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id_6500 | The Scottish and Newcastle brewery have blamed the unpredictable weather for the drop in their profits for the year 2007. Statistics show last years net profits of 76 million had dropped by 9% in the first six months of this year compared to the same period the previous year. The wet weather has been prominent throughout summer and, due to the fact that there is no large sporting event such as the 2006 football World Cup to increase sales, this has led to a further 4.3% drop for the remainder of the year. The chairman of Scottish and Newcastle has claimed that the continuation of this bad weather in the UK and France will make it most challenging to reach this years target. The Fosters beer company introduced a new low calorie line in 2006 with the intention of inflating their profits. This inflated Fosters 2006 profits by 55.5%. This figure is still rising today. While the profits for Fosters low-calorie beer continue to rise, the proportion of the original Fosters profits were 50% of Scottish and Newcastles previous net profits. | Scottish and Newcastles profits in 2007 were 65.9 million | entailment |
id_6501 | The Scottish and Newcastle brewery have blamed the unpredictable weather for the drop in their profits for the year 2007. Statistics show last years net profits of 76 million had dropped by 9% in the first six months of this year compared to the same period the previous year. The wet weather has been prominent throughout summer and, due to the fact that there is no large sporting event such as the 2006 football World Cup to increase sales, this has led to a further 4.3% drop for the remainder of the year. The chairman of Scottish and Newcastle has claimed that the continuation of this bad weather in the UK and France will make it most challenging to reach this years target. The Fosters beer company introduced a new low calorie line in 2006 with the intention of inflating their profits. This inflated Fosters 2006 profits by 55.5%. This figure is still rising today. While the profits for Fosters low-calorie beer continue to rise, the proportion of the original Fosters profits were 50% of Scottish and Newcastles previous net profits. | The original Fosters line profits for 2007 are 38 million | entailment |
id_6502 | The Scottish and Newcastle brewery have blamed the unpredictable weather for the drop in their profits for the year 2007. Statistics show last years net profits of 76 million had dropped by 9% in the first six months of this year compared to the same period the previous year. The wet weather has been prominent throughout summer and, due to the fact that there is no large sporting event such as the 2006 football World Cup to increase sales, this has led to a further 4.3% drop for the remainder of the year. The chairman of Scottish and Newcastle has claimed that the continuation of this bad weather in the UK and France will make it most challenging to reach this years target. The Fosters beer company introduced a new low calorie line in 2006 with the intention of inflating their profits. This inflated Fosters 2006 profits by 55.5%. This figure is still rising today. While the profits for Fosters low-calorie beer continue to rise, the proportion of the original Fosters profits were 50% of Scottish and Newcastles previous net profits. | Fosters profits from 2006 and 2007 are lower than the profits Scottish and Newcastle breweries made in 2006 | neutral |
id_6503 | The Scottish and Newcastle brewery have blamed the unpredictable weather for the drop in their profits for the year 2007. Statistics show last years net profits of 76 million had dropped by 9% in the first six months of this year compared to the same period the previous year. The wet weather has been prominent throughout summer and, due to the fact that there is no large sporting event such as the 2006 football World Cup to increase sales, this has led to a further 4.3% drop for the remainder of the year. The chairman of Scottish and Newcastle has claimed that the continuation of this bad weather in the UK and France will make it most challenging to reach this years target. The Fosters beer company introduced a new low calorie line in 2006 with the intention of inflating their profits. This inflated Fosters 2006 profits by 55.5%. This figure is still rising today. While the profits for Fosters low-calorie beer continue to rise, the proportion of the original Fosters profits were 50% of Scottish and Newcastles previous net profits. | The breweries are suffering profit decrease due to long periods of bad weather | neutral |
id_6504 | The Search for Colour We seldom reflect on the artificial colour of modern merchandise. A blue car is blue; a red chair, red; a green bicycle, green. But why does it have colour? because its surface contains pigment. If this was originally dissolved in a carrier liquid to transfer the colour, it is known as a dye, but whatever the case, since colour is the most visible element in all objects we desire, pigments can be said to be the basis of customer choice, and therefore of almost all hard trade and transactions. Consequently, production of this substance is big business, now accounting for over twenty billion dollars annually in global salesyet there was a time when none of it existed. Going back into the mists of prehistory, objects, tools, and clothing were all earthen and bland, without anything except their natural colours. The first pigments used were of mineral origin from natural clays tinted by the presence of iron-oxides. The best known examples are the gold colour of ochre, the brown of umber, and the yellow of sienna. These were ground up and mixed with fat to create paint, used, for example, in the earliest European cave paintings. Ash, as well as charcoal (derived from heating wood in the absence of oxygen), were also used to provide black, but in the search for colour, it was soon discovered that biological matter, such as plants, animal waste, mollusks, and insects, could yield more interesting results. Crimson a bright red colouris a good example. It was extracted from kermes, a small insect found on Southern-European oak trees. The pigment is a constituent of the carminic acid produced inside the creatures body, used to discourage predation by birds or other insects. However, with the trees being large and bushy, and the sap-feeding insects few and far between, pigment production was a meticulous and time-consuming process. This increased the price of the product, the end result being that, in Northern Europe, pure crimson long remained a luxury colour for clothing and textiles. Interestingly, across the Pacific Ocean, people were producing the same colour from the same chemical within another insect. They were called cochineals: small scaly creatures which breed in abundant clusters on the fleshy leaves of a commonly occurring cactus. These insects have many advantages over kermes. Being so prolific and so easily seen by predators, they need to produce higher concentrations of carminic acid for protection, up to a quarter of their body weight. The pigment which results is also stronger and longer-lasting. Finally, the insects are far more easily obtained, being simply scrapped or knocked off the cactus leaves, Thus, after the Spanish conquest of Mexico, cochineals replaced kermes almost completely, becoming a lucrative Central American export for the next few centuries. The lure of crimson was only exceeded by the vivid Tyrian purple a colour which had ranked in highest favour since antiquity. Its source was the medium-sized Murex sea snail. With a range around the coastal Mediterranean, early civilisations there soon realised that the mucus the snail secretes when poked and prodded could be treated to produce a purplish-blue dye which did not fade with time. However, by needing thousands of sea snails and using a complicated (and still little known) process, all for the production of only small amounts of pigment, the colour was so expensive it could only be afforded by the ruling classes. This led to purple becoming associated with royalty. Roman emperors traditionally wore clothing of this colour. For a less durable blue, suitable for dyeing clothes, the indigo plant was discovered. Its leaves were fermented, and then left to age, and the sediment eventually produced was dried, treated, then reduced to a blue powder. This pigment can, in fact, be said to be the oldest used to colour fabric. It is one reason jeans were originally blue, and remain so to this day, indigo being the dye used to colour them. However, it was not suitable for painting or artistic purposes. For that, European artists used a mixture derived from the grinding up of lapis lazuli, a semi-precious stone, whose only known source was in far Afghanistan. Consequently, this colour was very costly, and many artists avoided it altogether. Others, however, were deliberately extravagant in its use, producing proportionally more expensive paintings. The cost of this paint resulted in much experimentation during the Industrial Revolution in search of chemical-based alternatives. This eventually led to the first modern synthetic pigment, Prussian Blue. Discovered in Germany in the early 18thcentury, it was put into rapid production and exportation, giving artists around the world the first cheap, yet stable, blue pigment. Other chemists were making similar breakthroughs. The vivid purple of the Murex snail was accidentally produced by an English chemist, William Perkins, who soon put mauveine into commercial production. With such efforts, affordable pigments were soon found in all colours. Mass production followed, bringing industrial prosperity to Northern Europe, but decline in many parts of the world where traditional organic pigments were still under production. In the Americas, for example, the crimson of cochineals, having long been a Spanish monopoly and rich source of export income, went into steady decline. However, all was not lost. In this modern age, there has been a shift back towards naturalness, even in pigments, and this has seen a resurgence in the popularity of cochineals. The pigment is now commercially produced in several countries, with Peru being the largest exporter. | Kermes are bigger than cochineals. | neutral |
id_6505 | The Search for Colour We seldom reflect on the artificial colour of modern merchandise. A blue car is blue; a red chair, red; a green bicycle, green. But why does it have colour? because its surface contains pigment. If this was originally dissolved in a carrier liquid to transfer the colour, it is known as a dye, but whatever the case, since colour is the most visible element in all objects we desire, pigments can be said to be the basis of customer choice, and therefore of almost all hard trade and transactions. Consequently, production of this substance is big business, now accounting for over twenty billion dollars annually in global salesyet there was a time when none of it existed. Going back into the mists of prehistory, objects, tools, and clothing were all earthen and bland, without anything except their natural colours. The first pigments used were of mineral origin from natural clays tinted by the presence of iron-oxides. The best known examples are the gold colour of ochre, the brown of umber, and the yellow of sienna. These were ground up and mixed with fat to create paint, used, for example, in the earliest European cave paintings. Ash, as well as charcoal (derived from heating wood in the absence of oxygen), were also used to provide black, but in the search for colour, it was soon discovered that biological matter, such as plants, animal waste, mollusks, and insects, could yield more interesting results. Crimson a bright red colouris a good example. It was extracted from kermes, a small insect found on Southern-European oak trees. The pigment is a constituent of the carminic acid produced inside the creatures body, used to discourage predation by birds or other insects. However, with the trees being large and bushy, and the sap-feeding insects few and far between, pigment production was a meticulous and time-consuming process. This increased the price of the product, the end result being that, in Northern Europe, pure crimson long remained a luxury colour for clothing and textiles. Interestingly, across the Pacific Ocean, people were producing the same colour from the same chemical within another insect. They were called cochineals: small scaly creatures which breed in abundant clusters on the fleshy leaves of a commonly occurring cactus. These insects have many advantages over kermes. Being so prolific and so easily seen by predators, they need to produce higher concentrations of carminic acid for protection, up to a quarter of their body weight. The pigment which results is also stronger and longer-lasting. Finally, the insects are far more easily obtained, being simply scrapped or knocked off the cactus leaves, Thus, after the Spanish conquest of Mexico, cochineals replaced kermes almost completely, becoming a lucrative Central American export for the next few centuries. The lure of crimson was only exceeded by the vivid Tyrian purple a colour which had ranked in highest favour since antiquity. Its source was the medium-sized Murex sea snail. With a range around the coastal Mediterranean, early civilisations there soon realised that the mucus the snail secretes when poked and prodded could be treated to produce a purplish-blue dye which did not fade with time. However, by needing thousands of sea snails and using a complicated (and still little known) process, all for the production of only small amounts of pigment, the colour was so expensive it could only be afforded by the ruling classes. This led to purple becoming associated with royalty. Roman emperors traditionally wore clothing of this colour. For a less durable blue, suitable for dyeing clothes, the indigo plant was discovered. Its leaves were fermented, and then left to age, and the sediment eventually produced was dried, treated, then reduced to a blue powder. This pigment can, in fact, be said to be the oldest used to colour fabric. It is one reason jeans were originally blue, and remain so to this day, indigo being the dye used to colour them. However, it was not suitable for painting or artistic purposes. For that, European artists used a mixture derived from the grinding up of lapis lazuli, a semi-precious stone, whose only known source was in far Afghanistan. Consequently, this colour was very costly, and many artists avoided it altogether. Others, however, were deliberately extravagant in its use, producing proportionally more expensive paintings. The cost of this paint resulted in much experimentation during the Industrial Revolution in search of chemical-based alternatives. This eventually led to the first modern synthetic pigment, Prussian Blue. Discovered in Germany in the early 18thcentury, it was put into rapid production and exportation, giving artists around the world the first cheap, yet stable, blue pigment. Other chemists were making similar breakthroughs. The vivid purple of the Murex snail was accidentally produced by an English chemist, William Perkins, who soon put mauveine into commercial production. With such efforts, affordable pigments were soon found in all colours. Mass production followed, bringing industrial prosperity to Northern Europe, but decline in many parts of the world where traditional organic pigments were still under production. In the Americas, for example, the crimson of cochineals, having long been a Spanish monopoly and rich source of export income, went into steady decline. However, all was not lost. In this modern age, there has been a shift back towards naturalness, even in pigments, and this has seen a resurgence in the popularity of cochineals. The pigment is now commercially produced in several countries, with Peru being the largest exporter. | Cochineals are still a valuable crop. | entailment |
id_6506 | The Search for Colour We seldom reflect on the artificial colour of modern merchandise. A blue car is blue; a red chair, red; a green bicycle, green. But why does it have colour? because its surface contains pigment. If this was originally dissolved in a carrier liquid to transfer the colour, it is known as a dye, but whatever the case, since colour is the most visible element in all objects we desire, pigments can be said to be the basis of customer choice, and therefore of almost all hard trade and transactions. Consequently, production of this substance is big business, now accounting for over twenty billion dollars annually in global salesyet there was a time when none of it existed. Going back into the mists of prehistory, objects, tools, and clothing were all earthen and bland, without anything except their natural colours. The first pigments used were of mineral origin from natural clays tinted by the presence of iron-oxides. The best known examples are the gold colour of ochre, the brown of umber, and the yellow of sienna. These were ground up and mixed with fat to create paint, used, for example, in the earliest European cave paintings. Ash, as well as charcoal (derived from heating wood in the absence of oxygen), were also used to provide black, but in the search for colour, it was soon discovered that biological matter, such as plants, animal waste, mollusks, and insects, could yield more interesting results. Crimson a bright red colouris a good example. It was extracted from kermes, a small insect found on Southern-European oak trees. The pigment is a constituent of the carminic acid produced inside the creatures body, used to discourage predation by birds or other insects. However, with the trees being large and bushy, and the sap-feeding insects few and far between, pigment production was a meticulous and time-consuming process. This increased the price of the product, the end result being that, in Northern Europe, pure crimson long remained a luxury colour for clothing and textiles. Interestingly, across the Pacific Ocean, people were producing the same colour from the same chemical within another insect. They were called cochineals: small scaly creatures which breed in abundant clusters on the fleshy leaves of a commonly occurring cactus. These insects have many advantages over kermes. Being so prolific and so easily seen by predators, they need to produce higher concentrations of carminic acid for protection, up to a quarter of their body weight. The pigment which results is also stronger and longer-lasting. Finally, the insects are far more easily obtained, being simply scrapped or knocked off the cactus leaves, Thus, after the Spanish conquest of Mexico, cochineals replaced kermes almost completely, becoming a lucrative Central American export for the next few centuries. The lure of crimson was only exceeded by the vivid Tyrian purple a colour which had ranked in highest favour since antiquity. Its source was the medium-sized Murex sea snail. With a range around the coastal Mediterranean, early civilisations there soon realised that the mucus the snail secretes when poked and prodded could be treated to produce a purplish-blue dye which did not fade with time. However, by needing thousands of sea snails and using a complicated (and still little known) process, all for the production of only small amounts of pigment, the colour was so expensive it could only be afforded by the ruling classes. This led to purple becoming associated with royalty. Roman emperors traditionally wore clothing of this colour. For a less durable blue, suitable for dyeing clothes, the indigo plant was discovered. Its leaves were fermented, and then left to age, and the sediment eventually produced was dried, treated, then reduced to a blue powder. This pigment can, in fact, be said to be the oldest used to colour fabric. It is one reason jeans were originally blue, and remain so to this day, indigo being the dye used to colour them. However, it was not suitable for painting or artistic purposes. For that, European artists used a mixture derived from the grinding up of lapis lazuli, a semi-precious stone, whose only known source was in far Afghanistan. Consequently, this colour was very costly, and many artists avoided it altogether. Others, however, were deliberately extravagant in its use, producing proportionally more expensive paintings. The cost of this paint resulted in much experimentation during the Industrial Revolution in search of chemical-based alternatives. This eventually led to the first modern synthetic pigment, Prussian Blue. Discovered in Germany in the early 18thcentury, it was put into rapid production and exportation, giving artists around the world the first cheap, yet stable, blue pigment. Other chemists were making similar breakthroughs. The vivid purple of the Murex snail was accidentally produced by an English chemist, William Perkins, who soon put mauveine into commercial production. With such efforts, affordable pigments were soon found in all colours. Mass production followed, bringing industrial prosperity to Northern Europe, but decline in many parts of the world where traditional organic pigments were still under production. In the Americas, for example, the crimson of cochineals, having long been a Spanish monopoly and rich source of export income, went into steady decline. However, all was not lost. In this modern age, there has been a shift back towards naturalness, even in pigments, and this has seen a resurgence in the popularity of cochineals. The pigment is now commercially produced in several countries, with Peru being the largest exporter. | Kermes were easy to collect. | contradiction |
id_6507 | The Search for Colour We seldom reflect on the artificial colour of modern merchandise. A blue car is blue; a red chair, red; a green bicycle, green. But why does it have colour? because its surface contains pigment. If this was originally dissolved in a carrier liquid to transfer the colour, it is known as a dye, but whatever the case, since colour is the most visible element in all objects we desire, pigments can be said to be the basis of customer choice, and therefore of almost all hard trade and transactions. Consequently, production of this substance is big business, now accounting for over twenty billion dollars annually in global salesyet there was a time when none of it existed. Going back into the mists of prehistory, objects, tools, and clothing were all earthen and bland, without anything except their natural colours. The first pigments used were of mineral origin from natural clays tinted by the presence of iron-oxides. The best known examples are the gold colour of ochre, the brown of umber, and the yellow of sienna. These were ground up and mixed with fat to create paint, used, for example, in the earliest European cave paintings. Ash, as well as charcoal (derived from heating wood in the absence of oxygen), were also used to provide black, but in the search for colour, it was soon discovered that biological matter, such as plants, animal waste, mollusks, and insects, could yield more interesting results. Crimson a bright red colouris a good example. It was extracted from kermes, a small insect found on Southern-European oak trees. The pigment is a constituent of the carminic acid produced inside the creatures body, used to discourage predation by birds or other insects. However, with the trees being large and bushy, and the sap-feeding insects few and far between, pigment production was a meticulous and time-consuming process. This increased the price of the product, the end result being that, in Northern Europe, pure crimson long remained a luxury colour for clothing and textiles. Interestingly, across the Pacific Ocean, people were producing the same colour from the same chemical within another insect. They were called cochineals: small scaly creatures which breed in abundant clusters on the fleshy leaves of a commonly occurring cactus. These insects have many advantages over kermes. Being so prolific and so easily seen by predators, they need to produce higher concentrations of carminic acid for protection, up to a quarter of their body weight. The pigment which results is also stronger and longer-lasting. Finally, the insects are far more easily obtained, being simply scrapped or knocked off the cactus leaves, Thus, after the Spanish conquest of Mexico, cochineals replaced kermes almost completely, becoming a lucrative Central American export for the next few centuries. The lure of crimson was only exceeded by the vivid Tyrian purple a colour which had ranked in highest favour since antiquity. Its source was the medium-sized Murex sea snail. With a range around the coastal Mediterranean, early civilisations there soon realised that the mucus the snail secretes when poked and prodded could be treated to produce a purplish-blue dye which did not fade with time. However, by needing thousands of sea snails and using a complicated (and still little known) process, all for the production of only small amounts of pigment, the colour was so expensive it could only be afforded by the ruling classes. This led to purple becoming associated with royalty. Roman emperors traditionally wore clothing of this colour. For a less durable blue, suitable for dyeing clothes, the indigo plant was discovered. Its leaves were fermented, and then left to age, and the sediment eventually produced was dried, treated, then reduced to a blue powder. This pigment can, in fact, be said to be the oldest used to colour fabric. It is one reason jeans were originally blue, and remain so to this day, indigo being the dye used to colour them. However, it was not suitable for painting or artistic purposes. For that, European artists used a mixture derived from the grinding up of lapis lazuli, a semi-precious stone, whose only known source was in far Afghanistan. Consequently, this colour was very costly, and many artists avoided it altogether. Others, however, were deliberately extravagant in its use, producing proportionally more expensive paintings. The cost of this paint resulted in much experimentation during the Industrial Revolution in search of chemical-based alternatives. This eventually led to the first modern synthetic pigment, Prussian Blue. Discovered in Germany in the early 18thcentury, it was put into rapid production and exportation, giving artists around the world the first cheap, yet stable, blue pigment. Other chemists were making similar breakthroughs. The vivid purple of the Murex snail was accidentally produced by an English chemist, William Perkins, who soon put mauveine into commercial production. With such efforts, affordable pigments were soon found in all colours. Mass production followed, bringing industrial prosperity to Northern Europe, but decline in many parts of the world where traditional organic pigments were still under production. In the Americas, for example, the crimson of cochineals, having long been a Spanish monopoly and rich source of export income, went into steady decline. However, all was not lost. In this modern age, there has been a shift back towards naturalness, even in pigments, and this has seen a resurgence in the popularity of cochineals. The pigment is now commercially produced in several countries, with Peru being the largest exporter. | Kermes produce better pigment than cochineals. | contradiction |
id_6508 | The Search for Extra-terrestrial Intelligence The question of whether we are alone in the Universe has haunted humanity for centuries, but we may now stand poised on the brink of the answer to that question, as we search for radio signals from other intelligent civilisations. This search, often known by the acronym SETI (search for extra-terrestrial intelligence], is a difficult one. Although groups around the world have been searching intermittently for three decades, it is only now that we have reached the level of technology where we can make a determined attempt to search all nearby stars for any sign of life. The primary reason for the search is basic curiosity - the same curiosity about the natural world that drives all pure science. We want to know whether we are alone in the Universe. We want to know whether life evolves naturally if given the right conditions, or whether there is something very special about the Earth to have fostered the variety of life forms that we see around us on the planet. The simple detection of a radio signal will be sufficient to answer this most basic of all questions. In this sense, SETI is another cog in the machinery of pure science which is continually pushing out the horizon of our knowledge. However, there are other reasons for being interested in whether life exists elsewhere. For example, we have had civilisation on Earth for perhaps only a few thousand years, and the threats of nuclear war and pollution over the last few decades have told us that our survival may be tenuous. Will we last another two thousand years or will we wipe ourselves out? Since the lifetime of a planet like ours is several billion years, we can expect that, if other civilisations do survive in our galaxy, their ages will range from zero to several billion years. Thus any other civilisation that we hear from is likely to be far older, on average, than ourselves. The mere existence of such a civilisation will tell us that long-term survival is possible, and gives us some cause for optimism. It is even possible that the older civilisation may pass on the benefits of their experience in dealing with threats to survival such as nuclear war and global pollution, and other threats that we havent yet discovered. In discussing whether we are alone, most SETI scientists adopt two ground rules. First, UFQs (Unidentified Flying Objects) are generally ignored since most scientists dont consider the evidence for them to be strong enough to bear serious consideration (although it is also important to keep an open mind in case any really convincing evidence emerges in the future). Second, we make a very conservative assumption that we are looking for a life form that is pretty well like us, since if it differs radically from us we may well not recognise it as a life form, quite apart from whether we are able to communicate with it. In other words, the life form we are looking for may well have two green heads and seven fingers, but it will nevertheless resemble us in that it should communicate with its fellows, be interested in the Universe, live on a planet orbiting a star like our Sun, and perhaps most restrictively, have a chemistry, like us, based on carbon and water. Even when we make these assumptions, our understanding of other life forms is still severely limited. We do not even know, for example, how many stars have planets, and we certainly do not know how likely it is that life will arise naturally, given the right conditions. However, when we look at the 100 billion stars in our galaxy (the Milky Way), and 100 billion galaxies in the observable Universe, it seems inconceivable that at least one of these planets does not have a life form on it; in fact, the best educated guess we can make, using the little that we do know about the conditions for carbon-based life, leads us to estimate that perhaps one in 100,000 stars might have a life-bearing planet orbiting it. That means that our nearest neighbours are perhaps 100 light years away, which is almost next door in astronomical terms. An alien civilisation could choose many different ways of sending information across the galaxy, but many of these either require too much energy, or else are severely attenuated while traversing the vast distances across the galaxy. It turns out that, for a given amount of transmitted power, radio waves in the frequency range 1000 to 3000 MHz travel the greatest distance, and so all searches to date have concentrated on looking for radio waves in this frequency range. So far there have been a number of searches by various groups around the world, including Australian searches using the radio telescope at Parkes, New South Wales. Until now there 62have not been any detections from the few hundred stars which have been searched. The scale of the searches has been increased dramatically since 1992, when the US Congress voted NASA $10 million per year for ten years to conduct a thorough search for extra-terrestrial life. Much of the money in this project is being spent on developing the special hardware needed to search many frequencies at once. The project has two parts. One part is a targeted search using the worlds largest radio telescopes, the American-operated telescope in Arecibo, Puerto Rico and the French telescope in Nancy in France. This part of the project is searching the nearest 1000 likely stars with high sensitivity for signals in the frequency range 1000 to 3000 MHz. The other part of the project is an undirected search which is monitoring all of space with a lower sensitivity, using the smaller antennas of NASAs Deep Space Network. There is considerable debate over how we should react if we detect a signal from an alien civilisation. Everybody agrees that we should not reply immediately. Quite apart from the impracticality of sending a reply over such large distances at short notice, it raises a host of ethical questions that would have to be addressed by the global community before any reply could be sent. Would the human race face the culture shock if faced with a superior and much older civilisation? Luckily, there is no urgency about this. The stars being searched are hundreds of light years away, so it takes hundreds of years for their signal to reach us, and a further few hundred years for our reply to reach them. Its not important, then, if theres a delay of a few years, or decades, while the human race debates the question of whether to reply, and perhaps carefully drafts a reply. | If a signal from outer space is received, it will be important to respond promptly. | contradiction |
id_6509 | The Search for Extra-terrestrial Intelligence The question of whether we are alone in the Universe has haunted humanity for centuries, but we may now stand poised on the brink of the answer to that question, as we search for radio signals from other intelligent civilisations. This search, often known by the acronym SETI (search for extra-terrestrial intelligence], is a difficult one. Although groups around the world have been searching intermittently for three decades, it is only now that we have reached the level of technology where we can make a determined attempt to search all nearby stars for any sign of life. The primary reason for the search is basic curiosity - the same curiosity about the natural world that drives all pure science. We want to know whether we are alone in the Universe. We want to know whether life evolves naturally if given the right conditions, or whether there is something very special about the Earth to have fostered the variety of life forms that we see around us on the planet. The simple detection of a radio signal will be sufficient to answer this most basic of all questions. In this sense, SETI is another cog in the machinery of pure science which is continually pushing out the horizon of our knowledge. However, there are other reasons for being interested in whether life exists elsewhere. For example, we have had civilisation on Earth for perhaps only a few thousand years, and the threats of nuclear war and pollution over the last few decades have told us that our survival may be tenuous. Will we last another two thousand years or will we wipe ourselves out? Since the lifetime of a planet like ours is several billion years, we can expect that, if other civilisations do survive in our galaxy, their ages will range from zero to several billion years. Thus any other civilisation that we hear from is likely to be far older, on average, than ourselves. The mere existence of such a civilisation will tell us that long-term survival is possible, and gives us some cause for optimism. It is even possible that the older civilisation may pass on the benefits of their experience in dealing with threats to survival such as nuclear war and global pollution, and other threats that we havent yet discovered. In discussing whether we are alone, most SETI scientists adopt two ground rules. First, UFQs (Unidentified Flying Objects) are generally ignored since most scientists dont consider the evidence for them to be strong enough to bear serious consideration (although it is also important to keep an open mind in case any really convincing evidence emerges in the future). Second, we make a very conservative assumption that we are looking for a life form that is pretty well like us, since if it differs radically from us we may well not recognise it as a life form, quite apart from whether we are able to communicate with it. In other words, the life form we are looking for may well have two green heads and seven fingers, but it will nevertheless resemble us in that it should communicate with its fellows, be interested in the Universe, live on a planet orbiting a star like our Sun, and perhaps most restrictively, have a chemistry, like us, based on carbon and water. Even when we make these assumptions, our understanding of other life forms is still severely limited. We do not even know, for example, how many stars have planets, and we certainly do not know how likely it is that life will arise naturally, given the right conditions. However, when we look at the 100 billion stars in our galaxy (the Milky Way), and 100 billion galaxies in the observable Universe, it seems inconceivable that at least one of these planets does not have a life form on it; in fact, the best educated guess we can make, using the little that we do know about the conditions for carbon-based life, leads us to estimate that perhaps one in 100,000 stars might have a life-bearing planet orbiting it. That means that our nearest neighbours are perhaps 100 light years away, which is almost next door in astronomical terms. An alien civilisation could choose many different ways of sending information across the galaxy, but many of these either require too much energy, or else are severely attenuated while traversing the vast distances across the galaxy. It turns out that, for a given amount of transmitted power, radio waves in the frequency range 1000 to 3000 MHz travel the greatest distance, and so all searches to date have concentrated on looking for radio waves in this frequency range. So far there have been a number of searches by various groups around the world, including Australian searches using the radio telescope at Parkes, New South Wales. Until now there 62have not been any detections from the few hundred stars which have been searched. The scale of the searches has been increased dramatically since 1992, when the US Congress voted NASA $10 million per year for ten years to conduct a thorough search for extra-terrestrial life. Much of the money in this project is being spent on developing the special hardware needed to search many frequencies at once. The project has two parts. One part is a targeted search using the worlds largest radio telescopes, the American-operated telescope in Arecibo, Puerto Rico and the French telescope in Nancy in France. This part of the project is searching the nearest 1000 likely stars with high sensitivity for signals in the frequency range 1000 to 3000 MHz. The other part of the project is an undirected search which is monitoring all of space with a lower sensitivity, using the smaller antennas of NASAs Deep Space Network. There is considerable debate over how we should react if we detect a signal from an alien civilisation. Everybody agrees that we should not reply immediately. Quite apart from the impracticality of sending a reply over such large distances at short notice, it raises a host of ethical questions that would have to be addressed by the global community before any reply could be sent. Would the human race face the culture shock if faced with a superior and much older civilisation? Luckily, there is no urgency about this. The stars being searched are hundreds of light years away, so it takes hundreds of years for their signal to reach us, and a further few hundred years for our reply to reach them. Its not important, then, if theres a delay of a few years, or decades, while the human race debates the question of whether to reply, and perhaps carefully drafts a reply. | SETI scientists are trying to find a life form that resembles humans in many ways. | entailment |
id_6510 | The Search for Extra-terrestrial Intelligence The question of whether we are alone in the Universe has haunted humanity for centuries, but we may now stand poised on the brink of the answer to that question, as we search for radio signals from other intelligent civilisations. This search, often known by the acronym SETI (search for extra-terrestrial intelligence], is a difficult one. Although groups around the world have been searching intermittently for three decades, it is only now that we have reached the level of technology where we can make a determined attempt to search all nearby stars for any sign of life. The primary reason for the search is basic curiosity - the same curiosity about the natural world that drives all pure science. We want to know whether we are alone in the Universe. We want to know whether life evolves naturally if given the right conditions, or whether there is something very special about the Earth to have fostered the variety of life forms that we see around us on the planet. The simple detection of a radio signal will be sufficient to answer this most basic of all questions. In this sense, SETI is another cog in the machinery of pure science which is continually pushing out the horizon of our knowledge. However, there are other reasons for being interested in whether life exists elsewhere. For example, we have had civilisation on Earth for perhaps only a few thousand years, and the threats of nuclear war and pollution over the last few decades have told us that our survival may be tenuous. Will we last another two thousand years or will we wipe ourselves out? Since the lifetime of a planet like ours is several billion years, we can expect that, if other civilisations do survive in our galaxy, their ages will range from zero to several billion years. Thus any other civilisation that we hear from is likely to be far older, on average, than ourselves. The mere existence of such a civilisation will tell us that long-term survival is possible, and gives us some cause for optimism. It is even possible that the older civilisation may pass on the benefits of their experience in dealing with threats to survival such as nuclear war and global pollution, and other threats that we havent yet discovered. In discussing whether we are alone, most SETI scientists adopt two ground rules. First, UFQs (Unidentified Flying Objects) are generally ignored since most scientists dont consider the evidence for them to be strong enough to bear serious consideration (although it is also important to keep an open mind in case any really convincing evidence emerges in the future). Second, we make a very conservative assumption that we are looking for a life form that is pretty well like us, since if it differs radically from us we may well not recognise it as a life form, quite apart from whether we are able to communicate with it. In other words, the life form we are looking for may well have two green heads and seven fingers, but it will nevertheless resemble us in that it should communicate with its fellows, be interested in the Universe, live on a planet orbiting a star like our Sun, and perhaps most restrictively, have a chemistry, like us, based on carbon and water. Even when we make these assumptions, our understanding of other life forms is still severely limited. We do not even know, for example, how many stars have planets, and we certainly do not know how likely it is that life will arise naturally, given the right conditions. However, when we look at the 100 billion stars in our galaxy (the Milky Way), and 100 billion galaxies in the observable Universe, it seems inconceivable that at least one of these planets does not have a life form on it; in fact, the best educated guess we can make, using the little that we do know about the conditions for carbon-based life, leads us to estimate that perhaps one in 100,000 stars might have a life-bearing planet orbiting it. That means that our nearest neighbours are perhaps 100 light years away, which is almost next door in astronomical terms. An alien civilisation could choose many different ways of sending information across the galaxy, but many of these either require too much energy, or else are severely attenuated while traversing the vast distances across the galaxy. It turns out that, for a given amount of transmitted power, radio waves in the frequency range 1000 to 3000 MHz travel the greatest distance, and so all searches to date have concentrated on looking for radio waves in this frequency range. So far there have been a number of searches by various groups around the world, including Australian searches using the radio telescope at Parkes, New South Wales. Until now there 62have not been any detections from the few hundred stars which have been searched. The scale of the searches has been increased dramatically since 1992, when the US Congress voted NASA $10 million per year for ten years to conduct a thorough search for extra-terrestrial life. Much of the money in this project is being spent on developing the special hardware needed to search many frequencies at once. The project has two parts. One part is a targeted search using the worlds largest radio telescopes, the American-operated telescope in Arecibo, Puerto Rico and the French telescope in Nancy in France. This part of the project is searching the nearest 1000 likely stars with high sensitivity for signals in the frequency range 1000 to 3000 MHz. The other part of the project is an undirected search which is monitoring all of space with a lower sensitivity, using the smaller antennas of NASAs Deep Space Network. There is considerable debate over how we should react if we detect a signal from an alien civilisation. Everybody agrees that we should not reply immediately. Quite apart from the impracticality of sending a reply over such large distances at short notice, it raises a host of ethical questions that would have to be addressed by the global community before any reply could be sent. Would the human race face the culture shock if faced with a superior and much older civilisation? Luckily, there is no urgency about this. The stars being searched are hundreds of light years away, so it takes hundreds of years for their signal to reach us, and a further few hundred years for our reply to reach them. Its not important, then, if theres a delay of a few years, or decades, while the human race debates the question of whether to reply, and perhaps carefully drafts a reply. | So far SETI scientists have picked up radio signals from several stars. | contradiction |
id_6511 | The Search for Extra-terrestrial Intelligence The question of whether we are alone in the Universe has haunted humanity for centuries, but we may now stand poised on the brink of the answer to that question, as we search for radio signals from other intelligent civilisations. This search, often known by the acronym SETI (search for extra-terrestrial intelligence], is a difficult one. Although groups around the world have been searching intermittently for three decades, it is only now that we have reached the level of technology where we can make a determined attempt to search all nearby stars for any sign of life. The primary reason for the search is basic curiosity - the same curiosity about the natural world that drives all pure science. We want to know whether we are alone in the Universe. We want to know whether life evolves naturally if given the right conditions, or whether there is something very special about the Earth to have fostered the variety of life forms that we see around us on the planet. The simple detection of a radio signal will be sufficient to answer this most basic of all questions. In this sense, SETI is another cog in the machinery of pure science which is continually pushing out the horizon of our knowledge. However, there are other reasons for being interested in whether life exists elsewhere. For example, we have had civilisation on Earth for perhaps only a few thousand years, and the threats of nuclear war and pollution over the last few decades have told us that our survival may be tenuous. Will we last another two thousand years or will we wipe ourselves out? Since the lifetime of a planet like ours is several billion years, we can expect that, if other civilisations do survive in our galaxy, their ages will range from zero to several billion years. Thus any other civilisation that we hear from is likely to be far older, on average, than ourselves. The mere existence of such a civilisation will tell us that long-term survival is possible, and gives us some cause for optimism. It is even possible that the older civilisation may pass on the benefits of their experience in dealing with threats to survival such as nuclear war and global pollution, and other threats that we havent yet discovered. In discussing whether we are alone, most SETI scientists adopt two ground rules. First, UFQs (Unidentified Flying Objects) are generally ignored since most scientists dont consider the evidence for them to be strong enough to bear serious consideration (although it is also important to keep an open mind in case any really convincing evidence emerges in the future). Second, we make a very conservative assumption that we are looking for a life form that is pretty well like us, since if it differs radically from us we may well not recognise it as a life form, quite apart from whether we are able to communicate with it. In other words, the life form we are looking for may well have two green heads and seven fingers, but it will nevertheless resemble us in that it should communicate with its fellows, be interested in the Universe, live on a planet orbiting a star like our Sun, and perhaps most restrictively, have a chemistry, like us, based on carbon and water. Even when we make these assumptions, our understanding of other life forms is still severely limited. We do not even know, for example, how many stars have planets, and we certainly do not know how likely it is that life will arise naturally, given the right conditions. However, when we look at the 100 billion stars in our galaxy (the Milky Way), and 100 billion galaxies in the observable Universe, it seems inconceivable that at least one of these planets does not have a life form on it; in fact, the best educated guess we can make, using the little that we do know about the conditions for carbon-based life, leads us to estimate that perhaps one in 100,000 stars might have a life-bearing planet orbiting it. That means that our nearest neighbours are perhaps 100 light years away, which is almost next door in astronomical terms. An alien civilisation could choose many different ways of sending information across the galaxy, but many of these either require too much energy, or else are severely attenuated while traversing the vast distances across the galaxy. It turns out that, for a given amount of transmitted power, radio waves in the frequency range 1000 to 3000 MHz travel the greatest distance, and so all searches to date have concentrated on looking for radio waves in this frequency range. So far there have been a number of searches by various groups around the world, including Australian searches using the radio telescope at Parkes, New South Wales. Until now there 62have not been any detections from the few hundred stars which have been searched. The scale of the searches has been increased dramatically since 1992, when the US Congress voted NASA $10 million per year for ten years to conduct a thorough search for extra-terrestrial life. Much of the money in this project is being spent on developing the special hardware needed to search many frequencies at once. The project has two parts. One part is a targeted search using the worlds largest radio telescopes, the American-operated telescope in Arecibo, Puerto Rico and the French telescope in Nancy in France. This part of the project is searching the nearest 1000 likely stars with high sensitivity for signals in the frequency range 1000 to 3000 MHz. The other part of the project is an undirected search which is monitoring all of space with a lower sensitivity, using the smaller antennas of NASAs Deep Space Network. There is considerable debate over how we should react if we detect a signal from an alien civilisation. Everybody agrees that we should not reply immediately. Quite apart from the impracticality of sending a reply over such large distances at short notice, it raises a host of ethical questions that would have to be addressed by the global community before any reply could be sent. Would the human race face the culture shock if faced with a superior and much older civilisation? Luckily, there is no urgency about this. The stars being searched are hundreds of light years away, so it takes hundreds of years for their signal to reach us, and a further few hundred years for our reply to reach them. Its not important, then, if theres a delay of a few years, or decades, while the human race debates the question of whether to reply, and perhaps carefully drafts a reply. | The NASA project attracted criticism from some members of Congress. | neutral |
id_6512 | The Search for Extra-terrestrial Intelligence The question of whether we are alone in the Universe has haunted humanity for centuries, but we may now stand poised on the brink of the answer to that question, as we search for radio signals from other intelligent civilisations. This search, often known by the acronym SETI (search for extra-terrestrial intelligence], is a difficult one. Although groups around the world have been searching intermittently for three decades, it is only now that we have reached the level of technology where we can make a determined attempt to search all nearby stars for any sign of life. The primary reason for the search is basic curiosity - the same curiosity about the natural world that drives all pure science. We want to know whether we are alone in the Universe. We want to know whether life evolves naturally if given the right conditions, or whether there is something very special about the Earth to have fostered the variety of life forms that we see around us on the planet. The simple detection of a radio signal will be sufficient to answer this most basic of all questions. In this sense, SETI is another cog in the machinery of pure science which is continually pushing out the horizon of our knowledge. However, there are other reasons for being interested in whether life exists elsewhere. For example, we have had civilisation on Earth for perhaps only a few thousand years, and the threats of nuclear war and pollution over the last few decades have told us that our survival may be tenuous. Will we last another two thousand years or will we wipe ourselves out? Since the lifetime of a planet like ours is several billion years, we can expect that, if other civilisations do survive in our galaxy, their ages will range from zero to several billion years. Thus any other civilisation that we hear from is likely to be far older, on average, than ourselves. The mere existence of such a civilisation will tell us that long-term survival is possible, and gives us some cause for optimism. It is even possible that the older civilisation may pass on the benefits of their experience in dealing with threats to survival such as nuclear war and global pollution, and other threats that we havent yet discovered. In discussing whether we are alone, most SETI scientists adopt two ground rules. First, UFQs (Unidentified Flying Objects) are generally ignored since most scientists dont consider the evidence for them to be strong enough to bear serious consideration (although it is also important to keep an open mind in case any really convincing evidence emerges in the future). Second, we make a very conservative assumption that we are looking for a life form that is pretty well like us, since if it differs radically from us we may well not recognise it as a life form, quite apart from whether we are able to communicate with it. In other words, the life form we are looking for may well have two green heads and seven fingers, but it will nevertheless resemble us in that it should communicate with its fellows, be interested in the Universe, live on a planet orbiting a star like our Sun, and perhaps most restrictively, have a chemistry, like us, based on carbon and water. Even when we make these assumptions, our understanding of other life forms is still severely limited. We do not even know, for example, how many stars have planets, and we certainly do not know how likely it is that life will arise naturally, given the right conditions. However, when we look at the 100 billion stars in our galaxy (the Milky Way), and 100 billion galaxies in the observable Universe, it seems inconceivable that at least one of these planets does not have a life form on it; in fact, the best educated guess we can make, using the little that we do know about the conditions for carbon-based life, leads us to estimate that perhaps one in 100,000 stars might have a life-bearing planet orbiting it. That means that our nearest neighbours are perhaps 100 light years away, which is almost next door in astronomical terms. An alien civilisation could choose many different ways of sending information across the galaxy, but many of these either require too much energy, or else are severely attenuated while traversing the vast distances across the galaxy. It turns out that, for a given amount of transmitted power, radio waves in the frequency range 1000 to 3000 MHz travel the greatest distance, and so all searches to date have concentrated on looking for radio waves in this frequency range. So far there have been a number of searches by various groups around the world, including Australian searches using the radio telescope at Parkes, New South Wales. Until now there 62have not been any detections from the few hundred stars which have been searched. The scale of the searches has been increased dramatically since 1992, when the US Congress voted NASA $10 million per year for ten years to conduct a thorough search for extra-terrestrial life. Much of the money in this project is being spent on developing the special hardware needed to search many frequencies at once. The project has two parts. One part is a targeted search using the worlds largest radio telescopes, the American-operated telescope in Arecibo, Puerto Rico and the French telescope in Nancy in France. This part of the project is searching the nearest 1000 likely stars with high sensitivity for signals in the frequency range 1000 to 3000 MHz. The other part of the project is an undirected search which is monitoring all of space with a lower sensitivity, using the smaller antennas of NASAs Deep Space Network. There is considerable debate over how we should react if we detect a signal from an alien civilisation. Everybody agrees that we should not reply immediately. Quite apart from the impracticality of sending a reply over such large distances at short notice, it raises a host of ethical questions that would have to be addressed by the global community before any reply could be sent. Would the human race face the culture shock if faced with a superior and much older civilisation? Luckily, there is no urgency about this. The stars being searched are hundreds of light years away, so it takes hundreds of years for their signal to reach us, and a further few hundred years for our reply to reach them. Its not important, then, if theres a delay of a few years, or decades, while the human race debates the question of whether to reply, and perhaps carefully drafts a reply. | Alien civilisations may be able to help the human race to overcome serious problems. | entailment |
id_6513 | The Search for Extra-terrestrial Intelligence The question of whether we are alone in the Universe has haunted humanity for centuries, but we may now stand poised on the brink of the answer to that question, as we search for radio signals from other intelligent civilisations. This search, often known by the acronym SETI (search for extra-terrestrial intelligence], is a difficult one. Although groups around the world have been searching intermittently for three decades, it is only now that we have reached the level of technology where we can make a determined attempt to search all nearby stars for any sign of life. The primary reason for the search is basic curiosity - the same curiosity about the natural world that drives all pure science. We want to know whether we are alone in the Universe. We want to know whether life evolves naturally if given the right conditions, or whether there is something very special about the Earth to have fostered the variety of life forms that we see around us on the planet. The simple detection of a radio signal will be sufficient to answer this most basic of all questions. In this sense, SETI is another cog in the machinery of pure science which is continually pushing out the horizon of our knowledge. However, there are other reasons for being interested in whether life exists elsewhere. For example, we have had civilisation on Earth for perhaps only a few thousand years, and the threats of nuclear war and pollution over the last few decades have told us that our survival may be tenuous. Will we last another two thousand years or will we wipe ourselves out? Since the lifetime of a planet like ours is several billion years, we can expect that, if other civilisations do survive in our galaxy, their ages will range from zero to several billion years. Thus any other civilisation that we hear from is likely to be far older, on average, than ourselves. The mere existence of such a civilisation will tell us that long-term survival is possible, and gives us some cause for optimism. It is even possible that the older civilisation may pass on the benefits of their experience in dealing with threats to survival such as nuclear war and global pollution, and other threats that we havent yet discovered. In discussing whether we are alone, most SETI scientists adopt two ground rules. First, UFQs (Unidentified Flying Objects) are generally ignored since most scientists dont consider the evidence for them to be strong enough to bear serious consideration (although it is also important to keep an open mind in case any really convincing evidence emerges in the future). Second, we make a very conservative assumption that we are looking for a life form that is pretty well like us, since if it differs radically from us we may well not recognise it as a life form, quite apart from whether we are able to communicate with it. In other words, the life form we are looking for may well have two green heads and seven fingers, but it will nevertheless resemble us in that it should communicate with its fellows, be interested in the Universe, live on a planet orbiting a star like our Sun, and perhaps most restrictively, have a chemistry, like us, based on carbon and water. Even when we make these assumptions, our understanding of other life forms is still severely limited. We do not even know, for example, how many stars have planets, and we certainly do not know how likely it is that life will arise naturally, given the right conditions. However, when we look at the 100 billion stars in our galaxy (the Milky Way), and 100 billion galaxies in the observable Universe, it seems inconceivable that at least one of these planets does not have a life form on it; in fact, the best educated guess we can make, using the little that we do know about the conditions for carbon-based life, leads us to estimate that perhaps one in 100,000 stars might have a life-bearing planet orbiting it. That means that our nearest neighbours are perhaps 100 light years away, which is almost next door in astronomical terms. An alien civilisation could choose many different ways of sending information across the galaxy, but many of these either require too much energy, or else are severely attenuated while traversing the vast distances across the galaxy. It turns out that, for a given amount of transmitted power, radio waves in the frequency range 1000 to 3000 MHz travel the greatest distance, and so all searches to date have concentrated on looking for radio waves in this frequency range. So far there have been a number of searches by various groups around the world, including Australian searches using the radio telescope at Parkes, New South Wales. Until now there 62have not been any detections from the few hundred stars which have been searched. The scale of the searches has been increased dramatically since 1992, when the US Congress voted NASA $10 million per year for ten years to conduct a thorough search for extra-terrestrial life. Much of the money in this project is being spent on developing the special hardware needed to search many frequencies at once. The project has two parts. One part is a targeted search using the worlds largest radio telescopes, the American-operated telescope in Arecibo, Puerto Rico and the French telescope in Nancy in France. This part of the project is searching the nearest 1000 likely stars with high sensitivity for signals in the frequency range 1000 to 3000 MHz. The other part of the project is an undirected search which is monitoring all of space with a lower sensitivity, using the smaller antennas of NASAs Deep Space Network. There is considerable debate over how we should react if we detect a signal from an alien civilisation. Everybody agrees that we should not reply immediately. Quite apart from the impracticality of sending a reply over such large distances at short notice, it raises a host of ethical questions that would have to be addressed by the global community before any reply could be sent. Would the human race face the culture shock if faced with a superior and much older civilisation? Luckily, there is no urgency about this. The stars being searched are hundreds of light years away, so it takes hundreds of years for their signal to reach us, and a further few hundred years for our reply to reach them. Its not important, then, if theres a delay of a few years, or decades, while the human race debates the question of whether to reply, and perhaps carefully drafts a reply. | The Americans and Australians have co-operated on joint research projects. | neutral |
id_6514 | The Search for the Anti-aging Pill. In government laboratories and elsewhere, scientists are seeking a drug able to prolong life and youthful vigor. Studies of caloric restriction are showing the way As researchers on aging noted recently, no treatment on the market today has been proved to slow human aging the build-up of molecular and cellular damage that increases vulnerability to infirmity as we grow older. But one intervention, consumption of a low-calorie*yet nutritionally balanced diet, works incredibly well in a broad range of animals, increasing longevity and prolonging good health. Those findings suggest that caloric restriction could delay aging and increase longevity in humans, too. Unfortunately, for maximum benefit, people would probably have to reduce their caloric intake by roughly thirty per cent, equivalent to dropping from 2,500 calories a day to 1,750. Few mortals could stick to that harsh a regimen, especially for years on end. But what if someone could create a pill that mimicked the physiological effects of eating less without actually forcing people to eat less? Could such a caloric-restriction mimetic, as we call it, enable people to stay healthy longer, postponing age-related disorders (such as diabetes, arteriosclerosis, heart disease and cancer) until very late in life? Scientists first posed this question in the mid-1990s, after researchers came upon a chemical agent that in rodents seemed to reproduce many of caloric restrictions benefits. No compound that would safely achieve the same feat in people has been found yet, but the search has been informative and has fanned hope that caloric-restriction (CR) mimetics can indeed be developed eventually. The benefits of caloric restriction The hunt for CR mimetics grew out of a desire to better understand caloric restrictions many effects on the body. Scientists first recognized the value of the practice more than 60 years ago, when they found that rats fed a low-calorie diet lived longer on average than free-feeding rats and also had a reduced incidence of conditions that become increasingly common in old age. What is more, some of the treated animals survived longer than the oldest-living animals in the control group, which means that the maximum lifespan (the oldest attainable age), not merely the normal lifespan, increased. Various interventions, such as infection-fighting drugs, can increase a populations average survival time, but only approaches that slow the bodys rate of aging will increase the maximum lifespan. The rat findings have been replicated many times and extended to creatures ranging from yeast to fruit flies, worms, fish, spiders, mice and hamsters. Until fairly recently, the studies were limited to short-lived creatures genetically distant from humans. But caloric-restriction projects underway in two species more closely related to humans rhesus and squirrel monkeys have made scientists optimistic that CR mimetics could help people. calorie: a measure of the energy value of food The monkey projects demonstrate that, compared with control animals that eat normally, caloric-restricted monkeys have lower body temperatures and levels of the pancreatic hormone insulin, and they retain more youthful levels of certain hormones that tend to fall with age. The caloric-restricted animals also look better on indicators of risk for age-related diseases. For example, they have lower blood pressure and triglyceride levels (signifying a decreased likelihood of heart disease), and they have more normal blood glucose levels (pointing to a reduced risk for diabetes, which is marked by unusually high blood glucose levels). Further, it has recently been shown that rhesus monkeys kept on caloric-restricted diets for an extended time (nearly 15 years) have less chronic disease. They and the other monkeys must be followed still longer, however, to know whether low-calorie intake can increase both average and maximum life spans in monkeys. Unlike the multitude of elixirs being touted as the latest anti-aging cure, CR mimetics would alter fundamental processes that underlie aging. We aim to develop compounds that fool cells into activating maintenance and repair. How a prototype caloric-restriction mimetic works The best-studied candidate for a caloric-restriction mimetic, 2DG (2-deoxy-D-glucose), works by interfering with the way cells process glucose. It has proved toxic at some doses in animals and so cannot be used in humans. But it has demonstrated that chemicals can replicate the effects of caloric restriction; the trick is finding the right one. Cells use the glucose from food to generate ATP (adenosine triphosphate), the molecule that powers many activities in the body. By limiting food intake, caloric restriction minimizes the amount of glucose entering cells and decreases ATP generation. When 2DG is administered to animals that eat normally, glucose reaches cells in abundance but the drug prevents most of it from being processed and thus reduces ATP synthesis. Researchers have proposed several explanations for why interruption of glucose processing and ATP production might retard aging. One possibility relates to the ATP-making machinerys emission of free radicals, which are thought to contribute to aging and to such age-related diseases as cancer by damaging cells. Reduced operation of the machinery should limit their production and thereby constrain the damage. Another hypothesis suggests that decreased processing of glucose could indicate to cells that food is scarce (even if it isn't) and induce them to shift into an anti-aging mode that emphasizes preservation of the organism over such luxuries as growth and reproduction. | Studies show drugs available today can delay the process of growing old. | contradiction |
id_6515 | The Search for the Anti-aging Pill. In government laboratories and elsewhere, scientists are seeking a drug able to prolong life and youthful vigor. Studies of caloric restriction are showing the way As researchers on aging noted recently, no treatment on the market today has been proved to slow human aging the build-up of molecular and cellular damage that increases vulnerability to infirmity as we grow older. But one intervention, consumption of a low-calorie*yet nutritionally balanced diet, works incredibly well in a broad range of animals, increasing longevity and prolonging good health. Those findings suggest that caloric restriction could delay aging and increase longevity in humans, too. Unfortunately, for maximum benefit, people would probably have to reduce their caloric intake by roughly thirty per cent, equivalent to dropping from 2,500 calories a day to 1,750. Few mortals could stick to that harsh a regimen, especially for years on end. But what if someone could create a pill that mimicked the physiological effects of eating less without actually forcing people to eat less? Could such a caloric-restriction mimetic, as we call it, enable people to stay healthy longer, postponing age-related disorders (such as diabetes, arteriosclerosis, heart disease and cancer) until very late in life? Scientists first posed this question in the mid-1990s, after researchers came upon a chemical agent that in rodents seemed to reproduce many of caloric restrictions benefits. No compound that would safely achieve the same feat in people has been found yet, but the search has been informative and has fanned hope that caloric-restriction (CR) mimetics can indeed be developed eventually. The benefits of caloric restriction The hunt for CR mimetics grew out of a desire to better understand caloric restrictions many effects on the body. Scientists first recognized the value of the practice more than 60 years ago, when they found that rats fed a low-calorie diet lived longer on average than free-feeding rats and also had a reduced incidence of conditions that become increasingly common in old age. What is more, some of the treated animals survived longer than the oldest-living animals in the control group, which means that the maximum lifespan (the oldest attainable age), not merely the normal lifespan, increased. Various interventions, such as infection-fighting drugs, can increase a populations average survival time, but only approaches that slow the bodys rate of aging will increase the maximum lifespan. The rat findings have been replicated many times and extended to creatures ranging from yeast to fruit flies, worms, fish, spiders, mice and hamsters. Until fairly recently, the studies were limited to short-lived creatures genetically distant from humans. But caloric-restriction projects underway in two species more closely related to humans rhesus and squirrel monkeys have made scientists optimistic that CR mimetics could help people. calorie: a measure of the energy value of food The monkey projects demonstrate that, compared with control animals that eat normally, caloric-restricted monkeys have lower body temperatures and levels of the pancreatic hormone insulin, and they retain more youthful levels of certain hormones that tend to fall with age. The caloric-restricted animals also look better on indicators of risk for age-related diseases. For example, they have lower blood pressure and triglyceride levels (signifying a decreased likelihood of heart disease), and they have more normal blood glucose levels (pointing to a reduced risk for diabetes, which is marked by unusually high blood glucose levels). Further, it has recently been shown that rhesus monkeys kept on caloric-restricted diets for an extended time (nearly 15 years) have less chronic disease. They and the other monkeys must be followed still longer, however, to know whether low-calorie intake can increase both average and maximum life spans in monkeys. Unlike the multitude of elixirs being touted as the latest anti-aging cure, CR mimetics would alter fundamental processes that underlie aging. We aim to develop compounds that fool cells into activating maintenance and repair. How a prototype caloric-restriction mimetic works The best-studied candidate for a caloric-restriction mimetic, 2DG (2-deoxy-D-glucose), works by interfering with the way cells process glucose. It has proved toxic at some doses in animals and so cannot be used in humans. But it has demonstrated that chemicals can replicate the effects of caloric restriction; the trick is finding the right one. Cells use the glucose from food to generate ATP (adenosine triphosphate), the molecule that powers many activities in the body. By limiting food intake, caloric restriction minimizes the amount of glucose entering cells and decreases ATP generation. When 2DG is administered to animals that eat normally, glucose reaches cells in abundance but the drug prevents most of it from being processed and thus reduces ATP synthesis. Researchers have proposed several explanations for why interruption of glucose processing and ATP production might retard aging. One possibility relates to the ATP-making machinerys emission of free radicals, which are thought to contribute to aging and to such age-related diseases as cancer by damaging cells. Reduced operation of the machinery should limit their production and thereby constrain the damage. Another hypothesis suggests that decreased processing of glucose could indicate to cells that food is scarce (even if it isn't) and induce them to shift into an anti-aging mode that emphasizes preservation of the organism over such luxuries as growth and reproduction. | There is scientific evidence that eating fewer calories may extend human life. | entailment |
id_6516 | The Search for the Anti-aging Pill. In government laboratories and elsewhere, scientists are seeking a drug able to prolong life and youthful vigor. Studies of caloric restriction are showing the way As researchers on aging noted recently, no treatment on the market today has been proved to slow human aging the build-up of molecular and cellular damage that increases vulnerability to infirmity as we grow older. But one intervention, consumption of a low-calorie*yet nutritionally balanced diet, works incredibly well in a broad range of animals, increasing longevity and prolonging good health. Those findings suggest that caloric restriction could delay aging and increase longevity in humans, too. Unfortunately, for maximum benefit, people would probably have to reduce their caloric intake by roughly thirty per cent, equivalent to dropping from 2,500 calories a day to 1,750. Few mortals could stick to that harsh a regimen, especially for years on end. But what if someone could create a pill that mimicked the physiological effects of eating less without actually forcing people to eat less? Could such a caloric-restriction mimetic, as we call it, enable people to stay healthy longer, postponing age-related disorders (such as diabetes, arteriosclerosis, heart disease and cancer) until very late in life? Scientists first posed this question in the mid-1990s, after researchers came upon a chemical agent that in rodents seemed to reproduce many of caloric restrictions benefits. No compound that would safely achieve the same feat in people has been found yet, but the search has been informative and has fanned hope that caloric-restriction (CR) mimetics can indeed be developed eventually. The benefits of caloric restriction The hunt for CR mimetics grew out of a desire to better understand caloric restrictions many effects on the body. Scientists first recognized the value of the practice more than 60 years ago, when they found that rats fed a low-calorie diet lived longer on average than free-feeding rats and also had a reduced incidence of conditions that become increasingly common in old age. What is more, some of the treated animals survived longer than the oldest-living animals in the control group, which means that the maximum lifespan (the oldest attainable age), not merely the normal lifespan, increased. Various interventions, such as infection-fighting drugs, can increase a populations average survival time, but only approaches that slow the bodys rate of aging will increase the maximum lifespan. The rat findings have been replicated many times and extended to creatures ranging from yeast to fruit flies, worms, fish, spiders, mice and hamsters. Until fairly recently, the studies were limited to short-lived creatures genetically distant from humans. But caloric-restriction projects underway in two species more closely related to humans rhesus and squirrel monkeys have made scientists optimistic that CR mimetics could help people. calorie: a measure of the energy value of food The monkey projects demonstrate that, compared with control animals that eat normally, caloric-restricted monkeys have lower body temperatures and levels of the pancreatic hormone insulin, and they retain more youthful levels of certain hormones that tend to fall with age. The caloric-restricted animals also look better on indicators of risk for age-related diseases. For example, they have lower blood pressure and triglyceride levels (signifying a decreased likelihood of heart disease), and they have more normal blood glucose levels (pointing to a reduced risk for diabetes, which is marked by unusually high blood glucose levels). Further, it has recently been shown that rhesus monkeys kept on caloric-restricted diets for an extended time (nearly 15 years) have less chronic disease. They and the other monkeys must be followed still longer, however, to know whether low-calorie intake can increase both average and maximum life spans in monkeys. Unlike the multitude of elixirs being touted as the latest anti-aging cure, CR mimetics would alter fundamental processes that underlie aging. We aim to develop compounds that fool cells into activating maintenance and repair. How a prototype caloric-restriction mimetic works The best-studied candidate for a caloric-restriction mimetic, 2DG (2-deoxy-D-glucose), works by interfering with the way cells process glucose. It has proved toxic at some doses in animals and so cannot be used in humans. But it has demonstrated that chemicals can replicate the effects of caloric restriction; the trick is finding the right one. Cells use the glucose from food to generate ATP (adenosine triphosphate), the molecule that powers many activities in the body. By limiting food intake, caloric restriction minimizes the amount of glucose entering cells and decreases ATP generation. When 2DG is administered to animals that eat normally, glucose reaches cells in abundance but the drug prevents most of it from being processed and thus reduces ATP synthesis. Researchers have proposed several explanations for why interruption of glucose processing and ATP production might retard aging. One possibility relates to the ATP-making machinerys emission of free radicals, which are thought to contribute to aging and to such age-related diseases as cancer by damaging cells. Reduced operation of the machinery should limit their production and thereby constrain the damage. Another hypothesis suggests that decreased processing of glucose could indicate to cells that food is scarce (even if it isn't) and induce them to shift into an anti-aging mode that emphasizes preservation of the organism over such luxuries as growth and reproduction. | Not many people are likely to find a caloric-restricted diet attractive. | entailment |
id_6517 | The Search for the Anti-aging Pill. In government laboratories and elsewhere, scientists are seeking a drug able to prolong life and youthful vigor. Studies of caloric restriction are showing the way As researchers on aging noted recently, no treatment on the market today has been proved to slow human aging the build-up of molecular and cellular damage that increases vulnerability to infirmity as we grow older. But one intervention, consumption of a low-calorie*yet nutritionally balanced diet, works incredibly well in a broad range of animals, increasing longevity and prolonging good health. Those findings suggest that caloric restriction could delay aging and increase longevity in humans, too. Unfortunately, for maximum benefit, people would probably have to reduce their caloric intake by roughly thirty per cent, equivalent to dropping from 2,500 calories a day to 1,750. Few mortals could stick to that harsh a regimen, especially for years on end. But what if someone could create a pill that mimicked the physiological effects of eating less without actually forcing people to eat less? Could such a caloric-restriction mimetic, as we call it, enable people to stay healthy longer, postponing age-related disorders (such as diabetes, arteriosclerosis, heart disease and cancer) until very late in life? Scientists first posed this question in the mid-1990s, after researchers came upon a chemical agent that in rodents seemed to reproduce many of caloric restrictions benefits. No compound that would safely achieve the same feat in people has been found yet, but the search has been informative and has fanned hope that caloric-restriction (CR) mimetics can indeed be developed eventually. The benefits of caloric restriction The hunt for CR mimetics grew out of a desire to better understand caloric restrictions many effects on the body. Scientists first recognized the value of the practice more than 60 years ago, when they found that rats fed a low-calorie diet lived longer on average than free-feeding rats and also had a reduced incidence of conditions that become increasingly common in old age. What is more, some of the treated animals survived longer than the oldest-living animals in the control group, which means that the maximum lifespan (the oldest attainable age), not merely the normal lifespan, increased. Various interventions, such as infection-fighting drugs, can increase a populations average survival time, but only approaches that slow the bodys rate of aging will increase the maximum lifespan. The rat findings have been replicated many times and extended to creatures ranging from yeast to fruit flies, worms, fish, spiders, mice and hamsters. Until fairly recently, the studies were limited to short-lived creatures genetically distant from humans. But caloric-restriction projects underway in two species more closely related to humans rhesus and squirrel monkeys have made scientists optimistic that CR mimetics could help people. calorie: a measure of the energy value of food The monkey projects demonstrate that, compared with control animals that eat normally, caloric-restricted monkeys have lower body temperatures and levels of the pancreatic hormone insulin, and they retain more youthful levels of certain hormones that tend to fall with age. The caloric-restricted animals also look better on indicators of risk for age-related diseases. For example, they have lower blood pressure and triglyceride levels (signifying a decreased likelihood of heart disease), and they have more normal blood glucose levels (pointing to a reduced risk for diabetes, which is marked by unusually high blood glucose levels). Further, it has recently been shown that rhesus monkeys kept on caloric-restricted diets for an extended time (nearly 15 years) have less chronic disease. They and the other monkeys must be followed still longer, however, to know whether low-calorie intake can increase both average and maximum life spans in monkeys. Unlike the multitude of elixirs being touted as the latest anti-aging cure, CR mimetics would alter fundamental processes that underlie aging. We aim to develop compounds that fool cells into activating maintenance and repair. How a prototype caloric-restriction mimetic works The best-studied candidate for a caloric-restriction mimetic, 2DG (2-deoxy-D-glucose), works by interfering with the way cells process glucose. It has proved toxic at some doses in animals and so cannot be used in humans. But it has demonstrated that chemicals can replicate the effects of caloric restriction; the trick is finding the right one. Cells use the glucose from food to generate ATP (adenosine triphosphate), the molecule that powers many activities in the body. By limiting food intake, caloric restriction minimizes the amount of glucose entering cells and decreases ATP generation. When 2DG is administered to animals that eat normally, glucose reaches cells in abundance but the drug prevents most of it from being processed and thus reduces ATP synthesis. Researchers have proposed several explanations for why interruption of glucose processing and ATP production might retard aging. One possibility relates to the ATP-making machinerys emission of free radicals, which are thought to contribute to aging and to such age-related diseases as cancer by damaging cells. Reduced operation of the machinery should limit their production and thereby constrain the damage. Another hypothesis suggests that decreased processing of glucose could indicate to cells that food is scarce (even if it isn't) and induce them to shift into an anti-aging mode that emphasizes preservation of the organism over such luxuries as growth and reproduction. | Diet-related diseases are common in older people. | neutral |
id_6518 | The Search for the Anti-aging Pill. In government laboratories and elsewhere, scientists are seeking a drug able to prolong life and youthful vigor. Studies of caloric restriction are showing the way As researchers on aging noted recently, no treatment on the market today has been proved to slow human aging the build-up of molecular and cellular damage that increases vulnerability to infirmity as we grow older. But one intervention, consumption of a low-calorie*yet nutritionally balanced diet, works incredibly well in a broad range of animals, increasing longevity and prolonging good health. Those findings suggest that caloric restriction could delay aging and increase longevity in humans, too. Unfortunately, for maximum benefit, people would probably have to reduce their caloric intake by roughly thirty per cent, equivalent to dropping from 2,500 calories a day to 1,750. Few mortals could stick to that harsh a regimen, especially for years on end. But what if someone could create a pill that mimicked the physiological effects of eating less without actually forcing people to eat less? Could such a caloric-restriction mimetic, as we call it, enable people to stay healthy longer, postponing age-related disorders (such as diabetes, arteriosclerosis, heart disease and cancer) until very late in life? Scientists first posed this question in the mid-1990s, after researchers came upon a chemical agent that in rodents seemed to reproduce many of caloric restrictions benefits. No compound that would safely achieve the same feat in people has been found yet, but the search has been informative and has fanned hope that caloric-restriction (CR) mimetics can indeed be developed eventually. The benefits of caloric restriction The hunt for CR mimetics grew out of a desire to better understand caloric restrictions many effects on the body. Scientists first recognized the value of the practice more than 60 years ago, when they found that rats fed a low-calorie diet lived longer on average than free-feeding rats and also had a reduced incidence of conditions that become increasingly common in old age. What is more, some of the treated animals survived longer than the oldest-living animals in the control group, which means that the maximum lifespan (the oldest attainable age), not merely the normal lifespan, increased. Various interventions, such as infection-fighting drugs, can increase a populations average survival time, but only approaches that slow the bodys rate of aging will increase the maximum lifespan. The rat findings have been replicated many times and extended to creatures ranging from yeast to fruit flies, worms, fish, spiders, mice and hamsters. Until fairly recently, the studies were limited to short-lived creatures genetically distant from humans. But caloric-restriction projects underway in two species more closely related to humans rhesus and squirrel monkeys have made scientists optimistic that CR mimetics could help people. calorie: a measure of the energy value of food The monkey projects demonstrate that, compared with control animals that eat normally, caloric-restricted monkeys have lower body temperatures and levels of the pancreatic hormone insulin, and they retain more youthful levels of certain hormones that tend to fall with age. The caloric-restricted animals also look better on indicators of risk for age-related diseases. For example, they have lower blood pressure and triglyceride levels (signifying a decreased likelihood of heart disease), and they have more normal blood glucose levels (pointing to a reduced risk for diabetes, which is marked by unusually high blood glucose levels). Further, it has recently been shown that rhesus monkeys kept on caloric-restricted diets for an extended time (nearly 15 years) have less chronic disease. They and the other monkeys must be followed still longer, however, to know whether low-calorie intake can increase both average and maximum life spans in monkeys. Unlike the multitude of elixirs being touted as the latest anti-aging cure, CR mimetics would alter fundamental processes that underlie aging. We aim to develop compounds that fool cells into activating maintenance and repair. How a prototype caloric-restriction mimetic works The best-studied candidate for a caloric-restriction mimetic, 2DG (2-deoxy-D-glucose), works by interfering with the way cells process glucose. It has proved toxic at some doses in animals and so cannot be used in humans. But it has demonstrated that chemicals can replicate the effects of caloric restriction; the trick is finding the right one. Cells use the glucose from food to generate ATP (adenosine triphosphate), the molecule that powers many activities in the body. By limiting food intake, caloric restriction minimizes the amount of glucose entering cells and decreases ATP generation. When 2DG is administered to animals that eat normally, glucose reaches cells in abundance but the drug prevents most of it from being processed and thus reduces ATP synthesis. Researchers have proposed several explanations for why interruption of glucose processing and ATP production might retard aging. One possibility relates to the ATP-making machinerys emission of free radicals, which are thought to contribute to aging and to such age-related diseases as cancer by damaging cells. Reduced operation of the machinery should limit their production and thereby constrain the damage. Another hypothesis suggests that decreased processing of glucose could indicate to cells that food is scarce (even if it isn't) and induce them to shift into an anti-aging mode that emphasizes preservation of the organism over such luxuries as growth and reproduction. | In experiments, rats who ate what they wanted led shorter liver than rats on a low-calorie diet. | entailment |
id_6519 | The Secrets of Persuasion A. Our mother may have told you the secret to getting what you ask for was to say please. The reality is rather more surprising. Adam Dudding talks to a psychologist who has made a life's work from the science of persuasion. Some scientists peer at things through high-powered microscopes. Others goad rats through mazes, or mix bubbling fluids in glass beakers. Robert Cialdini, for his part, does curious things with towels, and believes that by doing so he is discovering important insights into how society works. B. Cialdini's towel experiments (more of them later), are part of his research into how we persuade others to say yes. He wants to know why some people have a knack for bending the will of others, be it a telephone cold-caller talking to you about timeshares, or a parent whose children are compliant even without threatsof extreme violence. While he's anxious not to be seen as the man who's written the bible for snake-oil salesmen, for decades the Arizona State University social psychology professor has been creating systems for the principles and methods of persuasion, and writing bestsellers about them. Some people seem to be born with the skills; Cialdini's claim is that by applying a little science, even those of US who aren't should be able to get our own way more often. "All my life I've been an easy mark for the blandishment of salespeople and fundraisers and I'd always wondered why they could get me to buy things I didn't want and give to causes I hadn't heard of, " says Cialdini on the phone from London, where he is plugging his latest book. C. He found that laboratory experiments on the psychology of persuasion were telling only part of the story, so he began to research influence in the real world, enrolling in sales-training programmes: "I learn how to sell automobiles from a lot, how to sell insurance from an office, how to sell encyclopedias door to door. " He concluded there were six general "principles of influence" and has since put them to the test under slightly more scientific conditions. Most recently, that has meant messing about with towels. Many hotels leave a little card in each bathroom asking guests to reuse towels and thus conserve water and electricity and reduce pollution. Cialdini and his colleagues wanted to test the relative effectiveness of different words on those cards. Would guests be motivated to cooperate simply because it would help save the planet, or were other factors more compelling? To test this, the researchers changed the card's message from an environmental one to the simple (and truthful) statement that the majority of guests at the hotel had reused their towel at least once. Guests given this message were 26% more likely to reuse their towels than those given the old message. In Cialdini's book "Yes! 50 Secrets from the Science of Persuasion", co-written with another social scientist and a business consultant, he explains that guests were responding to the persuasive force of "social proof', the idea that our decisions are strongly influenced by what we believe other people like US are doing. D. So much for towels. Cialdini has also learnt a lot from confectionery. Yes! cites the work of New Jersey behavioural scientist David Strohmetz, who wanted to see how restaurant patrons would respond to a ridiculously small favour from their food server, in the form of an after-dinner chocolate for each diner. The secret, it seems, is in how you give the chocolate. When the chocolates arrived in a heap with the bill, tips went up a miserly 3% compared to when no chocolate was given. But when the chocolates were dropped individually in front of each diner, tips went up 14%. The scientific breakthrough, though, came when the waitress gave each diner one chocolate, headed away from the table then doubled back to give them one more each, as if such generosity had only just occurred to her. Tips went up 23%. This is "reciprocity" in action: we want to return favours done to US, often without bothering to calculate the relative value of what is being received and given. E. Geeling Ng, operations manager at Auckland's Soul Bar, says she's never heard of Kiwi waiting staff using such a cynical trick, not least because New Zealand tipping culture is so different from that of the US: "If you did that in New Zealand, as diners were leaving they'd say 'can we have some more? " ' But she certainly understands the general principle of reciprocity. The way to a diner's heart is "to give them something they're not expecting in the way of service. It might be something as small as leaving a mint on their plate, or it might be remembering that last time they were in they wanted their water with no ice and no lemon. "In America it would translate into an instant tip. In New Zealand it translates into a huge smile and thank you. " And no doubt, return visits. THE FIVE PRINCIPLES OF PERSUASIONF. Reciprocity: People want to give back to those who have given to them. The trick here is to get in first. That's why charities put a crummy pen inside a mailout, and why smiling women in supermarkets hand out dollops of free food. Scarcity: People want more of things they can have less of. Advertisers ruthlessly exploit scarcity ("limit four per customer", "sale must end soon"), and Cialdini suggests parents do too: "Kids want things that are less available, so say 'this is an unusual opportunity; you can only have this for a certain time'. " G. Authority: We trust people who know what they're talking about. So inform people honestly of your credentials before you set out to influence them. "You'd be surprised how many people fail to do that, " says Cialdini. "They feel it's impolite to talk about then expertise. " In one study, therapists whose patients wouldn't do then exercises were advised to display then qualification certificates prominently. They did, and experienced an immediate leap in patient compliance. H. Commitment/consistency: We want to act in a way that is consistent with the commitments we have already made. Exploit this to get a higher sign-up rate when soliciting charitable donations. Ffrst ask workmates if they think they will sponsor you on your egg-and-spoon marathon. Later, return with the sponsorship form to those who said yes and remind them of their earlier commitment/ I. Liking: We say yes more often to people we like. Obvious enough, but reasons for "liking" can be weird. In one study, people were sent survey forms and asked to return them to a named researcher. When the researcher gave a fake name resembling that of the subject (eg, Cynthia Johnson is sent a survey by "Cindy Johansen"), surveys were twice as likely to be completed. We favour people who resemble US, even if the resemblance is as minor as the sound of their name. J. Social proof: We decide what to do by looking around to see what others just like US are doing. Useful for parents, says Cialdini. "Find groups of children who are behaving in a way that you would like your child to, because the child looks to the side, rather than at you. " More perniciously, social proof is the force underpinning the competitive materialism of "keeping up with the Joneses" | Elder generation of New Zealand is easily attracted by extra service of restaurants by principle of reciprocity. | neutral |
id_6520 | The Secrets of Persuasion A. Our mother may have told you the secret to getting what you ask for was to say please. The reality is rather more surprising. Adam Dudding talks to a psychologist who has made a life's work from the science of persuasion. Some scientists peer at things through high-powered microscopes. Others goad rats through mazes, or mix bubbling fluids in glass beakers. Robert Cialdini, for his part, does curious things with towels, and believes that by doing so he is discovering important insights into how society works. B. Cialdini's towel experiments (more of them later), are part of his research into how we persuade others to say yes. He wants to know why some people have a knack for bending the will of others, be it a telephone cold-caller talking to you about timeshares, or a parent whose children are compliant even without threatsof extreme violence. While he's anxious not to be seen as the man who's written the bible for snake-oil salesmen, for decades the Arizona State University social psychology professor has been creating systems for the principles and methods of persuasion, and writing bestsellers about them. Some people seem to be born with the skills; Cialdini's claim is that by applying a little science, even those of US who aren't should be able to get our own way more often. "All my life I've been an easy mark for the blandishment of salespeople and fundraisers and I'd always wondered why they could get me to buy things I didn't want and give to causes I hadn't heard of, " says Cialdini on the phone from London, where he is plugging his latest book. C. He found that laboratory experiments on the psychology of persuasion were telling only part of the story, so he began to research influence in the real world, enrolling in sales-training programmes: "I learn how to sell automobiles from a lot, how to sell insurance from an office, how to sell encyclopedias door to door. " He concluded there were six general "principles of influence" and has since put them to the test under slightly more scientific conditions. Most recently, that has meant messing about with towels. Many hotels leave a little card in each bathroom asking guests to reuse towels and thus conserve water and electricity and reduce pollution. Cialdini and his colleagues wanted to test the relative effectiveness of different words on those cards. Would guests be motivated to cooperate simply because it would help save the planet, or were other factors more compelling? To test this, the researchers changed the card's message from an environmental one to the simple (and truthful) statement that the majority of guests at the hotel had reused their towel at least once. Guests given this message were 26% more likely to reuse their towels than those given the old message. In Cialdini's book "Yes! 50 Secrets from the Science of Persuasion", co-written with another social scientist and a business consultant, he explains that guests were responding to the persuasive force of "social proof', the idea that our decisions are strongly influenced by what we believe other people like US are doing. D. So much for towels. Cialdini has also learnt a lot from confectionery. Yes! cites the work of New Jersey behavioural scientist David Strohmetz, who wanted to see how restaurant patrons would respond to a ridiculously small favour from their food server, in the form of an after-dinner chocolate for each diner. The secret, it seems, is in how you give the chocolate. When the chocolates arrived in a heap with the bill, tips went up a miserly 3% compared to when no chocolate was given. But when the chocolates were dropped individually in front of each diner, tips went up 14%. The scientific breakthrough, though, came when the waitress gave each diner one chocolate, headed away from the table then doubled back to give them one more each, as if such generosity had only just occurred to her. Tips went up 23%. This is "reciprocity" in action: we want to return favours done to US, often without bothering to calculate the relative value of what is being received and given. E. Geeling Ng, operations manager at Auckland's Soul Bar, says she's never heard of Kiwi waiting staff using such a cynical trick, not least because New Zealand tipping culture is so different from that of the US: "If you did that in New Zealand, as diners were leaving they'd say 'can we have some more? " ' But she certainly understands the general principle of reciprocity. The way to a diner's heart is "to give them something they're not expecting in the way of service. It might be something as small as leaving a mint on their plate, or it might be remembering that last time they were in they wanted their water with no ice and no lemon. "In America it would translate into an instant tip. In New Zealand it translates into a huge smile and thank you. " And no doubt, return visits. THE FIVE PRINCIPLES OF PERSUASIONF. Reciprocity: People want to give back to those who have given to them. The trick here is to get in first. That's why charities put a crummy pen inside a mailout, and why smiling women in supermarkets hand out dollops of free food. Scarcity: People want more of things they can have less of. Advertisers ruthlessly exploit scarcity ("limit four per customer", "sale must end soon"), and Cialdini suggests parents do too: "Kids want things that are less available, so say 'this is an unusual opportunity; you can only have this for a certain time'. " G. Authority: We trust people who know what they're talking about. So inform people honestly of your credentials before you set out to influence them. "You'd be surprised how many people fail to do that, " says Cialdini. "They feel it's impolite to talk about then expertise. " In one study, therapists whose patients wouldn't do then exercises were advised to display then qualification certificates prominently. They did, and experienced an immediate leap in patient compliance. H. Commitment/consistency: We want to act in a way that is consistent with the commitments we have already made. Exploit this to get a higher sign-up rate when soliciting charitable donations. Ffrst ask workmates if they think they will sponsor you on your egg-and-spoon marathon. Later, return with the sponsorship form to those who said yes and remind them of their earlier commitment/ I. Liking: We say yes more often to people we like. Obvious enough, but reasons for "liking" can be weird. In one study, people were sent survey forms and asked to return them to a named researcher. When the researcher gave a fake name resembling that of the subject (eg, Cynthia Johnson is sent a survey by "Cindy Johansen"), surveys were twice as likely to be completed. We favour people who resemble US, even if the resemblance is as minor as the sound of their name. J. Social proof: We decide what to do by looking around to see what others just like US are doing. Useful for parents, says Cialdini. "Find groups of children who are behaving in a way that you would like your child to, because the child looks to the side, rather than at you. " More perniciously, social proof is the force underpinning the competitive materialism of "keeping up with the Joneses" | In New Zealand, people tend to give tips to attendants after being served a chocolate. | contradiction |
id_6521 | The Secrets of Persuasion A. Our mother may have told you the secret to getting what you ask for was to say please. The reality is rather more surprising. Adam Dudding talks to a psychologist who has made a life's work from the science of persuasion. Some scientists peer at things through high-powered microscopes. Others goad rats through mazes, or mix bubbling fluids in glass beakers. Robert Cialdini, for his part, does curious things with towels, and believes that by doing so he is discovering important insights into how society works. B. Cialdini's towel experiments (more of them later), are part of his research into how we persuade others to say yes. He wants to know why some people have a knack for bending the will of others, be it a telephone cold-caller talking to you about timeshares, or a parent whose children are compliant even without threatsof extreme violence. While he's anxious not to be seen as the man who's written the bible for snake-oil salesmen, for decades the Arizona State University social psychology professor has been creating systems for the principles and methods of persuasion, and writing bestsellers about them. Some people seem to be born with the skills; Cialdini's claim is that by applying a little science, even those of US who aren't should be able to get our own way more often. "All my life I've been an easy mark for the blandishment of salespeople and fundraisers and I'd always wondered why they could get me to buy things I didn't want and give to causes I hadn't heard of, " says Cialdini on the phone from London, where he is plugging his latest book. C. He found that laboratory experiments on the psychology of persuasion were telling only part of the story, so he began to research influence in the real world, enrolling in sales-training programmes: "I learn how to sell automobiles from a lot, how to sell insurance from an office, how to sell encyclopedias door to door. " He concluded there were six general "principles of influence" and has since put them to the test under slightly more scientific conditions. Most recently, that has meant messing about with towels. Many hotels leave a little card in each bathroom asking guests to reuse towels and thus conserve water and electricity and reduce pollution. Cialdini and his colleagues wanted to test the relative effectiveness of different words on those cards. Would guests be motivated to cooperate simply because it would help save the planet, or were other factors more compelling? To test this, the researchers changed the card's message from an environmental one to the simple (and truthful) statement that the majority of guests at the hotel had reused their towel at least once. Guests given this message were 26% more likely to reuse their towels than those given the old message. In Cialdini's book "Yes! 50 Secrets from the Science of Persuasion", co-written with another social scientist and a business consultant, he explains that guests were responding to the persuasive force of "social proof', the idea that our decisions are strongly influenced by what we believe other people like US are doing. D. So much for towels. Cialdini has also learnt a lot from confectionery. Yes! cites the work of New Jersey behavioural scientist David Strohmetz, who wanted to see how restaurant patrons would respond to a ridiculously small favour from their food server, in the form of an after-dinner chocolate for each diner. The secret, it seems, is in how you give the chocolate. When the chocolates arrived in a heap with the bill, tips went up a miserly 3% compared to when no chocolate was given. But when the chocolates were dropped individually in front of each diner, tips went up 14%. The scientific breakthrough, though, came when the waitress gave each diner one chocolate, headed away from the table then doubled back to give them one more each, as if such generosity had only just occurred to her. Tips went up 23%. This is "reciprocity" in action: we want to return favours done to US, often without bothering to calculate the relative value of what is being received and given. E. Geeling Ng, operations manager at Auckland's Soul Bar, says she's never heard of Kiwi waiting staff using such a cynical trick, not least because New Zealand tipping culture is so different from that of the US: "If you did that in New Zealand, as diners were leaving they'd say 'can we have some more? " ' But she certainly understands the general principle of reciprocity. The way to a diner's heart is "to give them something they're not expecting in the way of service. It might be something as small as leaving a mint on their plate, or it might be remembering that last time they were in they wanted their water with no ice and no lemon. "In America it would translate into an instant tip. In New Zealand it translates into a huge smile and thank you. " And no doubt, return visits. THE FIVE PRINCIPLES OF PERSUASIONF. Reciprocity: People want to give back to those who have given to them. The trick here is to get in first. That's why charities put a crummy pen inside a mailout, and why smiling women in supermarkets hand out dollops of free food. Scarcity: People want more of things they can have less of. Advertisers ruthlessly exploit scarcity ("limit four per customer", "sale must end soon"), and Cialdini suggests parents do too: "Kids want things that are less available, so say 'this is an unusual opportunity; you can only have this for a certain time'. " G. Authority: We trust people who know what they're talking about. So inform people honestly of your credentials before you set out to influence them. "You'd be surprised how many people fail to do that, " says Cialdini. "They feel it's impolite to talk about then expertise. " In one study, therapists whose patients wouldn't do then exercises were advised to display then qualification certificates prominently. They did, and experienced an immediate leap in patient compliance. H. Commitment/consistency: We want to act in a way that is consistent with the commitments we have already made. Exploit this to get a higher sign-up rate when soliciting charitable donations. Ffrst ask workmates if they think they will sponsor you on your egg-and-spoon marathon. Later, return with the sponsorship form to those who said yes and remind them of their earlier commitment/ I. Liking: We say yes more often to people we like. Obvious enough, but reasons for "liking" can be weird. In one study, people were sent survey forms and asked to return them to a named researcher. When the researcher gave a fake name resembling that of the subject (eg, Cynthia Johnson is sent a survey by "Cindy Johansen"), surveys were twice as likely to be completed. We favour people who resemble US, even if the resemblance is as minor as the sound of their name. J. Social proof: We decide what to do by looking around to see what others just like US are doing. Useful for parents, says Cialdini. "Find groups of children who are behaving in a way that you would like your child to, because the child looks to the side, rather than at you. " More perniciously, social proof is the force underpinning the competitive materialism of "keeping up with the Joneses" | Principle of persuasion has different types in different countries. | neutral |
id_6522 | The Secrets of Persuasion A. Our mother may have told you the secret to getting what you ask for was to say please. The reality is rather more surprising. Adam Dudding talks to a psychologist who has made a life's work from the science of persuasion. Some scientists peer at things through high-powered microscopes. Others goad rats through mazes, or mix bubbling fluids in glass beakers. Robert Cialdini, for his part, does curious things with towels, and believes that by doing so he is discovering important insights into how society works. B. Cialdini's towel experiments (more of them later), are part of his research into how we persuade others to say yes. He wants to know why some people have a knack for bending the will of others, be it a telephone cold-caller talking to you about timeshares, or a parent whose children are compliant even without threatsof extreme violence. While he's anxious not to be seen as the man who's written the bible for snake-oil salesmen, for decades the Arizona State University social psychology professor has been creating systems for the principles and methods of persuasion, and writing bestsellers about them. Some people seem to be born with the skills; Cialdini's claim is that by applying a little science, even those of US who aren't should be able to get our own way more often. "All my life I've been an easy mark for the blandishment of salespeople and fundraisers and I'd always wondered why they could get me to buy things I didn't want and give to causes I hadn't heard of, " says Cialdini on the phone from London, where he is plugging his latest book. C. He found that laboratory experiments on the psychology of persuasion were telling only part of the story, so he began to research influence in the real world, enrolling in sales-training programmes: "I learn how to sell automobiles from a lot, how to sell insurance from an office, how to sell encyclopedias door to door. " He concluded there were six general "principles of influence" and has since put them to the test under slightly more scientific conditions. Most recently, that has meant messing about with towels. Many hotels leave a little card in each bathroom asking guests to reuse towels and thus conserve water and electricity and reduce pollution. Cialdini and his colleagues wanted to test the relative effectiveness of different words on those cards. Would guests be motivated to cooperate simply because it would help save the planet, or were other factors more compelling? To test this, the researchers changed the card's message from an environmental one to the simple (and truthful) statement that the majority of guests at the hotel had reused their towel at least once. Guests given this message were 26% more likely to reuse their towels than those given the old message. In Cialdini's book "Yes! 50 Secrets from the Science of Persuasion", co-written with another social scientist and a business consultant, he explains that guests were responding to the persuasive force of "social proof', the idea that our decisions are strongly influenced by what we believe other people like US are doing. D. So much for towels. Cialdini has also learnt a lot from confectionery. Yes! cites the work of New Jersey behavioural scientist David Strohmetz, who wanted to see how restaurant patrons would respond to a ridiculously small favour from their food server, in the form of an after-dinner chocolate for each diner. The secret, it seems, is in how you give the chocolate. When the chocolates arrived in a heap with the bill, tips went up a miserly 3% compared to when no chocolate was given. But when the chocolates were dropped individually in front of each diner, tips went up 14%. The scientific breakthrough, though, came when the waitress gave each diner one chocolate, headed away from the table then doubled back to give them one more each, as if such generosity had only just occurred to her. Tips went up 23%. This is "reciprocity" in action: we want to return favours done to US, often without bothering to calculate the relative value of what is being received and given. E. Geeling Ng, operations manager at Auckland's Soul Bar, says she's never heard of Kiwi waiting staff using such a cynical trick, not least because New Zealand tipping culture is so different from that of the US: "If you did that in New Zealand, as diners were leaving they'd say 'can we have some more? " ' But she certainly understands the general principle of reciprocity. The way to a diner's heart is "to give them something they're not expecting in the way of service. It might be something as small as leaving a mint on their plate, or it might be remembering that last time they were in they wanted their water with no ice and no lemon. "In America it would translate into an instant tip. In New Zealand it translates into a huge smile and thank you. " And no doubt, return visits. THE FIVE PRINCIPLES OF PERSUASIONF. Reciprocity: People want to give back to those who have given to them. The trick here is to get in first. That's why charities put a crummy pen inside a mailout, and why smiling women in supermarkets hand out dollops of free food. Scarcity: People want more of things they can have less of. Advertisers ruthlessly exploit scarcity ("limit four per customer", "sale must end soon"), and Cialdini suggests parents do too: "Kids want things that are less available, so say 'this is an unusual opportunity; you can only have this for a certain time'. " G. Authority: We trust people who know what they're talking about. So inform people honestly of your credentials before you set out to influence them. "You'd be surprised how many people fail to do that, " says Cialdini. "They feel it's impolite to talk about then expertise. " In one study, therapists whose patients wouldn't do then exercises were advised to display then qualification certificates prominently. They did, and experienced an immediate leap in patient compliance. H. Commitment/consistency: We want to act in a way that is consistent with the commitments we have already made. Exploit this to get a higher sign-up rate when soliciting charitable donations. Ffrst ask workmates if they think they will sponsor you on your egg-and-spoon marathon. Later, return with the sponsorship form to those who said yes and remind them of their earlier commitment/ I. Liking: We say yes more often to people we like. Obvious enough, but reasons for "liking" can be weird. In one study, people were sent survey forms and asked to return them to a named researcher. When the researcher gave a fake name resembling that of the subject (eg, Cynthia Johnson is sent a survey by "Cindy Johansen"), surveys were twice as likely to be completed. We favour people who resemble US, even if the resemblance is as minor as the sound of their name. J. Social proof: We decide what to do by looking around to see what others just like US are doing. Useful for parents, says Cialdini. "Find groups of children who are behaving in a way that you would like your child to, because the child looks to the side, rather than at you. " More perniciously, social proof is the force underpinning the competitive materialism of "keeping up with the Joneses" | Robert Cialdini experienced "principles of influence" himself in realisticlife. | entailment |
id_6523 | The Shop and Save Grocery is south of Greenwood Pharmacy. Rebecca's house is northeast of Greenwood Pharmacy. | Rebecca's house is west of the Shop and Save Grocery. | contradiction |
id_6524 | The Silk Road, stretching from China to the Mediterranean Sea, was not one road, but a network of trade routes. Originating in the ancient Chinese capital of Changan, the overland routes crossed modern-day India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Turkey, Syria and Iran en-route to various Mediterranean ports, from where the goods were carried to Rome by boat. Typically, traders did not travel the entire 6,440 km distance, instead covering one section of the route and passing their goods to another caravan for the next stage. As the name suggests, the Silk Road facilitated the trade of Chinese silk, but many other goods were carried along the route. Tea, gunpowder, spices, and porcelain travelled from East to West, while wool, linen, glass and wine travelled in the opposite direction. Not only commodities, but also ideas and technology were transmitted along the Silk Road. Algebra, astronomy, medicine and papermaking were brought to the West, while construction and seafaring methods flowed East from Europe. The Silk Road also enabled the dissemination of religion, most notably the spread of Buddhism from India to China. The Silk Road was in use from the second century BC until the fifteenth century AD. Many factors contributed to the routes demise, including the fall of the Mongol Empire and the resulting political and economic fragmentation along the route. The rise of maritime trade between Europe and Asia was another major cause. | Boats were not used in trade along the silk road prior to the fifteenth century AD. | contradiction |
id_6525 | The Silk Road, stretching from China to the Mediterranean Sea, was not one road, but a network of trade routes. Originating in the ancient Chinese capital of Changan, the overland routes crossed modern-day India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Turkey, Syria and Iran en-route to various Mediterranean ports, from where the goods were carried to Rome by boat. Typically, traders did not travel the entire 6,440 km distance, instead covering one section of the route and passing their goods to another caravan for the next stage. As the name suggests, the Silk Road facilitated the trade of Chinese silk, but many other goods were carried along the route. Tea, gunpowder, spices, and porcelain travelled from East to West, while wool, linen, glass and wine travelled in the opposite direction. Not only commodities, but also ideas and technology were transmitted along the Silk Road. Algebra, astronomy, medicine and papermaking were brought to the West, while construction and seafaring methods flowed East from Europe. The Silk Road also enabled the dissemination of religion, most notably the spread of Buddhism from India to China. The Silk Road was in use from the second century BC until the fifteenth century AD. Many factors contributed to the routes demise, including the fall of the Mongol Empire and the resulting political and economic fragmentation along the route. The rise of maritime trade between Europe and Asia was another major cause. | Two main factors led to the Silk Road falling into disuse after the fifteenth century AD. | neutral |
id_6526 | The Silk Road, stretching from China to the Mediterranean Sea, was not one road, but a network of trade routes. Originating in the ancient Chinese capital of Changan, the overland routes crossed modern-day India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Turkey, Syria and Iran en-route to various Mediterranean ports, from where the goods were carried to Rome by boat. Typically, traders did not travel the entire 6,440 km distance, instead covering one section of the route and passing their goods to another caravan for the next stage. As the name suggests, the Silk Road facilitated the trade of Chinese silk, but many other goods were carried along the route. Tea, gunpowder, spices, and porcelain travelled from East to West, while wool, linen, glass and wine travelled in the opposite direction. Not only commodities, but also ideas and technology were transmitted along the Silk Road. Algebra, astronomy, medicine and papermaking were brought to the West, while construction and seafaring methods flowed East from Europe. The Silk Road also enabled the dissemination of religion, most notably the spread of Buddhism from India to China. The Silk Road was in use from the second century BC until the fifteenth century AD. Many factors contributed to the routes demise, including the fall of the Mongol Empire and the resulting political and economic fragmentation along the route. The rise of maritime trade between Europe and Asia was another major cause. | The Silk Roads historical significance goes beyond its function as a commerce route. | entailment |
id_6527 | The Silk Road, stretching from China to the Mediterranean Sea, was not one road, but a network of trade routes. Originating in the ancient Chinese capital of Changan, the overland routes crossed modern-day India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Turkey, Syria and Iran en-route to various Mediterranean ports, from where the goods were carried to Rome by boat. Typically, traders did not travel the entire 6,440 km distance, instead covering one section of the route and passing their goods to another caravan for the next stage. As the name suggests, the Silk Road facilitated the trade of Chinese silk, but many other goods were carried along the route. Tea, gunpowder, spices, and porcelain travelled from East to West, while wool, linen, glass and wine travelled in the opposite direction. Not only commodities, but also ideas and technology were transmitted along the Silk Road. Algebra, astronomy, medicine and papermaking were brought to the West, while construction and seafaring methods flowed East from Europe. The Silk Road also enabled the dissemination of religion, most notably the spread of Buddhism from India to China. The Silk Road was in use from the second century BC until the fifteenth century AD. Many factors contributed to the routes demise, including the fall of the Mongol Empire and the resulting political and economic fragmentation along the route. The rise of maritime trade between Europe and Asia was another major cause. | In addition to bringing commodities such as wool and glass to Asia, the Silk Road spread papermaking techniques from West to East. | contradiction |
id_6528 | The Silk Road, stretching from China to the Mediterranean Sea, was not one road, but a network of trade routes. Originating in the ancient Chinese capital of Changan, the overland routes crossed modern-day India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Turkey, Syria and Iran en-route to various Mediterranean ports, from where the goods were carried to Rome by boat. Typically, traders did not travel the entire 6,440 km distance, instead covering one section of the route and passing their goods to another caravan for the next stage. As the name suggests, the Silk Road facilitated the trade of Chinese silk, but many other goods were carried along the route. Tea, gunpowder, spices, and porcelain travelled from East to West, while wool, linen, glass and wine travelled in the opposite direction. Not only commodities, but also ideas and technology were transmitted along the Silk Road. Algebra, astronomy, medicine and papermaking were brought to the West, while construction and seafaring methods flowed East from Europe. The Silk Road also enabled the dissemination of religion, most notably the spread of Buddhism from India to China. The Silk Road was in use from the second century BC until the fifteenth century AD. Many factors contributed to the routes demise, including the fall of the Mongol Empire and the resulting political and economic fragmentation along the route. The rise of maritime trade between Europe and Asia was another major cause. | The Silk Road has never been longer than 6,000km in length. | contradiction |
id_6529 | The Socratic method is a form of philosophical questioning named after the Greek philosopher Socrates. It takes place as a dialogue between Socrates and another individual and attempts to investigate difficult concepts such as justice and ethics. In this dialogue, Socrates partner puts forward an opinion or a thesis. Socrates then proposes extra premises that will attempt to disprove the original thesis. If there is an opposition, this shows that the original thesis is false and that the opposite is true. In this dialogue, Socrates often showed other philosophers and thinkers how their reasoning was wrong. Some respected him for doing so as he was aware of the fact that his knowledge was limited and that he was merely questioning everything critically. However, many people were angered by him asking questions without providing any answers to these difficult questions himself. This led to him making a number of enemies in Greece. In 399 BC, Socrates was accused of heresy and corruption of the youth by three of his enemies. He was then trialled and found guilty by the jury and so sentenced to death by drinking the poison hemlock. One of his friends, Crito, bribed the guards to allow Socrates to escape; however he chose not to flee away. Many have referred to him as a martyr as he chose to die standing for knowledge and wisdom. | Socrates was the first person to use this method of questioning. | neutral |
id_6530 | The Socratic method is a form of philosophical questioning named after the Greek philosopher Socrates. It takes place as a dialogue between Socrates and another individual and attempts to investigate difficult concepts such as justice and ethics. In this dialogue, Socrates partner puts forward an opinion or a thesis. Socrates then proposes extra premises that will attempt to disprove the original thesis. If there is an opposition, this shows that the original thesis is false and that the opposite is true. In this dialogue, Socrates often showed other philosophers and thinkers how their reasoning was wrong. Some respected him for doing so as he was aware of the fact that his knowledge was limited and that he was merely questioning everything critically. However, many people were angered by him asking questions without providing any answers to these difficult questions himself. This led to him making a number of enemies in Greece. In 399 BC, Socrates was accused of heresy and corruption of the youth by three of his enemies. He was then trialled and found guilty by the jury and so sentenced to death by drinking the poison hemlock. One of his friends, Crito, bribed the guards to allow Socrates to escape; however he chose not to flee away. Many have referred to him as a martyr as he chose to die standing for knowledge and wisdom. | As described in the passage, the Socratic method involved corrupting the youth and heresy. | contradiction |
id_6531 | The Socratic method is a form of philosophical questioning named after the Greek philosopher Socrates. It takes place as a dialogue between Socrates and another individual and attempts to investigate difficult concepts such as justice and ethics. In this dialogue, Socrates partner puts forward an opinion or a thesis. Socrates then proposes extra premises that will attempt to disprove the original thesis. If there is an opposition, this shows that the original thesis is false and that the opposite is true. In this dialogue, Socrates often showed other philosophers and thinkers how their reasoning was wrong. Some respected him for doing so as he was aware of the fact that his knowledge was limited and that he was merely questioning everything critically. However, many people were angered by him asking questions without providing any answers to these difficult questions himself. This led to him making a number of enemies in Greece. In 399 BC, Socrates was accused of heresy and corruption of the youth by three of his enemies. He was then trialled and found guilty by the jury and so sentenced to death by drinking the poison hemlock. One of his friends, Crito, bribed the guards to allow Socrates to escape; however he chose not to flee away. Many have referred to him as a martyr as he chose to die standing for knowledge and wisdom. | Socrates chose not to escape from prison because he was afraid his enemies would find him again. | contradiction |
id_6532 | The Socratic method is a form of philosophical questioning named after the Greek philosopher Socrates. It takes place as a dialogue between Socrates and another individual and attempts to investigate difficult concepts such as justice and ethics. In this dialogue, Socrates partner puts forward an opinion or a thesis. Socrates then proposes extra premises that will attempt to disprove the original thesis. If there is an opposition, this shows that the original thesis is false and that the opposite is true. In this dialogue, Socrates often showed other philosophers and thinkers how their reasoning was wrong. Some respected him for doing so as he was aware of the fact that his knowledge was limited and that he was merely questioning everything critically. However, many people were angered by him asking questions without providing any answers to these difficult questions himself. This led to him making a number of enemies in Greece. In 399 BC, Socrates was accused of heresy and corruption of the youth by three of his enemies. He was then trialled and found guilty by the jury and so sentenced to death by drinking the poison hemlock. One of his friends, Crito, bribed the guards to allow Socrates to escape; however he chose not to flee away. Many have referred to him as a martyr as he chose to die standing for knowledge and wisdom. | Socrates was able to define concepts such as justice and ethics himself. | contradiction |
id_6533 | The Socratic method is a form of philosophical questioning named after the Greek philosopher Socrates. It takes place as a dialogue between Socrates and another individual and attempts to investigate difficult concepts such as justice and ethics. In this dialogue, Socrates partner puts forward an opinion or a thesis. Socrates then proposes extra premises that will attempt to disprove the original thesis. If there is an opposition, this shows that the original thesis is false and that the opposite is true. In this dialogue, Socrates often showed other philosophers and thinkers how their reasoning was wrong. Some respected him for doing so as he was aware of the fact that his knowledge was limited and that he was merely questioning everything critically. However, many people were angered by him asking questions without providing any answers to these difficult questions himself. This led to him making a number of enemies in Greece. In 399 BC, Socrates was accused of heresy and corruption of the youth by three of his enemies. He was then trialled and found guilty by the jury and so sentenced to death by drinking the poison hemlock. One of his friends, Crito, bribed the guards to allow Socrates to escape; however he chose not to flee away. Many have referred to him as a martyr as he chose to die standing for knowledge and wisdom. | The Socratic method questions the wisdom of the person forming the opinions. | contradiction |
id_6534 | The Spice of Life! When thinking of the most popular restaurant dish in the UK, the answer chicken tikka masala does not spring readily to mind. But it is indeed the answer, often now referred to as a true British national dish. It may even have been invented by Indian immigrants in Scotland, who roasted chicken chunks (tikka), mixed them with spices and yoghurt, and served this in a bowl of masala sauce. The exact ingredients of the sauce vary from restaurant to restaurant, but the dish usually includes purced tomatoes and cream, coloured orange by turmeric and paprika. British cuisine? Yes, spices have come a long way. Spices are dried seeds, fruit, roots, bark, or vegetative parts of plants, added to food in small amounts to enhance flavour or colour. Herbs, in contrast, are only from the leaves, and only used for flavouring. Looking at the sources of some common spices, mustard and black pepper arc from seeds, cinnamon from bark, cloves from dried flower buds, ginger and turmeric from roots, while mace and saffron are from seed covers and stigma tips, respectively. In the face of such variety, it is becoming increasingly common for spices to be offered in pre-made combinations. Chili powder is a blend of chili peppers with other spices, often cumin, oregano, garlic powder, and salt. Mixed spice, which is often used in baking, is a British blend of sweet spices, with cinnamon being the dominant flavour. The ever-popular masala, as noted, could be anything, depending on the chef. Although human communities were using spices tens of thousands of years ago, the trade of this commodity only began about 2000 BC, around the Middle Last. Early uses were less connected with cooking, and more with such diverse functions as embalming, medicine, religion, and food preservation. Eventually, extensive overland trade routes, such as the Silk Road, were established, yet it was maritime advances into India and East Asia which led to the most dramatic growth in commercial activities. From then on, spices were the driving force of the world economy, commanding such high prices that it pitted nation against nation, and became the major impetus to exploration and conquest, It would be hard to underestimate the role spices have played in human history. Originally, Muslim traders dominated these routes, seeing spice-laden ships from the Orient crossing the Indian Ocean to Red Sea and Persian Gulf ports, from where camel caravans transported the goods overland. However, although slow to develop, European nations, using aggressive exploration and colonisation strategies, eventually came to rule the Far East and, consequently, control of the spice trade. At first, Portugal was the dominant power, but the British and Dutch eventually gained the upper hand, so that by the 19th century, the British controlled India, while the Dutch had the greater portion of the East Indies (Indonesia). Cloves, nutmeg, and pepper were some of the most valuable spices of the time. But why were spices always in such demand? There are many answers. In the early days, they were thought to have strong medicinal properties by balancing humours, or excesses of emotions in the blood. Other times they were thought to prevent maladies such as the plague, which often saw prices of recommended spices soar. But most obviously, spices flavoured the bland meat-based European cuisines. Pepper, historically, has always been in highest demand for this reason, and even today, peppercorns (dried black pepper kernels) remain, by monetary value, the most widely traded spice in the world. However, saffron, by being produced within the small saffron flower, has always been among the worlds most costly spice by weight, valued mostly for its vivid colour. Predictably, the majority of the worlds spices are produced in India, although specific spices arc often produced in greater amounts in other countries. Vietnam is the largest producer and exporter of pepper, meeting nearly one third of the worlds demand. Indonesia holds a clear lead in nutmeg production, Iran in saffron, and Sri Lanka in cinnamon. However, exportation of such spices is not always simple. Most are dried as a whole product, or dried and ground into powder, both forms allowing bulk purchase, easier storage and shipping, and a longer shelf life. For example, the rhizomes (underground stems) of turmeric are boiled lor several hours, then dried in ovens, after which they are ground into the yellow powder popular in South-Asian and Middle-Eastern cuisines. However, there are disadvantages in grinding spices. It increases their surface area many fold, accelerating the rate of evaporation and oxidation of their flavour-bearing and aromatic compounds. In contrast, whole dried spices retain these for much longer. Thus, seed-based varieties (which can be packaged and stored well) are often purchased in this form. This allows grinding to be done at the moment of cooking or eating, maximising the flavour and effect, a fact which often results in pepper grinders, instead of shakers, gracing the tables of the better restaurants around the world. | The ingredients of masala are fairly standardised. | contradiction |
id_6535 | The Spice of Life! When thinking of the most popular restaurant dish in the UK, the answer chicken tikka masala does not spring readily to mind. But it is indeed the answer, often now referred to as a true British national dish. It may even have been invented by Indian immigrants in Scotland, who roasted chicken chunks (tikka), mixed them with spices and yoghurt, and served this in a bowl of masala sauce. The exact ingredients of the sauce vary from restaurant to restaurant, but the dish usually includes purced tomatoes and cream, coloured orange by turmeric and paprika. British cuisine? Yes, spices have come a long way. Spices are dried seeds, fruit, roots, bark, or vegetative parts of plants, added to food in small amounts to enhance flavour or colour. Herbs, in contrast, are only from the leaves, and only used for flavouring. Looking at the sources of some common spices, mustard and black pepper arc from seeds, cinnamon from bark, cloves from dried flower buds, ginger and turmeric from roots, while mace and saffron are from seed covers and stigma tips, respectively. In the face of such variety, it is becoming increasingly common for spices to be offered in pre-made combinations. Chili powder is a blend of chili peppers with other spices, often cumin, oregano, garlic powder, and salt. Mixed spice, which is often used in baking, is a British blend of sweet spices, with cinnamon being the dominant flavour. The ever-popular masala, as noted, could be anything, depending on the chef. Although human communities were using spices tens of thousands of years ago, the trade of this commodity only began about 2000 BC, around the Middle Last. Early uses were less connected with cooking, and more with such diverse functions as embalming, medicine, religion, and food preservation. Eventually, extensive overland trade routes, such as the Silk Road, were established, yet it was maritime advances into India and East Asia which led to the most dramatic growth in commercial activities. From then on, spices were the driving force of the world economy, commanding such high prices that it pitted nation against nation, and became the major impetus to exploration and conquest, It would be hard to underestimate the role spices have played in human history. Originally, Muslim traders dominated these routes, seeing spice-laden ships from the Orient crossing the Indian Ocean to Red Sea and Persian Gulf ports, from where camel caravans transported the goods overland. However, although slow to develop, European nations, using aggressive exploration and colonisation strategies, eventually came to rule the Far East and, consequently, control of the spice trade. At first, Portugal was the dominant power, but the British and Dutch eventually gained the upper hand, so that by the 19th century, the British controlled India, while the Dutch had the greater portion of the East Indies (Indonesia). Cloves, nutmeg, and pepper were some of the most valuable spices of the time. But why were spices always in such demand? There are many answers. In the early days, they were thought to have strong medicinal properties by balancing humours, or excesses of emotions in the blood. Other times they were thought to prevent maladies such as the plague, which often saw prices of recommended spices soar. But most obviously, spices flavoured the bland meat-based European cuisines. Pepper, historically, has always been in highest demand for this reason, and even today, peppercorns (dried black pepper kernels) remain, by monetary value, the most widely traded spice in the world. However, saffron, by being produced within the small saffron flower, has always been among the worlds most costly spice by weight, valued mostly for its vivid colour. Predictably, the majority of the worlds spices are produced in India, although specific spices arc often produced in greater amounts in other countries. Vietnam is the largest producer and exporter of pepper, meeting nearly one third of the worlds demand. Indonesia holds a clear lead in nutmeg production, Iran in saffron, and Sri Lanka in cinnamon. However, exportation of such spices is not always simple. Most are dried as a whole product, or dried and ground into powder, both forms allowing bulk purchase, easier storage and shipping, and a longer shelf life. For example, the rhizomes (underground stems) of turmeric are boiled lor several hours, then dried in ovens, after which they are ground into the yellow powder popular in South-Asian and Middle-Eastern cuisines. However, there are disadvantages in grinding spices. It increases their surface area many fold, accelerating the rate of evaporation and oxidation of their flavour-bearing and aromatic compounds. In contrast, whole dried spices retain these for much longer. Thus, seed-based varieties (which can be packaged and stored well) are often purchased in this form. This allows grinding to be done at the moment of cooking or eating, maximising the flavour and effect, a fact which often results in pepper grinders, instead of shakers, gracing the tables of the better restaurants around the world. | Seed-based spices can be easily stored. | entailment |
id_6536 | The Spice of Life! When thinking of the most popular restaurant dish in the UK, the answer chicken tikka masala does not spring readily to mind. But it is indeed the answer, often now referred to as a true British national dish. It may even have been invented by Indian immigrants in Scotland, who roasted chicken chunks (tikka), mixed them with spices and yoghurt, and served this in a bowl of masala sauce. The exact ingredients of the sauce vary from restaurant to restaurant, but the dish usually includes purced tomatoes and cream, coloured orange by turmeric and paprika. British cuisine? Yes, spices have come a long way. Spices are dried seeds, fruit, roots, bark, or vegetative parts of plants, added to food in small amounts to enhance flavour or colour. Herbs, in contrast, are only from the leaves, and only used for flavouring. Looking at the sources of some common spices, mustard and black pepper arc from seeds, cinnamon from bark, cloves from dried flower buds, ginger and turmeric from roots, while mace and saffron are from seed covers and stigma tips, respectively. In the face of such variety, it is becoming increasingly common for spices to be offered in pre-made combinations. Chili powder is a blend of chili peppers with other spices, often cumin, oregano, garlic powder, and salt. Mixed spice, which is often used in baking, is a British blend of sweet spices, with cinnamon being the dominant flavour. The ever-popular masala, as noted, could be anything, depending on the chef. Although human communities were using spices tens of thousands of years ago, the trade of this commodity only began about 2000 BC, around the Middle Last. Early uses were less connected with cooking, and more with such diverse functions as embalming, medicine, religion, and food preservation. Eventually, extensive overland trade routes, such as the Silk Road, were established, yet it was maritime advances into India and East Asia which led to the most dramatic growth in commercial activities. From then on, spices were the driving force of the world economy, commanding such high prices that it pitted nation against nation, and became the major impetus to exploration and conquest, It would be hard to underestimate the role spices have played in human history. Originally, Muslim traders dominated these routes, seeing spice-laden ships from the Orient crossing the Indian Ocean to Red Sea and Persian Gulf ports, from where camel caravans transported the goods overland. However, although slow to develop, European nations, using aggressive exploration and colonisation strategies, eventually came to rule the Far East and, consequently, control of the spice trade. At first, Portugal was the dominant power, but the British and Dutch eventually gained the upper hand, so that by the 19th century, the British controlled India, while the Dutch had the greater portion of the East Indies (Indonesia). Cloves, nutmeg, and pepper were some of the most valuable spices of the time. But why were spices always in such demand? There are many answers. In the early days, they were thought to have strong medicinal properties by balancing humours, or excesses of emotions in the blood. Other times they were thought to prevent maladies such as the plague, which often saw prices of recommended spices soar. But most obviously, spices flavoured the bland meat-based European cuisines. Pepper, historically, has always been in highest demand for this reason, and even today, peppercorns (dried black pepper kernels) remain, by monetary value, the most widely traded spice in the world. However, saffron, by being produced within the small saffron flower, has always been among the worlds most costly spice by weight, valued mostly for its vivid colour. Predictably, the majority of the worlds spices are produced in India, although specific spices arc often produced in greater amounts in other countries. Vietnam is the largest producer and exporter of pepper, meeting nearly one third of the worlds demand. Indonesia holds a clear lead in nutmeg production, Iran in saffron, and Sri Lanka in cinnamon. However, exportation of such spices is not always simple. Most are dried as a whole product, or dried and ground into powder, both forms allowing bulk purchase, easier storage and shipping, and a longer shelf life. For example, the rhizomes (underground stems) of turmeric are boiled lor several hours, then dried in ovens, after which they are ground into the yellow powder popular in South-Asian and Middle-Eastern cuisines. However, there are disadvantages in grinding spices. It increases their surface area many fold, accelerating the rate of evaporation and oxidation of their flavour-bearing and aromatic compounds. In contrast, whole dried spices retain these for much longer. Thus, seed-based varieties (which can be packaged and stored well) are often purchased in this form. This allows grinding to be done at the moment of cooking or eating, maximising the flavour and effect, a fact which often results in pepper grinders, instead of shakers, gracing the tables of the better restaurants around the world. | Vietnam consumes a lot of pepper. | neutral |
id_6537 | The Spice of Life! When thinking of the most popular restaurant dish in the UK, the answer chicken tikka masala does not spring readily to mind. But it is indeed the answer, often now referred to as a true British national dish. It may even have been invented by Indian immigrants in Scotland, who roasted chicken chunks (tikka), mixed them with spices and yoghurt, and served this in a bowl of masala sauce. The exact ingredients of the sauce vary from restaurant to restaurant, but the dish usually includes purced tomatoes and cream, coloured orange by turmeric and paprika. British cuisine? Yes, spices have come a long way. Spices are dried seeds, fruit, roots, bark, or vegetative parts of plants, added to food in small amounts to enhance flavour or colour. Herbs, in contrast, are only from the leaves, and only used for flavouring. Looking at the sources of some common spices, mustard and black pepper arc from seeds, cinnamon from bark, cloves from dried flower buds, ginger and turmeric from roots, while mace and saffron are from seed covers and stigma tips, respectively. In the face of such variety, it is becoming increasingly common for spices to be offered in pre-made combinations. Chili powder is a blend of chili peppers with other spices, often cumin, oregano, garlic powder, and salt. Mixed spice, which is often used in baking, is a British blend of sweet spices, with cinnamon being the dominant flavour. The ever-popular masala, as noted, could be anything, depending on the chef. Although human communities were using spices tens of thousands of years ago, the trade of this commodity only began about 2000 BC, around the Middle Last. Early uses were less connected with cooking, and more with such diverse functions as embalming, medicine, religion, and food preservation. Eventually, extensive overland trade routes, such as the Silk Road, were established, yet it was maritime advances into India and East Asia which led to the most dramatic growth in commercial activities. From then on, spices were the driving force of the world economy, commanding such high prices that it pitted nation against nation, and became the major impetus to exploration and conquest, It would be hard to underestimate the role spices have played in human history. Originally, Muslim traders dominated these routes, seeing spice-laden ships from the Orient crossing the Indian Ocean to Red Sea and Persian Gulf ports, from where camel caravans transported the goods overland. However, although slow to develop, European nations, using aggressive exploration and colonisation strategies, eventually came to rule the Far East and, consequently, control of the spice trade. At first, Portugal was the dominant power, but the British and Dutch eventually gained the upper hand, so that by the 19th century, the British controlled India, while the Dutch had the greater portion of the East Indies (Indonesia). Cloves, nutmeg, and pepper were some of the most valuable spices of the time. But why were spices always in such demand? There are many answers. In the early days, they were thought to have strong medicinal properties by balancing humours, or excesses of emotions in the blood. Other times they were thought to prevent maladies such as the plague, which often saw prices of recommended spices soar. But most obviously, spices flavoured the bland meat-based European cuisines. Pepper, historically, has always been in highest demand for this reason, and even today, peppercorns (dried black pepper kernels) remain, by monetary value, the most widely traded spice in the world. However, saffron, by being produced within the small saffron flower, has always been among the worlds most costly spice by weight, valued mostly for its vivid colour. Predictably, the majority of the worlds spices are produced in India, although specific spices arc often produced in greater amounts in other countries. Vietnam is the largest producer and exporter of pepper, meeting nearly one third of the worlds demand. Indonesia holds a clear lead in nutmeg production, Iran in saffron, and Sri Lanka in cinnamon. However, exportation of such spices is not always simple. Most are dried as a whole product, or dried and ground into powder, both forms allowing bulk purchase, easier storage and shipping, and a longer shelf life. For example, the rhizomes (underground stems) of turmeric are boiled lor several hours, then dried in ovens, after which they are ground into the yellow powder popular in South-Asian and Middle-Eastern cuisines. However, there are disadvantages in grinding spices. It increases their surface area many fold, accelerating the rate of evaporation and oxidation of their flavour-bearing and aromatic compounds. In contrast, whole dried spices retain these for much longer. Thus, seed-based varieties (which can be packaged and stored well) are often purchased in this form. This allows grinding to be done at the moment of cooking or eating, maximising the flavour and effect, a fact which often results in pepper grinders, instead of shakers, gracing the tables of the better restaurants around the world. | The demand for spices led to greater exploration. | entailment |
id_6538 | The Statute on workplace safety requires that an employer should ensure, so far as is reasonably practicable, the health, safety and welfare at work of all full and part time employees, and also those not in direct employment who may be affected by acts or omissions at work. However, it is also the duty of employees to take reasonable care for their own health and safety and also that of other persons who may be affected by their acts or omissions at work, for example by complying with all notices on health and safety that are posted. | If a workplace visitor is hurt due to an act of negligence by an employee then the employee may be held solely responsible. | contradiction |
id_6539 | The Statute on workplace safety requires that an employer should ensure, so far as is reasonably practicable, the health, safety and welfare at work of all full and part time employees, and also those not in direct employment who may be affected by acts or omissions at work. However, it is also the duty of employees to take reasonable care for their own health and safety and also that of other persons who may be affected by their acts or omissions at work, for example by complying with all notices on health and safety that are posted. | An employer has responsibility for the safety of visitors to his factory. | entailment |
id_6540 | The Statute on workplace safety requires that an employer should ensure, so far as is reasonably practicable, the health, safety and welfare at work of all full and part time employees, and also those not in direct employment who may be affected by acts or omissions at work. However, it is also the duty of employees to take reasonable care for their own health and safety and also that of other persons who may be affected by their acts or omissions at work, for example by complying with all notices on health and safety that are posted. | Employees have negligible responsibility for workplace health and safety. | contradiction |
id_6541 | The Study of Chimpanzee Culture After studying the similarities between chimpanzees and humans for years, researchers have recognised these resemblances run much deeper than anyone first thought in the latest decade. For instance, the nut cracking observed in the Tai Forest is not a simple chimpanzee behaviour, but a separate adaptation found only in that particular part of Africa, as well as a trait which is considered to be an expression of chimpanzee culture by biologists. These researchers frequently quote the word culture to describe elementary animal behaviours, like the regional dialects of different species of songbirds, but it turns out that the rich and varied cultural traditions chimpanzees enjoyed rank secondly in complexity only to human traditions. During the past two years, the major research group which studies chimpanzees collaborated unprecedentedly and documented some distinct cultural patterns, ranging from animals use of tools to their forms of communication and social customs. This emerging picture of chimpanzees affects how human beings ponder upon these amazing creatures. Also, it alters our conception of human uniqueness and shows us the extraordinary ability of our ancient ancestors to create cultures. Although we know that Homo sapiens and Pan Troglodytes have coexisted for hundreds of millennia and their genetic similarities surpass 98 per cent, we still knew next to nothing about chimpanzee behaviour in the wild until 40 years ago. All this began to change in the 1960s when Toshisada Nishida of Kyoto University in Japan and renowned British primatologist Jane Goodall launched their studies of wild chimpanzees at two field sites in Tanzania. (Goodalls research station at Gombethe first of its kindis more famous, but Nishidas site at Mahale is the second oldest chimpanzee research site in the world. ) During these primary studies, as the chimpanzees became more and more accustomed to close observation, the remarkable discoveries emerged. Researchers witnessed a variety of unexpected behaviours, ranging from fashioning and using tools, hunting, meat eating, food sharing to lethal fights between members of neighbouring communities. In 1973, 13 forms of tool use and 8 social activities which appeared to differ between the Gombe chimpanzees and chimpanzee species elsewhere were recorded by Goodall. She speculated that some variations shared what she referred to as a cultural origin. But what exactly did Goodall mean by culture? According to the Oxford Encyclopedic English Dictionary, culture is defined as the customs. . . and achievements of a particular time or people. The diversity of human cultures extends from technological variations to marriage rituals, from culinary habits to myths and legends. Of course, animals do not have myths and legends, but they do share the capacity to pass on behavioural traits from one generation to another, not through their genes but via learning. From biologists view, this is the fundamental criterion for a cultural traitsomething can be learnt by observing the established skills of others and then passed on to following generations. What are the implications for chimpanzees themselves? We must place a high value upon the tragic loss of chimpanzees, who are decimated just when finally we are coming to appreciate these astonishing animals more completely. The population of chimpanzees has plummeted and continued to fall due to illegal trapping, logging and, most recently, the bushmeat trade within the past century. The latter is particularly alarming because logging has driven roadways, which are now used to ship wild animal meatincluding chimpanzee meat to consumers as far afield as Europe, into forests. Such destruction threatens not only the animals themselves but also a host of fascinatingly different ape cultures. However, the cultural richness of the ape may contribute to its salvation. For example, the conservation efforts have already altered the attitudes of some local people. After several organisations showed videotapes illustrating the cognitive prowess of chimpanzees, one Zairian viewer was heard to exclaim, Ah, this ape is so like me, I can no longer eat him. How did an international team of chimpanzee experts perform the most comprehensive survey of the animals ever attempted? Although scientists have been delving into chimpanzee culture for several decades, sometimes their studies contained a fatal defect. So far, most attempts to document cultural diversity among chimpanzees have solely relied upon officially published accounts of the behaviours reported at each research site. But this approach probably neglects a good deal of cultural variation for three reasons. First, scientists normally dont publish an extensive list of all the activities they do not see at a particular location. Yet this is the very information we need to knowwhich behaviours were and were not observed at each site. Second, there are many reports describing chimpanzee behaviours without expressing how common they are; without this information, we cant determine whether a particular action was a transient phenomenon or a routine event that should be considered part of its culture. Finally, researchers description of potentially significant chimpanzee behaviours often lacks sufficient detail, which makes it difficult for scientists from other spots to report the presence or absence of the activities. To tackle these problems, my colleague and I determined to take a new approach. We asked field researchers at each site to list all the behaviours which they suspected were local traditions. With this information, we assembled a comprehensive list of 65 candidates for cultural behaviours. Then we distributed our list to team leaders at each site. They consulted with their colleagues and classified each behaviour regarding its occurrence or absence in the chimpanzee community. The major brackets contained customary behaviour (occurs in most or all of the able-bodied members of at least one age or sex class, such as all adult males), habitual (less common than customary but occurs repeatedly in several individuals), present (observed at the site but not habitual), absent (never seen), and unknown. | For decades, researchers have investigated chimpanzees by data obtained from both unobserved and observed approaches. | contradiction |
id_6542 | The Study of Chimpanzee Culture After studying the similarities between chimpanzees and humans for years, researchers have recognised these resemblances run much deeper than anyone first thought in the latest decade. For instance, the nut cracking observed in the Tai Forest is not a simple chimpanzee behaviour, but a separate adaptation found only in that particular part of Africa, as well as a trait which is considered to be an expression of chimpanzee culture by biologists. These researchers frequently quote the word culture to describe elementary animal behaviours, like the regional dialects of different species of songbirds, but it turns out that the rich and varied cultural traditions chimpanzees enjoyed rank secondly in complexity only to human traditions. During the past two years, the major research group which studies chimpanzees collaborated unprecedentedly and documented some distinct cultural patterns, ranging from animals use of tools to their forms of communication and social customs. This emerging picture of chimpanzees affects how human beings ponder upon these amazing creatures. Also, it alters our conception of human uniqueness and shows us the extraordinary ability of our ancient ancestors to create cultures. Although we know that Homo sapiens and Pan Troglodytes have coexisted for hundreds of millennia and their genetic similarities surpass 98 per cent, we still knew next to nothing about chimpanzee behaviour in the wild until 40 years ago. All this began to change in the 1960s when Toshisada Nishida of Kyoto University in Japan and renowned British primatologist Jane Goodall launched their studies of wild chimpanzees at two field sites in Tanzania. (Goodalls research station at Gombethe first of its kindis more famous, but Nishidas site at Mahale is the second oldest chimpanzee research site in the world. ) During these primary studies, as the chimpanzees became more and more accustomed to close observation, the remarkable discoveries emerged. Researchers witnessed a variety of unexpected behaviours, ranging from fashioning and using tools, hunting, meat eating, food sharing to lethal fights between members of neighbouring communities. In 1973, 13 forms of tool use and 8 social activities which appeared to differ between the Gombe chimpanzees and chimpanzee species elsewhere were recorded by Goodall. She speculated that some variations shared what she referred to as a cultural origin. But what exactly did Goodall mean by culture? According to the Oxford Encyclopedic English Dictionary, culture is defined as the customs. . . and achievements of a particular time or people. The diversity of human cultures extends from technological variations to marriage rituals, from culinary habits to myths and legends. Of course, animals do not have myths and legends, but they do share the capacity to pass on behavioural traits from one generation to another, not through their genes but via learning. From biologists view, this is the fundamental criterion for a cultural traitsomething can be learnt by observing the established skills of others and then passed on to following generations. What are the implications for chimpanzees themselves? We must place a high value upon the tragic loss of chimpanzees, who are decimated just when finally we are coming to appreciate these astonishing animals more completely. The population of chimpanzees has plummeted and continued to fall due to illegal trapping, logging and, most recently, the bushmeat trade within the past century. The latter is particularly alarming because logging has driven roadways, which are now used to ship wild animal meatincluding chimpanzee meat to consumers as far afield as Europe, into forests. Such destruction threatens not only the animals themselves but also a host of fascinatingly different ape cultures. However, the cultural richness of the ape may contribute to its salvation. For example, the conservation efforts have already altered the attitudes of some local people. After several organisations showed videotapes illustrating the cognitive prowess of chimpanzees, one Zairian viewer was heard to exclaim, Ah, this ape is so like me, I can no longer eat him. How did an international team of chimpanzee experts perform the most comprehensive survey of the animals ever attempted? Although scientists have been delving into chimpanzee culture for several decades, sometimes their studies contained a fatal defect. So far, most attempts to document cultural diversity among chimpanzees have solely relied upon officially published accounts of the behaviours reported at each research site. But this approach probably neglects a good deal of cultural variation for three reasons. First, scientists normally dont publish an extensive list of all the activities they do not see at a particular location. Yet this is the very information we need to knowwhich behaviours were and were not observed at each site. Second, there are many reports describing chimpanzee behaviours without expressing how common they are; without this information, we cant determine whether a particular action was a transient phenomenon or a routine event that should be considered part of its culture. Finally, researchers description of potentially significant chimpanzee behaviours often lacks sufficient detail, which makes it difficult for scientists from other spots to report the presence or absence of the activities. To tackle these problems, my colleague and I determined to take a new approach. We asked field researchers at each site to list all the behaviours which they suspected were local traditions. With this information, we assembled a comprehensive list of 65 candidates for cultural behaviours. Then we distributed our list to team leaders at each site. They consulted with their colleagues and classified each behaviour regarding its occurrence or absence in the chimpanzee community. The major brackets contained customary behaviour (occurs in most or all of the able-bodied members of at least one age or sex class, such as all adult males), habitual (less common than customary but occurs repeatedly in several individuals), present (observed at the site but not habitual), absent (never seen), and unknown. | Even Toshisada Nishida and Jane Goodalls beginning studies observed many surprising features of civilised behaviours among chimpanzees. | entailment |
id_6543 | The Study of Chimpanzee Culture After studying the similarities between chimpanzees and humans for years, researchers have recognised these resemblances run much deeper than anyone first thought in the latest decade. For instance, the nut cracking observed in the Tai Forest is not a simple chimpanzee behaviour, but a separate adaptation found only in that particular part of Africa, as well as a trait which is considered to be an expression of chimpanzee culture by biologists. These researchers frequently quote the word culture to describe elementary animal behaviours, like the regional dialects of different species of songbirds, but it turns out that the rich and varied cultural traditions chimpanzees enjoyed rank secondly in complexity only to human traditions. During the past two years, the major research group which studies chimpanzees collaborated unprecedentedly and documented some distinct cultural patterns, ranging from animals use of tools to their forms of communication and social customs. This emerging picture of chimpanzees affects how human beings ponder upon these amazing creatures. Also, it alters our conception of human uniqueness and shows us the extraordinary ability of our ancient ancestors to create cultures. Although we know that Homo sapiens and Pan Troglodytes have coexisted for hundreds of millennia and their genetic similarities surpass 98 per cent, we still knew next to nothing about chimpanzee behaviour in the wild until 40 years ago. All this began to change in the 1960s when Toshisada Nishida of Kyoto University in Japan and renowned British primatologist Jane Goodall launched their studies of wild chimpanzees at two field sites in Tanzania. (Goodalls research station at Gombethe first of its kindis more famous, but Nishidas site at Mahale is the second oldest chimpanzee research site in the world. ) During these primary studies, as the chimpanzees became more and more accustomed to close observation, the remarkable discoveries emerged. Researchers witnessed a variety of unexpected behaviours, ranging from fashioning and using tools, hunting, meat eating, food sharing to lethal fights between members of neighbouring communities. In 1973, 13 forms of tool use and 8 social activities which appeared to differ between the Gombe chimpanzees and chimpanzee species elsewhere were recorded by Goodall. She speculated that some variations shared what she referred to as a cultural origin. But what exactly did Goodall mean by culture? According to the Oxford Encyclopedic English Dictionary, culture is defined as the customs. . . and achievements of a particular time or people. The diversity of human cultures extends from technological variations to marriage rituals, from culinary habits to myths and legends. Of course, animals do not have myths and legends, but they do share the capacity to pass on behavioural traits from one generation to another, not through their genes but via learning. From biologists view, this is the fundamental criterion for a cultural traitsomething can be learnt by observing the established skills of others and then passed on to following generations. What are the implications for chimpanzees themselves? We must place a high value upon the tragic loss of chimpanzees, who are decimated just when finally we are coming to appreciate these astonishing animals more completely. The population of chimpanzees has plummeted and continued to fall due to illegal trapping, logging and, most recently, the bushmeat trade within the past century. The latter is particularly alarming because logging has driven roadways, which are now used to ship wild animal meatincluding chimpanzee meat to consumers as far afield as Europe, into forests. Such destruction threatens not only the animals themselves but also a host of fascinatingly different ape cultures. However, the cultural richness of the ape may contribute to its salvation. For example, the conservation efforts have already altered the attitudes of some local people. After several organisations showed videotapes illustrating the cognitive prowess of chimpanzees, one Zairian viewer was heard to exclaim, Ah, this ape is so like me, I can no longer eat him. How did an international team of chimpanzee experts perform the most comprehensive survey of the animals ever attempted? Although scientists have been delving into chimpanzee culture for several decades, sometimes their studies contained a fatal defect. So far, most attempts to document cultural diversity among chimpanzees have solely relied upon officially published accounts of the behaviours reported at each research site. But this approach probably neglects a good deal of cultural variation for three reasons. First, scientists normally dont publish an extensive list of all the activities they do not see at a particular location. Yet this is the very information we need to knowwhich behaviours were and were not observed at each site. Second, there are many reports describing chimpanzee behaviours without expressing how common they are; without this information, we cant determine whether a particular action was a transient phenomenon or a routine event that should be considered part of its culture. Finally, researchers description of potentially significant chimpanzee behaviours often lacks sufficient detail, which makes it difficult for scientists from other spots to report the presence or absence of the activities. To tackle these problems, my colleague and I determined to take a new approach. We asked field researchers at each site to list all the behaviours which they suspected were local traditions. With this information, we assembled a comprehensive list of 65 candidates for cultural behaviours. Then we distributed our list to team leaders at each site. They consulted with their colleagues and classified each behaviour regarding its occurrence or absence in the chimpanzee community. The major brackets contained customary behaviour (occurs in most or all of the able-bodied members of at least one age or sex class, such as all adult males), habitual (less common than customary but occurs repeatedly in several individuals), present (observed at the site but not habitual), absent (never seen), and unknown. | The research found that scientists can make chimpanzees possess the same complex culture as human beings. | neutral |
id_6544 | The Study of Chimpanzee Culture After studying the similarities between chimpanzees and humans for years, researchers have recognised these resemblances run much deeper than anyone first thought in the latest decade. For instance, the nut cracking observed in the Tai Forest is not a simple chimpanzee behaviour, but a separate adaptation found only in that particular part of Africa, as well as a trait which is considered to be an expression of chimpanzee culture by biologists. These researchers frequently quote the word culture to describe elementary animal behaviours, like the regional dialects of different species of songbirds, but it turns out that the rich and varied cultural traditions chimpanzees enjoyed rank secondly in complexity only to human traditions. During the past two years, the major research group which studies chimpanzees collaborated unprecedentedly and documented some distinct cultural patterns, ranging from animals use of tools to their forms of communication and social customs. This emerging picture of chimpanzees affects how human beings ponder upon these amazing creatures. Also, it alters our conception of human uniqueness and shows us the extraordinary ability of our ancient ancestors to create cultures. Although we know that Homo sapiens and Pan Troglodytes have coexisted for hundreds of millennia and their genetic similarities surpass 98 per cent, we still knew next to nothing about chimpanzee behaviour in the wild until 40 years ago. All this began to change in the 1960s when Toshisada Nishida of Kyoto University in Japan and renowned British primatologist Jane Goodall launched their studies of wild chimpanzees at two field sites in Tanzania. (Goodalls research station at Gombethe first of its kindis more famous, but Nishidas site at Mahale is the second oldest chimpanzee research site in the world. ) During these primary studies, as the chimpanzees became more and more accustomed to close observation, the remarkable discoveries emerged. Researchers witnessed a variety of unexpected behaviours, ranging from fashioning and using tools, hunting, meat eating, food sharing to lethal fights between members of neighbouring communities. In 1973, 13 forms of tool use and 8 social activities which appeared to differ between the Gombe chimpanzees and chimpanzee species elsewhere were recorded by Goodall. She speculated that some variations shared what she referred to as a cultural origin. But what exactly did Goodall mean by culture? According to the Oxford Encyclopedic English Dictionary, culture is defined as the customs. . . and achievements of a particular time or people. The diversity of human cultures extends from technological variations to marriage rituals, from culinary habits to myths and legends. Of course, animals do not have myths and legends, but they do share the capacity to pass on behavioural traits from one generation to another, not through their genes but via learning. From biologists view, this is the fundamental criterion for a cultural traitsomething can be learnt by observing the established skills of others and then passed on to following generations. What are the implications for chimpanzees themselves? We must place a high value upon the tragic loss of chimpanzees, who are decimated just when finally we are coming to appreciate these astonishing animals more completely. The population of chimpanzees has plummeted and continued to fall due to illegal trapping, logging and, most recently, the bushmeat trade within the past century. The latter is particularly alarming because logging has driven roadways, which are now used to ship wild animal meatincluding chimpanzee meat to consumers as far afield as Europe, into forests. Such destruction threatens not only the animals themselves but also a host of fascinatingly different ape cultures. However, the cultural richness of the ape may contribute to its salvation. For example, the conservation efforts have already altered the attitudes of some local people. After several organisations showed videotapes illustrating the cognitive prowess of chimpanzees, one Zairian viewer was heard to exclaim, Ah, this ape is so like me, I can no longer eat him. How did an international team of chimpanzee experts perform the most comprehensive survey of the animals ever attempted? Although scientists have been delving into chimpanzee culture for several decades, sometimes their studies contained a fatal defect. So far, most attempts to document cultural diversity among chimpanzees have solely relied upon officially published accounts of the behaviours reported at each research site. But this approach probably neglects a good deal of cultural variation for three reasons. First, scientists normally dont publish an extensive list of all the activities they do not see at a particular location. Yet this is the very information we need to knowwhich behaviours were and were not observed at each site. Second, there are many reports describing chimpanzee behaviours without expressing how common they are; without this information, we cant determine whether a particular action was a transient phenomenon or a routine event that should be considered part of its culture. Finally, researchers description of potentially significant chimpanzee behaviours often lacks sufficient detail, which makes it difficult for scientists from other spots to report the presence or absence of the activities. To tackle these problems, my colleague and I determined to take a new approach. We asked field researchers at each site to list all the behaviours which they suspected were local traditions. With this information, we assembled a comprehensive list of 65 candidates for cultural behaviours. Then we distributed our list to team leaders at each site. They consulted with their colleagues and classified each behaviour regarding its occurrence or absence in the chimpanzee community. The major brackets contained customary behaviour (occurs in most or all of the able-bodied members of at least one age or sex class, such as all adult males), habitual (less common than customary but occurs repeatedly in several individuals), present (observed at the site but not habitual), absent (never seen), and unknown. | Humans and apes lived together long time ago and shared most of their genetic substance. | entailment |
id_6545 | The Study of Chimpanzee Culture After studying the similarities between chimpanzees and humans for years, researchers have recognised these resemblances run much deeper than anyone first thought in the latest decade. For instance, the nut cracking observed in the Tai Forest is not a simple chimpanzee behaviour, but a separate adaptation found only in that particular part of Africa, as well as a trait which is considered to be an expression of chimpanzee culture by biologists. These researchers frequently quote the word culture to describe elementary animal behaviours, like the regional dialects of different species of songbirds, but it turns out that the rich and varied cultural traditions chimpanzees enjoyed rank secondly in complexity only to human traditions. During the past two years, the major research group which studies chimpanzees collaborated unprecedentedly and documented some distinct cultural patterns, ranging from animals use of tools to their forms of communication and social customs. This emerging picture of chimpanzees affects how human beings ponder upon these amazing creatures. Also, it alters our conception of human uniqueness and shows us the extraordinary ability of our ancient ancestors to create cultures. Although we know that Homo sapiens and Pan Troglodytes have coexisted for hundreds of millennia and their genetic similarities surpass 98 per cent, we still knew next to nothing about chimpanzee behaviour in the wild until 40 years ago. All this began to change in the 1960s when Toshisada Nishida of Kyoto University in Japan and renowned British primatologist Jane Goodall launched their studies of wild chimpanzees at two field sites in Tanzania. (Goodalls research station at Gombethe first of its kindis more famous, but Nishidas site at Mahale is the second oldest chimpanzee research site in the world. ) During these primary studies, as the chimpanzees became more and more accustomed to close observation, the remarkable discoveries emerged. Researchers witnessed a variety of unexpected behaviours, ranging from fashioning and using tools, hunting, meat eating, food sharing to lethal fights between members of neighbouring communities. In 1973, 13 forms of tool use and 8 social activities which appeared to differ between the Gombe chimpanzees and chimpanzee species elsewhere were recorded by Goodall. She speculated that some variations shared what she referred to as a cultural origin. But what exactly did Goodall mean by culture? According to the Oxford Encyclopedic English Dictionary, culture is defined as the customs. . . and achievements of a particular time or people. The diversity of human cultures extends from technological variations to marriage rituals, from culinary habits to myths and legends. Of course, animals do not have myths and legends, but they do share the capacity to pass on behavioural traits from one generation to another, not through their genes but via learning. From biologists view, this is the fundamental criterion for a cultural traitsomething can be learnt by observing the established skills of others and then passed on to following generations. What are the implications for chimpanzees themselves? We must place a high value upon the tragic loss of chimpanzees, who are decimated just when finally we are coming to appreciate these astonishing animals more completely. The population of chimpanzees has plummeted and continued to fall due to illegal trapping, logging and, most recently, the bushmeat trade within the past century. The latter is particularly alarming because logging has driven roadways, which are now used to ship wild animal meatincluding chimpanzee meat to consumers as far afield as Europe, into forests. Such destruction threatens not only the animals themselves but also a host of fascinatingly different ape cultures. However, the cultural richness of the ape may contribute to its salvation. For example, the conservation efforts have already altered the attitudes of some local people. After several organisations showed videotapes illustrating the cognitive prowess of chimpanzees, one Zairian viewer was heard to exclaim, Ah, this ape is so like me, I can no longer eat him. How did an international team of chimpanzee experts perform the most comprehensive survey of the animals ever attempted? Although scientists have been delving into chimpanzee culture for several decades, sometimes their studies contained a fatal defect. So far, most attempts to document cultural diversity among chimpanzees have solely relied upon officially published accounts of the behaviours reported at each research site. But this approach probably neglects a good deal of cultural variation for three reasons. First, scientists normally dont publish an extensive list of all the activities they do not see at a particular location. Yet this is the very information we need to knowwhich behaviours were and were not observed at each site. Second, there are many reports describing chimpanzee behaviours without expressing how common they are; without this information, we cant determine whether a particular action was a transient phenomenon or a routine event that should be considered part of its culture. Finally, researchers description of potentially significant chimpanzee behaviours often lacks sufficient detail, which makes it difficult for scientists from other spots to report the presence or absence of the activities. To tackle these problems, my colleague and I determined to take a new approach. We asked field researchers at each site to list all the behaviours which they suspected were local traditions. With this information, we assembled a comprehensive list of 65 candidates for cultural behaviours. Then we distributed our list to team leaders at each site. They consulted with their colleagues and classified each behaviour regarding its occurrence or absence in the chimpanzee community. The major brackets contained customary behaviour (occurs in most or all of the able-bodied members of at least one age or sex class, such as all adult males), habitual (less common than customary but occurs repeatedly in several individuals), present (observed at the site but not habitual), absent (never seen), and unknown. | Chimpanzees, like humans, have the ability to deliver cultural behaviours mostly from genetic inheritance. | contradiction |
id_6546 | The Tea Palace, a popular shop in Londons West End, opened its doors in 1880. Nowadays over an estimated one million consumers pass through its doors every year. The shop, commonly known as the palace, imports products from all over the world. A major attraction for tourists, the palace has continued to make tea in the same way since opening. Large ladles of dried tea leaves are placed in metal cauldrons over the fires of the open kitchen; customers are able to see this process and the tea, in traditional pots, is then brought to the table. Many customers take pictures of this process and like to pose for pictures in front of the shops world-famous front door. | The Tea Palace makes its tea at the customers table. | contradiction |
id_6547 | The Tea Palace, a popular shop in Londons West End, opened its doors in 1880. Nowadays over an estimated one million consumers pass through its doors every year. The shop, commonly known as the palace, imports products from all over the world. A major attraction for tourists, the palace has continued to make tea in the same way since opening. Large ladles of dried tea leaves are placed in metal cauldrons over the fires of the open kitchen; customers are able to see this process and the tea, in traditional pots, is then brought to the table. Many customers take pictures of this process and like to pose for pictures in front of the shops world-famous front door. | The Tea Palace imports items from all over the globe. | entailment |
id_6548 | The Tea Palace, a popular shop in Londons West End, opened its doors in 1880. Nowadays over an estimated one million consumers pass through its doors every year. The shop, commonly known as the palace, imports products from all over the world. A major attraction for tourists, the palace has continued to make tea in the same way since opening. Large ladles of dried tea leaves are placed in metal cauldrons over the fires of the open kitchen; customers are able to see this process and the tea, in traditional pots, is then brought to the table. Many customers take pictures of this process and like to pose for pictures in front of the shops world-famous front door. | The Tea Palace is a major attraction for tourists. | entailment |
id_6549 | The Tea Palace, a popular shop in Londons West End, opened its doors in 1880. Nowadays over an estimated one million consumers pass through its doors every year. The shop, commonly known as the palace, imports products from all over the world. A major attraction for tourists, the palace has continued to make tea in the same way since opening. Large ladles of dried tea leaves are placed in metal cauldrons over the fires of the open kitchen; customers are able to see this process and the tea, in traditional pots, is then brought to the table. Many customers take pictures of this process and like to pose for pictures in front of the shops world-famous front door. | The Tea Palace receives half a million people every six months. | entailment |
id_6550 | The Times University Guide is an annually published table placing the universities in the UK in order of their standard of education. Whilst the first place on the table is traditionally represented by either Oxford or Cambridge, there is much rivalry between other institutions to achieve a high-ranking place on the list. Amongst other factors, the guide takes into account the quantity and quality of research published by each university, the number of students who complete the course, the universitys average entry requirement and the level of spending on facilities. Unlike many other university guides, the Times University Guide takes into account student satisfaction. This figure is collected from a survey given to current students at the institution, asking them to rate their university. Other league tables are published by The Guardian and the Complete University Guide. | The number of students completing the course is a weakness for institutions. | neutral |
id_6551 | The Times University Guide is an annually published table placing the universities in the UK in order of their standard of education. Whilst the first place on the table is traditionally represented by either Oxford or Cambridge, there is much rivalry between other institutions to achieve a high-ranking place on the list. Amongst other factors, the guide takes into account the quantity and quality of research published by each university, the number of students who complete the course, the universitys average entry requirement and the level of spending on facilities. Unlike many other university guides, the Times University Guide takes into account student satisfaction. This figure is collected from a survey given to current students at the institution, asking them to rate their university. Other league tables are published by The Guardian and the Complete University Guide. | The Guardian University Guide is based on average entry requirements | neutral |
id_6552 | The Times University Guide is an annually published table placing the universities in the UK in order of their standard of education. Whilst the first place on the table is traditionally represented by either Oxford or Cambridge, there is much rivalry between other institutions to achieve a high-ranking place on the list. Amongst other factors, the guide takes into account the quantity and quality of research published by each university, the number of students who complete the course, the universitys average entry requirement and the level of spending on facilities. Unlike many other university guides, the Times University Guide takes into account student satisfaction. This figure is collected from a survey given to current students at the institution, asking them to rate their university. Other league tables are published by The Guardian and the Complete University Guide. | The Times University Guide relies only on information from student surveys. | contradiction |
id_6553 | The Times University Guide is an annually published table placing the universities in the UK in order of their standard of education. Whilst the first place on the table is traditionally represented by either Oxford or Cambridge, there is much rivalry between other institutions to achieve a high-ranking place on the list. Amongst other factors, the guide takes into account the quantity and quality of research published by each university, the number of students who complete the course, the universitys average entry requirement and the level of spending on facilities. Unlike many other university guides, the Times University Guide takes into account student satisfaction. This figure is collected from a survey given to current students at the institution, asking them to rate their university. Other league tables are published by The Guardian and the Complete University Guide. | The first place position is usually Oxford or Cambridge. | entailment |
id_6554 | The Triumph of Unreason? Neoclassical economics is built on the assumption that humans are rational beings who have a clear idea of their best interests and strive to extract maximum benefit (or utility, in economist-speak) from any situation. Neoclassical economics assumes that the process of decision-making is rational. But that contradicts growing evidence that decision-making draws on the emotionseven when reason is clearly involved. The role of emotions in decisions makes perfect sense. For situations met frequently in the past, such as obtaining food and mates, and confronting or fleeing from threats, the neural mechanisms required to weigh up the pros and cons will have been honed by evolution to produce an optimal outcome. Since emotion is the mechanism by which animals are prodded towards such outcomes, evolutionary and economic theory predict the same practical consequences for utility in these cases. But does this still apply when the ancestral machinery has to respond to the stimuli of urban modernity? One of the people who thinks that it does not is George Loewenstein, an economist at Carnegie Mellon University, in Pittsburgh. In particular, he suspects that modern shopping has subverted the decision-making machinery in a way that encourages people to run up debt. To prove the point he has teamed up with two psychologists, Brian Knutson of Stanford University and Drazen Prelec of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, to look at what happens in the brain when it is deciding what to buy. In a study, the three researchers asked 26 volunteers to decide whether to buy a series of products such as a box of chocolates or a DVD of the television show that were flashed on a computer screen one after another. In each round of the task, the researchers first presented the product and then its price, with each step lasting four seconds. In the final stage, which also lasted four seconds, they asked the volunteers to make up their minds. While the volunteers were taking part in the experiment, the researchers scanned their brains using a technique called functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). This measures blood flow and oxygen consumption in the brain, as an indication of its activity. The researchers found that different parts of the brain were involved at different stages of the test. The nucleus accumbens was the most active part when a product was being displayed. Moreover, the level of its activity correlated with the reported desirability of the product in question. When the price appeared, however, fMRI reported more activity in other parts of the brain. Excessively high prices increased activity in the insular cortex, a brain region linked to expectations of pain, monetary loss and the viewing of upsetting pictures. The researchers also found greater activity in this region of the brain when the subject decided not to purchase an item. Price information activated the medial prefrontal cortex, too. This part of the brain is involved in rational calculation. In the experiment its activity seemed to correlate with a volunteer's reaction to both product and price, rather than to price alone. Thus, the sense of a good bargain evoked higher activity levels in the medial prefrontal cortex, and this often preceded a decision to buy. People's shopping behaviour therefore seems to have piggy-backed on old neural circuits evolved for anticipation of reward and the avoidance of hazards. What Dr Loewenstein found interesting was the separation of the assessment of the product (which seems to be associated with the nucleus accumbens) from the assessment of its price (associated with the insular cortex), even though the two are then synthesised in the prefrontal cortex. His hypothesis is that rather than weighing the present good against future alternatives, as orthodox economics suggests happens, people actually balance the immediate pleasure of the prospective possession of a product with the immediate pain of paying for it. That makes perfect sense as an evolved mechanism for trading. If one useful object is being traded for another (hard cash in modern time), the future utility of what is being given up is embedded in the object being traded. Emotion is as capable of assigning such a value as reason. Buying on credit, though, may be different. The abstract nature of credit cards, coupled with the deferment of payment that they promise, may modulate the con side of the calculation in favour of the pro. Whether it actually does so will be the subject of further experiments that the three researchers are now designing. These will test whether people with distinctly different spending behaviour, such as miserliness and extravagance, experience different amounts of pain in response to prices. They will also assess whether, in the same individuals, buying with credit cards eases the pain compared with paying by cash. If they find that it does, then credit cards may have to join the list of things such as fatty and sugary foods, and recreational drugs, that subvert human instincts in ways that seem pleasurable at the time but can have a long and malign aftertaste. | The prefrontal cortex of the human brain is linked to monetary loss and the viewing of upsetting pictures. | contradiction |
id_6555 | The Triumph of Unreason? Neoclassical economics is built on the assumption that humans are rational beings who have a clear idea of their best interests and strive to extract maximum benefit (or utility, in economist-speak) from any situation. Neoclassical economics assumes that the process of decision-making is rational. But that contradicts growing evidence that decision-making draws on the emotionseven when reason is clearly involved. The role of emotions in decisions makes perfect sense. For situations met frequently in the past, such as obtaining food and mates, and confronting or fleeing from threats, the neural mechanisms required to weigh up the pros and cons will have been honed by evolution to produce an optimal outcome. Since emotion is the mechanism by which animals are prodded towards such outcomes, evolutionary and economic theory predict the same practical consequences for utility in these cases. But does this still apply when the ancestral machinery has to respond to the stimuli of urban modernity? One of the people who thinks that it does not is George Loewenstein, an economist at Carnegie Mellon University, in Pittsburgh. In particular, he suspects that modern shopping has subverted the decision-making machinery in a way that encourages people to run up debt. To prove the point he has teamed up with two psychologists, Brian Knutson of Stanford University and Drazen Prelec of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, to look at what happens in the brain when it is deciding what to buy. In a study, the three researchers asked 26 volunteers to decide whether to buy a series of products such as a box of chocolates or a DVD of the television show that were flashed on a computer screen one after another. In each round of the task, the researchers first presented the product and then its price, with each step lasting four seconds. In the final stage, which also lasted four seconds, they asked the volunteers to make up their minds. While the volunteers were taking part in the experiment, the researchers scanned their brains using a technique called functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). This measures blood flow and oxygen consumption in the brain, as an indication of its activity. The researchers found that different parts of the brain were involved at different stages of the test. The nucleus accumbens was the most active part when a product was being displayed. Moreover, the level of its activity correlated with the reported desirability of the product in question. When the price appeared, however, fMRI reported more activity in other parts of the brain. Excessively high prices increased activity in the insular cortex, a brain region linked to expectations of pain, monetary loss and the viewing of upsetting pictures. The researchers also found greater activity in this region of the brain when the subject decided not to purchase an item. Price information activated the medial prefrontal cortex, too. This part of the brain is involved in rational calculation. In the experiment its activity seemed to correlate with a volunteer's reaction to both product and price, rather than to price alone. Thus, the sense of a good bargain evoked higher activity levels in the medial prefrontal cortex, and this often preceded a decision to buy. People's shopping behaviour therefore seems to have piggy-backed on old neural circuits evolved for anticipation of reward and the avoidance of hazards. What Dr Loewenstein found interesting was the separation of the assessment of the product (which seems to be associated with the nucleus accumbens) from the assessment of its price (associated with the insular cortex), even though the two are then synthesised in the prefrontal cortex. His hypothesis is that rather than weighing the present good against future alternatives, as orthodox economics suggests happens, people actually balance the immediate pleasure of the prospective possession of a product with the immediate pain of paying for it. That makes perfect sense as an evolved mechanism for trading. If one useful object is being traded for another (hard cash in modern time), the future utility of what is being given up is embedded in the object being traded. Emotion is as capable of assigning such a value as reason. Buying on credit, though, may be different. The abstract nature of credit cards, coupled with the deferment of payment that they promise, may modulate the con side of the calculation in favour of the pro. Whether it actually does so will be the subject of further experiments that the three researchers are now designing. These will test whether people with distinctly different spending behaviour, such as miserliness and extravagance, experience different amounts of pain in response to prices. They will also assess whether, in the same individuals, buying with credit cards eases the pain compared with paying by cash. If they find that it does, then credit cards may have to join the list of things such as fatty and sugary foods, and recreational drugs, that subvert human instincts in ways that seem pleasurable at the time but can have a long and malign aftertaste. | The more active the nucleus accumens was, the stronger the desire of people for the product in question became. | entailment |
id_6556 | The Triumph of Unreason? Neoclassical economics is built on the assumption that humans are rational beings who have a clear idea of their best interests and strive to extract maximum benefit (or utility, in economist-speak) from any situation. Neoclassical economics assumes that the process of decision-making is rational. But that contradicts growing evidence that decision-making draws on the emotionseven when reason is clearly involved. The role of emotions in decisions makes perfect sense. For situations met frequently in the past, such as obtaining food and mates, and confronting or fleeing from threats, the neural mechanisms required to weigh up the pros and cons will have been honed by evolution to produce an optimal outcome. Since emotion is the mechanism by which animals are prodded towards such outcomes, evolutionary and economic theory predict the same practical consequences for utility in these cases. But does this still apply when the ancestral machinery has to respond to the stimuli of urban modernity? One of the people who thinks that it does not is George Loewenstein, an economist at Carnegie Mellon University, in Pittsburgh. In particular, he suspects that modern shopping has subverted the decision-making machinery in a way that encourages people to run up debt. To prove the point he has teamed up with two psychologists, Brian Knutson of Stanford University and Drazen Prelec of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, to look at what happens in the brain when it is deciding what to buy. In a study, the three researchers asked 26 volunteers to decide whether to buy a series of products such as a box of chocolates or a DVD of the television show that were flashed on a computer screen one after another. In each round of the task, the researchers first presented the product and then its price, with each step lasting four seconds. In the final stage, which also lasted four seconds, they asked the volunteers to make up their minds. While the volunteers were taking part in the experiment, the researchers scanned their brains using a technique called functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). This measures blood flow and oxygen consumption in the brain, as an indication of its activity. The researchers found that different parts of the brain were involved at different stages of the test. The nucleus accumbens was the most active part when a product was being displayed. Moreover, the level of its activity correlated with the reported desirability of the product in question. When the price appeared, however, fMRI reported more activity in other parts of the brain. Excessively high prices increased activity in the insular cortex, a brain region linked to expectations of pain, monetary loss and the viewing of upsetting pictures. The researchers also found greater activity in this region of the brain when the subject decided not to purchase an item. Price information activated the medial prefrontal cortex, too. This part of the brain is involved in rational calculation. In the experiment its activity seemed to correlate with a volunteer's reaction to both product and price, rather than to price alone. Thus, the sense of a good bargain evoked higher activity levels in the medial prefrontal cortex, and this often preceded a decision to buy. People's shopping behaviour therefore seems to have piggy-backed on old neural circuits evolved for anticipation of reward and the avoidance of hazards. What Dr Loewenstein found interesting was the separation of the assessment of the product (which seems to be associated with the nucleus accumbens) from the assessment of its price (associated with the insular cortex), even though the two are then synthesised in the prefrontal cortex. His hypothesis is that rather than weighing the present good against future alternatives, as orthodox economics suggests happens, people actually balance the immediate pleasure of the prospective possession of a product with the immediate pain of paying for it. That makes perfect sense as an evolved mechanism for trading. If one useful object is being traded for another (hard cash in modern time), the future utility of what is being given up is embedded in the object being traded. Emotion is as capable of assigning such a value as reason. Buying on credit, though, may be different. The abstract nature of credit cards, coupled with the deferment of payment that they promise, may modulate the con side of the calculation in favour of the pro. Whether it actually does so will be the subject of further experiments that the three researchers are now designing. These will test whether people with distinctly different spending behaviour, such as miserliness and extravagance, experience different amounts of pain in response to prices. They will also assess whether, in the same individuals, buying with credit cards eases the pain compared with paying by cash. If they find that it does, then credit cards may have to join the list of things such as fatty and sugary foods, and recreational drugs, that subvert human instincts in ways that seem pleasurable at the time but can have a long and malign aftertaste. | Animals are urged by emotion to strive for an optimal outcomes or extract maximum utility from any situation. | entailment |
id_6557 | The Triumph of Unreason? Neoclassical economics is built on the assumption that humans are rational beings who have a clear idea of their best interests and strive to extract maximum benefit (or utility, in economist-speak) from any situation. Neoclassical economics assumes that the process of decision-making is rational. But that contradicts growing evidence that decision-making draws on the emotionseven when reason is clearly involved. The role of emotions in decisions makes perfect sense. For situations met frequently in the past, such as obtaining food and mates, and confronting or fleeing from threats, the neural mechanisms required to weigh up the pros and cons will have been honed by evolution to produce an optimal outcome. Since emotion is the mechanism by which animals are prodded towards such outcomes, evolutionary and economic theory predict the same practical consequences for utility in these cases. But does this still apply when the ancestral machinery has to respond to the stimuli of urban modernity? One of the people who thinks that it does not is George Loewenstein, an economist at Carnegie Mellon University, in Pittsburgh. In particular, he suspects that modern shopping has subverted the decision-making machinery in a way that encourages people to run up debt. To prove the point he has teamed up with two psychologists, Brian Knutson of Stanford University and Drazen Prelec of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, to look at what happens in the brain when it is deciding what to buy. In a study, the three researchers asked 26 volunteers to decide whether to buy a series of products such as a box of chocolates or a DVD of the television show that were flashed on a computer screen one after another. In each round of the task, the researchers first presented the product and then its price, with each step lasting four seconds. In the final stage, which also lasted four seconds, they asked the volunteers to make up their minds. While the volunteers were taking part in the experiment, the researchers scanned their brains using a technique called functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). This measures blood flow and oxygen consumption in the brain, as an indication of its activity. The researchers found that different parts of the brain were involved at different stages of the test. The nucleus accumbens was the most active part when a product was being displayed. Moreover, the level of its activity correlated with the reported desirability of the product in question. When the price appeared, however, fMRI reported more activity in other parts of the brain. Excessively high prices increased activity in the insular cortex, a brain region linked to expectations of pain, monetary loss and the viewing of upsetting pictures. The researchers also found greater activity in this region of the brain when the subject decided not to purchase an item. Price information activated the medial prefrontal cortex, too. This part of the brain is involved in rational calculation. In the experiment its activity seemed to correlate with a volunteer's reaction to both product and price, rather than to price alone. Thus, the sense of a good bargain evoked higher activity levels in the medial prefrontal cortex, and this often preceded a decision to buy. People's shopping behaviour therefore seems to have piggy-backed on old neural circuits evolved for anticipation of reward and the avoidance of hazards. What Dr Loewenstein found interesting was the separation of the assessment of the product (which seems to be associated with the nucleus accumbens) from the assessment of its price (associated with the insular cortex), even though the two are then synthesised in the prefrontal cortex. His hypothesis is that rather than weighing the present good against future alternatives, as orthodox economics suggests happens, people actually balance the immediate pleasure of the prospective possession of a product with the immediate pain of paying for it. That makes perfect sense as an evolved mechanism for trading. If one useful object is being traded for another (hard cash in modern time), the future utility of what is being given up is embedded in the object being traded. Emotion is as capable of assigning such a value as reason. Buying on credit, though, may be different. The abstract nature of credit cards, coupled with the deferment of payment that they promise, may modulate the con side of the calculation in favour of the pro. Whether it actually does so will be the subject of further experiments that the three researchers are now designing. These will test whether people with distinctly different spending behaviour, such as miserliness and extravagance, experience different amounts of pain in response to prices. They will also assess whether, in the same individuals, buying with credit cards eases the pain compared with paying by cash. If they find that it does, then credit cards may have to join the list of things such as fatty and sugary foods, and recreational drugs, that subvert human instincts in ways that seem pleasurable at the time but can have a long and malign aftertaste. | The belief of neoclassical economics does not accord with the increasing evidence that humans make use of the emotions to make decisions. | entailment |
id_6558 | The Triumph of Unreason? Neoclassical economics is built on the assumption that humans are rational beings who have a clear idea of their best interests and strive to extract maximum benefit (or utility, in economist-speak) from any situation. Neoclassical economics assumes that the process of decision-making is rational. But that contradicts growing evidence that decision-making draws on the emotionseven when reason is clearly involved. The role of emotions in decisions makes perfect sense. For situations met frequently in the past, such as obtaining food and mates, and confronting or fleeing from threats, the neural mechanisms required to weigh up the pros and cons will have been honed by evolution to produce an optimal outcome. Since emotion is the mechanism by which animals are prodded towards such outcomes, evolutionary and economic theory predict the same practical consequences for utility in these cases. But does this still apply when the ancestral machinery has to respond to the stimuli of urban modernity? One of the people who thinks that it does not is George Loewenstein, an economist at Carnegie Mellon University, in Pittsburgh. In particular, he suspects that modern shopping has subverted the decision-making machinery in a way that encourages people to run up debt. To prove the point he has teamed up with two psychologists, Brian Knutson of Stanford University and Drazen Prelec of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, to look at what happens in the brain when it is deciding what to buy. In a study, the three researchers asked 26 volunteers to decide whether to buy a series of products such as a box of chocolates or a DVD of the television show that were flashed on a computer screen one after another. In each round of the task, the researchers first presented the product and then its price, with each step lasting four seconds. In the final stage, which also lasted four seconds, they asked the volunteers to make up their minds. While the volunteers were taking part in the experiment, the researchers scanned their brains using a technique called functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). This measures blood flow and oxygen consumption in the brain, as an indication of its activity. The researchers found that different parts of the brain were involved at different stages of the test. The nucleus accumbens was the most active part when a product was being displayed. Moreover, the level of its activity correlated with the reported desirability of the product in question. When the price appeared, however, fMRI reported more activity in other parts of the brain. Excessively high prices increased activity in the insular cortex, a brain region linked to expectations of pain, monetary loss and the viewing of upsetting pictures. The researchers also found greater activity in this region of the brain when the subject decided not to purchase an item. Price information activated the medial prefrontal cortex, too. This part of the brain is involved in rational calculation. In the experiment its activity seemed to correlate with a volunteer's reaction to both product and price, rather than to price alone. Thus, the sense of a good bargain evoked higher activity levels in the medial prefrontal cortex, and this often preceded a decision to buy. People's shopping behaviour therefore seems to have piggy-backed on old neural circuits evolved for anticipation of reward and the avoidance of hazards. What Dr Loewenstein found interesting was the separation of the assessment of the product (which seems to be associated with the nucleus accumbens) from the assessment of its price (associated with the insular cortex), even though the two are then synthesised in the prefrontal cortex. His hypothesis is that rather than weighing the present good against future alternatives, as orthodox economics suggests happens, people actually balance the immediate pleasure of the prospective possession of a product with the immediate pain of paying for it. That makes perfect sense as an evolved mechanism for trading. If one useful object is being traded for another (hard cash in modern time), the future utility of what is being given up is embedded in the object being traded. Emotion is as capable of assigning such a value as reason. Buying on credit, though, may be different. The abstract nature of credit cards, coupled with the deferment of payment that they promise, may modulate the con side of the calculation in favour of the pro. Whether it actually does so will be the subject of further experiments that the three researchers are now designing. These will test whether people with distinctly different spending behaviour, such as miserliness and extravagance, experience different amounts of pain in response to prices. They will also assess whether, in the same individuals, buying with credit cards eases the pain compared with paying by cash. If they find that it does, then credit cards may have to join the list of things such as fatty and sugary foods, and recreational drugs, that subvert human instincts in ways that seem pleasurable at the time but can have a long and malign aftertaste. | George Loewenstein thinks that modern ways of shopping tend to allow people to accumulate their debts. | contradiction |
id_6559 | The True Cost of Food. For more than forty years the cost of food has been rising. It has now reached a point where a growing number of people believe that it is far too high, and that bringing it down will be one of the great challenges of the twenty first century. That cost, however, is not in immediate cash. In the West at least, most food is now far cheaper to buy in relative terms than it was in 1960. The cost is in the collateral damage of the very methods of food production that have made the food cheaper: in the pollution of water, the enervation of soil, the destruction of wildlife, the harm to animal welfare and the threat to human health caused by modern industrial agriculture. First mechanisation, then mass use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides, then monocultures, then battery rearing of livestock, and now genetic engineering the onward march of intensive farming has seemed unstoppable in the last half-century, as the yields of produce have soared. But the damage it has caused has been colossal. In Britain, for example, many of our best-loved farmland birds, such as the skylark, the grey partridge, the lapwing and the corn bunting, have vanished from huge stretches of countryside, as have even more wild flowers and insects. This is a direct result of the way we have produced our food in the last four decades. Thousands of miles of hedgerows, thousands of ponds, have disappeared from the landscape. The faecal filth of salmon farming has driven wild salmon from many of the sea Iochs and rivers of Scotland. Natural soil fertility is dropping in many areas because of continuous industrial fertiliser and pesticide use, while the growth of algae is increasing in lakes because of the fertiliser run-off. Put it all together and it looks like a battlefield, but consumers rarely make the connection at the dinner table. That is mainly because the costs of all this damage are what economists refer to as externalities: they are outside the main transaction, which is for example producing and selling a field of wheat, and are borne directly by neither producers nor consumers. To many, the costs may not even appear to be financial at all, but merely aesthetic a terrible shame, but nothing to do with money. And anyway they, as consumers of food, certainly arent paying for it, are they? But the costs to society can actually be quantified and, when added up, can amount to staggering sums. A remarkable exercise in doing this has been carried out by one of the worlds leading thinkers on the future of agriculture, Professor Jules Pretty, Director of the Centre for Environment and Society at the University of Essex. Professor Pretty and his colleagues calculated the externalities of British agriculture for one particular year. They added up the costs of repairing the damage it caused, and came up with a total figure of 2,343m. This is equivalent to 208 for every hectare of arable land and permanent pasture, almost as much again as the total government and EU spend on British farming in that year. And according to Professor Pretty, it was a conservative estimate. The costs included: 120m for removal of pesticides; 16m for removal of nitrates; 55m for removal of phosphates and soil; 23m for the removal of the bug cryptosporidium from drinking water by water companies; 125m for damage to wildlife habitats, hedgerows and dry stone walls; 1,113m from emissions of gases likely to contribute to climate change; 106m from soil erosion and organic carbon losses; 169m from food poisoning; and 607m from cattle disease. Professor Pretty draws a simple but memorable conclusion from all this: our food bills are actually threefold. We are paying for our supposedly cheaper food in three separate ways: once over the counter, secondly through our taxes, which provide the enormous subsidies propping up modern intensive farming, and thirdly to clean up the mess that modern farming leaves behind. So can the true cost of food be brought down? Breaking away from industrial agriculture as the solution to hunger may be very hard for some countries, but in Britain, where the immediate need to supply food is less urgent, and the costs and the damage of intensive farming have been clearly seen, it may be more feasible. The government needs to create sustainable, competitive and diverse farming and food sectors, which will contribute to a thriving and sustainable rural economy, and advance environmental, economic, health, and animal welfare goals. But if industrial agriculture is to be replaced, what is a viable alternative? Professor Pretty feels that organic farming would be too big a jump in thinking and in practices for many farmers. Furthermore, the price premium would put the produce out of reach of many poorer consumers. He is recommending the immediate introduction of a Greener Food Standard, which would push the market towards more sustainable environmental practices than the current norm, while not requiring the full commitment to organic production. Such a standard would comprise agreed practices for different kinds of farming, covering agrochemical use, soil health, land management, water and energy use, food safety and animal health. It could go a long way, he says, to shifting consumers as well as farmers towards a more sustainable system of agriculture. | The taste of food has deteriorated in recent years. | neutral |
id_6560 | The True Cost of Food. For more than forty years the cost of food has been rising. It has now reached a point where a growing number of people believe that it is far too high, and that bringing it down will be one of the great challenges of the twenty first century. That cost, however, is not in immediate cash. In the West at least, most food is now far cheaper to buy in relative terms than it was in 1960. The cost is in the collateral damage of the very methods of food production that have made the food cheaper: in the pollution of water, the enervation of soil, the destruction of wildlife, the harm to animal welfare and the threat to human health caused by modern industrial agriculture. First mechanisation, then mass use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides, then monocultures, then battery rearing of livestock, and now genetic engineering the onward march of intensive farming has seemed unstoppable in the last half-century, as the yields of produce have soared. But the damage it has caused has been colossal. In Britain, for example, many of our best-loved farmland birds, such as the skylark, the grey partridge, the lapwing and the corn bunting, have vanished from huge stretches of countryside, as have even more wild flowers and insects. This is a direct result of the way we have produced our food in the last four decades. Thousands of miles of hedgerows, thousands of ponds, have disappeared from the landscape. The faecal filth of salmon farming has driven wild salmon from many of the sea Iochs and rivers of Scotland. Natural soil fertility is dropping in many areas because of continuous industrial fertiliser and pesticide use, while the growth of algae is increasing in lakes because of the fertiliser run-off. Put it all together and it looks like a battlefield, but consumers rarely make the connection at the dinner table. That is mainly because the costs of all this damage are what economists refer to as externalities: they are outside the main transaction, which is for example producing and selling a field of wheat, and are borne directly by neither producers nor consumers. To many, the costs may not even appear to be financial at all, but merely aesthetic a terrible shame, but nothing to do with money. And anyway they, as consumers of food, certainly arent paying for it, are they? But the costs to society can actually be quantified and, when added up, can amount to staggering sums. A remarkable exercise in doing this has been carried out by one of the worlds leading thinkers on the future of agriculture, Professor Jules Pretty, Director of the Centre for Environment and Society at the University of Essex. Professor Pretty and his colleagues calculated the externalities of British agriculture for one particular year. They added up the costs of repairing the damage it caused, and came up with a total figure of 2,343m. This is equivalent to 208 for every hectare of arable land and permanent pasture, almost as much again as the total government and EU spend on British farming in that year. And according to Professor Pretty, it was a conservative estimate. The costs included: 120m for removal of pesticides; 16m for removal of nitrates; 55m for removal of phosphates and soil; 23m for the removal of the bug cryptosporidium from drinking water by water companies; 125m for damage to wildlife habitats, hedgerows and dry stone walls; 1,113m from emissions of gases likely to contribute to climate change; 106m from soil erosion and organic carbon losses; 169m from food poisoning; and 607m from cattle disease. Professor Pretty draws a simple but memorable conclusion from all this: our food bills are actually threefold. We are paying for our supposedly cheaper food in three separate ways: once over the counter, secondly through our taxes, which provide the enormous subsidies propping up modern intensive farming, and thirdly to clean up the mess that modern farming leaves behind. So can the true cost of food be brought down? Breaking away from industrial agriculture as the solution to hunger may be very hard for some countries, but in Britain, where the immediate need to supply food is less urgent, and the costs and the damage of intensive farming have been clearly seen, it may be more feasible. The government needs to create sustainable, competitive and diverse farming and food sectors, which will contribute to a thriving and sustainable rural economy, and advance environmental, economic, health, and animal welfare goals. But if industrial agriculture is to be replaced, what is a viable alternative? Professor Pretty feels that organic farming would be too big a jump in thinking and in practices for many farmers. Furthermore, the price premium would put the produce out of reach of many poorer consumers. He is recommending the immediate introduction of a Greener Food Standard, which would push the market towards more sustainable environmental practices than the current norm, while not requiring the full commitment to organic production. Such a standard would comprise agreed practices for different kinds of farming, covering agrochemical use, soil health, land management, water and energy use, food safety and animal health. It could go a long way, he says, to shifting consumers as well as farmers towards a more sustainable system of agriculture. | Several species of wildlife in the British countryside are declining. | entailment |
id_6561 | The True Cost of Food. For more than forty years the cost of food has been rising. It has now reached a point where a growing number of people believe that it is far too high, and that bringing it down will be one of the great challenges of the twenty first century. That cost, however, is not in immediate cash. In the West at least, most food is now far cheaper to buy in relative terms than it was in 1960. The cost is in the collateral damage of the very methods of food production that have made the food cheaper: in the pollution of water, the enervation of soil, the destruction of wildlife, the harm to animal welfare and the threat to human health caused by modern industrial agriculture. First mechanisation, then mass use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides, then monocultures, then battery rearing of livestock, and now genetic engineering the onward march of intensive farming has seemed unstoppable in the last half-century, as the yields of produce have soared. But the damage it has caused has been colossal. In Britain, for example, many of our best-loved farmland birds, such as the skylark, the grey partridge, the lapwing and the corn bunting, have vanished from huge stretches of countryside, as have even more wild flowers and insects. This is a direct result of the way we have produced our food in the last four decades. Thousands of miles of hedgerows, thousands of ponds, have disappeared from the landscape. The faecal filth of salmon farming has driven wild salmon from many of the sea Iochs and rivers of Scotland. Natural soil fertility is dropping in many areas because of continuous industrial fertiliser and pesticide use, while the growth of algae is increasing in lakes because of the fertiliser run-off. Put it all together and it looks like a battlefield, but consumers rarely make the connection at the dinner table. That is mainly because the costs of all this damage are what economists refer to as externalities: they are outside the main transaction, which is for example producing and selling a field of wheat, and are borne directly by neither producers nor consumers. To many, the costs may not even appear to be financial at all, but merely aesthetic a terrible shame, but nothing to do with money. And anyway they, as consumers of food, certainly arent paying for it, are they? But the costs to society can actually be quantified and, when added up, can amount to staggering sums. A remarkable exercise in doing this has been carried out by one of the worlds leading thinkers on the future of agriculture, Professor Jules Pretty, Director of the Centre for Environment and Society at the University of Essex. Professor Pretty and his colleagues calculated the externalities of British agriculture for one particular year. They added up the costs of repairing the damage it caused, and came up with a total figure of 2,343m. This is equivalent to 208 for every hectare of arable land and permanent pasture, almost as much again as the total government and EU spend on British farming in that year. And according to Professor Pretty, it was a conservative estimate. The costs included: 120m for removal of pesticides; 16m for removal of nitrates; 55m for removal of phosphates and soil; 23m for the removal of the bug cryptosporidium from drinking water by water companies; 125m for damage to wildlife habitats, hedgerows and dry stone walls; 1,113m from emissions of gases likely to contribute to climate change; 106m from soil erosion and organic carbon losses; 169m from food poisoning; and 607m from cattle disease. Professor Pretty draws a simple but memorable conclusion from all this: our food bills are actually threefold. We are paying for our supposedly cheaper food in three separate ways: once over the counter, secondly through our taxes, which provide the enormous subsidies propping up modern intensive farming, and thirdly to clean up the mess that modern farming leaves behind. So can the true cost of food be brought down? Breaking away from industrial agriculture as the solution to hunger may be very hard for some countries, but in Britain, where the immediate need to supply food is less urgent, and the costs and the damage of intensive farming have been clearly seen, it may be more feasible. The government needs to create sustainable, competitive and diverse farming and food sectors, which will contribute to a thriving and sustainable rural economy, and advance environmental, economic, health, and animal welfare goals. But if industrial agriculture is to be replaced, what is a viable alternative? Professor Pretty feels that organic farming would be too big a jump in thinking and in practices for many farmers. Furthermore, the price premium would put the produce out of reach of many poorer consumers. He is recommending the immediate introduction of a Greener Food Standard, which would push the market towards more sustainable environmental practices than the current norm, while not requiring the full commitment to organic production. Such a standard would comprise agreed practices for different kinds of farming, covering agrochemical use, soil health, land management, water and energy use, food safety and animal health. It could go a long way, he says, to shifting consumers as well as farmers towards a more sustainable system of agriculture. | The financial costs of environmental damage are widely recognized. | contradiction |
id_6562 | The True Cost of Food. For more than forty years the cost of food has been rising. It has now reached a point where a growing number of people believe that it is far too high, and that bringing it down will be one of the great challenges of the twenty first century. That cost, however, is not in immediate cash. In the West at least, most food is now far cheaper to buy in relative terms than it was in 1960. The cost is in the collateral damage of the very methods of food production that have made the food cheaper: in the pollution of water, the enervation of soil, the destruction of wildlife, the harm to animal welfare and the threat to human health caused by modern industrial agriculture. First mechanisation, then mass use of chemical fertilisers and pesticides, then monocultures, then battery rearing of livestock, and now genetic engineering the onward march of intensive farming has seemed unstoppable in the last half-century, as the yields of produce have soared. But the damage it has caused has been colossal. In Britain, for example, many of our best-loved farmland birds, such as the skylark, the grey partridge, the lapwing and the corn bunting, have vanished from huge stretches of countryside, as have even more wild flowers and insects. This is a direct result of the way we have produced our food in the last four decades. Thousands of miles of hedgerows, thousands of ponds, have disappeared from the landscape. The faecal filth of salmon farming has driven wild salmon from many of the sea Iochs and rivers of Scotland. Natural soil fertility is dropping in many areas because of continuous industrial fertiliser and pesticide use, while the growth of algae is increasing in lakes because of the fertiliser run-off. Put it all together and it looks like a battlefield, but consumers rarely make the connection at the dinner table. That is mainly because the costs of all this damage are what economists refer to as externalities: they are outside the main transaction, which is for example producing and selling a field of wheat, and are borne directly by neither producers nor consumers. To many, the costs may not even appear to be financial at all, but merely aesthetic a terrible shame, but nothing to do with money. And anyway they, as consumers of food, certainly arent paying for it, are they? But the costs to society can actually be quantified and, when added up, can amount to staggering sums. A remarkable exercise in doing this has been carried out by one of the worlds leading thinkers on the future of agriculture, Professor Jules Pretty, Director of the Centre for Environment and Society at the University of Essex. Professor Pretty and his colleagues calculated the externalities of British agriculture for one particular year. They added up the costs of repairing the damage it caused, and came up with a total figure of 2,343m. This is equivalent to 208 for every hectare of arable land and permanent pasture, almost as much again as the total government and EU spend on British farming in that year. And according to Professor Pretty, it was a conservative estimate. The costs included: 120m for removal of pesticides; 16m for removal of nitrates; 55m for removal of phosphates and soil; 23m for the removal of the bug cryptosporidium from drinking water by water companies; 125m for damage to wildlife habitats, hedgerows and dry stone walls; 1,113m from emissions of gases likely to contribute to climate change; 106m from soil erosion and organic carbon losses; 169m from food poisoning; and 607m from cattle disease. Professor Pretty draws a simple but memorable conclusion from all this: our food bills are actually threefold. We are paying for our supposedly cheaper food in three separate ways: once over the counter, secondly through our taxes, which provide the enormous subsidies propping up modern intensive farming, and thirdly to clean up the mess that modern farming leaves behind. So can the true cost of food be brought down? Breaking away from industrial agriculture as the solution to hunger may be very hard for some countries, but in Britain, where the immediate need to supply food is less urgent, and the costs and the damage of intensive farming have been clearly seen, it may be more feasible. The government needs to create sustainable, competitive and diverse farming and food sectors, which will contribute to a thriving and sustainable rural economy, and advance environmental, economic, health, and animal welfare goals. But if industrial agriculture is to be replaced, what is a viable alternative? Professor Pretty feels that organic farming would be too big a jump in thinking and in practices for many farmers. Furthermore, the price premium would put the produce out of reach of many poorer consumers. He is recommending the immediate introduction of a Greener Food Standard, which would push the market towards more sustainable environmental practices than the current norm, while not requiring the full commitment to organic production. Such a standard would comprise agreed practices for different kinds of farming, covering agrochemical use, soil health, land management, water and energy use, food safety and animal health. It could go a long way, he says, to shifting consumers as well as farmers towards a more sustainable system of agriculture. | One of the costs calculated by Professor Pretty was illness caused by food. | entailment |
id_6563 | The Truth about the Environment For many environmentalists, the world seems to be getting worse. They have developed a hit-list of our main fears: that natural resources are running out; that the population is ever growing, leaving less and less to eat; that species are becoming extinct in vast numbers, and that the planet's air and water are becoming ever more polluted. But a quick look at the facts shows a different picture. First, energy and other natural resources have become more abundant, not less so, since the book 'The Limits to Growth' was published in 1972 by a group of scientists. Second, more food is now produced per head of the world's population than at any time in history. Fewer people are starving. Third, although species are indeed becoming extinct, only about 0.7% of them are expected to disappear in the next 50 years, not 25-50%, as has so often been predicted. And finally, most forms of environmental pollution either appear to have been exaggerated, or are transient associated with the early phases of industrialisation and therefore best cured not by restricting economic growth, but by accelerating it. One form of pollution the release of greenhouse gases that causes global warming does appear to be a phenomenon that is going to extend well into our future, but its total impact is unlikely to pose a devastating problem. A bigger problem may well turn out to be an inappropriate response to it. Yet opinion polls suggest that many people nurture the belief that environmental standards are declining and four factors seem to cause this disjunction between perception and reality. One is the lopsidedness built into scientific research. Scientific funding goes mainly to areas with many problems. That may be wise policy, but it will also create an impression that many more potential problems exist than is the case. Secondly, environmental groups need to be noticed by the mass media. They also need to keep the money rolling in. Understandably, perhaps, they sometimes overstate their arguments. In 1997, for example, the World Wide Fund for Nature issued a press release entitled: 'Two thirds of the world's forests lost forever. ' The truth turns out to be nearer 20%. Though these groups are run overwhelmingly by selfless folk, they nevertheless share many of the characteristics of other lobby groups. That would matter less if people applied the same degree of scepticism to environmental lobbying as they do to lobby groups in other fields. A trade organisation arguing for, say, weaker pollution controls is instantly seen as self-interested. Yet a green organisation opposing such a weakening is seen as altruistic, even if an impartial view of the controls in question might suggest they are doing more harm than good. A third source of confusion is the attitude of the media. People are clearly more curious about bad news than good. Newspapers and broadcasters are there to provide what the public wants. That, however, can lead to significant distortions of perception. An example was America's encounter with El Nino in 1997 and 1998. This climatic phenomenon was accused of wrecking tourism, causing allergies, melting the ski-slopes and causing 22 deaths. However, according to an article in the Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society, the damage it did was estimated at US$4 billion but the benefits amounted to some US$19 billion. These came from higher winter temperatures (which saved an estimated 850 lives, reduced heating costs and diminished spring floods caused by meltwaters). The fourth factor is poor individual perception. People worry that the endless rise in the amount of stuff everyone throws away will cause the world to run out of places to dispose of waste. Yet, even if America's trash output continues to rise as it has done in the past, and even if the American population doubles by 2100, all the rubbish America produces through the entire 21st century will still take up only one-12,000th of the area of the entire United States. So what of global warming? As we know, carbon dioxide emissions are causing the planet to warm. The best estimates are that the temperatures will rise by 2-3C in this century, causing considerable problems, at a total cost of US$5,000 billion. Despite the intuition that something drastic needs to be done about such a costly problem, economic analyses clearly show it will be far more expensive to cut carbon dioxide emissions radically than to pay the costs of adaptation to the increased temperatures. A model by one of the main authors of the United Nations Climate Change Panel shows how an expected temperature increase of 2.1 degrees in 2100 would only be diminished to an increase of 1.9 degrees. Or to put it another way, the temperature increase that the planet would have experienced in 2094 would be postponed to 2100. So this does not prevent global warming, but merely buys the world six years. Yet the cost of reducing carbon dioxide emissions, for the United States alone, will be higher than the cost of solving the world's single, most pressing health problem: providing universal access to clean drinking water and sanitation. Such measures would avoid 2 million deaths every year, and prevent half a billion people from becoming seriously ill. It is crucial that we look at the facts if we want to make the best possible decisions for the future. It may be costly to be overly optimistic but more costly still to be too pessimistic. | Environmentalists take a pessimistic view of the world for a number of reasons. | entailment |
id_6564 | The Truth about the Environment For many environmentalists, the world seems to be getting worse. They have developed a hit-list of our main fears: that natural resources are running out; that the population is ever growing, leaving less and less to eat; that species are becoming extinct in vast numbers, and that the planet's air and water are becoming ever more polluted. But a quick look at the facts shows a different picture. First, energy and other natural resources have become more abundant, not less so, since the book 'The Limits to Growth' was published in 1972 by a group of scientists. Second, more food is now produced per head of the world's population than at any time in history. Fewer people are starving. Third, although species are indeed becoming extinct, only about 0.7% of them are expected to disappear in the next 50 years, not 25-50%, as has so often been predicted. And finally, most forms of environmental pollution either appear to have been exaggerated, or are transient associated with the early phases of industrialisation and therefore best cured not by restricting economic growth, but by accelerating it. One form of pollution the release of greenhouse gases that causes global warming does appear to be a phenomenon that is going to extend well into our future, but its total impact is unlikely to pose a devastating problem. A bigger problem may well turn out to be an inappropriate response to it. Yet opinion polls suggest that many people nurture the belief that environmental standards are declining and four factors seem to cause this disjunction between perception and reality. One is the lopsidedness built into scientific research. Scientific funding goes mainly to areas with many problems. That may be wise policy, but it will also create an impression that many more potential problems exist than is the case. Secondly, environmental groups need to be noticed by the mass media. They also need to keep the money rolling in. Understandably, perhaps, they sometimes overstate their arguments. In 1997, for example, the World Wide Fund for Nature issued a press release entitled: 'Two thirds of the world's forests lost forever. ' The truth turns out to be nearer 20%. Though these groups are run overwhelmingly by selfless folk, they nevertheless share many of the characteristics of other lobby groups. That would matter less if people applied the same degree of scepticism to environmental lobbying as they do to lobby groups in other fields. A trade organisation arguing for, say, weaker pollution controls is instantly seen as self-interested. Yet a green organisation opposing such a weakening is seen as altruistic, even if an impartial view of the controls in question might suggest they are doing more harm than good. A third source of confusion is the attitude of the media. People are clearly more curious about bad news than good. Newspapers and broadcasters are there to provide what the public wants. That, however, can lead to significant distortions of perception. An example was America's encounter with El Nino in 1997 and 1998. This climatic phenomenon was accused of wrecking tourism, causing allergies, melting the ski-slopes and causing 22 deaths. However, according to an article in the Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society, the damage it did was estimated at US$4 billion but the benefits amounted to some US$19 billion. These came from higher winter temperatures (which saved an estimated 850 lives, reduced heating costs and diminished spring floods caused by meltwaters). The fourth factor is poor individual perception. People worry that the endless rise in the amount of stuff everyone throws away will cause the world to run out of places to dispose of waste. Yet, even if America's trash output continues to rise as it has done in the past, and even if the American population doubles by 2100, all the rubbish America produces through the entire 21st century will still take up only one-12,000th of the area of the entire United States. So what of global warming? As we know, carbon dioxide emissions are causing the planet to warm. The best estimates are that the temperatures will rise by 2-3C in this century, causing considerable problems, at a total cost of US$5,000 billion. Despite the intuition that something drastic needs to be done about such a costly problem, economic analyses clearly show it will be far more expensive to cut carbon dioxide emissions radically than to pay the costs of adaptation to the increased temperatures. A model by one of the main authors of the United Nations Climate Change Panel shows how an expected temperature increase of 2.1 degrees in 2100 would only be diminished to an increase of 1.9 degrees. Or to put it another way, the temperature increase that the planet would have experienced in 2094 would be postponed to 2100. So this does not prevent global warming, but merely buys the world six years. Yet the cost of reducing carbon dioxide emissions, for the United States alone, will be higher than the cost of solving the world's single, most pressing health problem: providing universal access to clean drinking water and sanitation. Such measures would avoid 2 million deaths every year, and prevent half a billion people from becoming seriously ill. It is crucial that we look at the facts if we want to make the best possible decisions for the future. It may be costly to be overly optimistic but more costly still to be too pessimistic. | Data on the Earth's natural resources has only been collected since 1972. | neutral |
id_6565 | The Truth about the Environment For many environmentalists, the world seems to be getting worse. They have developed a hit-list of our main fears: that natural resources are running out; that the population is ever growing, leaving less and less to eat; that species are becoming extinct in vast numbers, and that the planet's air and water are becoming ever more polluted. But a quick look at the facts shows a different picture. First, energy and other natural resources have become more abundant, not less so, since the book 'The Limits to Growth' was published in 1972 by a group of scientists. Second, more food is now produced per head of the world's population than at any time in history. Fewer people are starving. Third, although species are indeed becoming extinct, only about 0.7% of them are expected to disappear in the next 50 years, not 25-50%, as has so often been predicted. And finally, most forms of environmental pollution either appear to have been exaggerated, or are transient associated with the early phases of industrialisation and therefore best cured not by restricting economic growth, but by accelerating it. One form of pollution the release of greenhouse gases that causes global warming does appear to be a phenomenon that is going to extend well into our future, but its total impact is unlikely to pose a devastating problem. A bigger problem may well turn out to be an inappropriate response to it. Yet opinion polls suggest that many people nurture the belief that environmental standards are declining and four factors seem to cause this disjunction between perception and reality. One is the lopsidedness built into scientific research. Scientific funding goes mainly to areas with many problems. That may be wise policy, but it will also create an impression that many more potential problems exist than is the case. Secondly, environmental groups need to be noticed by the mass media. They also need to keep the money rolling in. Understandably, perhaps, they sometimes overstate their arguments. In 1997, for example, the World Wide Fund for Nature issued a press release entitled: 'Two thirds of the world's forests lost forever. ' The truth turns out to be nearer 20%. Though these groups are run overwhelmingly by selfless folk, they nevertheless share many of the characteristics of other lobby groups. That would matter less if people applied the same degree of scepticism to environmental lobbying as they do to lobby groups in other fields. A trade organisation arguing for, say, weaker pollution controls is instantly seen as self-interested. Yet a green organisation opposing such a weakening is seen as altruistic, even if an impartial view of the controls in question might suggest they are doing more harm than good. A third source of confusion is the attitude of the media. People are clearly more curious about bad news than good. Newspapers and broadcasters are there to provide what the public wants. That, however, can lead to significant distortions of perception. An example was America's encounter with El Nino in 1997 and 1998. This climatic phenomenon was accused of wrecking tourism, causing allergies, melting the ski-slopes and causing 22 deaths. However, according to an article in the Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society, the damage it did was estimated at US$4 billion but the benefits amounted to some US$19 billion. These came from higher winter temperatures (which saved an estimated 850 lives, reduced heating costs and diminished spring floods caused by meltwaters). The fourth factor is poor individual perception. People worry that the endless rise in the amount of stuff everyone throws away will cause the world to run out of places to dispose of waste. Yet, even if America's trash output continues to rise as it has done in the past, and even if the American population doubles by 2100, all the rubbish America produces through the entire 21st century will still take up only one-12,000th of the area of the entire United States. So what of global warming? As we know, carbon dioxide emissions are causing the planet to warm. The best estimates are that the temperatures will rise by 2-3C in this century, causing considerable problems, at a total cost of US$5,000 billion. Despite the intuition that something drastic needs to be done about such a costly problem, economic analyses clearly show it will be far more expensive to cut carbon dioxide emissions radically than to pay the costs of adaptation to the increased temperatures. A model by one of the main authors of the United Nations Climate Change Panel shows how an expected temperature increase of 2.1 degrees in 2100 would only be diminished to an increase of 1.9 degrees. Or to put it another way, the temperature increase that the planet would have experienced in 2094 would be postponed to 2100. So this does not prevent global warming, but merely buys the world six years. Yet the cost of reducing carbon dioxide emissions, for the United States alone, will be higher than the cost of solving the world's single, most pressing health problem: providing universal access to clean drinking water and sanitation. Such measures would avoid 2 million deaths every year, and prevent half a billion people from becoming seriously ill. It is crucial that we look at the facts if we want to make the best possible decisions for the future. It may be costly to be overly optimistic but more costly still to be too pessimistic. | The number of starving people in the world has increased in recent years. | contradiction |
id_6566 | The Truth about the Environment For many environmentalists, the world seems to be getting worse. They have developed a hit-list of our main fears: that natural resources are running out; that the population is ever growing, leaving less and less to eat; that species are becoming extinct in vast numbers, and that the planet's air and water are becoming ever more polluted. But a quick look at the facts shows a different picture. First, energy and other natural resources have become more abundant, not less so, since the book 'The Limits to Growth' was published in 1972 by a group of scientists. Second, more food is now produced per head of the world's population than at any time in history. Fewer people are starving. Third, although species are indeed becoming extinct, only about 0.7% of them are expected to disappear in the next 50 years, not 25-50%, as has so often been predicted. And finally, most forms of environmental pollution either appear to have been exaggerated, or are transient associated with the early phases of industrialisation and therefore best cured not by restricting economic growth, but by accelerating it. One form of pollution the release of greenhouse gases that causes global warming does appear to be a phenomenon that is going to extend well into our future, but its total impact is unlikely to pose a devastating problem. A bigger problem may well turn out to be an inappropriate response to it. Yet opinion polls suggest that many people nurture the belief that environmental standards are declining and four factors seem to cause this disjunction between perception and reality. One is the lopsidedness built into scientific research. Scientific funding goes mainly to areas with many problems. That may be wise policy, but it will also create an impression that many more potential problems exist than is the case. Secondly, environmental groups need to be noticed by the mass media. They also need to keep the money rolling in. Understandably, perhaps, they sometimes overstate their arguments. In 1997, for example, the World Wide Fund for Nature issued a press release entitled: 'Two thirds of the world's forests lost forever. ' The truth turns out to be nearer 20%. Though these groups are run overwhelmingly by selfless folk, they nevertheless share many of the characteristics of other lobby groups. That would matter less if people applied the same degree of scepticism to environmental lobbying as they do to lobby groups in other fields. A trade organisation arguing for, say, weaker pollution controls is instantly seen as self-interested. Yet a green organisation opposing such a weakening is seen as altruistic, even if an impartial view of the controls in question might suggest they are doing more harm than good. A third source of confusion is the attitude of the media. People are clearly more curious about bad news than good. Newspapers and broadcasters are there to provide what the public wants. That, however, can lead to significant distortions of perception. An example was America's encounter with El Nino in 1997 and 1998. This climatic phenomenon was accused of wrecking tourism, causing allergies, melting the ski-slopes and causing 22 deaths. However, according to an article in the Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society, the damage it did was estimated at US$4 billion but the benefits amounted to some US$19 billion. These came from higher winter temperatures (which saved an estimated 850 lives, reduced heating costs and diminished spring floods caused by meltwaters). The fourth factor is poor individual perception. People worry that the endless rise in the amount of stuff everyone throws away will cause the world to run out of places to dispose of waste. Yet, even if America's trash output continues to rise as it has done in the past, and even if the American population doubles by 2100, all the rubbish America produces through the entire 21st century will still take up only one-12,000th of the area of the entire United States. So what of global warming? As we know, carbon dioxide emissions are causing the planet to warm. The best estimates are that the temperatures will rise by 2-3C in this century, causing considerable problems, at a total cost of US$5,000 billion. Despite the intuition that something drastic needs to be done about such a costly problem, economic analyses clearly show it will be far more expensive to cut carbon dioxide emissions radically than to pay the costs of adaptation to the increased temperatures. A model by one of the main authors of the United Nations Climate Change Panel shows how an expected temperature increase of 2.1 degrees in 2100 would only be diminished to an increase of 1.9 degrees. Or to put it another way, the temperature increase that the planet would have experienced in 2094 would be postponed to 2100. So this does not prevent global warming, but merely buys the world six years. Yet the cost of reducing carbon dioxide emissions, for the United States alone, will be higher than the cost of solving the world's single, most pressing health problem: providing universal access to clean drinking water and sanitation. Such measures would avoid 2 million deaths every year, and prevent half a billion people from becoming seriously ill. It is crucial that we look at the facts if we want to make the best possible decisions for the future. It may be costly to be overly optimistic but more costly still to be too pessimistic. | Extinct species are being replaced by new species. | neutral |
id_6567 | The Truth about the Environment For many environmentalists, the world seems to be getting worse. They have developed a hit-list of our main fears: that natural resources are running out; that the population is ever growing, leaving less and less to eat; that species are becoming extinct in vast numbers, and that the planet's air and water are becoming ever more polluted. But a quick look at the facts shows a different picture. First, energy and other natural resources have become more abundant, not less so, since the book 'The Limits to Growth' was published in 1972 by a group of scientists. Second, more food is now produced per head of the world's population than at any time in history. Fewer people are starving. Third, although species are indeed becoming extinct, only about 0.7% of them are expected to disappear in the next 50 years, not 25-50%, as has so often been predicted. And finally, most forms of environmental pollution either appear to have been exaggerated, or are transient associated with the early phases of industrialisation and therefore best cured not by restricting economic growth, but by accelerating it. One form of pollution the release of greenhouse gases that causes global warming does appear to be a phenomenon that is going to extend well into our future, but its total impact is unlikely to pose a devastating problem. A bigger problem may well turn out to be an inappropriate response to it. Yet opinion polls suggest that many people nurture the belief that environmental standards are declining and four factors seem to cause this disjunction between perception and reality. One is the lopsidedness built into scientific research. Scientific funding goes mainly to areas with many problems. That may be wise policy, but it will also create an impression that many more potential problems exist than is the case. Secondly, environmental groups need to be noticed by the mass media. They also need to keep the money rolling in. Understandably, perhaps, they sometimes overstate their arguments. In 1997, for example, the World Wide Fund for Nature issued a press release entitled: 'Two thirds of the world's forests lost forever. ' The truth turns out to be nearer 20%. Though these groups are run overwhelmingly by selfless folk, they nevertheless share many of the characteristics of other lobby groups. That would matter less if people applied the same degree of scepticism to environmental lobbying as they do to lobby groups in other fields. A trade organisation arguing for, say, weaker pollution controls is instantly seen as self-interested. Yet a green organisation opposing such a weakening is seen as altruistic, even if an impartial view of the controls in question might suggest they are doing more harm than good. A third source of confusion is the attitude of the media. People are clearly more curious about bad news than good. Newspapers and broadcasters are there to provide what the public wants. That, however, can lead to significant distortions of perception. An example was America's encounter with El Nino in 1997 and 1998. This climatic phenomenon was accused of wrecking tourism, causing allergies, melting the ski-slopes and causing 22 deaths. However, according to an article in the Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society, the damage it did was estimated at US$4 billion but the benefits amounted to some US$19 billion. These came from higher winter temperatures (which saved an estimated 850 lives, reduced heating costs and diminished spring floods caused by meltwaters). The fourth factor is poor individual perception. People worry that the endless rise in the amount of stuff everyone throws away will cause the world to run out of places to dispose of waste. Yet, even if America's trash output continues to rise as it has done in the past, and even if the American population doubles by 2100, all the rubbish America produces through the entire 21st century will still take up only one-12,000th of the area of the entire United States. So what of global warming? As we know, carbon dioxide emissions are causing the planet to warm. The best estimates are that the temperatures will rise by 2-3C in this century, causing considerable problems, at a total cost of US$5,000 billion. Despite the intuition that something drastic needs to be done about such a costly problem, economic analyses clearly show it will be far more expensive to cut carbon dioxide emissions radically than to pay the costs of adaptation to the increased temperatures. A model by one of the main authors of the United Nations Climate Change Panel shows how an expected temperature increase of 2.1 degrees in 2100 would only be diminished to an increase of 1.9 degrees. Or to put it another way, the temperature increase that the planet would have experienced in 2094 would be postponed to 2100. So this does not prevent global warming, but merely buys the world six years. Yet the cost of reducing carbon dioxide emissions, for the United States alone, will be higher than the cost of solving the world's single, most pressing health problem: providing universal access to clean drinking water and sanitation. Such measures would avoid 2 million deaths every year, and prevent half a billion people from becoming seriously ill. It is crucial that we look at the facts if we want to make the best possible decisions for the future. It may be costly to be overly optimistic but more costly still to be too pessimistic. | Some pollution problems have been correctly linked to industrialisation. | entailment |
id_6568 | The Truth about the Environment For many environmentalists, the world seems to be getting worse. They have developed a hit-list of our main fears: that natural resources are running out; that the population is ever growing, leaving less and less to eat; that species are becoming extinct in vast numbers, and that the planet's air and water are becoming ever more polluted. But a quick look at the facts shows a different picture. First, energy and other natural resources have become more abundant, not less so, since the book 'The Limits to Growth' was published in 1972 by a group of scientists. Second, more food is now produced per head of the world's population than at any time in history. Fewer people are starving. Third, although species are indeed becoming extinct, only about 0.7% of them are expected to disappear in the next 50 years, not 25-50%, as has so often been predicted. And finally, most forms of environmental pollution either appear to have been exaggerated, or are transient associated with the early phases of industrialisation and therefore best cured not by restricting economic growth, but by accelerating it. One form of pollution the release of greenhouse gases that causes global warming does appear to be a phenomenon that is going to extend well into our future, but its total impact is unlikely to pose a devastating problem. A bigger problem may well turn out to be an inappropriate response to it. Yet opinion polls suggest that many people nurture the belief that environmental standards are declining and four factors seem to cause this disjunction between perception and reality. One is the lopsidedness built into scientific research. Scientific funding goes mainly to areas with many problems. That may be wise policy, but it will also create an impression that many more potential problems exist than is the case. Secondly, environmental groups need to be noticed by the mass media. They also need to keep the money rolling in. Understandably, perhaps, they sometimes overstate their arguments. In 1997, for example, the World Wide Fund for Nature issued a press release entitled: 'Two thirds of the world's forests lost forever. ' The truth turns out to be nearer 20%. Though these groups are run overwhelmingly by selfless folk, they nevertheless share many of the characteristics of other lobby groups. That would matter less if people applied the same degree of scepticism to environmental lobbying as they do to lobby groups in other fields. A trade organisation arguing for, say, weaker pollution controls is instantly seen as self-interested. Yet a green organisation opposing such a weakening is seen as altruistic, even if an impartial view of the controls in question might suggest they are doing more harm than good. A third source of confusion is the attitude of the media. People are clearly more curious about bad news than good. Newspapers and broadcasters are there to provide what the public wants. That, however, can lead to significant distortions of perception. An example was America's encounter with El Nino in 1997 and 1998. This climatic phenomenon was accused of wrecking tourism, causing allergies, melting the ski-slopes and causing 22 deaths. However, according to an article in the Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society, the damage it did was estimated at US$4 billion but the benefits amounted to some US$19 billion. These came from higher winter temperatures (which saved an estimated 850 lives, reduced heating costs and diminished spring floods caused by meltwaters). The fourth factor is poor individual perception. People worry that the endless rise in the amount of stuff everyone throws away will cause the world to run out of places to dispose of waste. Yet, even if America's trash output continues to rise as it has done in the past, and even if the American population doubles by 2100, all the rubbish America produces through the entire 21st century will still take up only one-12,000th of the area of the entire United States. So what of global warming? As we know, carbon dioxide emissions are causing the planet to warm. The best estimates are that the temperatures will rise by 2-3C in this century, causing considerable problems, at a total cost of US$5,000 billion. Despite the intuition that something drastic needs to be done about such a costly problem, economic analyses clearly show it will be far more expensive to cut carbon dioxide emissions radically than to pay the costs of adaptation to the increased temperatures. A model by one of the main authors of the United Nations Climate Change Panel shows how an expected temperature increase of 2.1 degrees in 2100 would only be diminished to an increase of 1.9 degrees. Or to put it another way, the temperature increase that the planet would have experienced in 2094 would be postponed to 2100. So this does not prevent global warming, but merely buys the world six years. Yet the cost of reducing carbon dioxide emissions, for the United States alone, will be higher than the cost of solving the world's single, most pressing health problem: providing universal access to clean drinking water and sanitation. Such measures would avoid 2 million deaths every year, and prevent half a billion people from becoming seriously ill. It is crucial that we look at the facts if we want to make the best possible decisions for the future. It may be costly to be overly optimistic but more costly still to be too pessimistic. | It would be best to attempt to slow down economic growth. | contradiction |
id_6569 | The UK has a target of cutting its carbon emissions by using renewabk sources to generate a third of its electricity by 2020. One option is to mvest heavily in building thousands of wind farms around the country. But a key technological issue that remams to be solved 1s how to efficiently store wind-power nuclear power or to build more coak fired power stations equipped with carbon capture technology that reduces greenhouse gas emissions by capturmg and storing carbon dioxide. | Wind- powered electricity needs to be stored before being distributed to consumers. | entailment |
id_6570 | The UK has a target of cutting its carbon emissions by using renewabk sources to generate a third of its electricity by 2020. One option is to mvest heavily in building thousands of wind farms around the country. But a key technological issue that remams to be solved 1s how to efficiently store wind-power nuclear power or to build more coak fired power stations equipped with carbon capture technology that reduces greenhouse gas emissions by capturmg and storing carbon dioxide. | The UK has a target of cutting its carbon emissions by a third by 2020. | contradiction |
id_6571 | The UK has a target of cutting its carbon emissions by using renewabk sources to generate a third of its electricity by 2020. One option is to mvest heavily in building thousands of wind farms around the country. But a key technological issue that remams to be solved 1s how to efficiently store wind-power nuclear power or to build more coak fired power stations equipped with carbon capture technology that reduces greenhouse gas emissions by capturmg and storing carbon dioxide. | Wind farms are a renewabke source of energy. | entailment |
id_6572 | The UK has a target of cutting its carbon emissions by using renewabk sources to generate a third of its electricity by 2020. One option is to mvest heavily in building thousands of wind farms around the country. But a key technological issue that remams to be solved 1s how to efficiently store wind-power nuclear power or to build more coak fired power stations equipped with carbon capture technology that reduces greenhouse gas emissions by capturmg and storing carbon dioxide. | The passage suggests that carbon capture technology reduces carbon dioxide emissions from coal-fired power stations. | entailment |
id_6573 | The UK has a target of cutting its carbon emissions by using renewabk sources to generate a third of its electricity by 2020. One option is to mvest heavily in building thousands of wind farms around the country. But a key technological issue that remams to be solved 1s how to efficiently store wind-power nuclear power or to build more coak fired power stations equipped with carbon capture technology that reduces greenhouse gas emissions by capturmg and storing carbon dioxide. | The passage proposes nuclear power as an alternative to electricity. | contradiction |
id_6574 | The UN World Food Programme warned of severe shortages of food and fuel in Nepal caused by the ongoing major disruptions in imports across its southern border with India, saying that the land-locked country could face extreme hardship if prices of basic food staples continue to soar. | Pulses and cooking oil have increased by more than 30 per cent since August and more than 50 per cent since last year and in remote areas. | contradiction |
id_6575 | The UN World Food Programme warned of severe shortages of food and fuel in Nepal caused by the ongoing major disruptions in imports across its southern border with India, saying that the land-locked country could face extreme hardship if prices of basic food staples continue to soar. | Free flow of food items across the border was to ensure proper availability of food in Nepal. | contradiction |
id_6576 | The UN World Food Programme warned of severe shortages of food and fuel in Nepal caused by the ongoing major disruptions in imports across its southern border with India, saying that the land-locked country could face extreme hardship if prices of basic food staples continue to soar. | Disruptions at the border have led to increase the cost of some basic staple food. | entailment |
id_6577 | The UN World Food Programme warned of severe shortages of food and fuel in Nepal caused by the ongoing major disruptions in imports across its southern border with India, saying that the land-locked country could face extreme hardship if prices of basic food staples continue to soar. | Nepal totally depends on their imports with India. | contradiction |
id_6578 | The US and India have reached an agreement that takes into account Indias domestic concerns about food security. The resulting Bali package, which addresses trade facilitation, agriculture and the issues of least developed countries (LDCs), has restored some degree of faith in the World Trade Organisation (WTO). However, there remains a wide gap between WTO rules and business realities on-the-ground. It is these new 21st century realities such as technology, environment, intellectual property (IP) and finance that are at the core of two ambitious mega-regional trade deals, lead by the United States, a member of both - the Transpacific Partnership (TPP) and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The TPP, with 12 member countries, is estimated to account for over one-quarter of world trade. The TTIP, with 28 countries, makes up almost a third. | The issue of intellectual property is a centuries-old problem. | contradiction |
id_6579 | The US and India have reached an agreement that takes into account Indias domestic concerns about food security. The resulting Bali package, which addresses trade facilitation, agriculture and the issues of least developed countries (LDCs), has restored some degree of faith in the World Trade Organisation (WTO). However, there remains a wide gap between WTO rules and business realities on-the-ground. It is these new 21st century realities such as technology, environment, intellectual property (IP) and finance that are at the core of two ambitious mega-regional trade deals, lead by the United States, a member of both - the Transpacific Partnership (TPP) and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The TPP, with 12 member countries, is estimated to account for over one-quarter of world trade. The TTIP, with 28 countries, makes up almost a third. | The issues of least developed countries have been resolved in the Bali package. | neutral |
id_6580 | The US and India have reached an agreement that takes into account Indias domestic concerns about food security. The resulting Bali package, which addresses trade facilitation, agriculture and the issues of least developed countries (LDCs), has restored some degree of faith in the World Trade Organisation (WTO). However, there remains a wide gap between WTO rules and business realities on-the-ground. It is these new 21st century realities such as technology, environment, intellectual property (IP) and finance that are at the core of two ambitious mega-regional trade deals, lead by the United States, a member of both - the Transpacific Partnership (TPP) and the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). The TPP, with 12 member countries, is estimated to account for over one-quarter of world trade. The TTIP, with 28 countries, makes up almost a third. | The TPP and the TTIP together account for more than 50% of world trade. | neutral |
id_6581 | The United Nations was established in 1945 and today includes nearly every recognized state, each of which has one vote in the General Assembly. The United Nations Security Council, charged with maintaining international peace and security, is comprised of five permanent members (the P5) the United States, the United Kingdom, France, China and Russia as well as ten non-permanent members, elected for two-year terms. The Security Council approves decisions based on an affirmative vote from at least nine of its fifteen members, however each of the five permanent members has ultimate veto power. The P5s veto power is widely criticized as unfair and anachronistic. In the Cold War era, the P5 were the worlds only nuclear powers, and the veto both recognized their might and provided incentive for them to support the Security Councils goals. Nuclear proliferation, however, means that the P5 no longer reflects todays geopolitical realities. Opponents of the veto believe it is used to promote national agendas at the expense of international security. Alternatively, rather than abolish the veto, some commentators suggest that the veto should be extended to more countries for example, Germany. | The passage asserts that some people believe that the veto should be granted to all countries with nuclear arsenals. | contradiction |
id_6582 | The United Nations was established in 1945 and today includes nearly every recognized state, each of which has one vote in the General Assembly. The United Nations Security Council, charged with maintaining international peace and security, is comprised of five permanent members (the P5) the United States, the United Kingdom, France, China and Russia as well as ten non-permanent members, elected for two-year terms. The Security Council approves decisions based on an affirmative vote from at least nine of its fifteen members, however each of the five permanent members has ultimate veto power. The P5s veto power is widely criticized as unfair and anachronistic. In the Cold War era, the P5 were the worlds only nuclear powers, and the veto both recognized their might and provided incentive for them to support the Security Councils goals. Nuclear proliferation, however, means that the P5 no longer reflects todays geopolitical realities. Opponents of the veto believe it is used to promote national agendas at the expense of international security. Alternatively, rather than abolish the veto, some commentators suggest that the veto should be extended to more countries for example, Germany. | The P5 cannot wield their veto if a resolution is backed by at least nine members of the Security Council. | contradiction |
id_6583 | The United Nations was established in 1945 and today includes nearly every recognized state, each of which has one vote in the General Assembly. The United Nations Security Council, charged with maintaining international peace and security, is comprised of five permanent members (the P5) the United States, the United Kingdom, France, China and Russia as well as ten non-permanent members, elected for two-year terms. The Security Council approves decisions based on an affirmative vote from at least nine of its fifteen members, however each of the five permanent members has ultimate veto power. The P5s veto power is widely criticized as unfair and anachronistic. In the Cold War era, the P5 were the worlds only nuclear powers, and the veto both recognized their might and provided incentive for them to support the Security Councils goals. Nuclear proliferation, however, means that the P5 no longer reflects todays geopolitical realities. Opponents of the veto believe it is used to promote national agendas at the expense of international security. Alternatively, rather than abolish the veto, some commentators suggest that the veto should be extended to more countries for example, Germany. | Some critics argue that veto power is subject to national interests. | entailment |
id_6584 | The United Nations was established in 1945 and today includes nearly every recognized state, each of which has one vote in the General Assembly. The United Nations Security Council, charged with maintaining international peace and security, is comprised of five permanent members (the P5) the United States, the United Kingdom, France, China and Russia as well as ten non-permanent members, elected for two-year terms. The Security Council approves decisions based on an affirmative vote from at least nine of its fifteen members, however each of the five permanent members has ultimate veto power. The P5s veto power is widely criticized as unfair and anachronistic. In the Cold War era, the P5 were the worlds only nuclear powers, and the veto both recognized their might and provided incentive for them to support the Security Councils goals. Nuclear proliferation, however, means that the P5 no longer reflects todays geopolitical realities. Opponents of the veto believe it is used to promote national agendas at the expense of international security. Alternatively, rather than abolish the veto, some commentators suggest that the veto should be extended to more countries for example, Germany. | The United Nations Security Council was set up in 1945, with the objective of avoiding another world war. | neutral |
id_6585 | The United Nations was established in 1945 and today includes nearly every recognized state, each of which has one vote in the General Assembly. The United Nations Security Council, charged with maintaining international peace and security, is comprised of five permanent members (the P5) the United States, the United Kingdom, France, China and Russia as well as ten non-permanent members, elected for two-year terms. The Security Council approves decisions based on an affirmative vote from at least nine of its fifteen members, however each of the five permanent members has ultimate veto power. The P5s veto power is widely criticized as unfair and anachronistic. In the Cold War era, the P5 were the worlds only nuclear powers, and the veto both recognized their might and provided incentive for them to support the Security Councils goals. Nuclear proliferation, however, means that the P5 no longer reflects todays geopolitical realities. Opponents of the veto believe it is used to promote national agendas at the expense of international security. Alternatively, rather than abolish the veto, some commentators suggest that the veto should be extended to more countries for example, Germany. | The P5 were granted veto power in recognition of their disproportionate contribution to global security. | contradiction |
id_6586 | The United Nations' Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species(CITES) recently reaffirmed a 1989 ban on trading ivory, despite calls from Tanzania and Zambia to lift it. Only 470,000 elephants remain in Africa today - compared to 1.3 million in 1979. While natural habitat loss was a significant factor in dwindling elephant populations, poaching for ivory was the main cause. Since the ban's implementation, elephant populations have recovered in many African countries, but an estimated 38,000 elephants are still killed annually. CITES permitted one-off sales in 1999 and in 2008, allowing approved countries to dispose of their government stockpiles of ivory. Ivory from these sales was exported to Japan and China, where demand for carved ivory is high. Conservation groups vehemently oppose further one-off sales, because much of the ivory sold is of unknown origin. Furthermore, the sales have fuelled far-Eastern demand for ivory. In central and western African countries, where organized crime rings operate lucrative ivory smuggling operations, poaching remains rife. Those in favors of allowing one-off sales argue that elephants are no longer endangered, and that maintaining the ban will simply inflate the price of illegal ivory, making poaching more tempting. Though the CITES decision is viewed as a victory by conservationists, the African elephant's future relies on governments' commitment to enforcing the ban. | Because their elephant populations are thriving, Tanzania and Zambia want to lift the ban on ivory trading. | neutral |
id_6587 | The United Nations' Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species(CITES) recently reaffirmed a 1989 ban on trading ivory, despite calls from Tanzania and Zambia to lift it. Only 470,000 elephants remain in Africa today - compared to 1.3 million in 1979. While natural habitat loss was a significant factor in dwindling elephant populations, poaching for ivory was the main cause. Since the ban's implementation, elephant populations have recovered in many African countries, but an estimated 38,000 elephants are still killed annually. CITES permitted one-off sales in 1999 and in 2008, allowing approved countries to dispose of their government stockpiles of ivory. Ivory from these sales was exported to Japan and China, where demand for carved ivory is high. Conservation groups vehemently oppose further one-off sales, because much of the ivory sold is of unknown origin. Furthermore, the sales have fuelled far-Eastern demand for ivory. In central and western African countries, where organized crime rings operate lucrative ivory smuggling operations, poaching remains rife. Those in favors of allowing one-off sales argue that elephants are no longer endangered, and that maintaining the ban will simply inflate the price of illegal ivory, making poaching more tempting. Though the CITES decision is viewed as a victory by conservationists, the African elephant's future relies on governments' commitment to enforcing the ban. | Increased demand from Japan and China is driving up the price of ivory. | neutral |
id_6588 | The United Nations' Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species(CITES) recently reaffirmed a 1989 ban on trading ivory, despite calls from Tanzania and Zambia to lift it. Only 470,000 elephants remain in Africa today - compared to 1.3 million in 1979. While natural habitat loss was a significant factor in dwindling elephant populations, poaching for ivory was the main cause. Since the ban's implementation, elephant populations have recovered in many African countries, but an estimated 38,000 elephants are still killed annually. CITES permitted one-off sales in 1999 and in 2008, allowing approved countries to dispose of their government stockpiles of ivory. Ivory from these sales was exported to Japan and China, where demand for carved ivory is high. Conservation groups vehemently oppose further one-off sales, because much of the ivory sold is of unknown origin. Furthermore, the sales have fuelled far-Eastern demand for ivory. In central and western African countries, where organized crime rings operate lucrative ivory smuggling operations, poaching remains rife. Those in favors of allowing one-off sales argue that elephants are no longer endangered, and that maintaining the ban will simply inflate the price of illegal ivory, making poaching more tempting. Though the CITES decision is viewed as a victory by conservationists, the African elephant's future relies on governments' commitment to enforcing the ban. | Whether or not African elephants should be classified as endangered is debatable. | entailment |
id_6589 | The United Nations' Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species(CITES) recently reaffirmed a 1989 ban on trading ivory, despite calls from Tanzania and Zambia to lift it. Only 470,000 elephants remain in Africa today - compared to 1.3 million in 1979. While natural habitat loss was a significant factor in dwindling elephant populations, poaching for ivory was the main cause. Since the ban's implementation, elephant populations have recovered in many African countries, but an estimated 38,000 elephants are still killed annually. CITES permitted one-off sales in 1999 and in 2008, allowing approved countries to dispose of their government stockpiles of ivory. Ivory from these sales was exported to Japan and China, where demand for carved ivory is high. Conservation groups vehemently oppose further one-off sales, because much of the ivory sold is of unknown origin. Furthermore, the sales have fuelled far-Eastern demand for ivory. In central and western African countries, where organized crime rings operate lucrative ivory smuggling operations, poaching remains rife. Those in favors of allowing one-off sales argue that elephants are no longer endangered, and that maintaining the ban will simply inflate the price of illegal ivory, making poaching more tempting. Though the CITES decision is viewed as a victory by conservationists, the African elephant's future relies on governments' commitment to enforcing the ban. | Conservationists question the provenance of the ivory sold at one-off sales. | entailment |
id_6590 | The United Nations' Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species(CITES) recently reaffirmed a 1989 ban on trading ivory, despite calls from Tanzania and Zambia to lift it. Only 470,000 elephants remain in Africa today - compared to 1.3 million in 1979. While natural habitat loss was a significant factor in dwindling elephant populations, poaching for ivory was the main cause. Since the ban's implementation, elephant populations have recovered in many African countries, but an estimated 38,000 elephants are still killed annually. CITES permitted one-off sales in 1999 and in 2008, allowing approved countries to dispose of their government stockpiles of ivory. Ivory from these sales was exported to Japan and China, where demand for carved ivory is high. Conservation groups vehemently oppose further one-off sales, because much of the ivory sold is of unknown origin. Furthermore, the sales have fuelled far-Eastern demand for ivory. In central and western African countries, where organized crime rings operate lucrative ivory smuggling operations, poaching remains rife. Those in favors of allowing one-off sales argue that elephants are no longer endangered, and that maintaining the ban will simply inflate the price of illegal ivory, making poaching more tempting. Though the CITES decision is viewed as a victory by conservationists, the African elephant's future relies on governments' commitment to enforcing the ban. | No legal sales of Ivory have occurred since 1989. | contradiction |
id_6591 | The United States of America is the fourth largest country in the world, the third most populated and the wealthiest. It is made up of 50 states, 48 of which occupy the central part of the North American continent. Its population of 281 million is multiracial as a result of waves of immigrants arriving from Europe, Africa, Asia and South America. Its wealth is derived from its industrial output, its world-leading technologies and science, its extensive agriculture and forestry and vast natural resources including oil, coal and metal ores. It is estimated that something like 45 million tourists visit the United States each year, which makes tourism another very important contributor to the US economy. | The passage states that the main languages spoken in the United States are English and Spanish. | contradiction |
id_6592 | The United States of America is the fourth largest country in the world, the third most populated and the wealthiest. It is made up of 50 states, 48 of which occupy the central part of the North American continent. Its population of 281 million is multiracial as a result of waves of immigrants arriving from Europe, Africa, Asia and South America. Its wealth is derived from its industrial output, its world-leading technologies and science, its extensive agriculture and forestry and vast natural resources including oil, coal and metal ores. It is estimated that something like 45 million tourists visit the United States each year, which makes tourism another very important contributor to the US economy. | Its vast industrial output has made the United States the wealthiest nation on earth. | contradiction |
id_6593 | The United States of America is the fourth largest country in the world, the third most populated and the wealthiest. It is made up of 50 states, 48 of which occupy the central part of the North American continent. Its population of 281 million is multiracial as a result of waves of immigrants arriving from Europe, Africa, Asia and South America. Its wealth is derived from its industrial output, its world-leading technologies and science, its extensive agriculture and forestry and vast natural resources including oil, coal and metal ores. It is estimated that something like 45 million tourists visit the United States each year, which makes tourism another very important contributor to the US economy. | The currency used in the United States is the US dollar. | neutral |
id_6594 | The United States of America is the fourth largest country in the world, the third most populated and the wealthiest. It is made up of 50 states, 48 of which occupy the central part of the North American continent. Its population of 281 million is multiracial as a result of waves of immigrants arriving from Europe, Africa, Asia and South America. Its wealth is derived from its industrial output, its world-leading technologies and science, its extensive agriculture and forestry and vast natural resources including oil, coal and metal ores. It is estimated that something like 45 million tourists visit the United States each year, which makes tourism another very important contributor to the US economy. | The worlds fourth most populous nation has a population of less than 281 million. | entailment |
id_6595 | The United States released the following as part of a pamphlet titled If Your Baby Must Travel in Wartime, released during the Second World War: Have you been on a train lately? The railroads have a hard job to do these days, but one that they are doing well. But before you decide on a trip with a baby, you should realise what a wartime train is like. So lets look into one. This train is crowded. At every stop more people get onmore and still more. Soldiers and sailors on furloughs, men on business trips, women young and not so young and babies, lots of them, mostly small. The seats are full. People stand and jostle one another in the aisle. Mothers sit crowded into single seats with toddlers or with babies in their laps. Three sailors occupy space meant for two. A soldier sits on his tipped-up suitcase. A marine leans against the back of the seat. Some people stand in line for 2 hours waiting to get into the diner, some munch sandwiches obtained from the porter or taken out of a paper bag, and some go hungry. And those who get to the diner have had to push their way through five or six moving cars. You will want to think twice before taking your baby into such a crowded, uncomfortable place as a train. And having thought twice, youd better decide to stay home unless your trip is absolutely necessary. But suppose you and your baby must travel. Well then, you will have to plan for the dozens of small but essential things incidental to travelling with a baby and equip yourself to handle them. | The pamphlet wishes to increase the number of passengers on trains. | contradiction |
id_6596 | The United States released the following as part of a pamphlet titled If Your Baby Must Travel in Wartime, released during the Second World War: Have you been on a train lately? The railroads have a hard job to do these days, but one that they are doing well. But before you decide on a trip with a baby, you should realise what a wartime train is like. So lets look into one. This train is crowded. At every stop more people get onmore and still more. Soldiers and sailors on furloughs, men on business trips, women young and not so young and babies, lots of them, mostly small. The seats are full. People stand and jostle one another in the aisle. Mothers sit crowded into single seats with toddlers or with babies in their laps. Three sailors occupy space meant for two. A soldier sits on his tipped-up suitcase. A marine leans against the back of the seat. Some people stand in line for 2 hours waiting to get into the diner, some munch sandwiches obtained from the porter or taken out of a paper bag, and some go hungry. And those who get to the diner have had to push their way through five or six moving cars. You will want to think twice before taking your baby into such a crowded, uncomfortable place as a train. And having thought twice, youd better decide to stay home unless your trip is absolutely necessary. But suppose you and your baby must travel. Well then, you will have to plan for the dozens of small but essential things incidental to travelling with a baby and equip yourself to handle them. | Many go without eating for the duration of a train journey. | neutral |
id_6597 | The United States released the following as part of a pamphlet titled If Your Baby Must Travel in Wartime, released during the Second World War: Have you been on a train lately? The railroads have a hard job to do these days, but one that they are doing well. But before you decide on a trip with a baby, you should realise what a wartime train is like. So lets look into one. This train is crowded. At every stop more people get onmore and still more. Soldiers and sailors on furloughs, men on business trips, women young and not so young and babies, lots of them, mostly small. The seats are full. People stand and jostle one another in the aisle. Mothers sit crowded into single seats with toddlers or with babies in their laps. Three sailors occupy space meant for two. A soldier sits on his tipped-up suitcase. A marine leans against the back of the seat. Some people stand in line for 2 hours waiting to get into the diner, some munch sandwiches obtained from the porter or taken out of a paper bag, and some go hungry. And those who get to the diner have had to push their way through five or six moving cars. You will want to think twice before taking your baby into such a crowded, uncomfortable place as a train. And having thought twice, youd better decide to stay home unless your trip is absolutely necessary. But suppose you and your baby must travel. Well then, you will have to plan for the dozens of small but essential things incidental to travelling with a baby and equip yourself to handle them. | Many people queue for over an hour to get to the diner car. | contradiction |
id_6598 | The United States released the following as part of a pamphlet titled If Your Baby Must Travel in Wartime, released during the Second World War: Have you been on a train lately? The railroads have a hard job to do these days, but one that they are doing well. But before you decide on a trip with a baby, you should realise what a wartime train is like. So lets look into one. This train is crowded. At every stop more people get onmore and still more. Soldiers and sailors on furloughs, men on business trips, women young and not so young and babies, lots of them, mostly small. The seats are full. People stand and jostle one another in the aisle. Mothers sit crowded into single seats with toddlers or with babies in their laps. Three sailors occupy space meant for two. A soldier sits on his tipped-up suitcase. A marine leans against the back of the seat. Some people stand in line for 2 hours waiting to get into the diner, some munch sandwiches obtained from the porter or taken out of a paper bag, and some go hungry. And those who get to the diner have had to push their way through five or six moving cars. You will want to think twice before taking your baby into such a crowded, uncomfortable place as a train. And having thought twice, youd better decide to stay home unless your trip is absolutely necessary. But suppose you and your baby must travel. Well then, you will have to plan for the dozens of small but essential things incidental to travelling with a baby and equip yourself to handle them. | A sailor rest against a seats back. | contradiction |
id_6599 | The United States released the following as part of a pamphlet titled If Your Baby Must Travel in Wartime, released during the Second World War: Have you been on a train lately? The railroads have a hard job to do these days, but one that they are doing well. But before you decide on a trip with a baby, you should realise what a wartime train is like. So lets look into one. This train is crowded. At every stop more people get onmore and still more. Soldiers and sailors on furloughs, men on business trips, women young and not so young and babies, lots of them, mostly small. The seats are full. People stand and jostle one another in the aisle. Mothers sit crowded into single seats with toddlers or with babies in their laps. Three sailors occupy space meant for two. A soldier sits on his tipped-up suitcase. A marine leans against the back of the seat. Some people stand in line for 2 hours waiting to get into the diner, some munch sandwiches obtained from the porter or taken out of a paper bag, and some go hungry. And those who get to the diner have had to push their way through five or six moving cars. You will want to think twice before taking your baby into such a crowded, uncomfortable place as a train. And having thought twice, youd better decide to stay home unless your trip is absolutely necessary. But suppose you and your baby must travel. Well then, you will have to plan for the dozens of small but essential things incidental to travelling with a baby and equip yourself to handle them. | First World War passenger trains were exceptionally crowded. | neutral |
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