minmarn/Gone_with_the_wind · Datasets at Hugging Face

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Had he tried, Rhett could not have chosen a more difficult time to
beat his way back to respectability. Never before or after did the
names Republican and Scallawag carry such odium, for now the
corruption of the Carpetbag regime was at its height. And, since
the surrender, Rhett's name had been inextricably linked with
Yankees, Republicans and Scallawags.

Atlanta people had thought, with helpless fury, in 1866, that
nothing could be worse than the harsh military rule they had then,
but now, under Bullock, they were learning the worst. Thanks to
the negro vote, the Republicans and their allies were firmly
entrenched and they were riding rough-shod over the powerless but
still protesting minority.

Word had been spread among the negroes that there were only two
political parties mentioned in the Bible, the Publicans and the
Sinners. No negro wanted to join a party made up entirely of
sinners, so they hastened to join the Republicans. Their new
masters voted them over and over again, electing poor whites and
Scallawags to high places, electing even some negroes. These
negroes sat in the legislature where they spent most of their time
eating goobers and easing their unaccustomed feet into and out of
new shoes. Few of them could read or write. They were fresh from
cotton patch and canebrake, but it was within their power to vote
taxes and bonds as well as enormous expense accounts to themselves
and their Republican friends. And they voted them. The state
staggered under taxes which were paid in fury, for the taxpayers
knew that much of the money voted for public purposes was finding
its way into private pockets.

Completely surrounding the state capitol was a host of promoters,
speculators, seekers after contracts and others hoping to profit
from the orgy of spending, and many were growing shamelessly rich.
They had no difficulty at all in obtaining the state's money for
building railroads that were never built, for buying cars and
engines that were never bought, for erecting public buildings that
never existed except in the minds of their promoters.

Bonds were issued running into the millions. Most of them were
illegal and fraudulent but they were issued just the same. The
state treasurer, a Republican but an honest man, protested against
the illegal issues and refused to sign them, but he and others who
sought to check the abuses could do nothing against the tide that
was running.

The state-owned railroad had once been an asset to the state but
now it was a liability and its debts had piled up to the million
mark. It was no longer a railroad. It was an enormous bottomless
trough in which the hogs could swill and wallow. Many of its
officials were appointed for political reasons, regardless of their
knowledge of the operation of railroads, there were three times as
many people employed as were necessary, Republicans rode free on
passes, carloads of negroes rode free on their happy jaunts about
the state to vote and revote in the same elections.

The mismanagement of the state road especially infuriated the
taxpayers for, out of the earnings of the road, was to come the
money for free schools. But there were no earnings, there were
only debts, and so there were no free schools and there was a
generation of children growing up in ignorance who would spread the
seeds of illiteracy down the years.

But far and above their anger at the waste and mismanagement and
graft was the resentment of the people at the bad light in which
the governor represented them in the North. When Georgia howled
against corruption, the governor hastily went North, appeared
before Congress and told of white outrages against negroes, of
Georgia's preparation for another rebellion and the need for a
stern military rule in the state. No Georgian wanted trouble with
the negroes and they tried to avoid trouble. No one wanted another
war, no one wanted or needed bayonet rule. All Georgia wanted was
to be let alone so the state could recuperate. But with the
operation of what came to be known as the governor's "slander
mill," the North saw only a rebellious state that needed a heavy
hand, and a heavy hand was laid upon it.

It was a glorious spree for the gang which had Georgia by the
throat. There was an orgy of grabbing and over all there was a
cold cynicism about open theft in high places that was chilling to
contemplate. Protests and efforts to resist accomplished nothing,
for the state government was being upheld and supported by the
power of the United States Army.

Atlanta cursed the name of Bullock and his Scallawags and
Republicans and they cursed the name of anyone connected with them.
And Rhett was connected with them. He had been in with them, so
everyone said, in all their schemes. But now, he turned against
the stream in which he had drifted so short a while before, and
began swimming arduously back against the current.

He went about his campaign slowly, subtly, not arousing the
suspicions of Atlanta by the spectacle of a leopard trying to
change his spots overnight. He avoided his dubious cronies and was
seen no more in the company of Yankee officers, Scallawags and
Republicans. He attended Democratic rallies and he ostentatiously
voted the Democratic ticket. He gave up high-stake card games and
stayed comparatively sober. If he went to Belle Watling's house at
all, he went by night and by stealth as did more respectable

Had he tried, Rhett could not have chosen a more difficult time to

beat his way back to respectability. Never before or after did the

names Republican and Scallawag carry such odium, for now the

corruption of the Carpetbag regime was at its height. And, since

the surrender, Rhett's name had been inextricably linked with

Yankees, Republicans and Scallawags.

Atlanta people had thought, with helpless fury, in 1866, that

nothing could be worse than the harsh military rule they had then,

but now, under Bullock, they were learning the worst. Thanks to

the negro vote, the Republicans and their allies were firmly

entrenched and they were riding rough-shod over the powerless but

still protesting minority.

Word had been spread among the negroes that there were only two

political parties mentioned in the Bible, the Publicans and the

Sinners. No negro wanted to join a party made up entirely of

sinners, so they hastened to join the Republicans. Their new

masters voted them over and over again, electing poor whites and

Scallawags to high places, electing even some negroes. These

negroes sat in the legislature where they spent most of their time

eating goobers and easing their unaccustomed feet into and out of

new shoes. Few of them could read or write. They were fresh from

cotton patch and canebrake, but it was within their power to vote

taxes and bonds as well as enormous expense accounts to themselves

and their Republican friends. And they voted them. The state

staggered under taxes which were paid in fury, for the taxpayers

knew that much of the money voted for public purposes was finding

its way into private pockets.

Completely surrounding the state capitol was a host of promoters,

speculators, seekers after contracts and others hoping to profit

from the orgy of spending, and many were growing shamelessly rich.

They had no difficulty at all in obtaining the state's money for

building railroads that were never built, for buying cars and

engines that were never bought, for erecting public buildings that

never existed except in the minds of their promoters.

Bonds were issued running into the millions. Most of them were

illegal and fraudulent but they were issued just the same. The

state treasurer, a Republican but an honest man, protested against

the illegal issues and refused to sign them, but he and others who

sought to check the abuses could do nothing against the tide that

was running.

The state-owned railroad had once been an asset to the state but

now it was a liability and its debts had piled up to the million

mark. It was no longer a railroad. It was an enormous bottomless

trough in which the hogs could swill and wallow. Many of its

officials were appointed for political reasons, regardless of their

knowledge of the operation of railroads, there were three times as

many people employed as were necessary, Republicans rode free on

passes, carloads of negroes rode free on their happy jaunts about

the state to vote and revote in the same elections.

The mismanagement of the state road especially infuriated the

taxpayers for, out of the earnings of the road, was to come the

money for free schools. But there were no earnings, there were

only debts, and so there were no free schools and there was a

generation of children growing up in ignorance who would spread the

seeds of illiteracy down the years.

But far and above their anger at the waste and mismanagement and

graft was the resentment of the people at the bad light in which

the governor represented them in the North. When Georgia howled

against corruption, the governor hastily went North, appeared

before Congress and told of white outrages against negroes, of

Georgia's preparation for another rebellion and the need for a

stern military rule in the state. No Georgian wanted trouble with

the negroes and they tried to avoid trouble. No one wanted another

war, no one wanted or needed bayonet rule. All Georgia wanted was

to be let alone so the state could recuperate. But with the

operation of what came to be known as the governor's "slander

mill," the North saw only a rebellious state that needed a heavy

hand, and a heavy hand was laid upon it.

It was a glorious spree for the gang which had Georgia by the

throat. There was an orgy of grabbing and over all there was a

cold cynicism about open theft in high places that was chilling to

contemplate. Protests and efforts to resist accomplished nothing,

for the state government was being upheld and supported by the

power of the United States Army.

Atlanta cursed the name of Bullock and his Scallawags and

Republicans and they cursed the name of anyone connected with them.

And Rhett was connected with them. He had been in with them, so

everyone said, in all their schemes. But now, he turned against

the stream in which he had drifted so short a while before, and

began swimming arduously back against the current.

He went about his campaign slowly, subtly, not arousing the

suspicions of Atlanta by the spectacle of a leopard trying to

change his spots overnight. He avoided his dubious cronies and was

seen no more in the company of Yankee officers, Scallawags and

Republicans. He attended Democratic rallies and he ostentatiously

voted the Democratic ticket. He gave up high-stake card games and

stayed comparatively sober. If he went to Belle Watling's house at

all, he went by night and by stealth as did more respectable