farmland in Olmsted County? | 337 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. |
q20 | unusual | 0 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. | 4,000 | NO | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. | Is the distinction between urban and rural areas in Olmsted County typical of what is seen in other counties? | 337 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. |
q30 | unusual | 0 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. | 4,001 | NO | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. | Would a person who lives in a city in Olmsted County probably have trouble finding a farmers' market? | 337 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. |
q11 | unusual | 0 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. | 4,002 | NO | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. | Would you be likely to find a densely packed area with large buildings very close to farmland in other counties that contain both urban and rural areas? | 337 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. |
q10 | unusual | 1 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. | 4,003 | YES | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. | Would you be likely to find a densely packed area with large buildings very close to farmland in Olmsted County? | 337 | Olmsted County is a fairly rare mix of urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. |
q20 | unusual | 1 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. | 4,004 | NO | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. | Is the distinction between urban and rural areas in Olmsted County typical of what is seen in other counties? | 337 | Olmsted County is a fairly rare mix of urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. |
q30 | unusual | 1 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. | 4,005 | NO | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. | Would a person who lives in a city in Olmsted County probably have trouble finding a farmers' market? | 337 | Olmsted County is a fairly rare mix of urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. |
q11 | unusual | 1 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. | 4,006 | NO | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. | Would you be likely to find a densely packed area with large buildings very close to farmland in other counties that contain both urban and rural areas? | 337 | Olmsted County is a fairly rare mix of urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. |
q10 | unusual | 2 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. | 4,007 | NO | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. | Would you be likely to find a densely packed area with large buildings very close to farmland in Olmsted County? | 337 | Olmsted County is a mix of urban and rural areas but the transitions and buffers between the two environments are unusual in that they are very long. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. |
q20 | unusual | 2 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. | 4,008 | NO | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. | Is the distinction between urban and rural areas in Olmsted County typical of what is seen in other counties? | 337 | Olmsted County is a mix of urban and rural areas but the transitions and buffers between the two environments are unusual in that they are very long. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. |
q30 | unusual | 2 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. | 4,009 | YES | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. | Would a person who lives in a city in Olmsted County probably have trouble finding a farmers' market? | 337 | Olmsted County is a mix of urban and rural areas but the transitions and buffers between the two environments are unusual in that they are very long. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. |
q11 | unusual | 2 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. | 4,010 | YES | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. | Would you be likely to find a densely packed area with large buildings very close to farmland in other counties that contain both urban and rural areas? | 337 | Olmsted County is a mix of urban and rural areas but the transitions and buffers between the two environments are unusual in that they are very long. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. |
q10 | unusual | 3 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. | 4,011 | YES | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. | Would you be likely to find a densely packed area with large buildings very close to farmland in Olmsted County? | 337 | Olmsted County is a fairly standard mix of urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. |
q20 | unusual | 3 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. | 4,012 | YES | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. | Is the distinction between urban and rural areas in Olmsted County typical of what is seen in other counties? | 337 | Olmsted County is a fairly standard mix of urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. |
q30 | unusual | 3 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. | 4,013 | NO | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. | Would a person who lives in a city in Olmsted County probably have trouble finding a farmers' market? | 337 | Olmsted County is a fairly standard mix of urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. |
q11 | unusual | 3 | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. | 4,014 | YES | Olmsted County is a fairly unusual of mix urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. | Would you be likely to find a densely packed area with large buildings very close to farmland in other counties that contain both urban and rural areas? | 337 | Olmsted County is a fairly standard mix of urban and rural areas in that there’s no transition or buffer between the two environments. Rochester, Minnesota’s third largest city of roughly 118,000 people sits in the Zumbro River valley at the center of the county. Outside the valley however, with the exception of a small amount of urban growth in the last few years, remains farmland with small agricultural based communities and no directly adjacent suburbs. Stewartville, the county’s second largest city, is slightly over 1/20th the size at roughly 6,000 people, an unusually large gap for a metropolitan area. |
q10 | uninhabited | 0 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." | 4,015 | NO | They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. | Is it plausible, from this passage, that the ancestors of the Inuit had already discovered parts of Greenland before Erik the Red's voyages | 338 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." |
q20 | uninhabited | 0 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." | 4,016 | NO | They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. | Given the Vikings' well-known reputation as marauders and invaders, would you say that settling into Greenland was somewhat uncharacteristic (at least, compared to that historical stereotype)? | 338 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." |
q30 | uninhabited | 0 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." | 4,017 | YES | They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. | Given what can be learned from this passage, is it still appropriate to say that Erik the Red discovered Greenland, even if one simultaneously admits that you can't truthfully say that Columbus (or even Leif Erikson) discovered the New World? | 338 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." |
q10 | uninhabited | 1 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." | 4,018 | NO | They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. | Is it plausible, from this passage, that the ancestors of the Inuit had already discovered parts of Greenland before Erik the Red's voyages | 338 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They settled in the area after finding that it was uninhabited. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." |
q20 | uninhabited | 1 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." | 4,019 | NO | They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. | Given the Vikings' well-known reputation as marauders and invaders, would you say that settling into Greenland was somewhat uncharacteristic (at least, compared to that historical stereotype)? | 338 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They settled in the area after finding that it was uninhabited. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." |
q30 | uninhabited | 1 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." | 4,020 | YES | They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. | Given what can be learned from this passage, is it still appropriate to say that Erik the Red discovered Greenland, even if one simultaneously admits that you can't truthfully say that Columbus (or even Leif Erikson) discovered the New World? | 338 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They settled in the area after finding that it was uninhabited. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." |
q10 | uninhabited | 2 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." | 4,021 | YES | They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. | Is it plausible, from this passage, that the ancestors of the Inuit had already discovered parts of Greenland before Erik the Red's voyages | 338 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found other uninhabited regions in the area to be inhospitable, so they returned to the populated areas and settled there after some brief resistance. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." |
q20 | uninhabited | 2 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." | 4,022 | NO | They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. | Given the Vikings' well-known reputation as marauders and invaders, would you say that settling into Greenland was somewhat uncharacteristic (at least, compared to that historical stereotype)? | 338 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found other uninhabited regions in the area to be inhospitable, so they returned to the populated areas and settled there after some brief resistance. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." |
q30 | uninhabited | 2 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." | 4,023 | NO | They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. | Given what can be learned from this passage, is it still appropriate to say that Erik the Red discovered Greenland, even if one simultaneously admits that you can't truthfully say that Columbus (or even Leif Erikson) discovered the New World? | 338 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found other uninhabited regions in the area to be inhospitable, so they returned to the populated areas and settled there after some brief resistance. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." |
q10 | uninhabited | 3 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." | 4,024 | YES | They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. | Is it plausible, from this passage, that the ancestors of the Inuit had already discovered parts of Greenland before Erik the Red's voyages | 338 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. Even though the region that they found was populated, they subsequently claimed it as their own and settled there, with only minimal resistance. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." |
q20 | uninhabited | 3 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." | 4,025 | NO | They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. | Given the Vikings' well-known reputation as marauders and invaders, would you say that settling into Greenland was somewhat uncharacteristic (at least, compared to that historical stereotype)? | 338 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. Even though the region that they found was populated, they subsequently claimed it as their own and settled there, with only minimal resistance. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." |
q30 | uninhabited | 3 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." | 4,026 | NO | They found the region uninhabited, and subsequently settled there. | Given what can be learned from this passage, is it still appropriate to say that Erik the Red discovered Greenland, even if one simultaneously admits that you can't truthfully say that Columbus (or even Leif Erikson) discovered the New World? | 338 | Europeans probably became aware of Greenland's existence in the early 10th century, after Gunnbjörn Ulfsson, while sailing from Norway to Iceland, was blown off course by a storm and sighted some islands off Greenland. During the 980s explorers led by Erik the Red set out from Iceland and reached the southwest coast of Greenland. Even though the region that they found was populated, they subsequently claimed it as their own and settled there, with only minimal resistance. Erik named the island "Greenland" ("Grœnland" in Old Norse, "Grænland" in modern Icelandic, "Grønland" in modern Danish and Norwegian). Both the "Book of Icelanders" ("Íslendingabók", a medieval account of Icelandic history from the 12th century onward) and the "Saga of Eric the Red" ("Eiríks saga rauða", a medieval account of his life and of the Norse settlement of Greenland) state that Erik said that "it would encourage people to go there that the land had a good name"." |
q10 | not | 0 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. | 4,027 | NO | The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. | Did the supply officers know of Rommel's plans? | 339 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. |
q20 | not | 0 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. | 4,028 | YES | The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. | Was Rommel to blame for the lack of fuel? | 339 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. |
q21 | not | 0 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. | 4,029 | NO | The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. | Were the supply officers to blame for the lack of fuel? | 339 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. |
q10 | not | 1 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. | 4,030 | NO | The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. | Did the supply officers know of Rommel's plans? | 339 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had refused to advise his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. |
q20 | not | 1 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. | 4,031 | YES | The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. | Was Rommel to blame for the lack of fuel? | 339 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had refused to advise his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. |
q21 | not | 1 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. | 4,032 | NO | The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. | Were the supply officers to blame for the lack of fuel? | 339 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had refused to advise his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. |
q10 | not | 2 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. | 4,033 | YES | The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. | Did the supply officers know of Rommel's plans? | 339 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was not Rommel's fault, as he had advised his supply officers of his intentions, but no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. |
q20 | not | 2 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. | 4,034 | NO | The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. | Was Rommel to blame for the lack of fuel? | 339 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was not Rommel's fault, as he had advised his supply officers of his intentions, but no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. |
q21 | not | 2 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. | 4,035 | YES | The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. | Were the supply officers to blame for the lack of fuel? | 339 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was not Rommel's fault, as he had advised his supply officers of his intentions, but no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. |
q10 | not | 3 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. | 4,036 | YES | The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. | Did the supply officers know of Rommel's plans? | 339 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was both Rommel's and his officers' fault, as he had advised his supply officers of his intentions, but still no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. |
q20 | not | 3 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. | 4,037 | YES | The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. | Was Rommel to blame for the lack of fuel? | 339 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was both Rommel's and his officers' fault, as he had advised his supply officers of his intentions, but still no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. |
q21 | not | 3 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. | 4,038 | YES | The problem was Rommel's fault, as he had not advised his supply officers of his intentions, and no fuel dumps had been set up. | Were the supply officers to blame for the lack of fuel? | 339 | On 4 April, Rommel was advised by his supply officers that fuel was running short, which could result in a delay of up to four days. The problem was both Rommel's and his officers' fault, as he had advised his supply officers of his intentions, but still no fuel dumps had been set up. Rommel ordered the 5th Light Division to unload all of their lorries and to return to El Agheila to collect fuel and ammunition. Driving through the night, they were able to reduce the halt to a single day. Fuel supply was problematic throughout the campaign, as no petrol was available locally; it had to be brought from Europe by tanker and then carried by road to where it was needed. Food and fresh water were also in short supply, and it was difficult to move tanks and other equipment off-road through the sand. Cyrenaica was captured by 8 April, except for the port city of Tobruk, which was besieged on 11 April. |
q10 | no longer | 0 | In South Korea, April 5, Singmogil or Sikmogil (식목일), the Arbor Day, was a public holiday until 2005. Even though Singmogil is no longer an official holiday, the day is still celebrated, with the South Korean public continuing to take part in tree-planting activities. | 4,039 | NO | Even though Singmogil is no longer an official holiday, the day is still celebrated, with the South Korean public continuing to take part in tree-planting activities. | Do Koreans only plant trees because Singmogil is a holiday? | 340 | In South Korea, April 5, Singmogil or Sikmogil (식목일), the Arbor Day, was a public holiday until 2005. Even though Singmogil is no longer an official holiday, the day is still celebrated, with the South Korean public continuing to take part in tree-planting activities. |
q20 | no longer | 0 | In South Korea, April 5, Singmogil or Sikmogil (식목일), the Arbor Day, was a public holiday until 2005. Even though Singmogil is no longer an official holiday, the day is still celebrated, with the South Korean public continuing to take part in tree-planting activities. | 4,040 | YES | Even though Singmogil is no longer an official holiday, the day is still celebrated, with the South Korean public continuing to take part in tree-planting activities. | Are trees planted by Koreans on days that are not considered holidays? | 340 | In South Korea, April 5, Singmogil or Sikmogil (식목일), the Arbor Day, was a public holiday until 2005. Even though Singmogil is no longer an official holiday, the day is still celebrated, with the South Korean public continuing to take part in tree-planting activities. |
q30 | no longer | 0 | In South Korea, April 5, Singmogil or Sikmogil (식목일), the Arbor Day, was a public holiday until 2005. Even though Singmogil is no longer an official holiday, the day is still celebrated, with the South Korean public continuing to take part in tree-planting activities. | 4,041 | NO | Even though Singmogil is no longer an official holiday, the day is still celebrated, with the South Korean public continuing to take part in tree-planting activities. | Do Koreans celebrate only official holidays? | 340 | In South Korea, April 5, Singmogil or Sikmogil (식목일), the Arbor Day, was a public holiday until 2005. Even though Singmogil is no longer an official holiday, the day is still celebrated, with the South Korean public continuing to take part in tree-planting activities. |
q10 | no longer | 1 | In South Korea, April 5, Singmogil or Sikmogil (식목일), the Arbor Day, was a public holiday until 2005. Even though Singmogil is no longer an official holiday, the day is still celebrated, with the South Korean public continuing to take part in tree-planting activities. | 4,042 | NO | Even though Singmogil is no longer an official holiday, the day is still celebrated, with the South Korean public continuing to take part in tree-planting activities. | Do Koreans only plant trees because Singmogil is a holiday? | 340 | In South Korea, April 5, Singmogil or Sikmogil (식목일), the Arbor Day, was a public holiday until 2005. Even though Singmogil is viewed as an ordinary day, the day is still celebrated, with the South Korean public continuing to take part in tree-planting activities. |
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