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[
"offer an analysis of metabolic processes",
"detail the ways in which bacteria and fungi can be inhibited",
"describe mechanisms by which the skin protects itself against pathogens",
"analyze the methods whereby biological systems maintain the status quo"
] | The primary purpose of the passage is to | Although pathogenic organisms constantly alight on the skin, they find it a very unfavorable environment and,in the absence of injury, have great difficulty colonizing it. This "self-sterilizing" capacity of the skin results from the tendency of all well-developed ecosystems toward homeostasis, or the maintenance of the status quo.
Species that typically live in soil water, and elsewhere rarely multiply on the skin. Undamaged skin is also unfavorable to most human pathogens. The skin is too acid and too arid for some species. The constant shedding of the surface skin layers further hinders the establishment of invaders. The most interesting defense mechanism, however, results from the metabolic activities of the resident flora .Unsaturated fatty acids, an important component of the lipids in sebum collected from the skin surface inhibit the growth of several bacterial and fungal cutaneous pathogens. These acids are a metabolic product of certain gram-positive members of the cutaneous community, which break down the more complex lipids in freshly secreted sebum. | 1976.txt | 2 |
[
"Unsaturated fatty acids (line 22)",
"sebum collected from the skin surface (lines 24-25)",
"bacterial and fungal cutaneous pathogens ( lines 26-27)",
"certain gram-positive members of the cutaneous community (lines 28-29)"
] | The "resident flora" mentioned in lines 21-22 refer to | Although pathogenic organisms constantly alight on the skin, they find it a very unfavorable environment and,in the absence of injury, have great difficulty colonizing it. This "self-sterilizing" capacity of the skin results from the tendency of all well-developed ecosystems toward homeostasis, or the maintenance of the status quo.
Species that typically live in soil water, and elsewhere rarely multiply on the skin. Undamaged skin is also unfavorable to most human pathogens. The skin is too acid and too arid for some species. The constant shedding of the surface skin layers further hinders the establishment of invaders. The most interesting defense mechanism, however, results from the metabolic activities of the resident flora .Unsaturated fatty acids, an important component of the lipids in sebum collected from the skin surface inhibit the growth of several bacterial and fungal cutaneous pathogens. These acids are a metabolic product of certain gram-positive members of the cutaneous community, which break down the more complex lipids in freshly secreted sebum. | 1976.txt | 3 |
[
"dryness of the skin",
"acidity of the skin",
"tendency of the pathogens toward homeostasis",
"shedding of surface layers of the skin"
] | Among the natural defense of the skin against pathogenic organisms are all of the following EXCEPT the | Although pathogenic organisms constantly alight on the skin, they find it a very unfavorable environment and,in the absence of injury, have great difficulty colonizing it. This "self-sterilizing" capacity of the skin results from the tendency of all well-developed ecosystems toward homeostasis, or the maintenance of the status quo.
Species that typically live in soil water, and elsewhere rarely multiply on the skin. Undamaged skin is also unfavorable to most human pathogens. The skin is too acid and too arid for some species. The constant shedding of the surface skin layers further hinders the establishment of invaders. The most interesting defense mechanism, however, results from the metabolic activities of the resident flora .Unsaturated fatty acids, an important component of the lipids in sebum collected from the skin surface inhibit the growth of several bacterial and fungal cutaneous pathogens. These acids are a metabolic product of certain gram-positive members of the cutaneous community, which break down the more complex lipids in freshly secreted sebum. | 1976.txt | 2 |
[
"Stating a problem and then supplying a solution",
"Presenting a phenomenon and then analyzing reasons for it",
"Providing information and then drawing a conclusion from it",
"Making a general statement and then arguing by analogy"
] | The author presents her material in which of the following ways? | Although pathogenic organisms constantly alight on the skin, they find it a very unfavorable environment and,in the absence of injury, have great difficulty colonizing it. This "self-sterilizing" capacity of the skin results from the tendency of all well-developed ecosystems toward homeostasis, or the maintenance of the status quo.
Species that typically live in soil water, and elsewhere rarely multiply on the skin. Undamaged skin is also unfavorable to most human pathogens. The skin is too acid and too arid for some species. The constant shedding of the surface skin layers further hinders the establishment of invaders. The most interesting defense mechanism, however, results from the metabolic activities of the resident flora .Unsaturated fatty acids, an important component of the lipids in sebum collected from the skin surface inhibit the growth of several bacterial and fungal cutaneous pathogens. These acids are a metabolic product of certain gram-positive members of the cutaneous community, which break down the more complex lipids in freshly secreted sebum. | 1976.txt | 1 |
[
"much more intense droughts are inevitable,examda.",
"the intensity of hurricanes is to be increased",
"most coastal cities will be drowned sooner or later",
"the effects of global warming might be catastrophic"
] | Former U.S.Vice President Al Gore warns that_ | Embarking on a whirlwind tour of Congress，former U.S.Vice President Al Gore testified before several Senate and House of Representatives committees today，insisting on decisive action to curb global warmin9.①Speaking to overflow crowds，Gore urged lawmakers to solve the climate crisis-a message that drew praise and some skepticism，from members of Congress.examda.
At times，Gore appeared to be replaying scenes from his Oscar-winning documentary，An Inconvent Truth.He painted a bleak picture of Earth's future，warning that rising levels of carbon dioxide couId haye calamitous effects，such as increased intensity of hurricanes，more intense droughts， and the drowning of coastal cities. examda.
But Gore diverged from his talking points to offer his thoughts on how to deal with what he called"the most serious[crisis]we've ever faced.Among his recommendations were an immediate cap on carbon dio)dioxide emissions；by 2050，Gore said he would like to see a 90％reduction of carbon dioxide levels.
Congress appeared largely receptive to his ideas.but not everyone was soId-to put it mildly."We need to be careful when we talk about so-called scientific facts，"said Representative Joe Barton. Barton presented historical evidence to refute Gore's assertion that carbon dioxide concentrations preceded temperature rises."0n this point，Mr.Vice President，you're not just off a little.You're totally wrong." examda.
Gore shot back that scientific consensus on climate change was behind him，and that the government must act auickly."The planet has a fever，"he said."If your baby has a fever，you go to the doctor.If the doctor says yOU need to intervene here，you don't say，‘Well，I read a science fiction novel that told me it's not a problem.'If the crib's on fire，you don't speculate that the baby is flame retardant.You take action."
Barton also criticized Gore's recommendations on freezing carbon dioxide emissions."tf we took that literallv,we can add no new industry，no new cars on the street，and apparently no new people.Every person emits 0.2 tons of carbon dioxide a year." examda.
Whether Gore's message wilt be as successful in Congress as it was at the Oscars remains uncertain.⑤But j udging by one of his most vocal opponents，the former vice president may have made some headwav."Your ideas aren't all bad，Mr.Vice President，"said Barton."You list a number of thoughtful responses to global climate change for this committee to consider. [402 words] | 1212.txt | 3 |
[
"either praiseful or skeptical,examda.",
"praiseful as well as skeptical",
"more praiseful than skeptical",
"more skeptical than praiseful"
] | The attitude of Congress members toward Mr.Gore's urge is_ | Embarking on a whirlwind tour of Congress，former U.S.Vice President Al Gore testified before several Senate and House of Representatives committees today，insisting on decisive action to curb global warmin9.①Speaking to overflow crowds，Gore urged lawmakers to solve the climate crisis-a message that drew praise and some skepticism，from members of Congress.examda.
At times，Gore appeared to be replaying scenes from his Oscar-winning documentary，An Inconvent Truth.He painted a bleak picture of Earth's future，warning that rising levels of carbon dioxide couId haye calamitous effects，such as increased intensity of hurricanes，more intense droughts， and the drowning of coastal cities. examda.
But Gore diverged from his talking points to offer his thoughts on how to deal with what he called"the most serious[crisis]we've ever faced.Among his recommendations were an immediate cap on carbon dio)dioxide emissions；by 2050，Gore said he would like to see a 90％reduction of carbon dioxide levels.
Congress appeared largely receptive to his ideas.but not everyone was soId-to put it mildly."We need to be careful when we talk about so-called scientific facts，"said Representative Joe Barton. Barton presented historical evidence to refute Gore's assertion that carbon dioxide concentrations preceded temperature rises."0n this point，Mr.Vice President，you're not just off a little.You're totally wrong." examda.
Gore shot back that scientific consensus on climate change was behind him，and that the government must act auickly."The planet has a fever，"he said."If your baby has a fever，you go to the doctor.If the doctor says yOU need to intervene here，you don't say，‘Well，I read a science fiction novel that told me it's not a problem.'If the crib's on fire，you don't speculate that the baby is flame retardant.You take action."
Barton also criticized Gore's recommendations on freezing carbon dioxide emissions."tf we took that literallv,we can add no new industry，no new cars on the street，and apparently no new people.Every person emits 0.2 tons of carbon dioxide a year." examda.
Whether Gore's message wilt be as successful in Congress as it was at the Oscars remains uncertain.⑤But j udging by one of his most vocal opponents，the former vice president may have made some headwav."Your ideas aren't all bad，Mr.Vice President，"said Barton."You list a number of thoughtful responses to global climate change for this committee to consider. [402 words] | 1212.txt | 1 |
[
"is both stubborn and inflexible,examda.",
"doesn't believe in scientific facts",
"refutes Mr.Gore's urge rationally",
"opposes whatever Mr.Gore calls on"
] | According to the text，Joe Barton_ | Embarking on a whirlwind tour of Congress，former U.S.Vice President Al Gore testified before several Senate and House of Representatives committees today，insisting on decisive action to curb global warmin9.①Speaking to overflow crowds，Gore urged lawmakers to solve the climate crisis-a message that drew praise and some skepticism，from members of Congress.examda.
At times，Gore appeared to be replaying scenes from his Oscar-winning documentary，An Inconvent Truth.He painted a bleak picture of Earth's future，warning that rising levels of carbon dioxide couId haye calamitous effects，such as increased intensity of hurricanes，more intense droughts， and the drowning of coastal cities. examda.
But Gore diverged from his talking points to offer his thoughts on how to deal with what he called"the most serious[crisis]we've ever faced.Among his recommendations were an immediate cap on carbon dio)dioxide emissions；by 2050，Gore said he would like to see a 90％reduction of carbon dioxide levels.
Congress appeared largely receptive to his ideas.but not everyone was soId-to put it mildly."We need to be careful when we talk about so-called scientific facts，"said Representative Joe Barton. Barton presented historical evidence to refute Gore's assertion that carbon dioxide concentrations preceded temperature rises."0n this point，Mr.Vice President，you're not just off a little.You're totally wrong." examda.
Gore shot back that scientific consensus on climate change was behind him，and that the government must act auickly."The planet has a fever，"he said."If your baby has a fever，you go to the doctor.If the doctor says yOU need to intervene here，you don't say，‘Well，I read a science fiction novel that told me it's not a problem.'If the crib's on fire，you don't speculate that the baby is flame retardant.You take action."
Barton also criticized Gore's recommendations on freezing carbon dioxide emissions."tf we took that literallv,we can add no new industry，no new cars on the street，and apparently no new people.Every person emits 0.2 tons of carbon dioxide a year." examda.
Whether Gore's message wilt be as successful in Congress as it was at the Oscars remains uncertain.⑤But j udging by one of his most vocal opponents，the former vice president may have made some headwav."Your ideas aren't all bad，Mr.Vice President，"said Barton."You list a number of thoughtful responses to global climate change for this committee to consider. [402 words] | 1212.txt | 2 |
[
"science fiction novel isn't a thing to rely",
"the fever that the earth has is serious and",
"there is a scientific consensus on climate change",
"action must be taken immediately to protect the earth"
] | Mr Gore uses the example of a baby with a fever to illustrate that _ | Embarking on a whirlwind tour of Congress，former U.S.Vice President Al Gore testified before several Senate and House of Representatives committees today，insisting on decisive action to curb global warmin9.①Speaking to overflow crowds，Gore urged lawmakers to solve the climate crisis-a message that drew praise and some skepticism，from members of Congress.examda.
At times，Gore appeared to be replaying scenes from his Oscar-winning documentary，An Inconvent Truth.He painted a bleak picture of Earth's future，warning that rising levels of carbon dioxide couId haye calamitous effects，such as increased intensity of hurricanes，more intense droughts， and the drowning of coastal cities. examda.
But Gore diverged from his talking points to offer his thoughts on how to deal with what he called"the most serious[crisis]we've ever faced.Among his recommendations were an immediate cap on carbon dio)dioxide emissions；by 2050，Gore said he would like to see a 90％reduction of carbon dioxide levels.
Congress appeared largely receptive to his ideas.but not everyone was soId-to put it mildly."We need to be careful when we talk about so-called scientific facts，"said Representative Joe Barton. Barton presented historical evidence to refute Gore's assertion that carbon dioxide concentrations preceded temperature rises."0n this point，Mr.Vice President，you're not just off a little.You're totally wrong." examda.
Gore shot back that scientific consensus on climate change was behind him，and that the government must act auickly."The planet has a fever，"he said."If your baby has a fever，you go to the doctor.If the doctor says yOU need to intervene here，you don't say，‘Well，I read a science fiction novel that told me it's not a problem.'If the crib's on fire，you don't speculate that the baby is flame retardant.You take action."
Barton also criticized Gore's recommendations on freezing carbon dioxide emissions."tf we took that literallv,we can add no new industry，no new cars on the street，and apparently no new people.Every person emits 0.2 tons of carbon dioxide a year." examda.
Whether Gore's message wilt be as successful in Congress as it was at the Oscars remains uncertain.⑤But j udging by one of his most vocal opponents，the former vice president may have made some headwav."Your ideas aren't all bad，Mr.Vice President，"said Barton."You list a number of thoughtful responses to global climate change for this committee to consider. [402 words] | 1212.txt | 3 |
[
"both receptive and critical to what Gore insisted on",
"uncertain whether Gore will be successful in",
"the most intelligent and insightful member in Congress",
"also worried about the effect of carbon dioxide emissions"
] | It is clear that Mr.Joe Barton is_ | Embarking on a whirlwind tour of Congress，former U.S.Vice President Al Gore testified before several Senate and House of Representatives committees today，insisting on decisive action to curb global warmin9.①Speaking to overflow crowds，Gore urged lawmakers to solve the climate crisis-a message that drew praise and some skepticism，from members of Congress.examda.
At times，Gore appeared to be replaying scenes from his Oscar-winning documentary，An Inconvent Truth.He painted a bleak picture of Earth's future，warning that rising levels of carbon dioxide couId haye calamitous effects，such as increased intensity of hurricanes，more intense droughts， and the drowning of coastal cities. examda.
But Gore diverged from his talking points to offer his thoughts on how to deal with what he called"the most serious[crisis]we've ever faced.Among his recommendations were an immediate cap on carbon dio)dioxide emissions；by 2050，Gore said he would like to see a 90％reduction of carbon dioxide levels.
Congress appeared largely receptive to his ideas.but not everyone was soId-to put it mildly."We need to be careful when we talk about so-called scientific facts，"said Representative Joe Barton. Barton presented historical evidence to refute Gore's assertion that carbon dioxide concentrations preceded temperature rises."0n this point，Mr.Vice President，you're not just off a little.You're totally wrong." examda.
Gore shot back that scientific consensus on climate change was behind him，and that the government must act auickly."The planet has a fever，"he said."If your baby has a fever，you go to the doctor.If the doctor says yOU need to intervene here，you don't say，‘Well，I read a science fiction novel that told me it's not a problem.'If the crib's on fire，you don't speculate that the baby is flame retardant.You take action."
Barton also criticized Gore's recommendations on freezing carbon dioxide emissions."tf we took that literallv,we can add no new industry，no new cars on the street，and apparently no new people.Every person emits 0.2 tons of carbon dioxide a year." examda.
Whether Gore's message wilt be as successful in Congress as it was at the Oscars remains uncertain.⑤But j udging by one of his most vocal opponents，the former vice president may have made some headwav."Your ideas aren't all bad，Mr.Vice President，"said Barton."You list a number of thoughtful responses to global climate change for this committee to consider. [402 words] | 1212.txt | 0 |
[
"Lobe-finned fish were among the earliest types of fish to appear.",
"Fish began living in freshwater habitats only after originating elsewhere.",
"Lobe-finned fish radiated into almost all available aquatic habitats.",
"During the Devonian, lobe-finned fish were more common in marine than in freshwater habitats."
] | Paragraph 1 supports which of the following statements about fish evolution? | One of the most significant evolutionary events that occurred on Earth was the transition of water-dwelling fish to terrestrial tetrapods (four-limbed organisms with backbones). Fish probably originated in the oceans, and our first records of them are in marine rocks. However, by the Devonian Period (408 million to 362 million years ago), they had radiated into almost all available aquatic habitats, including freshwater settings. One of the groups whose fossils are especially common in rocks deposited in fresh water is the lobe-finned fish.
The freshwater Devonian lobe-finned fish rhipidistian crossopterygian is of particular interest to biologists studying tetrapod evolution. These fish lived in river channels and lakes on large deltas. The delta rocks in which these fossils are found are commonly red due to oxidized iron minerals, indicating that the deltas formed in a climate that had alternate wet and dry periods. If there were periods of drought, any adaptations allowing the fish to survive the dry conditions would have been advantageous. In these rhipidistians, several such adaptations existed. It is known that they had lungs as well as gills for breathing. Cross sections cut through some of the fossils reveal that the mud filling the interior of the carcass differed in consistency and texture depending on its location inside the fish. These differences suggest a sadlike cavity below the front end of the gut that can only be interpreted as a lung. Gills were undoubtedly the main source of oxygen for these fish, but the lungs served as an auxiliary breathing device for gulping air when the water became oxygen depleted, such as during extended periods of drought. So, these fish had already evolved one of the prime requisites for living on land: the ability to use air as a source of oxygen.
A second adaptation of these fish was in the structure of the lobe fins. The fins were thick, fleshy, and quite sturdy, with a median axis of bone down the center. They could have been used as feeble locomotor devices on land, perhaps good enough to allow a fish to flop its way from one pool of water that was almost dry to an adjacent pond that had enough water and oxygen for survival. These fins eventually changed into short, stubby legs. The bones of the fins of a Devonian rhipidistian exactly match in number and position the limb bones of the earliest known tetrapods, the amphibians. It should be emphasized that the evolution of lungs and limbs was in no sense an anticipation of future life on land. These adaptations developed because they helped fish to survive in their existing aquatic environment.
What ecological pressures might have caused fishes to gradually abandon their watery habitat and become increasingly land-dwelling creatures? Changes in climate during the Devonian may have had something to do with this if freshwater areas became progressively more restricted. Another impetus may have been new sources of food. The edges of ponds and streams surely had scattered dead fish and other water-dwelling creatures. In addition, plants had emerged into terrestrial habitats in areas near streams and ponds, and crabs and other arthropods were also members of this earliest terrestrial community.Thus, by the Devonian the land habitat marginal to freshwater was probably a rich source of protein that could be exploited by an animal that could easily climb out of water. Evidence from teeth suggests that these earliest tetrapods did not utilize land plants as food; they were presumably carnivorous and had not developed the ability to feed on plants.
How did the first tetrapods make the transition to a terrestrial habitat? Like early land plants such as rhyniophytes, they made only a partial transition; they were still quite tied to water. However, many problems that faced early land plants were not applicable to the first tetrapods. The ancestors of these animals already had a circulation system, and they were mobile, so that they could move to water to drink. Furthermore, they already had lungs, which rhipidistians presumably used for auxiliary breathing. The principal changes for the earliest tetrapods were in the skeletal system-changes in the bones of the fins, the vertebral column, pelvic girdle, and pectoral girdle. | 2572.txt | 1 |
[
"These deltas formed in dry periods but gradually became wetter.",
"These deltas contain different types of iron minerals than do the surrounding areas.",
"Most rhipidistian crossopterygian fish died when the climate became dry.",
"Rhipidistian crossopterygian fish lived in areas that experienced alternate dry and wet periods."
] | According to paragraph 2, what do the minerals in the delta rocks containing rhipidistian crossopterygian fossils reveal? | One of the most significant evolutionary events that occurred on Earth was the transition of water-dwelling fish to terrestrial tetrapods (four-limbed organisms with backbones). Fish probably originated in the oceans, and our first records of them are in marine rocks. However, by the Devonian Period (408 million to 362 million years ago), they had radiated into almost all available aquatic habitats, including freshwater settings. One of the groups whose fossils are especially common in rocks deposited in fresh water is the lobe-finned fish.
The freshwater Devonian lobe-finned fish rhipidistian crossopterygian is of particular interest to biologists studying tetrapod evolution. These fish lived in river channels and lakes on large deltas. The delta rocks in which these fossils are found are commonly red due to oxidized iron minerals, indicating that the deltas formed in a climate that had alternate wet and dry periods. If there were periods of drought, any adaptations allowing the fish to survive the dry conditions would have been advantageous. In these rhipidistians, several such adaptations existed. It is known that they had lungs as well as gills for breathing. Cross sections cut through some of the fossils reveal that the mud filling the interior of the carcass differed in consistency and texture depending on its location inside the fish. These differences suggest a sadlike cavity below the front end of the gut that can only be interpreted as a lung. Gills were undoubtedly the main source of oxygen for these fish, but the lungs served as an auxiliary breathing device for gulping air when the water became oxygen depleted, such as during extended periods of drought. So, these fish had already evolved one of the prime requisites for living on land: the ability to use air as a source of oxygen.
A second adaptation of these fish was in the structure of the lobe fins. The fins were thick, fleshy, and quite sturdy, with a median axis of bone down the center. They could have been used as feeble locomotor devices on land, perhaps good enough to allow a fish to flop its way from one pool of water that was almost dry to an adjacent pond that had enough water and oxygen for survival. These fins eventually changed into short, stubby legs. The bones of the fins of a Devonian rhipidistian exactly match in number and position the limb bones of the earliest known tetrapods, the amphibians. It should be emphasized that the evolution of lungs and limbs was in no sense an anticipation of future life on land. These adaptations developed because they helped fish to survive in their existing aquatic environment.
What ecological pressures might have caused fishes to gradually abandon their watery habitat and become increasingly land-dwelling creatures? Changes in climate during the Devonian may have had something to do with this if freshwater areas became progressively more restricted. Another impetus may have been new sources of food. The edges of ponds and streams surely had scattered dead fish and other water-dwelling creatures. In addition, plants had emerged into terrestrial habitats in areas near streams and ponds, and crabs and other arthropods were also members of this earliest terrestrial community.Thus, by the Devonian the land habitat marginal to freshwater was probably a rich source of protein that could be exploited by an animal that could easily climb out of water. Evidence from teeth suggests that these earliest tetrapods did not utilize land plants as food; they were presumably carnivorous and had not developed the ability to feed on plants.
How did the first tetrapods make the transition to a terrestrial habitat? Like early land plants such as rhyniophytes, they made only a partial transition; they were still quite tied to water. However, many problems that faced early land plants were not applicable to the first tetrapods. The ancestors of these animals already had a circulation system, and they were mobile, so that they could move to water to drink. Furthermore, they already had lungs, which rhipidistians presumably used for auxiliary breathing. The principal changes for the earliest tetrapods were in the skeletal system-changes in the bones of the fins, the vertebral column, pelvic girdle, and pectoral girdle. | 2572.txt | 3 |
[
"beneficial",
"necessary",
"remarkable",
"common"
] | The word "advantageous" in the passage is closest in meaning to | One of the most significant evolutionary events that occurred on Earth was the transition of water-dwelling fish to terrestrial tetrapods (four-limbed organisms with backbones). Fish probably originated in the oceans, and our first records of them are in marine rocks. However, by the Devonian Period (408 million to 362 million years ago), they had radiated into almost all available aquatic habitats, including freshwater settings. One of the groups whose fossils are especially common in rocks deposited in fresh water is the lobe-finned fish.
The freshwater Devonian lobe-finned fish rhipidistian crossopterygian is of particular interest to biologists studying tetrapod evolution. These fish lived in river channels and lakes on large deltas. The delta rocks in which these fossils are found are commonly red due to oxidized iron minerals, indicating that the deltas formed in a climate that had alternate wet and dry periods. If there were periods of drought, any adaptations allowing the fish to survive the dry conditions would have been advantageous. In these rhipidistians, several such adaptations existed. It is known that they had lungs as well as gills for breathing. Cross sections cut through some of the fossils reveal that the mud filling the interior of the carcass differed in consistency and texture depending on its location inside the fish. These differences suggest a sadlike cavity below the front end of the gut that can only be interpreted as a lung. Gills were undoubtedly the main source of oxygen for these fish, but the lungs served as an auxiliary breathing device for gulping air when the water became oxygen depleted, such as during extended periods of drought. So, these fish had already evolved one of the prime requisites for living on land: the ability to use air as a source of oxygen.
A second adaptation of these fish was in the structure of the lobe fins. The fins were thick, fleshy, and quite sturdy, with a median axis of bone down the center. They could have been used as feeble locomotor devices on land, perhaps good enough to allow a fish to flop its way from one pool of water that was almost dry to an adjacent pond that had enough water and oxygen for survival. These fins eventually changed into short, stubby legs. The bones of the fins of a Devonian rhipidistian exactly match in number and position the limb bones of the earliest known tetrapods, the amphibians. It should be emphasized that the evolution of lungs and limbs was in no sense an anticipation of future life on land. These adaptations developed because they helped fish to survive in their existing aquatic environment.
What ecological pressures might have caused fishes to gradually abandon their watery habitat and become increasingly land-dwelling creatures? Changes in climate during the Devonian may have had something to do with this if freshwater areas became progressively more restricted. Another impetus may have been new sources of food. The edges of ponds and streams surely had scattered dead fish and other water-dwelling creatures. In addition, plants had emerged into terrestrial habitats in areas near streams and ponds, and crabs and other arthropods were also members of this earliest terrestrial community.Thus, by the Devonian the land habitat marginal to freshwater was probably a rich source of protein that could be exploited by an animal that could easily climb out of water. Evidence from teeth suggests that these earliest tetrapods did not utilize land plants as food; they were presumably carnivorous and had not developed the ability to feed on plants.
How did the first tetrapods make the transition to a terrestrial habitat? Like early land plants such as rhyniophytes, they made only a partial transition; they were still quite tied to water. However, many problems that faced early land plants were not applicable to the first tetrapods. The ancestors of these animals already had a circulation system, and they were mobile, so that they could move to water to drink. Furthermore, they already had lungs, which rhipidistians presumably used for auxiliary breathing. The principal changes for the earliest tetrapods were in the skeletal system-changes in the bones of the fins, the vertebral column, pelvic girdle, and pectoral girdle. | 2572.txt | 0 |
[
"To provide evidence that rhipidistian crossopterygian lived in river channels and lakes on large deltas.",
"To identify an effect of the oxidation of iron minerals on the evolution of rhipidistian crossopterygian.",
"To help explain why scientists have concluded that rhipidistian crossopterygian probably had lungs.",
"To explain why scientists decided to cut cross sections through some fossils of rhipidistian crossopterygian."
] | In paragraph 2, why does the author include the information that mud inside rhipidistian crossopterygian fossils differed in consistency and texture depending on where the mud was located? | One of the most significant evolutionary events that occurred on Earth was the transition of water-dwelling fish to terrestrial tetrapods (four-limbed organisms with backbones). Fish probably originated in the oceans, and our first records of them are in marine rocks. However, by the Devonian Period (408 million to 362 million years ago), they had radiated into almost all available aquatic habitats, including freshwater settings. One of the groups whose fossils are especially common in rocks deposited in fresh water is the lobe-finned fish.
The freshwater Devonian lobe-finned fish rhipidistian crossopterygian is of particular interest to biologists studying tetrapod evolution. These fish lived in river channels and lakes on large deltas. The delta rocks in which these fossils are found are commonly red due to oxidized iron minerals, indicating that the deltas formed in a climate that had alternate wet and dry periods. If there were periods of drought, any adaptations allowing the fish to survive the dry conditions would have been advantageous. In these rhipidistians, several such adaptations existed. It is known that they had lungs as well as gills for breathing. Cross sections cut through some of the fossils reveal that the mud filling the interior of the carcass differed in consistency and texture depending on its location inside the fish. These differences suggest a sadlike cavity below the front end of the gut that can only be interpreted as a lung. Gills were undoubtedly the main source of oxygen for these fish, but the lungs served as an auxiliary breathing device for gulping air when the water became oxygen depleted, such as during extended periods of drought. So, these fish had already evolved one of the prime requisites for living on land: the ability to use air as a source of oxygen.
A second adaptation of these fish was in the structure of the lobe fins. The fins were thick, fleshy, and quite sturdy, with a median axis of bone down the center. They could have been used as feeble locomotor devices on land, perhaps good enough to allow a fish to flop its way from one pool of water that was almost dry to an adjacent pond that had enough water and oxygen for survival. These fins eventually changed into short, stubby legs. The bones of the fins of a Devonian rhipidistian exactly match in number and position the limb bones of the earliest known tetrapods, the amphibians. It should be emphasized that the evolution of lungs and limbs was in no sense an anticipation of future life on land. These adaptations developed because they helped fish to survive in their existing aquatic environment.
What ecological pressures might have caused fishes to gradually abandon their watery habitat and become increasingly land-dwelling creatures? Changes in climate during the Devonian may have had something to do with this if freshwater areas became progressively more restricted. Another impetus may have been new sources of food. The edges of ponds and streams surely had scattered dead fish and other water-dwelling creatures. In addition, plants had emerged into terrestrial habitats in areas near streams and ponds, and crabs and other arthropods were also members of this earliest terrestrial community.Thus, by the Devonian the land habitat marginal to freshwater was probably a rich source of protein that could be exploited by an animal that could easily climb out of water. Evidence from teeth suggests that these earliest tetrapods did not utilize land plants as food; they were presumably carnivorous and had not developed the ability to feed on plants.
How did the first tetrapods make the transition to a terrestrial habitat? Like early land plants such as rhyniophytes, they made only a partial transition; they were still quite tied to water. However, many problems that faced early land plants were not applicable to the first tetrapods. The ancestors of these animals already had a circulation system, and they were mobile, so that they could move to water to drink. Furthermore, they already had lungs, which rhipidistians presumably used for auxiliary breathing. The principal changes for the earliest tetrapods were in the skeletal system-changes in the bones of the fins, the vertebral column, pelvic girdle, and pectoral girdle. | 2572.txt | 2 |
[
"reduce the amount of oxygen needed for survival",
"develop thick, sturdy bones",
"move more efficiently in water",
"move short distances over areas that were mostly dry"
] | According to paragraph 3, the structure of the fins of rhipidistian crossopterygian may have allowed these fish to | One of the most significant evolutionary events that occurred on Earth was the transition of water-dwelling fish to terrestrial tetrapods (four-limbed organisms with backbones). Fish probably originated in the oceans, and our first records of them are in marine rocks. However, by the Devonian Period (408 million to 362 million years ago), they had radiated into almost all available aquatic habitats, including freshwater settings. One of the groups whose fossils are especially common in rocks deposited in fresh water is the lobe-finned fish.
The freshwater Devonian lobe-finned fish rhipidistian crossopterygian is of particular interest to biologists studying tetrapod evolution. These fish lived in river channels and lakes on large deltas. The delta rocks in which these fossils are found are commonly red due to oxidized iron minerals, indicating that the deltas formed in a climate that had alternate wet and dry periods. If there were periods of drought, any adaptations allowing the fish to survive the dry conditions would have been advantageous. In these rhipidistians, several such adaptations existed. It is known that they had lungs as well as gills for breathing. Cross sections cut through some of the fossils reveal that the mud filling the interior of the carcass differed in consistency and texture depending on its location inside the fish. These differences suggest a sadlike cavity below the front end of the gut that can only be interpreted as a lung. Gills were undoubtedly the main source of oxygen for these fish, but the lungs served as an auxiliary breathing device for gulping air when the water became oxygen depleted, such as during extended periods of drought. So, these fish had already evolved one of the prime requisites for living on land: the ability to use air as a source of oxygen.
A second adaptation of these fish was in the structure of the lobe fins. The fins were thick, fleshy, and quite sturdy, with a median axis of bone down the center. They could have been used as feeble locomotor devices on land, perhaps good enough to allow a fish to flop its way from one pool of water that was almost dry to an adjacent pond that had enough water and oxygen for survival. These fins eventually changed into short, stubby legs. The bones of the fins of a Devonian rhipidistian exactly match in number and position the limb bones of the earliest known tetrapods, the amphibians. It should be emphasized that the evolution of lungs and limbs was in no sense an anticipation of future life on land. These adaptations developed because they helped fish to survive in their existing aquatic environment.
What ecological pressures might have caused fishes to gradually abandon their watery habitat and become increasingly land-dwelling creatures? Changes in climate during the Devonian may have had something to do with this if freshwater areas became progressively more restricted. Another impetus may have been new sources of food. The edges of ponds and streams surely had scattered dead fish and other water-dwelling creatures. In addition, plants had emerged into terrestrial habitats in areas near streams and ponds, and crabs and other arthropods were also members of this earliest terrestrial community.Thus, by the Devonian the land habitat marginal to freshwater was probably a rich source of protein that could be exploited by an animal that could easily climb out of water. Evidence from teeth suggests that these earliest tetrapods did not utilize land plants as food; they were presumably carnivorous and had not developed the ability to feed on plants.
How did the first tetrapods make the transition to a terrestrial habitat? Like early land plants such as rhyniophytes, they made only a partial transition; they were still quite tied to water. However, many problems that faced early land plants were not applicable to the first tetrapods. The ancestors of these animals already had a circulation system, and they were mobile, so that they could move to water to drink. Furthermore, they already had lungs, which rhipidistians presumably used for auxiliary breathing. The principal changes for the earliest tetrapods were in the skeletal system-changes in the bones of the fins, the vertebral column, pelvic girdle, and pectoral girdle. | 2572.txt | 3 |
[
"nearby",
"available",
"temporary",
"fresh"
] | The word "adjacent" in the passage is closest in meaning to: | One of the most significant evolutionary events that occurred on Earth was the transition of water-dwelling fish to terrestrial tetrapods (four-limbed organisms with backbones). Fish probably originated in the oceans, and our first records of them are in marine rocks. However, by the Devonian Period (408 million to 362 million years ago), they had radiated into almost all available aquatic habitats, including freshwater settings. One of the groups whose fossils are especially common in rocks deposited in fresh water is the lobe-finned fish.
The freshwater Devonian lobe-finned fish rhipidistian crossopterygian is of particular interest to biologists studying tetrapod evolution. These fish lived in river channels and lakes on large deltas. The delta rocks in which these fossils are found are commonly red due to oxidized iron minerals, indicating that the deltas formed in a climate that had alternate wet and dry periods. If there were periods of drought, any adaptations allowing the fish to survive the dry conditions would have been advantageous. In these rhipidistians, several such adaptations existed. It is known that they had lungs as well as gills for breathing. Cross sections cut through some of the fossils reveal that the mud filling the interior of the carcass differed in consistency and texture depending on its location inside the fish. These differences suggest a sadlike cavity below the front end of the gut that can only be interpreted as a lung. Gills were undoubtedly the main source of oxygen for these fish, but the lungs served as an auxiliary breathing device for gulping air when the water became oxygen depleted, such as during extended periods of drought. So, these fish had already evolved one of the prime requisites for living on land: the ability to use air as a source of oxygen.
A second adaptation of these fish was in the structure of the lobe fins. The fins were thick, fleshy, and quite sturdy, with a median axis of bone down the center. They could have been used as feeble locomotor devices on land, perhaps good enough to allow a fish to flop its way from one pool of water that was almost dry to an adjacent pond that had enough water and oxygen for survival. These fins eventually changed into short, stubby legs. The bones of the fins of a Devonian rhipidistian exactly match in number and position the limb bones of the earliest known tetrapods, the amphibians. It should be emphasized that the evolution of lungs and limbs was in no sense an anticipation of future life on land. These adaptations developed because they helped fish to survive in their existing aquatic environment.
What ecological pressures might have caused fishes to gradually abandon their watery habitat and become increasingly land-dwelling creatures? Changes in climate during the Devonian may have had something to do with this if freshwater areas became progressively more restricted. Another impetus may have been new sources of food. The edges of ponds and streams surely had scattered dead fish and other water-dwelling creatures. In addition, plants had emerged into terrestrial habitats in areas near streams and ponds, and crabs and other arthropods were also members of this earliest terrestrial community.Thus, by the Devonian the land habitat marginal to freshwater was probably a rich source of protein that could be exploited by an animal that could easily climb out of water. Evidence from teeth suggests that these earliest tetrapods did not utilize land plants as food; they were presumably carnivorous and had not developed the ability to feed on plants.
How did the first tetrapods make the transition to a terrestrial habitat? Like early land plants such as rhyniophytes, they made only a partial transition; they were still quite tied to water. However, many problems that faced early land plants were not applicable to the first tetrapods. The ancestors of these animals already had a circulation system, and they were mobile, so that they could move to water to drink. Furthermore, they already had lungs, which rhipidistians presumably used for auxiliary breathing. The principal changes for the earliest tetrapods were in the skeletal system-changes in the bones of the fins, the vertebral column, pelvic girdle, and pectoral girdle. | 2572.txt | 0 |
[
"increasingly",
"noticeably",
"occasionally",
"rapidly"
] | The word "progressively" in the passage is closest in meaning to: | One of the most significant evolutionary events that occurred on Earth was the transition of water-dwelling fish to terrestrial tetrapods (four-limbed organisms with backbones). Fish probably originated in the oceans, and our first records of them are in marine rocks. However, by the Devonian Period (408 million to 362 million years ago), they had radiated into almost all available aquatic habitats, including freshwater settings. One of the groups whose fossils are especially common in rocks deposited in fresh water is the lobe-finned fish.
The freshwater Devonian lobe-finned fish rhipidistian crossopterygian is of particular interest to biologists studying tetrapod evolution. These fish lived in river channels and lakes on large deltas. The delta rocks in which these fossils are found are commonly red due to oxidized iron minerals, indicating that the deltas formed in a climate that had alternate wet and dry periods. If there were periods of drought, any adaptations allowing the fish to survive the dry conditions would have been advantageous. In these rhipidistians, several such adaptations existed. It is known that they had lungs as well as gills for breathing. Cross sections cut through some of the fossils reveal that the mud filling the interior of the carcass differed in consistency and texture depending on its location inside the fish. These differences suggest a sadlike cavity below the front end of the gut that can only be interpreted as a lung. Gills were undoubtedly the main source of oxygen for these fish, but the lungs served as an auxiliary breathing device for gulping air when the water became oxygen depleted, such as during extended periods of drought. So, these fish had already evolved one of the prime requisites for living on land: the ability to use air as a source of oxygen.
A second adaptation of these fish was in the structure of the lobe fins. The fins were thick, fleshy, and quite sturdy, with a median axis of bone down the center. They could have been used as feeble locomotor devices on land, perhaps good enough to allow a fish to flop its way from one pool of water that was almost dry to an adjacent pond that had enough water and oxygen for survival. These fins eventually changed into short, stubby legs. The bones of the fins of a Devonian rhipidistian exactly match in number and position the limb bones of the earliest known tetrapods, the amphibians. It should be emphasized that the evolution of lungs and limbs was in no sense an anticipation of future life on land. These adaptations developed because they helped fish to survive in their existing aquatic environment.
What ecological pressures might have caused fishes to gradually abandon their watery habitat and become increasingly land-dwelling creatures? Changes in climate during the Devonian may have had something to do with this if freshwater areas became progressively more restricted. Another impetus may have been new sources of food. The edges of ponds and streams surely had scattered dead fish and other water-dwelling creatures. In addition, plants had emerged into terrestrial habitats in areas near streams and ponds, and crabs and other arthropods were also members of this earliest terrestrial community.Thus, by the Devonian the land habitat marginal to freshwater was probably a rich source of protein that could be exploited by an animal that could easily climb out of water. Evidence from teeth suggests that these earliest tetrapods did not utilize land plants as food; they were presumably carnivorous and had not developed the ability to feed on plants.
How did the first tetrapods make the transition to a terrestrial habitat? Like early land plants such as rhyniophytes, they made only a partial transition; they were still quite tied to water. However, many problems that faced early land plants were not applicable to the first tetrapods. The ancestors of these animals already had a circulation system, and they were mobile, so that they could move to water to drink. Furthermore, they already had lungs, which rhipidistians presumably used for auxiliary breathing. The principal changes for the earliest tetrapods were in the skeletal system-changes in the bones of the fins, the vertebral column, pelvic girdle, and pectoral girdle. | 2572.txt | 0 |
[
"To account for the presence of dead fish along the edges of ponds and streams during the Devonian.",
"To support the claim that climate change caused freshwater habitats to become more restricted during the Devonian.",
"To identify a consequence of the emergence of plants into terrestrial habitats near ponds and streams.",
"To identify a possible reason for why certain fish gradually became terrestrial organisms."
] | In paragraph 4, why does the author point out that crabs and other arthropods were already living on land when the ancestors of the first tetrapods began living there? | One of the most significant evolutionary events that occurred on Earth was the transition of water-dwelling fish to terrestrial tetrapods (four-limbed organisms with backbones). Fish probably originated in the oceans, and our first records of them are in marine rocks. However, by the Devonian Period (408 million to 362 million years ago), they had radiated into almost all available aquatic habitats, including freshwater settings. One of the groups whose fossils are especially common in rocks deposited in fresh water is the lobe-finned fish.
The freshwater Devonian lobe-finned fish rhipidistian crossopterygian is of particular interest to biologists studying tetrapod evolution. These fish lived in river channels and lakes on large deltas. The delta rocks in which these fossils are found are commonly red due to oxidized iron minerals, indicating that the deltas formed in a climate that had alternate wet and dry periods. If there were periods of drought, any adaptations allowing the fish to survive the dry conditions would have been advantageous. In these rhipidistians, several such adaptations existed. It is known that they had lungs as well as gills for breathing. Cross sections cut through some of the fossils reveal that the mud filling the interior of the carcass differed in consistency and texture depending on its location inside the fish. These differences suggest a sadlike cavity below the front end of the gut that can only be interpreted as a lung. Gills were undoubtedly the main source of oxygen for these fish, but the lungs served as an auxiliary breathing device for gulping air when the water became oxygen depleted, such as during extended periods of drought. So, these fish had already evolved one of the prime requisites for living on land: the ability to use air as a source of oxygen.
A second adaptation of these fish was in the structure of the lobe fins. The fins were thick, fleshy, and quite sturdy, with a median axis of bone down the center. They could have been used as feeble locomotor devices on land, perhaps good enough to allow a fish to flop its way from one pool of water that was almost dry to an adjacent pond that had enough water and oxygen for survival. These fins eventually changed into short, stubby legs. The bones of the fins of a Devonian rhipidistian exactly match in number and position the limb bones of the earliest known tetrapods, the amphibians. It should be emphasized that the evolution of lungs and limbs was in no sense an anticipation of future life on land. These adaptations developed because they helped fish to survive in their existing aquatic environment.
What ecological pressures might have caused fishes to gradually abandon their watery habitat and become increasingly land-dwelling creatures? Changes in climate during the Devonian may have had something to do with this if freshwater areas became progressively more restricted. Another impetus may have been new sources of food. The edges of ponds and streams surely had scattered dead fish and other water-dwelling creatures. In addition, plants had emerged into terrestrial habitats in areas near streams and ponds, and crabs and other arthropods were also members of this earliest terrestrial community.Thus, by the Devonian the land habitat marginal to freshwater was probably a rich source of protein that could be exploited by an animal that could easily climb out of water. Evidence from teeth suggests that these earliest tetrapods did not utilize land plants as food; they were presumably carnivorous and had not developed the ability to feed on plants.
How did the first tetrapods make the transition to a terrestrial habitat? Like early land plants such as rhyniophytes, they made only a partial transition; they were still quite tied to water. However, many problems that faced early land plants were not applicable to the first tetrapods. The ancestors of these animals already had a circulation system, and they were mobile, so that they could move to water to drink. Furthermore, they already had lungs, which rhipidistians presumably used for auxiliary breathing. The principal changes for the earliest tetrapods were in the skeletal system-changes in the bones of the fins, the vertebral column, pelvic girdle, and pectoral girdle. | 2572.txt | 3 |
[
"competed with other animals for protein",
"were probably carnivores",
"could easily climb out of water",
"were able to eat plants"
] | According to paragraph 4, teeth of the earliest tetrapods suggest that these tetrapods | One of the most significant evolutionary events that occurred on Earth was the transition of water-dwelling fish to terrestrial tetrapods (four-limbed organisms with backbones). Fish probably originated in the oceans, and our first records of them are in marine rocks. However, by the Devonian Period (408 million to 362 million years ago), they had radiated into almost all available aquatic habitats, including freshwater settings. One of the groups whose fossils are especially common in rocks deposited in fresh water is the lobe-finned fish.
The freshwater Devonian lobe-finned fish rhipidistian crossopterygian is of particular interest to biologists studying tetrapod evolution. These fish lived in river channels and lakes on large deltas. The delta rocks in which these fossils are found are commonly red due to oxidized iron minerals, indicating that the deltas formed in a climate that had alternate wet and dry periods. If there were periods of drought, any adaptations allowing the fish to survive the dry conditions would have been advantageous. In these rhipidistians, several such adaptations existed. It is known that they had lungs as well as gills for breathing. Cross sections cut through some of the fossils reveal that the mud filling the interior of the carcass differed in consistency and texture depending on its location inside the fish. These differences suggest a sadlike cavity below the front end of the gut that can only be interpreted as a lung. Gills were undoubtedly the main source of oxygen for these fish, but the lungs served as an auxiliary breathing device for gulping air when the water became oxygen depleted, such as during extended periods of drought. So, these fish had already evolved one of the prime requisites for living on land: the ability to use air as a source of oxygen.
A second adaptation of these fish was in the structure of the lobe fins. The fins were thick, fleshy, and quite sturdy, with a median axis of bone down the center. They could have been used as feeble locomotor devices on land, perhaps good enough to allow a fish to flop its way from one pool of water that was almost dry to an adjacent pond that had enough water and oxygen for survival. These fins eventually changed into short, stubby legs. The bones of the fins of a Devonian rhipidistian exactly match in number and position the limb bones of the earliest known tetrapods, the amphibians. It should be emphasized that the evolution of lungs and limbs was in no sense an anticipation of future life on land. These adaptations developed because they helped fish to survive in their existing aquatic environment.
What ecological pressures might have caused fishes to gradually abandon their watery habitat and become increasingly land-dwelling creatures? Changes in climate during the Devonian may have had something to do with this if freshwater areas became progressively more restricted. Another impetus may have been new sources of food. The edges of ponds and streams surely had scattered dead fish and other water-dwelling creatures. In addition, plants had emerged into terrestrial habitats in areas near streams and ponds, and crabs and other arthropods were also members of this earliest terrestrial community.Thus, by the Devonian the land habitat marginal to freshwater was probably a rich source of protein that could be exploited by an animal that could easily climb out of water. Evidence from teeth suggests that these earliest tetrapods did not utilize land plants as food; they were presumably carnivorous and had not developed the ability to feed on plants.
How did the first tetrapods make the transition to a terrestrial habitat? Like early land plants such as rhyniophytes, they made only a partial transition; they were still quite tied to water. However, many problems that faced early land plants were not applicable to the first tetrapods. The ancestors of these animals already had a circulation system, and they were mobile, so that they could move to water to drink. Furthermore, they already had lungs, which rhipidistians presumably used for auxiliary breathing. The principal changes for the earliest tetrapods were in the skeletal system-changes in the bones of the fins, the vertebral column, pelvic girdle, and pectoral girdle. | 2572.txt | 1 |
[
"They became dependent for food on organisms already living on land.",
"They needed to develop new mechanisms for obtaining nutrients.",
"They continued to live in close association with aquatic environments.",
"They were evolutionarily far removed from their rhipidistian ancestors."
] | According to paragraph 5, which of the following was true of the first tetrapods? | One of the most significant evolutionary events that occurred on Earth was the transition of water-dwelling fish to terrestrial tetrapods (four-limbed organisms with backbones). Fish probably originated in the oceans, and our first records of them are in marine rocks. However, by the Devonian Period (408 million to 362 million years ago), they had radiated into almost all available aquatic habitats, including freshwater settings. One of the groups whose fossils are especially common in rocks deposited in fresh water is the lobe-finned fish.
The freshwater Devonian lobe-finned fish rhipidistian crossopterygian is of particular interest to biologists studying tetrapod evolution. These fish lived in river channels and lakes on large deltas. The delta rocks in which these fossils are found are commonly red due to oxidized iron minerals, indicating that the deltas formed in a climate that had alternate wet and dry periods. If there were periods of drought, any adaptations allowing the fish to survive the dry conditions would have been advantageous. In these rhipidistians, several such adaptations existed. It is known that they had lungs as well as gills for breathing. Cross sections cut through some of the fossils reveal that the mud filling the interior of the carcass differed in consistency and texture depending on its location inside the fish. These differences suggest a sadlike cavity below the front end of the gut that can only be interpreted as a lung. Gills were undoubtedly the main source of oxygen for these fish, but the lungs served as an auxiliary breathing device for gulping air when the water became oxygen depleted, such as during extended periods of drought. So, these fish had already evolved one of the prime requisites for living on land: the ability to use air as a source of oxygen.
A second adaptation of these fish was in the structure of the lobe fins. The fins were thick, fleshy, and quite sturdy, with a median axis of bone down the center. They could have been used as feeble locomotor devices on land, perhaps good enough to allow a fish to flop its way from one pool of water that was almost dry to an adjacent pond that had enough water and oxygen for survival. These fins eventually changed into short, stubby legs. The bones of the fins of a Devonian rhipidistian exactly match in number and position the limb bones of the earliest known tetrapods, the amphibians. It should be emphasized that the evolution of lungs and limbs was in no sense an anticipation of future life on land. These adaptations developed because they helped fish to survive in their existing aquatic environment.
What ecological pressures might have caused fishes to gradually abandon their watery habitat and become increasingly land-dwelling creatures? Changes in climate during the Devonian may have had something to do with this if freshwater areas became progressively more restricted. Another impetus may have been new sources of food. The edges of ponds and streams surely had scattered dead fish and other water-dwelling creatures. In addition, plants had emerged into terrestrial habitats in areas near streams and ponds, and crabs and other arthropods were also members of this earliest terrestrial community.Thus, by the Devonian the land habitat marginal to freshwater was probably a rich source of protein that could be exploited by an animal that could easily climb out of water. Evidence from teeth suggests that these earliest tetrapods did not utilize land plants as food; they were presumably carnivorous and had not developed the ability to feed on plants.
How did the first tetrapods make the transition to a terrestrial habitat? Like early land plants such as rhyniophytes, they made only a partial transition; they were still quite tied to water. However, many problems that faced early land plants were not applicable to the first tetrapods. The ancestors of these animals already had a circulation system, and they were mobile, so that they could move to water to drink. Furthermore, they already had lungs, which rhipidistians presumably used for auxiliary breathing. The principal changes for the earliest tetrapods were in the skeletal system-changes in the bones of the fins, the vertebral column, pelvic girdle, and pectoral girdle. | 2572.txt | 2 |
[
"The tetrapods had a different skeletal structure.",
"The tetrapods had more sources of food available",
"The tetrapods had a circulation system.",
"The tetrapods could move to new pools of water."
] | According to paragraph 5, what was the main way that the earliest tetrapods differed from their immediate fish ancestors? | One of the most significant evolutionary events that occurred on Earth was the transition of water-dwelling fish to terrestrial tetrapods (four-limbed organisms with backbones). Fish probably originated in the oceans, and our first records of them are in marine rocks. However, by the Devonian Period (408 million to 362 million years ago), they had radiated into almost all available aquatic habitats, including freshwater settings. One of the groups whose fossils are especially common in rocks deposited in fresh water is the lobe-finned fish.
The freshwater Devonian lobe-finned fish rhipidistian crossopterygian is of particular interest to biologists studying tetrapod evolution. These fish lived in river channels and lakes on large deltas. The delta rocks in which these fossils are found are commonly red due to oxidized iron minerals, indicating that the deltas formed in a climate that had alternate wet and dry periods. If there were periods of drought, any adaptations allowing the fish to survive the dry conditions would have been advantageous. In these rhipidistians, several such adaptations existed. It is known that they had lungs as well as gills for breathing. Cross sections cut through some of the fossils reveal that the mud filling the interior of the carcass differed in consistency and texture depending on its location inside the fish. These differences suggest a sadlike cavity below the front end of the gut that can only be interpreted as a lung. Gills were undoubtedly the main source of oxygen for these fish, but the lungs served as an auxiliary breathing device for gulping air when the water became oxygen depleted, such as during extended periods of drought. So, these fish had already evolved one of the prime requisites for living on land: the ability to use air as a source of oxygen.
A second adaptation of these fish was in the structure of the lobe fins. The fins were thick, fleshy, and quite sturdy, with a median axis of bone down the center. They could have been used as feeble locomotor devices on land, perhaps good enough to allow a fish to flop its way from one pool of water that was almost dry to an adjacent pond that had enough water and oxygen for survival. These fins eventually changed into short, stubby legs. The bones of the fins of a Devonian rhipidistian exactly match in number and position the limb bones of the earliest known tetrapods, the amphibians. It should be emphasized that the evolution of lungs and limbs was in no sense an anticipation of future life on land. These adaptations developed because they helped fish to survive in their existing aquatic environment.
What ecological pressures might have caused fishes to gradually abandon their watery habitat and become increasingly land-dwelling creatures? Changes in climate during the Devonian may have had something to do with this if freshwater areas became progressively more restricted. Another impetus may have been new sources of food. The edges of ponds and streams surely had scattered dead fish and other water-dwelling creatures. In addition, plants had emerged into terrestrial habitats in areas near streams and ponds, and crabs and other arthropods were also members of this earliest terrestrial community.Thus, by the Devonian the land habitat marginal to freshwater was probably a rich source of protein that could be exploited by an animal that could easily climb out of water. Evidence from teeth suggests that these earliest tetrapods did not utilize land plants as food; they were presumably carnivorous and had not developed the ability to feed on plants.
How did the first tetrapods make the transition to a terrestrial habitat? Like early land plants such as rhyniophytes, they made only a partial transition; they were still quite tied to water. However, many problems that faced early land plants were not applicable to the first tetrapods. The ancestors of these animals already had a circulation system, and they were mobile, so that they could move to water to drink. Furthermore, they already had lungs, which rhipidistians presumably used for auxiliary breathing. The principal changes for the earliest tetrapods were in the skeletal system-changes in the bones of the fins, the vertebral column, pelvic girdle, and pectoral girdle. | 2572.txt | 0 |
[
"Identifying the kinds of thinking that are used by technologists.",
"Stressing the importance of scientific thinking in engineering design.",
"Proposing a new role for nonscientific thinking in engineering.",
"Contrasting the goals of engineers with those of technologists."
] | In the passage, what is the writer primarily concerned with? | Many objects in daily use have clearly been influenced by science. However, their form and function, their dimensions and appearance, were determined by technologists, designers, inventors, and engineers using nonscientific modes of thought. Many features and qualities of the objects that a technologist thinks about cannot be reduced to unambiguous verbal descriptions; they are dealt with in the mind by a visual, nonverbal process, pyramids, cathedrals, and rockets exist not because of geometry or thermos-dynamics, because they were first the picture in the minds of those.
The creative shaping process of a technologist's mind can be seen in nearly every artifact that exists. For example, in designing a diesel engine, a technologist might express individual ways of nonverbal thinking on the machine by continually using an intuitive sense of rightness and fitness. What would be the shape of the combustion chamber? Where should the valves be placed? Would it have a long or short piston? Such questions have a range of answers that are supplied by experience, by physical requirement, by limitations of available space, and not in the least by a sense of form. Some decisions, such as wall thickness and pin diameter, may depend on scientific calculations, but the nonscientific component design remains primary.
Design courses, then should be an essential element of engineering curricula. Nonverbal thinking, a central mechanism in engineering design, involves perceptions, which is the special technique of the artists, not the scientist. Because perceptive processes are not assumed to need "hard thinking", nonverbal thought is sometimes seen as a primitive stage in the development of cognitive processes and inferior to verbal mathematical thought.
If courses in design, which in a strongly analytical engineering curriculum provide the background required for practical problem-solving, are not provided, we can expect to encounter silly but costly errors occurring in advanced engineering systems. For example, early modes of high-speed railroad cars loaded with sophisticated controls were unable to operate in a snowstorm because the fan sucked snow into the electrical system. Absurd random failures that plague automatic control systems are a reflection of the chaos that results when design is assumed to be primarily a problem in mathematics. | 943.txt | 2 |
[
"Building cathedrals.",
"Creating rockets.",
"Designing diesel engines.",
"Making automobiles."
] | Which of the following is NOT mentioned as an example of nonverbal thinking in Paragraphs 1 and 2? | Many objects in daily use have clearly been influenced by science. However, their form and function, their dimensions and appearance, were determined by technologists, designers, inventors, and engineers using nonscientific modes of thought. Many features and qualities of the objects that a technologist thinks about cannot be reduced to unambiguous verbal descriptions; they are dealt with in the mind by a visual, nonverbal process, pyramids, cathedrals, and rockets exist not because of geometry or thermos-dynamics, because they were first the picture in the minds of those.
The creative shaping process of a technologist's mind can be seen in nearly every artifact that exists. For example, in designing a diesel engine, a technologist might express individual ways of nonverbal thinking on the machine by continually using an intuitive sense of rightness and fitness. What would be the shape of the combustion chamber? Where should the valves be placed? Would it have a long or short piston? Such questions have a range of answers that are supplied by experience, by physical requirement, by limitations of available space, and not in the least by a sense of form. Some decisions, such as wall thickness and pin diameter, may depend on scientific calculations, but the nonscientific component design remains primary.
Design courses, then should be an essential element of engineering curricula. Nonverbal thinking, a central mechanism in engineering design, involves perceptions, which is the special technique of the artists, not the scientist. Because perceptive processes are not assumed to need "hard thinking", nonverbal thought is sometimes seen as a primitive stage in the development of cognitive processes and inferior to verbal mathematical thought.
If courses in design, which in a strongly analytical engineering curriculum provide the background required for practical problem-solving, are not provided, we can expect to encounter silly but costly errors occurring in advanced engineering systems. For example, early modes of high-speed railroad cars loaded with sophisticated controls were unable to operate in a snowstorm because the fan sucked snow into the electrical system. Absurd random failures that plague automatic control systems are a reflection of the chaos that results when design is assumed to be primarily a problem in mathematics. | 943.txt | 3 |
[
"strengthened when they include courses in design",
"weakened by the courses designed to develop mathematical skills",
"weak because they include some non-scientific components",
"strong despite the absence of nonscientific modes of thinking"
] | It can be inferred that the writer thinks engineering curricula are _ . | Many objects in daily use have clearly been influenced by science. However, their form and function, their dimensions and appearance, were determined by technologists, designers, inventors, and engineers using nonscientific modes of thought. Many features and qualities of the objects that a technologist thinks about cannot be reduced to unambiguous verbal descriptions; they are dealt with in the mind by a visual, nonverbal process, pyramids, cathedrals, and rockets exist not because of geometry or thermos-dynamics, because they were first the picture in the minds of those.
The creative shaping process of a technologist's mind can be seen in nearly every artifact that exists. For example, in designing a diesel engine, a technologist might express individual ways of nonverbal thinking on the machine by continually using an intuitive sense of rightness and fitness. What would be the shape of the combustion chamber? Where should the valves be placed? Would it have a long or short piston? Such questions have a range of answers that are supplied by experience, by physical requirement, by limitations of available space, and not in the least by a sense of form. Some decisions, such as wall thickness and pin diameter, may depend on scientific calculations, but the nonscientific component design remains primary.
Design courses, then should be an essential element of engineering curricula. Nonverbal thinking, a central mechanism in engineering design, involves perceptions, which is the special technique of the artists, not the scientist. Because perceptive processes are not assumed to need "hard thinking", nonverbal thought is sometimes seen as a primitive stage in the development of cognitive processes and inferior to verbal mathematical thought.
If courses in design, which in a strongly analytical engineering curriculum provide the background required for practical problem-solving, are not provided, we can expect to encounter silly but costly errors occurring in advanced engineering systems. For example, early modes of high-speed railroad cars loaded with sophisticated controls were unable to operate in a snowstorm because the fan sucked snow into the electrical system. Absurd random failures that plague automatic control systems are a reflection of the chaos that results when design is assumed to be primarily a problem in mathematics. | 943.txt | 0 |
[
"To challenge the argument that errors in engineering design are unavoidable.",
"To support the idea that engineering design involves more than a sense of form.",
"To criticize the view that mathematics is a necessary part of the study of design.",
"To questions the idea that design courses form a part of engineering curricula."
] | Why is the example of diesel engine used in the passage? | Many objects in daily use have clearly been influenced by science. However, their form and function, their dimensions and appearance, were determined by technologists, designers, inventors, and engineers using nonscientific modes of thought. Many features and qualities of the objects that a technologist thinks about cannot be reduced to unambiguous verbal descriptions; they are dealt with in the mind by a visual, nonverbal process, pyramids, cathedrals, and rockets exist not because of geometry or thermos-dynamics, because they were first the picture in the minds of those.
The creative shaping process of a technologist's mind can be seen in nearly every artifact that exists. For example, in designing a diesel engine, a technologist might express individual ways of nonverbal thinking on the machine by continually using an intuitive sense of rightness and fitness. What would be the shape of the combustion chamber? Where should the valves be placed? Would it have a long or short piston? Such questions have a range of answers that are supplied by experience, by physical requirement, by limitations of available space, and not in the least by a sense of form. Some decisions, such as wall thickness and pin diameter, may depend on scientific calculations, but the nonscientific component design remains primary.
Design courses, then should be an essential element of engineering curricula. Nonverbal thinking, a central mechanism in engineering design, involves perceptions, which is the special technique of the artists, not the scientist. Because perceptive processes are not assumed to need "hard thinking", nonverbal thought is sometimes seen as a primitive stage in the development of cognitive processes and inferior to verbal mathematical thought.
If courses in design, which in a strongly analytical engineering curriculum provide the background required for practical problem-solving, are not provided, we can expect to encounter silly but costly errors occurring in advanced engineering systems. For example, early modes of high-speed railroad cars loaded with sophisticated controls were unable to operate in a snowstorm because the fan sucked snow into the electrical system. Absurd random failures that plague automatic control systems are a reflection of the chaos that results when design is assumed to be primarily a problem in mathematics. | 943.txt | 1 |
[
"Using too many inexperienced engineers in the field.",
"Relying too heavily on the role of mathematics in design.",
"Attaching too much importance to nonverbal thinking in Engineering.",
"Depending very little on verbal mathematical thought."
] | What contributes to random failures in automatic control systems? | Many objects in daily use have clearly been influenced by science. However, their form and function, their dimensions and appearance, were determined by technologists, designers, inventors, and engineers using nonscientific modes of thought. Many features and qualities of the objects that a technologist thinks about cannot be reduced to unambiguous verbal descriptions; they are dealt with in the mind by a visual, nonverbal process, pyramids, cathedrals, and rockets exist not because of geometry or thermos-dynamics, because they were first the picture in the minds of those.
The creative shaping process of a technologist's mind can be seen in nearly every artifact that exists. For example, in designing a diesel engine, a technologist might express individual ways of nonverbal thinking on the machine by continually using an intuitive sense of rightness and fitness. What would be the shape of the combustion chamber? Where should the valves be placed? Would it have a long or short piston? Such questions have a range of answers that are supplied by experience, by physical requirement, by limitations of available space, and not in the least by a sense of form. Some decisions, such as wall thickness and pin diameter, may depend on scientific calculations, but the nonscientific component design remains primary.
Design courses, then should be an essential element of engineering curricula. Nonverbal thinking, a central mechanism in engineering design, involves perceptions, which is the special technique of the artists, not the scientist. Because perceptive processes are not assumed to need "hard thinking", nonverbal thought is sometimes seen as a primitive stage in the development of cognitive processes and inferior to verbal mathematical thought.
If courses in design, which in a strongly analytical engineering curriculum provide the background required for practical problem-solving, are not provided, we can expect to encounter silly but costly errors occurring in advanced engineering systems. For example, early modes of high-speed railroad cars loaded with sophisticated controls were unable to operate in a snowstorm because the fan sucked snow into the electrical system. Absurd random failures that plague automatic control systems are a reflection of the chaos that results when design is assumed to be primarily a problem in mathematics. | 943.txt | 1 |
[
"Copying western-style economic behavior.",
"Heavy reliance on the hand of government.",
"Timely reform of government at all levels.",
"Free market plus government intervention."
] | What has contributed to the rapid economic growth in China and India? | For most of the 20th century, Asia asked itself what it could learn from the modern, innovating West. Now the question must be reversed. What can the West's overly indebted and sluggish nations learn from a flourishing Asia?
Just a few decades ago, Asia's two giants were stagnating under faulty economic ideologies. However, once China began embracing free-market reforms in the 1980s, followed by India in the 1990s, both countries achieved rapid growth. Crucially, as they opened up their markets, they balanced market economy with sensible government direction. As the Indian economist Amartya Sen has wisely said, "The invisible hand of the market has often relied heavily on the visible hand of government."
Contrast this middle path with America and Europe, which have each gone ideologically over-board in their own ways. Since the 1980s, America has been increasingly clinging to the ideology of uncontrolled free markets and dismissing the role of government---following Ronald Regan's idea that "government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem. "Of course, when the markets came crashing down in 2007, it was decisive government intervention that saved the day. Despite this fact, many Americans are still strongly opposed to "big government."
If Americans could only free themselves from their antigovernment doctrine, they would begin to see that the America's problems are not insoluble. A few sensible federal measures could put the country back on the right path. A simple consumption tax of, say, 5% would significantly reduce the country's huge government deficit without damaging productivity. A small gasoline tax would help free America from its dependence on oil imports and create incentives for green energy development. In the same way, a significant reduction of wasteful agricultural subsidies could also lower the deficit. But in order to take advantage of these common-sense solutions, Americans will have to put aside their own attachment to the idea of smaller government and less regulation. American politicians will have to develop the courage to follow what is taught in all American public-policy schools: that there are good taxes and bad taxes. Asian countries have embraced this wisdom, and have built sound long-term fiscal policies as a result.
Meanwhile, Europe has fallen prey to a different ideological trap: the belief that European governments would always have infinite resources and could continue borrowing as if there were no tomorrow. Unlike the Americans, who felt that the markets knew best, the Europeans failed to anticipate how the markets would react to their endless borrowing. Today, the European Union is creating a $580 billion fund to ward off sovereign collapse. This will buy the EU time, but it will not solve the bloc's larger problem. | 1176.txt | 3 |
[
"Many social evils are caused by wrong government policies.",
"Many social problems arise from government's inefficiency.",
"Government action is key to solving economic problems.",
"Government regulation hinders economic development."
] | What does Ronald Reagan mean by saying "government is the problem" (line4, Para. 3)? | For most of the 20th century, Asia asked itself what it could learn from the modern, innovating West. Now the question must be reversed. What can the West's overly indebted and sluggish nations learn from a flourishing Asia?
Just a few decades ago, Asia's two giants were stagnating under faulty economic ideologies. However, once China began embracing free-market reforms in the 1980s, followed by India in the 1990s, both countries achieved rapid growth. Crucially, as they opened up their markets, they balanced market economy with sensible government direction. As the Indian economist Amartya Sen has wisely said, "The invisible hand of the market has often relied heavily on the visible hand of government."
Contrast this middle path with America and Europe, which have each gone ideologically over-board in their own ways. Since the 1980s, America has been increasingly clinging to the ideology of uncontrolled free markets and dismissing the role of government---following Ronald Regan's idea that "government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem. "Of course, when the markets came crashing down in 2007, it was decisive government intervention that saved the day. Despite this fact, many Americans are still strongly opposed to "big government."
If Americans could only free themselves from their antigovernment doctrine, they would begin to see that the America's problems are not insoluble. A few sensible federal measures could put the country back on the right path. A simple consumption tax of, say, 5% would significantly reduce the country's huge government deficit without damaging productivity. A small gasoline tax would help free America from its dependence on oil imports and create incentives for green energy development. In the same way, a significant reduction of wasteful agricultural subsidies could also lower the deficit. But in order to take advantage of these common-sense solutions, Americans will have to put aside their own attachment to the idea of smaller government and less regulation. American politicians will have to develop the courage to follow what is taught in all American public-policy schools: that there are good taxes and bad taxes. Asian countries have embraced this wisdom, and have built sound long-term fiscal policies as a result.
Meanwhile, Europe has fallen prey to a different ideological trap: the belief that European governments would always have infinite resources and could continue borrowing as if there were no tomorrow. Unlike the Americans, who felt that the markets knew best, the Europeans failed to anticipate how the markets would react to their endless borrowing. Today, the European Union is creating a $580 billion fund to ward off sovereign collapse. This will buy the EU time, but it will not solve the bloc's larger problem. | 1176.txt | 1 |
[
"Self-regulatory repair mechanisms of the free market.",
"Cooperation between the government and businesses.",
"Abandonment of big government by the public.",
"Effective measures adopted by the government."
] | What stopped the American economy from collapsing in 2007? | For most of the 20th century, Asia asked itself what it could learn from the modern, innovating West. Now the question must be reversed. What can the West's overly indebted and sluggish nations learn from a flourishing Asia?
Just a few decades ago, Asia's two giants were stagnating under faulty economic ideologies. However, once China began embracing free-market reforms in the 1980s, followed by India in the 1990s, both countries achieved rapid growth. Crucially, as they opened up their markets, they balanced market economy with sensible government direction. As the Indian economist Amartya Sen has wisely said, "The invisible hand of the market has often relied heavily on the visible hand of government."
Contrast this middle path with America and Europe, which have each gone ideologically over-board in their own ways. Since the 1980s, America has been increasingly clinging to the ideology of uncontrolled free markets and dismissing the role of government---following Ronald Regan's idea that "government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem. "Of course, when the markets came crashing down in 2007, it was decisive government intervention that saved the day. Despite this fact, many Americans are still strongly opposed to "big government."
If Americans could only free themselves from their antigovernment doctrine, they would begin to see that the America's problems are not insoluble. A few sensible federal measures could put the country back on the right path. A simple consumption tax of, say, 5% would significantly reduce the country's huge government deficit without damaging productivity. A small gasoline tax would help free America from its dependence on oil imports and create incentives for green energy development. In the same way, a significant reduction of wasteful agricultural subsidies could also lower the deficit. But in order to take advantage of these common-sense solutions, Americans will have to put aside their own attachment to the idea of smaller government and less regulation. American politicians will have to develop the courage to follow what is taught in all American public-policy schools: that there are good taxes and bad taxes. Asian countries have embraced this wisdom, and have built sound long-term fiscal policies as a result.
Meanwhile, Europe has fallen prey to a different ideological trap: the belief that European governments would always have infinite resources and could continue borrowing as if there were no tomorrow. Unlike the Americans, who felt that the markets knew best, the Europeans failed to anticipate how the markets would react to their endless borrowing. Today, the European Union is creating a $580 billion fund to ward off sovereign collapse. This will buy the EU time, but it will not solve the bloc's larger problem. | 1176.txt | 1 |
[
"They urge the government to revise its existing public policies.",
"They develop green energy to avoid dependence on oil import.",
"They give up the idea of smaller government and less regulation.",
"They put up with the inevitable sharp increase of different taxes."
] | What is the author's suggestion to the American public in face of the public government deficit? | For most of the 20th century, Asia asked itself what it could learn from the modern, innovating West. Now the question must be reversed. What can the West's overly indebted and sluggish nations learn from a flourishing Asia?
Just a few decades ago, Asia's two giants were stagnating under faulty economic ideologies. However, once China began embracing free-market reforms in the 1980s, followed by India in the 1990s, both countries achieved rapid growth. Crucially, as they opened up their markets, they balanced market economy with sensible government direction. As the Indian economist Amartya Sen has wisely said, "The invisible hand of the market has often relied heavily on the visible hand of government."
Contrast this middle path with America and Europe, which have each gone ideologically over-board in their own ways. Since the 1980s, America has been increasingly clinging to the ideology of uncontrolled free markets and dismissing the role of government---following Ronald Regan's idea that "government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem. "Of course, when the markets came crashing down in 2007, it was decisive government intervention that saved the day. Despite this fact, many Americans are still strongly opposed to "big government."
If Americans could only free themselves from their antigovernment doctrine, they would begin to see that the America's problems are not insoluble. A few sensible federal measures could put the country back on the right path. A simple consumption tax of, say, 5% would significantly reduce the country's huge government deficit without damaging productivity. A small gasoline tax would help free America from its dependence on oil imports and create incentives for green energy development. In the same way, a significant reduction of wasteful agricultural subsidies could also lower the deficit. But in order to take advantage of these common-sense solutions, Americans will have to put aside their own attachment to the idea of smaller government and less regulation. American politicians will have to develop the courage to follow what is taught in all American public-policy schools: that there are good taxes and bad taxes. Asian countries have embraced this wisdom, and have built sound long-term fiscal policies as a result.
Meanwhile, Europe has fallen prey to a different ideological trap: the belief that European governments would always have infinite resources and could continue borrowing as if there were no tomorrow. Unlike the Americans, who felt that the markets knew best, the Europeans failed to anticipate how the markets would react to their endless borrowing. Today, the European Union is creating a $580 billion fund to ward off sovereign collapse. This will buy the EU time, but it will not solve the bloc's larger problem. | 1176.txt | 3 |
[
"Conservative ideology.",
"Shrinking market.",
"Lack of resources.",
"Excessive borrowing."
] | What's the problem with the European Union? | For most of the 20th century, Asia asked itself what it could learn from the modern, innovating West. Now the question must be reversed. What can the West's overly indebted and sluggish nations learn from a flourishing Asia?
Just a few decades ago, Asia's two giants were stagnating under faulty economic ideologies. However, once China began embracing free-market reforms in the 1980s, followed by India in the 1990s, both countries achieved rapid growth. Crucially, as they opened up their markets, they balanced market economy with sensible government direction. As the Indian economist Amartya Sen has wisely said, "The invisible hand of the market has often relied heavily on the visible hand of government."
Contrast this middle path with America and Europe, which have each gone ideologically over-board in their own ways. Since the 1980s, America has been increasingly clinging to the ideology of uncontrolled free markets and dismissing the role of government---following Ronald Regan's idea that "government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem. "Of course, when the markets came crashing down in 2007, it was decisive government intervention that saved the day. Despite this fact, many Americans are still strongly opposed to "big government."
If Americans could only free themselves from their antigovernment doctrine, they would begin to see that the America's problems are not insoluble. A few sensible federal measures could put the country back on the right path. A simple consumption tax of, say, 5% would significantly reduce the country's huge government deficit without damaging productivity. A small gasoline tax would help free America from its dependence on oil imports and create incentives for green energy development. In the same way, a significant reduction of wasteful agricultural subsidies could also lower the deficit. But in order to take advantage of these common-sense solutions, Americans will have to put aside their own attachment to the idea of smaller government and less regulation. American politicians will have to develop the courage to follow what is taught in all American public-policy schools: that there are good taxes and bad taxes. Asian countries have embraced this wisdom, and have built sound long-term fiscal policies as a result.
Meanwhile, Europe has fallen prey to a different ideological trap: the belief that European governments would always have infinite resources and could continue borrowing as if there were no tomorrow. Unlike the Americans, who felt that the markets knew best, the Europeans failed to anticipate how the markets would react to their endless borrowing. Today, the European Union is creating a $580 billion fund to ward off sovereign collapse. This will buy the EU time, but it will not solve the bloc's larger problem. | 1176.txt | 3 |
[
"the concern of Americans",
"the charm of private schools",
"the fierce situation for preschoolers",
"the economic situation of American families"
] | The author uses the example of Elisabeth Krents to show _ . | Competition for admission to the country's top private schools has always been tough, but this year Elisabeth Krents realized it had reached a new level. Her wake-up call came when a man called the Dalton School in Manhattan, where Krents is admissions director, and inquired about the age cutoff for their kindergarten program. After providing the information （they don't use an age cutoff）, she asked about the age of his child. The man paused for an uncomfortably long time before answering. " Well, we don't have a child yet," he told Krents. " We're trying to figure out when to conceive a child so the birthday is not a problem."
School obsession is spreading from Manhattan to the rest of the country. Precise current data on private schools are unavailable, but interviews with representatives of independent and religious schools all told the same story: a glut of applicants, higher rejection rates. " We have people calling us for spots two years down the road," said Marilyn Collins of the Seven Hills School in Cincinnati. " We have grandparents calling for pregnant daughters." Public-opinion poll after poll indicates that Americans' No. 1 concern is education. Now that the long economic boom has given parents more disposable income, many are turning to private schools, even at price tags of well over $10,000 a year. " We're getting applicants from a broader area, geographically, than we ever have in the past," said Betsy Haugh of the Latin School of Chicago, which experienced a 20 percent increase in applications this year.
The problem for the applicants is that while demand has increased, supply has not. " Every year, there are a few children who do not find places, but this year, for the first time that I know of, there are a significant number of children who don't have places," said Krents, who also heads a private-school admissions group in New York.
So what can parents do to give their 4-year-old an edge? Schools know there is no foolproof way to pick a class when children are so young. Many schools give preference to siblings or alumni children. Some use lotteries. But most rely on a mix of subjective and objective measures: tests that at best identify developmental maturity and cognitive potential, interviews with parents and observation of applicants in classroom settings. They also want a diverse mix. Children may end up on a waiting list simply because their birthdays fall at the wrong time of year, or because too many applicants were boys.
The worst thing a parent can do is to pressure preschoolers to perform-for example, by pushing them to read or do math exercises before they're ready. Instead, the experts say, parents should take a breath and look for alternatives. Another year in preschool may be all that's needed. Parents, meanwhile, may need a more open mind about relatively unknown private schools-or about magnet schools in the public system. There's no sign of the private-school boom letting up. Dalton's spring tours, for early birds interested in the 2001-2002 school year, are filled. The wait list? Forget it. That's closed, too. | 563.txt | 2 |
[
"The harsh way of forming a class.",
"The high expectation of parents.",
"The wise way in selecting schools.",
"The difficulty of training children."
] | What is implied in Paragraph 4? | Competition for admission to the country's top private schools has always been tough, but this year Elisabeth Krents realized it had reached a new level. Her wake-up call came when a man called the Dalton School in Manhattan, where Krents is admissions director, and inquired about the age cutoff for their kindergarten program. After providing the information （they don't use an age cutoff）, she asked about the age of his child. The man paused for an uncomfortably long time before answering. " Well, we don't have a child yet," he told Krents. " We're trying to figure out when to conceive a child so the birthday is not a problem."
School obsession is spreading from Manhattan to the rest of the country. Precise current data on private schools are unavailable, but interviews with representatives of independent and religious schools all told the same story: a glut of applicants, higher rejection rates. " We have people calling us for spots two years down the road," said Marilyn Collins of the Seven Hills School in Cincinnati. " We have grandparents calling for pregnant daughters." Public-opinion poll after poll indicates that Americans' No. 1 concern is education. Now that the long economic boom has given parents more disposable income, many are turning to private schools, even at price tags of well over $10,000 a year. " We're getting applicants from a broader area, geographically, than we ever have in the past," said Betsy Haugh of the Latin School of Chicago, which experienced a 20 percent increase in applications this year.
The problem for the applicants is that while demand has increased, supply has not. " Every year, there are a few children who do not find places, but this year, for the first time that I know of, there are a significant number of children who don't have places," said Krents, who also heads a private-school admissions group in New York.
So what can parents do to give their 4-year-old an edge? Schools know there is no foolproof way to pick a class when children are so young. Many schools give preference to siblings or alumni children. Some use lotteries. But most rely on a mix of subjective and objective measures: tests that at best identify developmental maturity and cognitive potential, interviews with parents and observation of applicants in classroom settings. They also want a diverse mix. Children may end up on a waiting list simply because their birthdays fall at the wrong time of year, or because too many applicants were boys.
The worst thing a parent can do is to pressure preschoolers to perform-for example, by pushing them to read or do math exercises before they're ready. Instead, the experts say, parents should take a breath and look for alternatives. Another year in preschool may be all that's needed. Parents, meanwhile, may need a more open mind about relatively unknown private schools-or about magnet schools in the public system. There's no sign of the private-school boom letting up. Dalton's spring tours, for early birds interested in the 2001-2002 school year, are filled. The wait list? Forget it. That's closed, too. | 563.txt | 0 |
[
"indifferent",
"apprehensive",
"supportive",
"indignant"
] | The author's attitude toward this event is _ . | Competition for admission to the country's top private schools has always been tough, but this year Elisabeth Krents realized it had reached a new level. Her wake-up call came when a man called the Dalton School in Manhattan, where Krents is admissions director, and inquired about the age cutoff for their kindergarten program. After providing the information （they don't use an age cutoff）, she asked about the age of his child. The man paused for an uncomfortably long time before answering. " Well, we don't have a child yet," he told Krents. " We're trying to figure out when to conceive a child so the birthday is not a problem."
School obsession is spreading from Manhattan to the rest of the country. Precise current data on private schools are unavailable, but interviews with representatives of independent and religious schools all told the same story: a glut of applicants, higher rejection rates. " We have people calling us for spots two years down the road," said Marilyn Collins of the Seven Hills School in Cincinnati. " We have grandparents calling for pregnant daughters." Public-opinion poll after poll indicates that Americans' No. 1 concern is education. Now that the long economic boom has given parents more disposable income, many are turning to private schools, even at price tags of well over $10,000 a year. " We're getting applicants from a broader area, geographically, than we ever have in the past," said Betsy Haugh of the Latin School of Chicago, which experienced a 20 percent increase in applications this year.
The problem for the applicants is that while demand has increased, supply has not. " Every year, there are a few children who do not find places, but this year, for the first time that I know of, there are a significant number of children who don't have places," said Krents, who also heads a private-school admissions group in New York.
So what can parents do to give their 4-year-old an edge? Schools know there is no foolproof way to pick a class when children are so young. Many schools give preference to siblings or alumni children. Some use lotteries. But most rely on a mix of subjective and objective measures: tests that at best identify developmental maturity and cognitive potential, interviews with parents and observation of applicants in classroom settings. They also want a diverse mix. Children may end up on a waiting list simply because their birthdays fall at the wrong time of year, or because too many applicants were boys.
The worst thing a parent can do is to pressure preschoolers to perform-for example, by pushing them to read or do math exercises before they're ready. Instead, the experts say, parents should take a breath and look for alternatives. Another year in preschool may be all that's needed. Parents, meanwhile, may need a more open mind about relatively unknown private schools-or about magnet schools in the public system. There's no sign of the private-school boom letting up. Dalton's spring tours, for early birds interested in the 2001-2002 school year, are filled. The wait list? Forget it. That's closed, too. | 563.txt | 1 |
[
"avoid the competition and wait for another year",
"give up their first choice and go to an unknown school",
"let their children do what they want to do",
"deal with the matter more casually and rethink the situation"
] | Instead of giving their children great pressure to outperform, the parents should _ . | Competition for admission to the country's top private schools has always been tough, but this year Elisabeth Krents realized it had reached a new level. Her wake-up call came when a man called the Dalton School in Manhattan, where Krents is admissions director, and inquired about the age cutoff for their kindergarten program. After providing the information （they don't use an age cutoff）, she asked about the age of his child. The man paused for an uncomfortably long time before answering. " Well, we don't have a child yet," he told Krents. " We're trying to figure out when to conceive a child so the birthday is not a problem."
School obsession is spreading from Manhattan to the rest of the country. Precise current data on private schools are unavailable, but interviews with representatives of independent and religious schools all told the same story: a glut of applicants, higher rejection rates. " We have people calling us for spots two years down the road," said Marilyn Collins of the Seven Hills School in Cincinnati. " We have grandparents calling for pregnant daughters." Public-opinion poll after poll indicates that Americans' No. 1 concern is education. Now that the long economic boom has given parents more disposable income, many are turning to private schools, even at price tags of well over $10,000 a year. " We're getting applicants from a broader area, geographically, than we ever have in the past," said Betsy Haugh of the Latin School of Chicago, which experienced a 20 percent increase in applications this year.
The problem for the applicants is that while demand has increased, supply has not. " Every year, there are a few children who do not find places, but this year, for the first time that I know of, there are a significant number of children who don't have places," said Krents, who also heads a private-school admissions group in New York.
So what can parents do to give their 4-year-old an edge? Schools know there is no foolproof way to pick a class when children are so young. Many schools give preference to siblings or alumni children. Some use lotteries. But most rely on a mix of subjective and objective measures: tests that at best identify developmental maturity and cognitive potential, interviews with parents and observation of applicants in classroom settings. They also want a diverse mix. Children may end up on a waiting list simply because their birthdays fall at the wrong time of year, or because too many applicants were boys.
The worst thing a parent can do is to pressure preschoolers to perform-for example, by pushing them to read or do math exercises before they're ready. Instead, the experts say, parents should take a breath and look for alternatives. Another year in preschool may be all that's needed. Parents, meanwhile, may need a more open mind about relatively unknown private schools-or about magnet schools in the public system. There's no sign of the private-school boom letting up. Dalton's spring tours, for early birds interested in the 2001-2002 school year, are filled. The wait list? Forget it. That's closed, too. | 563.txt | 3 |
[
"the popularity of private schools",
"parents' worry about their children's schooling",
"the plight of preschoolers",
"the severe competition in going to school"
] | The text intends to express _ . | Competition for admission to the country's top private schools has always been tough, but this year Elisabeth Krents realized it had reached a new level. Her wake-up call came when a man called the Dalton School in Manhattan, where Krents is admissions director, and inquired about the age cutoff for their kindergarten program. After providing the information （they don't use an age cutoff）, she asked about the age of his child. The man paused for an uncomfortably long time before answering. " Well, we don't have a child yet," he told Krents. " We're trying to figure out when to conceive a child so the birthday is not a problem."
School obsession is spreading from Manhattan to the rest of the country. Precise current data on private schools are unavailable, but interviews with representatives of independent and religious schools all told the same story: a glut of applicants, higher rejection rates. " We have people calling us for spots two years down the road," said Marilyn Collins of the Seven Hills School in Cincinnati. " We have grandparents calling for pregnant daughters." Public-opinion poll after poll indicates that Americans' No. 1 concern is education. Now that the long economic boom has given parents more disposable income, many are turning to private schools, even at price tags of well over $10,000 a year. " We're getting applicants from a broader area, geographically, than we ever have in the past," said Betsy Haugh of the Latin School of Chicago, which experienced a 20 percent increase in applications this year.
The problem for the applicants is that while demand has increased, supply has not. " Every year, there are a few children who do not find places, but this year, for the first time that I know of, there are a significant number of children who don't have places," said Krents, who also heads a private-school admissions group in New York.
So what can parents do to give their 4-year-old an edge? Schools know there is no foolproof way to pick a class when children are so young. Many schools give preference to siblings or alumni children. Some use lotteries. But most rely on a mix of subjective and objective measures: tests that at best identify developmental maturity and cognitive potential, interviews with parents and observation of applicants in classroom settings. They also want a diverse mix. Children may end up on a waiting list simply because their birthdays fall at the wrong time of year, or because too many applicants were boys.
The worst thing a parent can do is to pressure preschoolers to perform-for example, by pushing them to read or do math exercises before they're ready. Instead, the experts say, parents should take a breath and look for alternatives. Another year in preschool may be all that's needed. Parents, meanwhile, may need a more open mind about relatively unknown private schools-or about magnet schools in the public system. There's no sign of the private-school boom letting up. Dalton's spring tours, for early birds interested in the 2001-2002 school year, are filled. The wait list? Forget it. That's closed, too. | 563.txt | 2 |
[
"people tend to have a high opinion of the self-made man",
"people can always rise to the top through their won efforts",
"college professors win great respect from common workers",
"people feel painful to mention their fathers as labors"
] | From paragraph 1, we know that in America _ . | A characteristic of American culture that has become almost a tradition is to respect the self-made man-the man who has risen to the top through his own efforts, usually beginning by working with his hands. While the leader in business or industry or the college professor occupies a higher social position and commands greater respect in the community than the common laborer or even the skilled factory worker, he may take pains to point out that his father started life in America as a farmer or laborer of some sort.
This attitude toward manual labor is now still seen in many aspects of American life. One is invited to dinner at a home that is not only comfortable but even luxuriously furnished and in which there is every evidence of the fact that the family has been able to afford foreign travel, expensive hobbies, and college education for the children; yet the hostess probably will cook the dinner herself, will serve it herself and will wash dishes afterward, furthermore the dinner will not consist merely of something quickly and easily assembled from contents of various cans and a cake or a pie bought at the nearby bakery. On the contrary, the hostess usually takes pride in careful preparation of special dishes. A professional may talk about washing the car, digging in his flowerbeds, painting the house. His son who is away at college may wait on table and wash dishes for his living, or during the summer he may work with a construction gang on a highway in order to pay for his education. | 718.txt | 0 |
[
"servants in American are hard to get",
"she takes pride in what she can do herself",
"she can hardly afford servants",
"It is easy to prepare a meal with canned food."
] | According to the passage, the hostess cooks dinner herself mainly because _ . | A characteristic of American culture that has become almost a tradition is to respect the self-made man-the man who has risen to the top through his own efforts, usually beginning by working with his hands. While the leader in business or industry or the college professor occupies a higher social position and commands greater respect in the community than the common laborer or even the skilled factory worker, he may take pains to point out that his father started life in America as a farmer or laborer of some sort.
This attitude toward manual labor is now still seen in many aspects of American life. One is invited to dinner at a home that is not only comfortable but even luxuriously furnished and in which there is every evidence of the fact that the family has been able to afford foreign travel, expensive hobbies, and college education for the children; yet the hostess probably will cook the dinner herself, will serve it herself and will wash dishes afterward, furthermore the dinner will not consist merely of something quickly and easily assembled from contents of various cans and a cake or a pie bought at the nearby bakery. On the contrary, the hostess usually takes pride in careful preparation of special dishes. A professional may talk about washing the car, digging in his flowerbeds, painting the house. His son who is away at college may wait on table and wash dishes for his living, or during the summer he may work with a construction gang on a highway in order to pay for his education. | 718.txt | 1 |
[
"work in a furniture shop",
"keep accounts for a bar",
"wait to lay the table",
"serve customers in a restaurant"
] | The expression " wait on table" in the second paragraph means " _ " . | A characteristic of American culture that has become almost a tradition is to respect the self-made man-the man who has risen to the top through his own efforts, usually beginning by working with his hands. While the leader in business or industry or the college professor occupies a higher social position and commands greater respect in the community than the common laborer or even the skilled factory worker, he may take pains to point out that his father started life in America as a farmer or laborer of some sort.
This attitude toward manual labor is now still seen in many aspects of American life. One is invited to dinner at a home that is not only comfortable but even luxuriously furnished and in which there is every evidence of the fact that the family has been able to afford foreign travel, expensive hobbies, and college education for the children; yet the hostess probably will cook the dinner herself, will serve it herself and will wash dishes afterward, furthermore the dinner will not consist merely of something quickly and easily assembled from contents of various cans and a cake or a pie bought at the nearby bakery. On the contrary, the hostess usually takes pride in careful preparation of special dishes. A professional may talk about washing the car, digging in his flowerbeds, painting the house. His son who is away at college may wait on table and wash dishes for his living, or during the summer he may work with a construction gang on a highway in order to pay for his education. | 718.txt | 3 |
[
"positive",
"negative",
"humorous",
"critical"
] | The author's attitude toward manual labor is _ . | A characteristic of American culture that has become almost a tradition is to respect the self-made man-the man who has risen to the top through his own efforts, usually beginning by working with his hands. While the leader in business or industry or the college professor occupies a higher social position and commands greater respect in the community than the common laborer or even the skilled factory worker, he may take pains to point out that his father started life in America as a farmer or laborer of some sort.
This attitude toward manual labor is now still seen in many aspects of American life. One is invited to dinner at a home that is not only comfortable but even luxuriously furnished and in which there is every evidence of the fact that the family has been able to afford foreign travel, expensive hobbies, and college education for the children; yet the hostess probably will cook the dinner herself, will serve it herself and will wash dishes afterward, furthermore the dinner will not consist merely of something quickly and easily assembled from contents of various cans and a cake or a pie bought at the nearby bakery. On the contrary, the hostess usually takes pride in careful preparation of special dishes. A professional may talk about washing the car, digging in his flowerbeds, painting the house. His son who is away at college may wait on table and wash dishes for his living, or during the summer he may work with a construction gang on a highway in order to pay for his education. | 718.txt | 0 |
[
"A Respectable Self-made Family",
"American Attitude toward Manual Labor.",
"Characteristics of American Culture.",
"The Development of Manual Labor."
] | Which of the following may serve as the best title of the passage? _ . | A characteristic of American culture that has become almost a tradition is to respect the self-made man-the man who has risen to the top through his own efforts, usually beginning by working with his hands. While the leader in business or industry or the college professor occupies a higher social position and commands greater respect in the community than the common laborer or even the skilled factory worker, he may take pains to point out that his father started life in America as a farmer or laborer of some sort.
This attitude toward manual labor is now still seen in many aspects of American life. One is invited to dinner at a home that is not only comfortable but even luxuriously furnished and in which there is every evidence of the fact that the family has been able to afford foreign travel, expensive hobbies, and college education for the children; yet the hostess probably will cook the dinner herself, will serve it herself and will wash dishes afterward, furthermore the dinner will not consist merely of something quickly and easily assembled from contents of various cans and a cake or a pie bought at the nearby bakery. On the contrary, the hostess usually takes pride in careful preparation of special dishes. A professional may talk about washing the car, digging in his flowerbeds, painting the house. His son who is away at college may wait on table and wash dishes for his living, or during the summer he may work with a construction gang on a highway in order to pay for his education. | 718.txt | 1 |
[
"They lived out a natural life.",
"They died due to lack of care by family members.",
"They died of exhaustion after the long plane ride.",
"They weren't accustomed to the change in weather."
] | What is said about the two deceased elderly women? | I had an experience some years ago which taught me something about the ways in which people make a bad situation worse by blaming themselves. One January, I had to officiate at two funerals on successive days for two elderly women in my community. Both had died "full of years," as the Bible would say; both yielded to the normal wearing out of the body after a long and full life. Their homes happened to be near each other, so I paid condolence calls on the two families on the same afternoon.
At the first home, the son of the deceased woman said to me, "If only I had sent my mother to Florida and gotten her out of this cold and snow, she would be alive today. It's my fault that she died." At the second home, the son of the other deceased woman said, "If only I hadn't insisted on my mother's going to Florida, she would be alive today. That long airplane ride, the abrupt change of climate, was more than she could take. It's my fault that she's dead."
When things don't turn out as we would like them to, it is very tempting to assume that had we done things differently, the story would have had a happier ending. Priests know that any time there is a death, the survivors will feel guilty. Because the course of action they took turned out badly, they believe that the opposite course-keeping Mother at home, postponing the operation-would have turned out better. After all, how could it have turned out any worse?
There seem to be two elements involved in our readiness to feel guilt. The first is our pressing need to believe that the world makes sense, that there is a cause for every effect and a reason for everything that happens. That leads us to find patterns and connections both where they really exist and where they exist only in our minds.
The second element is the notion that we are the cause of what happens, especially the bad things that happen. It seems to be a short step from believing that every event has a cause to believing that every disaster is our fault. The roots of this feeling may lie in our childhood. Psychologists speak of the infantile myth of omnipotence . A baby comes to think that the world exists to meet his needs, and that he makes everything happen in it. He wakes up in the morning and summons the rest of the world to its tasks. He cries, and someone comes to attend to him. When he is hungry, people feed him, and when he is wet, people change him. Very often, we do not completely outgrow that infantile notion that our wishes cause things to happen. | 481.txt | 0 |
[
"he had great sympathy for the deceased",
"he wanted to console the two families",
"he was priest of the local church",
"he was an official from the community"
] | The author had to conduct the two women's funerals probably because ________. | I had an experience some years ago which taught me something about the ways in which people make a bad situation worse by blaming themselves. One January, I had to officiate at two funerals on successive days for two elderly women in my community. Both had died "full of years," as the Bible would say; both yielded to the normal wearing out of the body after a long and full life. Their homes happened to be near each other, so I paid condolence calls on the two families on the same afternoon.
At the first home, the son of the deceased woman said to me, "If only I had sent my mother to Florida and gotten her out of this cold and snow, she would be alive today. It's my fault that she died." At the second home, the son of the other deceased woman said, "If only I hadn't insisted on my mother's going to Florida, she would be alive today. That long airplane ride, the abrupt change of climate, was more than she could take. It's my fault that she's dead."
When things don't turn out as we would like them to, it is very tempting to assume that had we done things differently, the story would have had a happier ending. Priests know that any time there is a death, the survivors will feel guilty. Because the course of action they took turned out badly, they believe that the opposite course-keeping Mother at home, postponing the operation-would have turned out better. After all, how could it have turned out any worse?
There seem to be two elements involved in our readiness to feel guilt. The first is our pressing need to believe that the world makes sense, that there is a cause for every effect and a reason for everything that happens. That leads us to find patterns and connections both where they really exist and where they exist only in our minds.
The second element is the notion that we are the cause of what happens, especially the bad things that happen. It seems to be a short step from believing that every event has a cause to believing that every disaster is our fault. The roots of this feeling may lie in our childhood. Psychologists speak of the infantile myth of omnipotence . A baby comes to think that the world exists to meet his needs, and that he makes everything happen in it. He wakes up in the morning and summons the rest of the world to its tasks. He cries, and someone comes to attend to him. When he is hungry, people feed him, and when he is wet, people change him. Very often, we do not completely outgrow that infantile notion that our wishes cause things to happen. | 481.txt | 2 |
[
"they believe that they were responsible",
"they had neglected the natural course of events",
"they couldn't find a better way to express their grief",
"they didn't know things often turn out in the opposite direction"
] | People feel guilty for the deaths of their loved ones because ________. | I had an experience some years ago which taught me something about the ways in which people make a bad situation worse by blaming themselves. One January, I had to officiate at two funerals on successive days for two elderly women in my community. Both had died "full of years," as the Bible would say; both yielded to the normal wearing out of the body after a long and full life. Their homes happened to be near each other, so I paid condolence calls on the two families on the same afternoon.
At the first home, the son of the deceased woman said to me, "If only I had sent my mother to Florida and gotten her out of this cold and snow, she would be alive today. It's my fault that she died." At the second home, the son of the other deceased woman said, "If only I hadn't insisted on my mother's going to Florida, she would be alive today. That long airplane ride, the abrupt change of climate, was more than she could take. It's my fault that she's dead."
When things don't turn out as we would like them to, it is very tempting to assume that had we done things differently, the story would have had a happier ending. Priests know that any time there is a death, the survivors will feel guilty. Because the course of action they took turned out badly, they believe that the opposite course-keeping Mother at home, postponing the operation-would have turned out better. After all, how could it have turned out any worse?
There seem to be two elements involved in our readiness to feel guilt. The first is our pressing need to believe that the world makes sense, that there is a cause for every effect and a reason for everything that happens. That leads us to find patterns and connections both where they really exist and where they exist only in our minds.
The second element is the notion that we are the cause of what happens, especially the bad things that happen. It seems to be a short step from believing that every event has a cause to believing that every disaster is our fault. The roots of this feeling may lie in our childhood. Psychologists speak of the infantile myth of omnipotence . A baby comes to think that the world exists to meet his needs, and that he makes everything happen in it. He wakes up in the morning and summons the rest of the world to its tasks. He cries, and someone comes to attend to him. When he is hungry, people feed him, and when he is wet, people change him. Very often, we do not completely outgrow that infantile notion that our wishes cause things to happen. | 481.txt | 0 |
[
"we have to be sensible in order to understand the world",
"everything in the world is predetermined",
"there's an explanation for everything in the world",
"the world can be interpreted in different ways"
] | In the context of the passage, "... the world makes sense" (Line 2, Para, 4) probably means that ________. | I had an experience some years ago which taught me something about the ways in which people make a bad situation worse by blaming themselves. One January, I had to officiate at two funerals on successive days for two elderly women in my community. Both had died "full of years," as the Bible would say; both yielded to the normal wearing out of the body after a long and full life. Their homes happened to be near each other, so I paid condolence calls on the two families on the same afternoon.
At the first home, the son of the deceased woman said to me, "If only I had sent my mother to Florida and gotten her out of this cold and snow, she would be alive today. It's my fault that she died." At the second home, the son of the other deceased woman said, "If only I hadn't insisted on my mother's going to Florida, she would be alive today. That long airplane ride, the abrupt change of climate, was more than she could take. It's my fault that she's dead."
When things don't turn out as we would like them to, it is very tempting to assume that had we done things differently, the story would have had a happier ending. Priests know that any time there is a death, the survivors will feel guilty. Because the course of action they took turned out badly, they believe that the opposite course-keeping Mother at home, postponing the operation-would have turned out better. After all, how could it have turned out any worse?
There seem to be two elements involved in our readiness to feel guilt. The first is our pressing need to believe that the world makes sense, that there is a cause for every effect and a reason for everything that happens. That leads us to find patterns and connections both where they really exist and where they exist only in our minds.
The second element is the notion that we are the cause of what happens, especially the bad things that happen. It seems to be a short step from believing that every event has a cause to believing that every disaster is our fault. The roots of this feeling may lie in our childhood. Psychologists speak of the infantile myth of omnipotence . A baby comes to think that the world exists to meet his needs, and that he makes everything happen in it. He wakes up in the morning and summons the rest of the world to its tasks. He cries, and someone comes to attend to him. When he is hungry, people feed him, and when he is wet, people change him. Very often, we do not completely outgrow that infantile notion that our wishes cause things to happen. | 481.txt | 2 |
[
"every story should have a happy ending",
"their wishes are the cause of everything that happens",
"life and death is an unsolved mystery",
"everybody is at their command"
] | People have been made to believe since infancy that ________. | I had an experience some years ago which taught me something about the ways in which people make a bad situation worse by blaming themselves. One January, I had to officiate at two funerals on successive days for two elderly women in my community. Both had died "full of years," as the Bible would say; both yielded to the normal wearing out of the body after a long and full life. Their homes happened to be near each other, so I paid condolence calls on the two families on the same afternoon.
At the first home, the son of the deceased woman said to me, "If only I had sent my mother to Florida and gotten her out of this cold and snow, she would be alive today. It's my fault that she died." At the second home, the son of the other deceased woman said, "If only I hadn't insisted on my mother's going to Florida, she would be alive today. That long airplane ride, the abrupt change of climate, was more than she could take. It's my fault that she's dead."
When things don't turn out as we would like them to, it is very tempting to assume that had we done things differently, the story would have had a happier ending. Priests know that any time there is a death, the survivors will feel guilty. Because the course of action they took turned out badly, they believe that the opposite course-keeping Mother at home, postponing the operation-would have turned out better. After all, how could it have turned out any worse?
There seem to be two elements involved in our readiness to feel guilt. The first is our pressing need to believe that the world makes sense, that there is a cause for every effect and a reason for everything that happens. That leads us to find patterns and connections both where they really exist and where they exist only in our minds.
The second element is the notion that we are the cause of what happens, especially the bad things that happen. It seems to be a short step from believing that every event has a cause to believing that every disaster is our fault. The roots of this feeling may lie in our childhood. Psychologists speak of the infantile myth of omnipotence . A baby comes to think that the world exists to meet his needs, and that he makes everything happen in it. He wakes up in the morning and summons the rest of the world to its tasks. He cries, and someone comes to attend to him. When he is hungry, people feed him, and when he is wet, people change him. Very often, we do not completely outgrow that infantile notion that our wishes cause things to happen. | 481.txt | 1 |
[
"It would be able to keep our history.",
"It would be possible to take care of important historic places.",
"They would have money to do some repairs if a monument needed help.",
"All of the above."
] | Why did countries all over the world unite to form the World Heritage Organization? | Our children and grandchildren may not have a chance to visit many of the most famous places around the world. War, weather, age, traffic and pollution damage these famous places. Looking after these places often costs more than one country can afford.
In the early 1970s, world governments decided that if they joined together, they would be able to preserve our history. If every country paid some money, they said, it would be possible to look after important historic places. Also, if they discovered that a monument needed urgent help, they would have money for repairs. For these reasons, countries around the world united to form the World Heritage Organization in 1972. Today, the organization helps to maintain and restore the most important places from our history.
However, one of the biggest problems for historic places is vandalism. People sometimes enter the sites and destroy or damage the buildings. At some sites, such as Stonehenge in England, governments have built high fences to protect the site from vandals.
There are many different ideas about how to solve the problem of vandalism. Some experts say that if guards patrolled the sites, vandals would not be able to get in. Some experts say that if they fixed more television cameras, they would not need so many guards. Other experts say that the best solution is education. If people learned to respect history, they would not destroy or damage it. They would also want to spend money looking after old places. For this reason, the World Heritage Organization helps to spread information about the value of historic sites. | 647.txt | 3 |
[
"People enter the sites and destroy or damage the buildings.",
"Governments build high fences to protect the site from vandals.",
"Guards patrolled the sites and they fixed more television cameras.",
"They also spend money looking after old places."
] | Which of the following shows us the action of vandalism? | Our children and grandchildren may not have a chance to visit many of the most famous places around the world. War, weather, age, traffic and pollution damage these famous places. Looking after these places often costs more than one country can afford.
In the early 1970s, world governments decided that if they joined together, they would be able to preserve our history. If every country paid some money, they said, it would be possible to look after important historic places. Also, if they discovered that a monument needed urgent help, they would have money for repairs. For these reasons, countries around the world united to form the World Heritage Organization in 1972. Today, the organization helps to maintain and restore the most important places from our history.
However, one of the biggest problems for historic places is vandalism. People sometimes enter the sites and destroy or damage the buildings. At some sites, such as Stonehenge in England, governments have built high fences to protect the site from vandals.
There are many different ideas about how to solve the problem of vandalism. Some experts say that if guards patrolled the sites, vandals would not be able to get in. Some experts say that if they fixed more television cameras, they would not need so many guards. Other experts say that the best solution is education. If people learned to respect history, they would not destroy or damage it. They would also want to spend money looking after old places. For this reason, the World Heritage Organization helps to spread information about the value of historic sites. | 647.txt | 0 |
[
"Every country spends more money looking after these places often.",
"To form the World Heritage Organization.",
"Too many guards are needed to prevent vandals getting in.",
"To make people know information about the value of historic sites."
] | What's the best way to solve the biggest problem of vandalism? | Our children and grandchildren may not have a chance to visit many of the most famous places around the world. War, weather, age, traffic and pollution damage these famous places. Looking after these places often costs more than one country can afford.
In the early 1970s, world governments decided that if they joined together, they would be able to preserve our history. If every country paid some money, they said, it would be possible to look after important historic places. Also, if they discovered that a monument needed urgent help, they would have money for repairs. For these reasons, countries around the world united to form the World Heritage Organization in 1972. Today, the organization helps to maintain and restore the most important places from our history.
However, one of the biggest problems for historic places is vandalism. People sometimes enter the sites and destroy or damage the buildings. At some sites, such as Stonehenge in England, governments have built high fences to protect the site from vandals.
There are many different ideas about how to solve the problem of vandalism. Some experts say that if guards patrolled the sites, vandals would not be able to get in. Some experts say that if they fixed more television cameras, they would not need so many guards. Other experts say that the best solution is education. If people learned to respect history, they would not destroy or damage it. They would also want to spend money looking after old places. For this reason, the World Heritage Organization helps to spread information about the value of historic sites. | 647.txt | 3 |
[
"The basic data of the Transition.",
"The advantages of flying cars.",
"The potential market for flying cars.",
"The designers of the Transition."
] | What is the first paragraph mainly about? | Terrafugia Inc. said Monday that its new flying car has completed its first flight, bringing the company closer to its goal of selling the flying car within the next year. The vehicle-named the Transition - has two seats， four wheels and wings that fold up so it can be driven like a car. The Transition, which flew at 1,400 feet for eight minutes last month, can reach around 70 miles per hour on the road and 115 in the air. It flies using a 23-gallon tank of gas and bums 5 gallons per hour in the air. On the ground, it gets 35 miles per gallon.
Around 100 people have already put down a $10,000 deposit to get a Transition when they go on sale, and those numbers will likely rise after Terrafugia introduces the Transition to the public later this week at the New York Auto Show. But don't expect it to show up in too many driveways. It's expected to cost $279,000.And it won't help if you're stuck in traffic. The car needs a runway.
Inventors have been trying to make flying cars since the 1930s, according to Robert Mann, an airline industry expert. But Mann thinks Terrafugia has come closer than anyone to making the flying car a reality. The govemment has already permitted the company to use special materials to make it easier for the vehicle to fly. The Transition is now going through crash tests to make sure it meets federal safety standards.
Mann said Terrafugia was helped by the Federal Aviation Administration's decision five years ago to create a separate set of standards for light sport aircraft, which are lower than those pilots of larger planes Terrafugia says an owner would need to pass a test and complete 20 hours of flying time to be able to fly the Transition, a requirement pilots would find redatively easy to meet. | 3672.txt | 1 |
[
"It causes traffic jams.",
"It is difficult to operate.",
"It is very expensive.",
"It bums too much fuel."
] | Why is the Transition unlikely to show up in too many driveways? | Terrafugia Inc. said Monday that its new flying car has completed its first flight, bringing the company closer to its goal of selling the flying car within the next year. The vehicle-named the Transition - has two seats， four wheels and wings that fold up so it can be driven like a car. The Transition, which flew at 1,400 feet for eight minutes last month, can reach around 70 miles per hour on the road and 115 in the air. It flies using a 23-gallon tank of gas and bums 5 gallons per hour in the air. On the ground, it gets 35 miles per gallon.
Around 100 people have already put down a $10,000 deposit to get a Transition when they go on sale, and those numbers will likely rise after Terrafugia introduces the Transition to the public later this week at the New York Auto Show. But don't expect it to show up in too many driveways. It's expected to cost $279,000.And it won't help if you're stuck in traffic. The car needs a runway.
Inventors have been trying to make flying cars since the 1930s, according to Robert Mann, an airline industry expert. But Mann thinks Terrafugia has come closer than anyone to making the flying car a reality. The govemment has already permitted the company to use special materials to make it easier for the vehicle to fly. The Transition is now going through crash tests to make sure it meets federal safety standards.
Mann said Terrafugia was helped by the Federal Aviation Administration's decision five years ago to create a separate set of standards for light sport aircraft, which are lower than those pilots of larger planes Terrafugia says an owner would need to pass a test and complete 20 hours of flying time to be able to fly the Transition, a requirement pilots would find redatively easy to meet. | 3672.txt | 0 |
[
"Cautious",
"Favorable.",
"Ambiguous.",
"Disapproving."
] | What is the government's attitude to the development of the flying car? | Terrafugia Inc. said Monday that its new flying car has completed its first flight, bringing the company closer to its goal of selling the flying car within the next year. The vehicle-named the Transition - has two seats， four wheels and wings that fold up so it can be driven like a car. The Transition, which flew at 1,400 feet for eight minutes last month, can reach around 70 miles per hour on the road and 115 in the air. It flies using a 23-gallon tank of gas and bums 5 gallons per hour in the air. On the ground, it gets 35 miles per gallon.
Around 100 people have already put down a $10,000 deposit to get a Transition when they go on sale, and those numbers will likely rise after Terrafugia introduces the Transition to the public later this week at the New York Auto Show. But don't expect it to show up in too many driveways. It's expected to cost $279,000.And it won't help if you're stuck in traffic. The car needs a runway.
Inventors have been trying to make flying cars since the 1930s, according to Robert Mann, an airline industry expert. But Mann thinks Terrafugia has come closer than anyone to making the flying car a reality. The govemment has already permitted the company to use special materials to make it easier for the vehicle to fly. The Transition is now going through crash tests to make sure it meets federal safety standards.
Mann said Terrafugia was helped by the Federal Aviation Administration's decision five years ago to create a separate set of standards for light sport aircraft, which are lower than those pilots of larger planes Terrafugia says an owner would need to pass a test and complete 20 hours of flying time to be able to fly the Transition, a requirement pilots would find redatively easy to meet. | 3672.txt | 2 |
[
"Flying Car at Auto Show",
"The Transition's Fist Flight",
"Pilots'Dream Coming True",
"Flying Car Closer to Reality"
] | What is the best title for the text? | Terrafugia Inc. said Monday that its new flying car has completed its first flight, bringing the company closer to its goal of selling the flying car within the next year. The vehicle-named the Transition - has two seats， four wheels and wings that fold up so it can be driven like a car. The Transition, which flew at 1,400 feet for eight minutes last month, can reach around 70 miles per hour on the road and 115 in the air. It flies using a 23-gallon tank of gas and bums 5 gallons per hour in the air. On the ground, it gets 35 miles per gallon.
Around 100 people have already put down a $10,000 deposit to get a Transition when they go on sale, and those numbers will likely rise after Terrafugia introduces the Transition to the public later this week at the New York Auto Show. But don't expect it to show up in too many driveways. It's expected to cost $279,000.And it won't help if you're stuck in traffic. The car needs a runway.
Inventors have been trying to make flying cars since the 1930s, according to Robert Mann, an airline industry expert. But Mann thinks Terrafugia has come closer than anyone to making the flying car a reality. The govemment has already permitted the company to use special materials to make it easier for the vehicle to fly. The Transition is now going through crash tests to make sure it meets federal safety standards.
Mann said Terrafugia was helped by the Federal Aviation Administration's decision five years ago to create a separate set of standards for light sport aircraft, which are lower than those pilots of larger planes Terrafugia says an owner would need to pass a test and complete 20 hours of flying time to be able to fly the Transition, a requirement pilots would find redatively easy to meet. | 3672.txt | 3 |
[
"during the 1970's, old building in many cities were recycled for modern use",
"recent interest in ecology issues has led to the cleaning up of many rivers",
"the San Antonio example shows that bulldozers are not the right way to fight urban decay",
"strong government support has made adaptive rehabilitation a reality in Boston"
] | The main idea of the passage is _ . | The most interesting architectural phenomenon of the 1970's was the enthusiasm for refurnishing older building. Obviously, this was not an entirely new phenomenon. What is new is the whole scale in reusing the past, in recycling, in adaptive rehabilitation. A few trial efforts, such as Ghirardelli Square in San Francisco, proved their financial feasibility in the 1960's, but it was in the 1970's, with strong government support through tax incentives and rapid depreciation, as well as growing interest in ecology issues, that recycling became a major factor on the urban scene. One of the most comprehensive ventures was the restoration and transformation of Boston's eighteenth century Faneuil Hall and the Quincy Market, designed in 1824. This section had fallen on hard times, but beginning with the construction of a new city hall immediately nearby, it has returned to life with the intelligent reuse of these fine old buildings under the design leadership of Benjamin Thompson. He has provided a marvelous setting for dining, shopping, professional office, and simply walking.
Butler Square, in Minneapolis, serves as an example of major changes in its complex of offices, commercial space, and public amenities carved out of a massive pile designed in 1906 as a hardware warehouse. The exciting interior timber structure of the building was highlighted by cutting light courts through the interior and adding large skylights.
San Antonio, Texas, offers a big object lesson for numerous other cities combating urban decay. Rather than bringing in the bulldozers, San Antonio's leaders rehabilitated existing structures, while simultaneously cleaning up the San Antonio River, which runs through the business district. | 758.txt | 0 |
[
"Boston",
"San Francisco",
"Minneapolis",
"San Antonio"
] | According to the passage, Benjamin Thompson was the designer for a project in | The most interesting architectural phenomenon of the 1970's was the enthusiasm for refurnishing older building. Obviously, this was not an entirely new phenomenon. What is new is the whole scale in reusing the past, in recycling, in adaptive rehabilitation. A few trial efforts, such as Ghirardelli Square in San Francisco, proved their financial feasibility in the 1960's, but it was in the 1970's, with strong government support through tax incentives and rapid depreciation, as well as growing interest in ecology issues, that recycling became a major factor on the urban scene. One of the most comprehensive ventures was the restoration and transformation of Boston's eighteenth century Faneuil Hall and the Quincy Market, designed in 1824. This section had fallen on hard times, but beginning with the construction of a new city hall immediately nearby, it has returned to life with the intelligent reuse of these fine old buildings under the design leadership of Benjamin Thompson. He has provided a marvelous setting for dining, shopping, professional office, and simply walking.
Butler Square, in Minneapolis, serves as an example of major changes in its complex of offices, commercial space, and public amenities carved out of a massive pile designed in 1906 as a hardware warehouse. The exciting interior timber structure of the building was highlighted by cutting light courts through the interior and adding large skylights.
San Antonio, Texas, offers a big object lesson for numerous other cities combating urban decay. Rather than bringing in the bulldozers, San Antonio's leaders rehabilitated existing structures, while simultaneously cleaning up the San Antonio River, which runs through the business district. | 758.txt | 0 |
[
"Boston's new city hall",
"sports and recreational facilities",
"commercial and industrial warehouses",
"restaurants, offices, and stores"
] | The space at Quincy Market is now used as _ . | The most interesting architectural phenomenon of the 1970's was the enthusiasm for refurnishing older building. Obviously, this was not an entirely new phenomenon. What is new is the whole scale in reusing the past, in recycling, in adaptive rehabilitation. A few trial efforts, such as Ghirardelli Square in San Francisco, proved their financial feasibility in the 1960's, but it was in the 1970's, with strong government support through tax incentives and rapid depreciation, as well as growing interest in ecology issues, that recycling became a major factor on the urban scene. One of the most comprehensive ventures was the restoration and transformation of Boston's eighteenth century Faneuil Hall and the Quincy Market, designed in 1824. This section had fallen on hard times, but beginning with the construction of a new city hall immediately nearby, it has returned to life with the intelligent reuse of these fine old buildings under the design leadership of Benjamin Thompson. He has provided a marvelous setting for dining, shopping, professional office, and simply walking.
Butler Square, in Minneapolis, serves as an example of major changes in its complex of offices, commercial space, and public amenities carved out of a massive pile designed in 1906 as a hardware warehouse. The exciting interior timber structure of the building was highlighted by cutting light courts through the interior and adding large skylights.
San Antonio, Texas, offers a big object lesson for numerous other cities combating urban decay. Rather than bringing in the bulldozers, San Antonio's leaders rehabilitated existing structures, while simultaneously cleaning up the San Antonio River, which runs through the business district. | 758.txt | 3 |
[
"It is clearly the best of the projects discussed.",
"It is a good project that could be copied by other cities.",
"The extensive use of bulldozers made the project unnecessarily costly.",
"The work done on the river was more important than work done on the buildings."
] | What is the author's opinion of the San Antonio's project? | The most interesting architectural phenomenon of the 1970's was the enthusiasm for refurnishing older building. Obviously, this was not an entirely new phenomenon. What is new is the whole scale in reusing the past, in recycling, in adaptive rehabilitation. A few trial efforts, such as Ghirardelli Square in San Francisco, proved their financial feasibility in the 1960's, but it was in the 1970's, with strong government support through tax incentives and rapid depreciation, as well as growing interest in ecology issues, that recycling became a major factor on the urban scene. One of the most comprehensive ventures was the restoration and transformation of Boston's eighteenth century Faneuil Hall and the Quincy Market, designed in 1824. This section had fallen on hard times, but beginning with the construction of a new city hall immediately nearby, it has returned to life with the intelligent reuse of these fine old buildings under the design leadership of Benjamin Thompson. He has provided a marvelous setting for dining, shopping, professional office, and simply walking.
Butler Square, in Minneapolis, serves as an example of major changes in its complex of offices, commercial space, and public amenities carved out of a massive pile designed in 1906 as a hardware warehouse. The exciting interior timber structure of the building was highlighted by cutting light courts through the interior and adding large skylights.
San Antonio, Texas, offers a big object lesson for numerous other cities combating urban decay. Rather than bringing in the bulldozers, San Antonio's leaders rehabilitated existing structures, while simultaneously cleaning up the San Antonio River, which runs through the business district. | 758.txt | 1 |
[
"it consisted primarily of new buildings",
"it occurred in the business district",
"it involved the environment as well as buildings",
"it was designed to combat urban decay"
] | The passage states that the San Antonio project differed from those in Boston and Minneapolis in that _ . | The most interesting architectural phenomenon of the 1970's was the enthusiasm for refurnishing older building. Obviously, this was not an entirely new phenomenon. What is new is the whole scale in reusing the past, in recycling, in adaptive rehabilitation. A few trial efforts, such as Ghirardelli Square in San Francisco, proved their financial feasibility in the 1960's, but it was in the 1970's, with strong government support through tax incentives and rapid depreciation, as well as growing interest in ecology issues, that recycling became a major factor on the urban scene. One of the most comprehensive ventures was the restoration and transformation of Boston's eighteenth century Faneuil Hall and the Quincy Market, designed in 1824. This section had fallen on hard times, but beginning with the construction of a new city hall immediately nearby, it has returned to life with the intelligent reuse of these fine old buildings under the design leadership of Benjamin Thompson. He has provided a marvelous setting for dining, shopping, professional office, and simply walking.
Butler Square, in Minneapolis, serves as an example of major changes in its complex of offices, commercial space, and public amenities carved out of a massive pile designed in 1906 as a hardware warehouse. The exciting interior timber structure of the building was highlighted by cutting light courts through the interior and adding large skylights.
San Antonio, Texas, offers a big object lesson for numerous other cities combating urban decay. Rather than bringing in the bulldozers, San Antonio's leaders rehabilitated existing structures, while simultaneously cleaning up the San Antonio River, which runs through the business district. | 758.txt | 2 |
[
"explain American's tolerance of current security checks.",
"stress the urgency to strengthen security worldwide.",
"highlight the necessity of upgrading major U.S. airports.",
"emphasize the importance of privacy protection."
] | The crash of EgyptAir Flight 804 is mentioned to | First two hours, now three hours - this is how far in advance authorities are recommending people show up to catch a domestic flight, at least at some major U.S. airports with increasingly massive security lines.
Americans are willing to tolerate time-consuming security protocols in return for increased safety. The crash of Egypt Air Flight 804, which terrorists may have downed over the Mediterranean Sea, provides another tragic reminder of why. But demanding too much of air travelers or providing too little security in return undermines public support for the process. And it should: Wasted time is a drag on Americans' economic and private lives, not to mention infuriating.
Last year, the Transportation Security Administration(TSA) found in a secret check that undercover investigators were able to sneak weapons - both fake and real - past airport security nearly every time they tried. Enhanced security measures since then, combined with a rise in airline travel due to the improving economy and low oil prices, have resulted in long waits at major airports such as Chicago's O'Hare International. It is not yet clear how much more effective airline security has become - but the lines are obvious.
Part of the issue is that the government did not anticipate the steep increase in airline travel, so the TSA is now rushing to get new screeners on the line. Part of the issue is that airports have only so much room for screening lanes. Another factor may be that more people are trying to overpack their carry-on bags to avoid checked-baggage fees, though the airlines strongly dispute this.
There is one step the TSA could take that would not require remodeling airports or rushing to hire: Enroll more people in the PreCheck program. PreCheck is supposed to be a win-win for travelers and the TSA. Passengers who pass a background check are eligible to use expedited screening lanes. This allows the TSA to focus on travelers who are higher risk, saving time for everyone involved. TSA wants to enroll 25 million people in PreCheck.
It has not gotten anywhere close to that, and one big reason is sticker shock: Passengers must pay $85 every five years to process their background checks. Since the beginning, this price tag has been PreCheck's fatal flaw. Upcoming reforms might bring the price to a more reasonable level. But Congress should look into doing so directly, by helping to finance PreCheck enrollment or to cut costs in other ways.
The TSA cannot continue diverting resources into underused PreCheck lanes while most of the traveling public suffers in unnecessary lines. It is long past time to make the program work. | 557.txt | 0 |
[
"New restrictions on carry",
"The declining efficiency of the TSA.",
"An increase in the number of traveler",
"Frequent unexpected secret checks."
] | Which of the following contributes to long waits at major airports? | First two hours, now three hours - this is how far in advance authorities are recommending people show up to catch a domestic flight, at least at some major U.S. airports with increasingly massive security lines.
Americans are willing to tolerate time-consuming security protocols in return for increased safety. The crash of Egypt Air Flight 804, which terrorists may have downed over the Mediterranean Sea, provides another tragic reminder of why. But demanding too much of air travelers or providing too little security in return undermines public support for the process. And it should: Wasted time is a drag on Americans' economic and private lives, not to mention infuriating.
Last year, the Transportation Security Administration(TSA) found in a secret check that undercover investigators were able to sneak weapons - both fake and real - past airport security nearly every time they tried. Enhanced security measures since then, combined with a rise in airline travel due to the improving economy and low oil prices, have resulted in long waits at major airports such as Chicago's O'Hare International. It is not yet clear how much more effective airline security has become - but the lines are obvious.
Part of the issue is that the government did not anticipate the steep increase in airline travel, so the TSA is now rushing to get new screeners on the line. Part of the issue is that airports have only so much room for screening lanes. Another factor may be that more people are trying to overpack their carry-on bags to avoid checked-baggage fees, though the airlines strongly dispute this.
There is one step the TSA could take that would not require remodeling airports or rushing to hire: Enroll more people in the PreCheck program. PreCheck is supposed to be a win-win for travelers and the TSA. Passengers who pass a background check are eligible to use expedited screening lanes. This allows the TSA to focus on travelers who are higher risk, saving time for everyone involved. TSA wants to enroll 25 million people in PreCheck.
It has not gotten anywhere close to that, and one big reason is sticker shock: Passengers must pay $85 every five years to process their background checks. Since the beginning, this price tag has been PreCheck's fatal flaw. Upcoming reforms might bring the price to a more reasonable level. But Congress should look into doing so directly, by helping to finance PreCheck enrollment or to cut costs in other ways.
The TSA cannot continue diverting resources into underused PreCheck lanes while most of the traveling public suffers in unnecessary lines. It is long past time to make the program work. | 557.txt | 2 |
[
"quieter.",
"cheaper.",
"wider.",
"faster."
] | The word"expedited"(Liner 4,Para.5)is closet in meaning to | First two hours, now three hours - this is how far in advance authorities are recommending people show up to catch a domestic flight, at least at some major U.S. airports with increasingly massive security lines.
Americans are willing to tolerate time-consuming security protocols in return for increased safety. The crash of Egypt Air Flight 804, which terrorists may have downed over the Mediterranean Sea, provides another tragic reminder of why. But demanding too much of air travelers or providing too little security in return undermines public support for the process. And it should: Wasted time is a drag on Americans' economic and private lives, not to mention infuriating.
Last year, the Transportation Security Administration(TSA) found in a secret check that undercover investigators were able to sneak weapons - both fake and real - past airport security nearly every time they tried. Enhanced security measures since then, combined with a rise in airline travel due to the improving economy and low oil prices, have resulted in long waits at major airports such as Chicago's O'Hare International. It is not yet clear how much more effective airline security has become - but the lines are obvious.
Part of the issue is that the government did not anticipate the steep increase in airline travel, so the TSA is now rushing to get new screeners on the line. Part of the issue is that airports have only so much room for screening lanes. Another factor may be that more people are trying to overpack their carry-on bags to avoid checked-baggage fees, though the airlines strongly dispute this.
There is one step the TSA could take that would not require remodeling airports or rushing to hire: Enroll more people in the PreCheck program. PreCheck is supposed to be a win-win for travelers and the TSA. Passengers who pass a background check are eligible to use expedited screening lanes. This allows the TSA to focus on travelers who are higher risk, saving time for everyone involved. TSA wants to enroll 25 million people in PreCheck.
It has not gotten anywhere close to that, and one big reason is sticker shock: Passengers must pay $85 every five years to process their background checks. Since the beginning, this price tag has been PreCheck's fatal flaw. Upcoming reforms might bring the price to a more reasonable level. But Congress should look into doing so directly, by helping to finance PreCheck enrollment or to cut costs in other ways.
The TSA cannot continue diverting resources into underused PreCheck lanes while most of the traveling public suffers in unnecessary lines. It is long past time to make the program work. | 557.txt | 3 |
[
"a dramatic reduction of its scale.",
"its wrongly-directed implementation.",
"the government's reluctance to back it.",
"an unreasonable price for enrollment."
] | One problem with the PreCheck program is | First two hours, now three hours - this is how far in advance authorities are recommending people show up to catch a domestic flight, at least at some major U.S. airports with increasingly massive security lines.
Americans are willing to tolerate time-consuming security protocols in return for increased safety. The crash of Egypt Air Flight 804, which terrorists may have downed over the Mediterranean Sea, provides another tragic reminder of why. But demanding too much of air travelers or providing too little security in return undermines public support for the process. And it should: Wasted time is a drag on Americans' economic and private lives, not to mention infuriating.
Last year, the Transportation Security Administration(TSA) found in a secret check that undercover investigators were able to sneak weapons - both fake and real - past airport security nearly every time they tried. Enhanced security measures since then, combined with a rise in airline travel due to the improving economy and low oil prices, have resulted in long waits at major airports such as Chicago's O'Hare International. It is not yet clear how much more effective airline security has become - but the lines are obvious.
Part of the issue is that the government did not anticipate the steep increase in airline travel, so the TSA is now rushing to get new screeners on the line. Part of the issue is that airports have only so much room for screening lanes. Another factor may be that more people are trying to overpack their carry-on bags to avoid checked-baggage fees, though the airlines strongly dispute this.
There is one step the TSA could take that would not require remodeling airports or rushing to hire: Enroll more people in the PreCheck program. PreCheck is supposed to be a win-win for travelers and the TSA. Passengers who pass a background check are eligible to use expedited screening lanes. This allows the TSA to focus on travelers who are higher risk, saving time for everyone involved. TSA wants to enroll 25 million people in PreCheck.
It has not gotten anywhere close to that, and one big reason is sticker shock: Passengers must pay $85 every five years to process their background checks. Since the beginning, this price tag has been PreCheck's fatal flaw. Upcoming reforms might bring the price to a more reasonable level. But Congress should look into doing so directly, by helping to finance PreCheck enrollment or to cut costs in other ways.
The TSA cannot continue diverting resources into underused PreCheck lanes while most of the traveling public suffers in unnecessary lines. It is long past time to make the program work. | 557.txt | 3 |
[
"Less Screening for More Safety",
"PreCheck-a Belated Solution",
"Getting Stuck in Security Lines",
"Underused PreCheck Lanes"
] | Which of the following would be the best title for the text? | First two hours, now three hours - this is how far in advance authorities are recommending people show up to catch a domestic flight, at least at some major U.S. airports with increasingly massive security lines.
Americans are willing to tolerate time-consuming security protocols in return for increased safety. The crash of Egypt Air Flight 804, which terrorists may have downed over the Mediterranean Sea, provides another tragic reminder of why. But demanding too much of air travelers or providing too little security in return undermines public support for the process. And it should: Wasted time is a drag on Americans' economic and private lives, not to mention infuriating.
Last year, the Transportation Security Administration(TSA) found in a secret check that undercover investigators were able to sneak weapons - both fake and real - past airport security nearly every time they tried. Enhanced security measures since then, combined with a rise in airline travel due to the improving economy and low oil prices, have resulted in long waits at major airports such as Chicago's O'Hare International. It is not yet clear how much more effective airline security has become - but the lines are obvious.
Part of the issue is that the government did not anticipate the steep increase in airline travel, so the TSA is now rushing to get new screeners on the line. Part of the issue is that airports have only so much room for screening lanes. Another factor may be that more people are trying to overpack their carry-on bags to avoid checked-baggage fees, though the airlines strongly dispute this.
There is one step the TSA could take that would not require remodeling airports or rushing to hire: Enroll more people in the PreCheck program. PreCheck is supposed to be a win-win for travelers and the TSA. Passengers who pass a background check are eligible to use expedited screening lanes. This allows the TSA to focus on travelers who are higher risk, saving time for everyone involved. TSA wants to enroll 25 million people in PreCheck.
It has not gotten anywhere close to that, and one big reason is sticker shock: Passengers must pay $85 every five years to process their background checks. Since the beginning, this price tag has been PreCheck's fatal flaw. Upcoming reforms might bring the price to a more reasonable level. But Congress should look into doing so directly, by helping to finance PreCheck enrollment or to cut costs in other ways.
The TSA cannot continue diverting resources into underused PreCheck lanes while most of the traveling public suffers in unnecessary lines. It is long past time to make the program work. | 557.txt | 2 |
[
"went to live with their mother's family",
"were brought up by their father",
"never saw each other again",
"were separated until 1954"
] | After their parents' divorce, Oscar and Jack _ . | Oscar and Jack are identical twins, separated when they were babies by their parent's divorce. Jack was brought up by their Jewish father in Trinidad, Oscar went to live with their mother's family in Czechoslovakia. In fact Oscar did not know he was Jewish until Jack found him in Germany in 1954. Jack is proud to be a Jew, but Oscar still does not like to talk about his Jewish heritage. Yet the twins are similar in many ways. They both like spicy food and sweet drinks. In school they both did well in sports but poorly in mathematics.
Are thoughts and behavior determined by heredity or by environment? Social scientists have long been interested in this question; the results of "twin studies" are particularly interesting to them. Twin studies of the similarities and differences between twins. There are two types of twins: identical twins, who look exactly the same because they have identical genetic characteristics, and fraternal twins, who have different genetic characteristics. In a 1937 study, Newman, Freeman, and Halzinger found that identical twins are more similar in height and weight than fraternal twins. Because identical twins have the same genetic characteristics, the conclusion was that size is determined more by heredity than by environment. In 1962, James Shields compared the height, weight, and intelligence of identical twins who were brought up together (in the same environment) with those of identical twins brought up apart (in different environments). He found that although the differences were small, identical twins who were brought up together were more similar than those brought up apart. Shields concluded that height, weight, and intelligence are largely determined by heredity. However, because of the differences between identical twins brought up together and those brought up apart, these characteristics may be partly determined by environment.
In the case of Oscar and Jack, heredity seems to determine physical and mental abilities, tastes, and behavior. Environment seems to determine thought. | 1460.txt | 3 |
[
"physical ability",
"behavior",
"mental ability",
"thought"
] | Although Oscar and Jack are similar in many ways, they seem to be different in | Oscar and Jack are identical twins, separated when they were babies by their parent's divorce. Jack was brought up by their Jewish father in Trinidad, Oscar went to live with their mother's family in Czechoslovakia. In fact Oscar did not know he was Jewish until Jack found him in Germany in 1954. Jack is proud to be a Jew, but Oscar still does not like to talk about his Jewish heritage. Yet the twins are similar in many ways. They both like spicy food and sweet drinks. In school they both did well in sports but poorly in mathematics.
Are thoughts and behavior determined by heredity or by environment? Social scientists have long been interested in this question; the results of "twin studies" are particularly interesting to them. Twin studies of the similarities and differences between twins. There are two types of twins: identical twins, who look exactly the same because they have identical genetic characteristics, and fraternal twins, who have different genetic characteristics. In a 1937 study, Newman, Freeman, and Halzinger found that identical twins are more similar in height and weight than fraternal twins. Because identical twins have the same genetic characteristics, the conclusion was that size is determined more by heredity than by environment. In 1962, James Shields compared the height, weight, and intelligence of identical twins who were brought up together (in the same environment) with those of identical twins brought up apart (in different environments). He found that although the differences were small, identical twins who were brought up together were more similar than those brought up apart. Shields concluded that height, weight, and intelligence are largely determined by heredity. However, because of the differences between identical twins brought up together and those brought up apart, these characteristics may be partly determined by environment.
In the case of Oscar and Jack, heredity seems to determine physical and mental abilities, tastes, and behavior. Environment seems to determine thought. | 1460.txt | 3 |
[
"they have the same mother",
"they have the same genetic characteristics",
"they were brought up together",
"they were born at the same time"
] | Identical twins are more similar than fraternal twins because | Oscar and Jack are identical twins, separated when they were babies by their parent's divorce. Jack was brought up by their Jewish father in Trinidad, Oscar went to live with their mother's family in Czechoslovakia. In fact Oscar did not know he was Jewish until Jack found him in Germany in 1954. Jack is proud to be a Jew, but Oscar still does not like to talk about his Jewish heritage. Yet the twins are similar in many ways. They both like spicy food and sweet drinks. In school they both did well in sports but poorly in mathematics.
Are thoughts and behavior determined by heredity or by environment? Social scientists have long been interested in this question; the results of "twin studies" are particularly interesting to them. Twin studies of the similarities and differences between twins. There are two types of twins: identical twins, who look exactly the same because they have identical genetic characteristics, and fraternal twins, who have different genetic characteristics. In a 1937 study, Newman, Freeman, and Halzinger found that identical twins are more similar in height and weight than fraternal twins. Because identical twins have the same genetic characteristics, the conclusion was that size is determined more by heredity than by environment. In 1962, James Shields compared the height, weight, and intelligence of identical twins who were brought up together (in the same environment) with those of identical twins brought up apart (in different environments). He found that although the differences were small, identical twins who were brought up together were more similar than those brought up apart. Shields concluded that height, weight, and intelligence are largely determined by heredity. However, because of the differences between identical twins brought up together and those brought up apart, these characteristics may be partly determined by environment.
In the case of Oscar and Jack, heredity seems to determine physical and mental abilities, tastes, and behavior. Environment seems to determine thought. | 1460.txt | 1 |
[
"size is determined by height, weight, and environment",
"identical twins are taller and heavier than fraternal twins",
"size is determined more by heredity than by environment",
"identical twins are more similar than fraternal twins"
] | The conclusion of Newman, Freeman and Halzinger's 1937 twin study was that | Oscar and Jack are identical twins, separated when they were babies by their parent's divorce. Jack was brought up by their Jewish father in Trinidad, Oscar went to live with their mother's family in Czechoslovakia. In fact Oscar did not know he was Jewish until Jack found him in Germany in 1954. Jack is proud to be a Jew, but Oscar still does not like to talk about his Jewish heritage. Yet the twins are similar in many ways. They both like spicy food and sweet drinks. In school they both did well in sports but poorly in mathematics.
Are thoughts and behavior determined by heredity or by environment? Social scientists have long been interested in this question; the results of "twin studies" are particularly interesting to them. Twin studies of the similarities and differences between twins. There are two types of twins: identical twins, who look exactly the same because they have identical genetic characteristics, and fraternal twins, who have different genetic characteristics. In a 1937 study, Newman, Freeman, and Halzinger found that identical twins are more similar in height and weight than fraternal twins. Because identical twins have the same genetic characteristics, the conclusion was that size is determined more by heredity than by environment. In 1962, James Shields compared the height, weight, and intelligence of identical twins who were brought up together (in the same environment) with those of identical twins brought up apart (in different environments). He found that although the differences were small, identical twins who were brought up together were more similar than those brought up apart. Shields concluded that height, weight, and intelligence are largely determined by heredity. However, because of the differences between identical twins brought up together and those brought up apart, these characteristics may be partly determined by environment.
In the case of Oscar and Jack, heredity seems to determine physical and mental abilities, tastes, and behavior. Environment seems to determine thought. | 1460.txt | 2 |
[
"he also compared the intelligence of the twins in his study",
"he compared twins brought up together with those brought up apart",
"only identical twins were included in his study",
"all of the environment factors were carefully controlled"
] | Shield drew a slightly different conclusion from his study because_ . | Oscar and Jack are identical twins, separated when they were babies by their parent's divorce. Jack was brought up by their Jewish father in Trinidad, Oscar went to live with their mother's family in Czechoslovakia. In fact Oscar did not know he was Jewish until Jack found him in Germany in 1954. Jack is proud to be a Jew, but Oscar still does not like to talk about his Jewish heritage. Yet the twins are similar in many ways. They both like spicy food and sweet drinks. In school they both did well in sports but poorly in mathematics.
Are thoughts and behavior determined by heredity or by environment? Social scientists have long been interested in this question; the results of "twin studies" are particularly interesting to them. Twin studies of the similarities and differences between twins. There are two types of twins: identical twins, who look exactly the same because they have identical genetic characteristics, and fraternal twins, who have different genetic characteristics. In a 1937 study, Newman, Freeman, and Halzinger found that identical twins are more similar in height and weight than fraternal twins. Because identical twins have the same genetic characteristics, the conclusion was that size is determined more by heredity than by environment. In 1962, James Shields compared the height, weight, and intelligence of identical twins who were brought up together (in the same environment) with those of identical twins brought up apart (in different environments). He found that although the differences were small, identical twins who were brought up together were more similar than those brought up apart. Shields concluded that height, weight, and intelligence are largely determined by heredity. However, because of the differences between identical twins brought up together and those brought up apart, these characteristics may be partly determined by environment.
In the case of Oscar and Jack, heredity seems to determine physical and mental abilities, tastes, and behavior. Environment seems to determine thought. | 1460.txt | 1 |
[
"praised the UK for its GDP.",
"identified GDP with happiness.",
"misinterpreted the role of GDP.",
"had a low opinion of GDP."
] | Robert F.Kennedy is cited because he | Robert F.Kennedy once said that a country's GDP measures"everything except that which makes life worthwhile."With Britain voting to leave the European Union,and GDP already predicted to slow as a result,it is now a timely moment to assess what he was referring to.
The question of GDP and its usefulness has annoyed policymakers for over half a century.Many argue that it is a flawed concept.It measures things that do not matter and misses things that do.By most recent measures,the UK's GDP has been the envy of the Western world,with record low unemployment and high growth figures.If everything was going so well,then why did over 17 million people vote for
Brexit,despite the warnings about what it could do to their country's economic prospects?
A recent annual study of countries and their ability to convert growth into well-being sheds some light on that question.Across the 163 countries measured,the UK is one of the poorest performers in ensuring that economic growth is translated into meaningful improvements for its citizens.Rather than just focusing on GDP,over 40 different sets of criteria from health,education and civil society engagement have been measured to get a more rounded assessment of how countries are performing.
While all of these countries face their own challenges,there are a number of consistent themes.Yes,there has been a budding economic recovery since the 2008 global crash,but in key indicators in areas such as health and education,major economies have continued to decline.Yet this isn't the case with all countries.Some relatively poor European countries have seen huge improvements across measures including civil society,income equality and environment.
This is a lesson that rich countries can learn:When GDP is no longer regarded as the sole measure of a country's success,the world looks very different.
So what Kennedy was referring to was that while GDP has been the most common method for measuring the economic activity of nations,as a measure,it is no longer enough.It does not include important factors such as environmental quality or education outcomes-all things that contribute to a person's sense of well-being.
The sharp hit to growth predicted around the world and in the UK could lead to a decline in the everyday services we depend on for our well-being and for growth.But policymakers who refocus efforts on improving well-being rather than simply worrying about GDP figures could avoid the forecasted doom and may even see progress. | 590.txt | 3 |
[
"the UK is reluctant to remold its economic pattern.",
"the UK will contribute less to the world economy.",
"GDP as the measure of success is widely defied in the UK.",
"policymakers in the UK are paying less attention to GDP."
] | It can be inferred from Paragraph 2 that | Robert F.Kennedy once said that a country's GDP measures"everything except that which makes life worthwhile."With Britain voting to leave the European Union,and GDP already predicted to slow as a result,it is now a timely moment to assess what he was referring to.
The question of GDP and its usefulness has annoyed policymakers for over half a century.Many argue that it is a flawed concept.It measures things that do not matter and misses things that do.By most recent measures,the UK's GDP has been the envy of the Western world,with record low unemployment and high growth figures.If everything was going so well,then why did over 17 million people vote for
Brexit,despite the warnings about what it could do to their country's economic prospects?
A recent annual study of countries and their ability to convert growth into well-being sheds some light on that question.Across the 163 countries measured,the UK is one of the poorest performers in ensuring that economic growth is translated into meaningful improvements for its citizens.Rather than just focusing on GDP,over 40 different sets of criteria from health,education and civil society engagement have been measured to get a more rounded assessment of how countries are performing.
While all of these countries face their own challenges,there are a number of consistent themes.Yes,there has been a budding economic recovery since the 2008 global crash,but in key indicators in areas such as health and education,major economies have continued to decline.Yet this isn't the case with all countries.Some relatively poor European countries have seen huge improvements across measures including civil society,income equality and environment.
This is a lesson that rich countries can learn:When GDP is no longer regarded as the sole measure of a country's success,the world looks very different.
So what Kennedy was referring to was that while GDP has been the most common method for measuring the economic activity of nations,as a measure,it is no longer enough.It does not include important factors such as environmental quality or education outcomes-all things that contribute to a person's sense of well-being.
The sharp hit to growth predicted around the world and in the UK could lead to a decline in the everyday services we depend on for our well-being and for growth.But policymakers who refocus efforts on improving well-being rather than simply worrying about GDP figures could avoid the forecasted doom and may even see progress. | 590.txt | 2 |
[
"It excludes GDP as an indicator.",
"It is sponsored by 163 countries.",
"Its criteria are questionable.",
"Its results are enlightening."
] | Which of the following is true about the recent annual study? | Robert F.Kennedy once said that a country's GDP measures"everything except that which makes life worthwhile."With Britain voting to leave the European Union,and GDP already predicted to slow as a result,it is now a timely moment to assess what he was referring to.
The question of GDP and its usefulness has annoyed policymakers for over half a century.Many argue that it is a flawed concept.It measures things that do not matter and misses things that do.By most recent measures,the UK's GDP has been the envy of the Western world,with record low unemployment and high growth figures.If everything was going so well,then why did over 17 million people vote for
Brexit,despite the warnings about what it could do to their country's economic prospects?
A recent annual study of countries and their ability to convert growth into well-being sheds some light on that question.Across the 163 countries measured,the UK is one of the poorest performers in ensuring that economic growth is translated into meaningful improvements for its citizens.Rather than just focusing on GDP,over 40 different sets of criteria from health,education and civil society engagement have been measured to get a more rounded assessment of how countries are performing.
While all of these countries face their own challenges,there are a number of consistent themes.Yes,there has been a budding economic recovery since the 2008 global crash,but in key indicators in areas such as health and education,major economies have continued to decline.Yet this isn't the case with all countries.Some relatively poor European countries have seen huge improvements across measures including civil society,income equality and environment.
This is a lesson that rich countries can learn:When GDP is no longer regarded as the sole measure of a country's success,the world looks very different.
So what Kennedy was referring to was that while GDP has been the most common method for measuring the economic activity of nations,as a measure,it is no longer enough.It does not include important factors such as environmental quality or education outcomes-all things that contribute to a person's sense of well-being.
The sharp hit to growth predicted around the world and in the UK could lead to a decline in the everyday services we depend on for our well-being and for growth.But policymakers who refocus efforts on improving well-being rather than simply worrying about GDP figures could avoid the forecasted doom and may even see progress. | 590.txt | 3 |
[
"the UK is preparing for an economic boom.",
"high GDP foreshadows an economic decline.",
"it is essential to consider factors beyond GDP.",
"it requires caution to handle economic issues."
] | In the last two paragraphs,the author suggests that | Robert F.Kennedy once said that a country's GDP measures"everything except that which makes life worthwhile."With Britain voting to leave the European Union,and GDP already predicted to slow as a result,it is now a timely moment to assess what he was referring to.
The question of GDP and its usefulness has annoyed policymakers for over half a century.Many argue that it is a flawed concept.It measures things that do not matter and misses things that do.By most recent measures,the UK's GDP has been the envy of the Western world,with record low unemployment and high growth figures.If everything was going so well,then why did over 17 million people vote for
Brexit,despite the warnings about what it could do to their country's economic prospects?
A recent annual study of countries and their ability to convert growth into well-being sheds some light on that question.Across the 163 countries measured,the UK is one of the poorest performers in ensuring that economic growth is translated into meaningful improvements for its citizens.Rather than just focusing on GDP,over 40 different sets of criteria from health,education and civil society engagement have been measured to get a more rounded assessment of how countries are performing.
While all of these countries face their own challenges,there are a number of consistent themes.Yes,there has been a budding economic recovery since the 2008 global crash,but in key indicators in areas such as health and education,major economies have continued to decline.Yet this isn't the case with all countries.Some relatively poor European countries have seen huge improvements across measures including civil society,income equality and environment.
This is a lesson that rich countries can learn:When GDP is no longer regarded as the sole measure of a country's success,the world looks very different.
So what Kennedy was referring to was that while GDP has been the most common method for measuring the economic activity of nations,as a measure,it is no longer enough.It does not include important factors such as environmental quality or education outcomes-all things that contribute to a person's sense of well-being.
The sharp hit to growth predicted around the world and in the UK could lead to a decline in the everyday services we depend on for our well-being and for growth.But policymakers who refocus efforts on improving well-being rather than simply worrying about GDP figures could avoid the forecasted doom and may even see progress. | 590.txt | 2 |
[
"High GDP But Inadequate Well-being,a UK lesson",
"GDP figures,a Window on Global Economic Health",
"Robert F.Kennedy,a Terminator of GDP",
"Brexit,the UK's Gateway to Well-being"
] | Which of the following is the best for the text? | Robert F.Kennedy once said that a country's GDP measures"everything except that which makes life worthwhile."With Britain voting to leave the European Union,and GDP already predicted to slow as a result,it is now a timely moment to assess what he was referring to.
The question of GDP and its usefulness has annoyed policymakers for over half a century.Many argue that it is a flawed concept.It measures things that do not matter and misses things that do.By most recent measures,the UK's GDP has been the envy of the Western world,with record low unemployment and high growth figures.If everything was going so well,then why did over 17 million people vote for
Brexit,despite the warnings about what it could do to their country's economic prospects?
A recent annual study of countries and their ability to convert growth into well-being sheds some light on that question.Across the 163 countries measured,the UK is one of the poorest performers in ensuring that economic growth is translated into meaningful improvements for its citizens.Rather than just focusing on GDP,over 40 different sets of criteria from health,education and civil society engagement have been measured to get a more rounded assessment of how countries are performing.
While all of these countries face their own challenges,there are a number of consistent themes.Yes,there has been a budding economic recovery since the 2008 global crash,but in key indicators in areas such as health and education,major economies have continued to decline.Yet this isn't the case with all countries.Some relatively poor European countries have seen huge improvements across measures including civil society,income equality and environment.
This is a lesson that rich countries can learn:When GDP is no longer regarded as the sole measure of a country's success,the world looks very different.
So what Kennedy was referring to was that while GDP has been the most common method for measuring the economic activity of nations,as a measure,it is no longer enough.It does not include important factors such as environmental quality or education outcomes-all things that contribute to a person's sense of well-being.
The sharp hit to growth predicted around the world and in the UK could lead to a decline in the everyday services we depend on for our well-being and for growth.But policymakers who refocus efforts on improving well-being rather than simply worrying about GDP figures could avoid the forecasted doom and may even see progress. | 590.txt | 0 |
[
"are diverse",
"are conflicting",
"have been changing",
"are no longer followed"
] | The traditional roles for men and women _ . | All societies have distinct role expectations for men and for women. In the United States these expectations have been undergoing change for many decades. Today Americans live in a world of diverse family patterns and conflicting images of ideal life styles for men and women. The conventional norms of the first half century defined a successful woman as a wife and mother who stayed home to carry out a full array of household duties. The husband and father was expected to stay away from the home most of the day, earning enough money to pay the bills. Many adults still live by these expectations, but the traditional pattern is no longer held up as an ideal to be followed by everyone. Times have changed; there is no return to yesterday.
Although the women's movement and political controversies about such issues and the Equal Rights Amendment and sexual harassment suggest that changing sex roles is a recent issue, this is far from the case. Broad trends can be identified over the past hundred years. Women have increased their participation in the labor force from 18% in 1900 to over 50% today, and they give birth to fewer children than women did in the past. In 1910 the birth rate was 30 per 1,000 population; by the 1900s it had declined to 16 per 1,000. These two trends - increasing participation in the labor force and decreasing family size - suggest that major long-term changes have restructured the role expectations of men and women. These changes are complex. The fact that more women are joining the labor force as full-time workers does not mean that a single sex role pattern is emerging.
On the contrary, we are living in a period of diverse family patterns. According to Kathleen Gerson, "the domestic woman who builds her life around children and homemaking persists, but she now coexists with a growing number of working mothers and permanently childless women."
Women today face hard choices as they make decisions about work, career, and motherhood. Despite women's liberation, women still earn less than men in the work place and are still expected to do most of the work in the home. Women work substantially more hours each week in the home and at the workplace than men do. Women are working harder than ever, yet many do not enjoy the benefits of full equality. | 2759.txt | 2 |
[
"women have increased their participation in the labor force over the past hundred years",
"more and more women are becoming working mothers or childless women",
"the conventional image of women has changed beyond recognition",
"people have changed their expectations of women in modern society"
] | Changing sex roles is not a recent issue because _ . | All societies have distinct role expectations for men and for women. In the United States these expectations have been undergoing change for many decades. Today Americans live in a world of diverse family patterns and conflicting images of ideal life styles for men and women. The conventional norms of the first half century defined a successful woman as a wife and mother who stayed home to carry out a full array of household duties. The husband and father was expected to stay away from the home most of the day, earning enough money to pay the bills. Many adults still live by these expectations, but the traditional pattern is no longer held up as an ideal to be followed by everyone. Times have changed; there is no return to yesterday.
Although the women's movement and political controversies about such issues and the Equal Rights Amendment and sexual harassment suggest that changing sex roles is a recent issue, this is far from the case. Broad trends can be identified over the past hundred years. Women have increased their participation in the labor force from 18% in 1900 to over 50% today, and they give birth to fewer children than women did in the past. In 1910 the birth rate was 30 per 1,000 population; by the 1900s it had declined to 16 per 1,000. These two trends - increasing participation in the labor force and decreasing family size - suggest that major long-term changes have restructured the role expectations of men and women. These changes are complex. The fact that more women are joining the labor force as full-time workers does not mean that a single sex role pattern is emerging.
On the contrary, we are living in a period of diverse family patterns. According to Kathleen Gerson, "the domestic woman who builds her life around children and homemaking persists, but she now coexists with a growing number of working mothers and permanently childless women."
Women today face hard choices as they make decisions about work, career, and motherhood. Despite women's liberation, women still earn less than men in the work place and are still expected to do most of the work in the home. Women work substantially more hours each week in the home and at the workplace than men do. Women are working harder than ever, yet many do not enjoy the benefits of full equality. | 2759.txt | 0 |
[
"women are becoming more independent",
"the family patterns are becoming diverse",
"a single-role pattern is emerging",
"women are eager to work"
] | The fact that more women are joining the labor force as full time workers mean that _ . | All societies have distinct role expectations for men and for women. In the United States these expectations have been undergoing change for many decades. Today Americans live in a world of diverse family patterns and conflicting images of ideal life styles for men and women. The conventional norms of the first half century defined a successful woman as a wife and mother who stayed home to carry out a full array of household duties. The husband and father was expected to stay away from the home most of the day, earning enough money to pay the bills. Many adults still live by these expectations, but the traditional pattern is no longer held up as an ideal to be followed by everyone. Times have changed; there is no return to yesterday.
Although the women's movement and political controversies about such issues and the Equal Rights Amendment and sexual harassment suggest that changing sex roles is a recent issue, this is far from the case. Broad trends can be identified over the past hundred years. Women have increased their participation in the labor force from 18% in 1900 to over 50% today, and they give birth to fewer children than women did in the past. In 1910 the birth rate was 30 per 1,000 population; by the 1900s it had declined to 16 per 1,000. These two trends - increasing participation in the labor force and decreasing family size - suggest that major long-term changes have restructured the role expectations of men and women. These changes are complex. The fact that more women are joining the labor force as full-time workers does not mean that a single sex role pattern is emerging.
On the contrary, we are living in a period of diverse family patterns. According to Kathleen Gerson, "the domestic woman who builds her life around children and homemaking persists, but she now coexists with a growing number of working mothers and permanently childless women."
Women today face hard choices as they make decisions about work, career, and motherhood. Despite women's liberation, women still earn less than men in the work place and are still expected to do most of the work in the home. Women work substantially more hours each week in the home and at the workplace than men do. Women are working harder than ever, yet many do not enjoy the benefits of full equality. | 2759.txt | 1 |
[
"women today still suffer from inequality in work and life",
"women's liberation has promoted their social status",
"the society expects more from women than from men",
"women are more capable and diligent than men"
] | It's stated in the last paragraph that _ . | All societies have distinct role expectations for men and for women. In the United States these expectations have been undergoing change for many decades. Today Americans live in a world of diverse family patterns and conflicting images of ideal life styles for men and women. The conventional norms of the first half century defined a successful woman as a wife and mother who stayed home to carry out a full array of household duties. The husband and father was expected to stay away from the home most of the day, earning enough money to pay the bills. Many adults still live by these expectations, but the traditional pattern is no longer held up as an ideal to be followed by everyone. Times have changed; there is no return to yesterday.
Although the women's movement and political controversies about such issues and the Equal Rights Amendment and sexual harassment suggest that changing sex roles is a recent issue, this is far from the case. Broad trends can be identified over the past hundred years. Women have increased their participation in the labor force from 18% in 1900 to over 50% today, and they give birth to fewer children than women did in the past. In 1910 the birth rate was 30 per 1,000 population; by the 1900s it had declined to 16 per 1,000. These two trends - increasing participation in the labor force and decreasing family size - suggest that major long-term changes have restructured the role expectations of men and women. These changes are complex. The fact that more women are joining the labor force as full-time workers does not mean that a single sex role pattern is emerging.
On the contrary, we are living in a period of diverse family patterns. According to Kathleen Gerson, "the domestic woman who builds her life around children and homemaking persists, but she now coexists with a growing number of working mothers and permanently childless women."
Women today face hard choices as they make decisions about work, career, and motherhood. Despite women's liberation, women still earn less than men in the work place and are still expected to do most of the work in the home. Women work substantially more hours each week in the home and at the workplace than men do. Women are working harder than ever, yet many do not enjoy the benefits of full equality. | 2759.txt | 0 |
[
"many people still follow the conventional norms of life style",
"women today give birth to fewer children than women in the past",
"more and more women choose to work rather than to be housewives",
"men do as much domestic work as women do at home"
] | According to this passage, the statement which is NOT true is _ . | All societies have distinct role expectations for men and for women. In the United States these expectations have been undergoing change for many decades. Today Americans live in a world of diverse family patterns and conflicting images of ideal life styles for men and women. The conventional norms of the first half century defined a successful woman as a wife and mother who stayed home to carry out a full array of household duties. The husband and father was expected to stay away from the home most of the day, earning enough money to pay the bills. Many adults still live by these expectations, but the traditional pattern is no longer held up as an ideal to be followed by everyone. Times have changed; there is no return to yesterday.
Although the women's movement and political controversies about such issues and the Equal Rights Amendment and sexual harassment suggest that changing sex roles is a recent issue, this is far from the case. Broad trends can be identified over the past hundred years. Women have increased their participation in the labor force from 18% in 1900 to over 50% today, and they give birth to fewer children than women did in the past. In 1910 the birth rate was 30 per 1,000 population; by the 1900s it had declined to 16 per 1,000. These two trends - increasing participation in the labor force and decreasing family size - suggest that major long-term changes have restructured the role expectations of men and women. These changes are complex. The fact that more women are joining the labor force as full-time workers does not mean that a single sex role pattern is emerging.
On the contrary, we are living in a period of diverse family patterns. According to Kathleen Gerson, "the domestic woman who builds her life around children and homemaking persists, but she now coexists with a growing number of working mothers and permanently childless women."
Women today face hard choices as they make decisions about work, career, and motherhood. Despite women's liberation, women still earn less than men in the work place and are still expected to do most of the work in the home. Women work substantially more hours each week in the home and at the workplace than men do. Women are working harder than ever, yet many do not enjoy the benefits of full equality. | 2759.txt | 3 |
[
"Allits courses are offered online.",
"Itsonline courses are of the best quality.",
"It boasts the largest number of studentson campus.",
"Anyone taking its online courses is sure to get a degree."
] | What is the most striking feature of theUniversity of Phoenix? | Byalmost any measure, there is a boom in Intemet-based instruction. In just a fewyears,34 percent ofAmerican universities have begun offering some form ofdistance learning (DL), and among the larger schools,it's closer to 90 percent.If you doubt the popularity of the trend, you probably haven't heard of theUniversity ofPhoenix. It grants degrees entirely on the basis of onlineinstruction. It enrolls 90,000 students, a statistic used tosupport its claimto be the largest private university in the country.
Whilethe kinds of instruction offered in these programs will differ, DL usuallysignifies a course in which theinstructors post syllabi( ), reading assignments, and schedules on Websites, and students sendin theirassignments by e-mail. Generally speaking, face-to-face communicationwith an instructor is minimized oreliminated altogether.
Theattraction for students might at first seem obvious. Primarily, there's theconvenience promised by courseson the Net: you can do the work, as they say, inyour pajamas ( ). But figures indicate that the reducedeffortresults in a reduced commitment to the course. While dropout rates for allfreshmen at American universitiesis around 20 percent, the rate for onlinestudents is 35 percent. Students themselves seem to understand theweaknessesinherent in the setup. In a survey conducted for eComell, the DL division ofComell University, lessthan a third of the respondents expected the quality ofthe online course to be as good as the classroom course.
Clearly,from the schools' perspective, there's a lot of money to be saved. Althoughsome of the moreambitious programs require new investments in servers andnetworks to support collaborative software, most DLcourses can run on existingor minimally upgradedsystems. The more students who enroll in acourse butdon't come to campus, the more the school saves on keeping the lightson in the classrooms, paying doorkeepers,and maintaining parking lots. Andthere's evidence that instructors must work harder to run a DL course foravariety of reasons, they won't be paid any more, and might well be paid less. | 916.txt | 0 |
[
"aconsiderable flexibility in its academic requirements",
"the great diversity ofstudents' academic backgrounds",
"a minimum or total absence of face-to'faceinstruction",
"the casual relationship between students and professors"
] | According to the passage, distance learning isbasically characterized by _ | Byalmost any measure, there is a boom in Intemet-based instruction. In just a fewyears,34 percent ofAmerican universities have begun offering some form ofdistance learning (DL), and among the larger schools,it's closer to 90 percent.If you doubt the popularity of the trend, you probably haven't heard of theUniversity ofPhoenix. It grants degrees entirely on the basis of onlineinstruction. It enrolls 90,000 students, a statistic used tosupport its claimto be the largest private university in the country.
Whilethe kinds of instruction offered in these programs will differ, DL usuallysignifies a course in which theinstructors post syllabi( ), reading assignments, and schedules on Websites, and students sendin theirassignments by e-mail. Generally speaking, face-to-face communicationwith an instructor is minimized oreliminated altogether.
Theattraction for students might at first seem obvious. Primarily, there's theconvenience promised by courseson the Net: you can do the work, as they say, inyour pajamas ( ). But figures indicate that the reducedeffortresults in a reduced commitment to the course. While dropout rates for allfreshmen at American universitiesis around 20 percent, the rate for onlinestudents is 35 percent. Students themselves seem to understand theweaknessesinherent in the setup. In a survey conducted for eComell, the DL division ofComell University, lessthan a third of the respondents expected the quality ofthe online course to be as good as the classroom course.
Clearly,from the schools' perspective, there's a lot of money to be saved. Althoughsome of the moreambitious programs require new investments in servers andnetworks to support collaborative software, most DLcourses can run on existingor minimally upgradedsystems. The more students who enroll in acourse butdon't come to campus, the more the school saves on keeping the lightson in the classrooms, paying doorkeepers,and maintaining parking lots. Andthere's evidence that instructors must work harder to run a DL course foravariety of reasons, they won't be paid any more, and might well be paid less. | 916.txt | 2 |
[
"earntheir academic degrees With much less effort",
"savea great deal on traveling and boarding expenses",
"select courses from variouscolleges and universities",
"work on the required courses whenever andwherever"
] | Manystudents take Internet-based courses mainly because they can _ | Byalmost any measure, there is a boom in Intemet-based instruction. In just a fewyears,34 percent ofAmerican universities have begun offering some form ofdistance learning (DL), and among the larger schools,it's closer to 90 percent.If you doubt the popularity of the trend, you probably haven't heard of theUniversity ofPhoenix. It grants degrees entirely on the basis of onlineinstruction. It enrolls 90,000 students, a statistic used tosupport its claimto be the largest private university in the country.
Whilethe kinds of instruction offered in these programs will differ, DL usuallysignifies a course in which theinstructors post syllabi( ), reading assignments, and schedules on Websites, and students sendin theirassignments by e-mail. Generally speaking, face-to-face communicationwith an instructor is minimized oreliminated altogether.
Theattraction for students might at first seem obvious. Primarily, there's theconvenience promised by courseson the Net: you can do the work, as they say, inyour pajamas ( ). But figures indicate that the reducedeffortresults in a reduced commitment to the course. While dropout rates for allfreshmen at American universitiesis around 20 percent, the rate for onlinestudents is 35 percent. Students themselves seem to understand theweaknessesinherent in the setup. In a survey conducted for eComell, the DL division ofComell University, lessthan a third of the respondents expected the quality ofthe online course to be as good as the classroom course.
Clearly,from the schools' perspective, there's a lot of money to be saved. Althoughsome of the moreambitious programs require new investments in servers andnetworks to support collaborative software, most DLcourses can run on existingor minimally upgradedsystems. The more students who enroll in acourse butdon't come to campus, the more the school saves on keeping the lightson in the classrooms, paying doorkeepers,and maintaining parking lots. Andthere's evidence that instructors must work harder to run a DL course foravariety of reasons, they won't be paid any more, and might well be paid less. | 916.txt | 3 |
[
"Thereis no strict control over the academic standards of the courses.",
"Theevaluation system used by online universities is inherently weak.",
"There is nomechanism to ensure that they make the required effort.",
"Lack of classroominteraction reduces the effectiveness of instruction."
] | What accounts for the high dropout rates for online students? | Byalmost any measure, there is a boom in Intemet-based instruction. In just a fewyears,34 percent ofAmerican universities have begun offering some form ofdistance learning (DL), and among the larger schools,it's closer to 90 percent.If you doubt the popularity of the trend, you probably haven't heard of theUniversity ofPhoenix. It grants degrees entirely on the basis of onlineinstruction. It enrolls 90,000 students, a statistic used tosupport its claimto be the largest private university in the country.
Whilethe kinds of instruction offered in these programs will differ, DL usuallysignifies a course in which theinstructors post syllabi( ), reading assignments, and schedules on Websites, and students sendin theirassignments by e-mail. Generally speaking, face-to-face communicationwith an instructor is minimized oreliminated altogether.
Theattraction for students might at first seem obvious. Primarily, there's theconvenience promised by courseson the Net: you can do the work, as they say, inyour pajamas ( ). But figures indicate that the reducedeffortresults in a reduced commitment to the course. While dropout rates for allfreshmen at American universitiesis around 20 percent, the rate for onlinestudents is 35 percent. Students themselves seem to understand theweaknessesinherent in the setup. In a survey conducted for eComell, the DL division ofComell University, lessthan a third of the respondents expected the quality ofthe online course to be as good as the classroom course.
Clearly,from the schools' perspective, there's a lot of money to be saved. Althoughsome of the moreambitious programs require new investments in servers andnetworks to support collaborative software, most DLcourses can run on existingor minimally upgradedsystems. The more students who enroll in acourse butdon't come to campus, the more the school saves on keeping the lightson in the classrooms, paying doorkeepers,and maintaining parking lots. Andthere's evidence that instructors must work harder to run a DL course foravariety of reasons, they won't be paid any more, and might well be paid less. | 916.txt | 2 |
[
"building up their reputation",
"cutting down on their expenses",
"upgrading their teaching facilities",
"providing convenience for students"
] | According to the passage, universities showgreat enthusiasm for DL programs for the purpose of _ | Byalmost any measure, there is a boom in Intemet-based instruction. In just a fewyears,34 percent ofAmerican universities have begun offering some form ofdistance learning (DL), and among the larger schools,it's closer to 90 percent.If you doubt the popularity of the trend, you probably haven't heard of theUniversity ofPhoenix. It grants degrees entirely on the basis of onlineinstruction. It enrolls 90,000 students, a statistic used tosupport its claimto be the largest private university in the country.
Whilethe kinds of instruction offered in these programs will differ, DL usuallysignifies a course in which theinstructors post syllabi( ), reading assignments, and schedules on Websites, and students sendin theirassignments by e-mail. Generally speaking, face-to-face communicationwith an instructor is minimized oreliminated altogether.
Theattraction for students might at first seem obvious. Primarily, there's theconvenience promised by courseson the Net: you can do the work, as they say, inyour pajamas ( ). But figures indicate that the reducedeffortresults in a reduced commitment to the course. While dropout rates for allfreshmen at American universitiesis around 20 percent, the rate for onlinestudents is 35 percent. Students themselves seem to understand theweaknessesinherent in the setup. In a survey conducted for eComell, the DL division ofComell University, lessthan a third of the respondents expected the quality ofthe online course to be as good as the classroom course.
Clearly,from the schools' perspective, there's a lot of money to be saved. Althoughsome of the moreambitious programs require new investments in servers andnetworks to support collaborative software, most DLcourses can run on existingor minimally upgradedsystems. The more students who enroll in acourse butdon't come to campus, the more the school saves on keeping the lightson in the classrooms, paying doorkeepers,and maintaining parking lots. Andthere's evidence that instructors must work harder to run a DL course foravariety of reasons, they won't be paid any more, and might well be paid less. | 916.txt | 1 |
[
"Polarity Reversal: A Fantastic Phenomenon of Nature.",
"Measurement of the Earth's Magnetic-Field Intensity.",
"Formation of the Two Poles of the Earth.",
"A New Approach to the Study or Geophysics."
] | Which of the following titles is most appropriate to the passage? | There are some each phenomena you can count on, but the magnetic field, someday is not of them. It fluctuates in strength, drifts from its axis, and every few 100,000 years undergo, dramatic polarity reversal-a period when North Pole becomes South Pole and South Pole becomes North Pole. But how is the field generated, and why is it so unstable?
Groundbreaking research by two French geophysicists promises to shed some light on the mystery. Using 80 metres of deep sea sediment core, they have obtained measurements lots of magnetic-field intensity that span 11 polarity reversals and four million years. The analysis reveals that intensity appears to fluctuate with a clear, well-defined rhythm. Although the strength of the magnetic field varies irregularly during the short term, there seems to be an inevitable long-term decline preceding each polarity reversal. When the poles flip-a process that takes several hundred thousand years-the magnetic field rapidly regains its strength and the cycle is repeated.
The results have caused a stir among geophysicists. The magnetic field is thought to originate from molten iron in the outer core, 3,000 kilometers beneath the earth's surface. By studying mineral grains found in material ranging from rocks to clay articles, previous researchers have already been able to identify reversals dating back 170 million years, including the most recent switch 730,000 years ago. How and why they occur, however, has been widely debated. Several theories link polarity flips to external disasters such as meteor impacts. But Peter Olson, a geophysicist at the Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, says this is unlikely if the French researchers are right. In fact, Olson says intensity that predictably declines from one reversal to the next contradicts 90 percent of the models currently under study. If the results prove to be valid geophysicists will have a new theory to guide them in their quest to understand the earth's inner physics. It certainly points the direction for future research. | 3377.txt | 3 |
[
"decline",
"intensify",
"fluctuate",
"reverse"
] | The word "flip" (Line 6, Para. 2) most probably means "________". | There are some each phenomena you can count on, but the magnetic field, someday is not of them. It fluctuates in strength, drifts from its axis, and every few 100,000 years undergo, dramatic polarity reversal-a period when North Pole becomes South Pole and South Pole becomes North Pole. But how is the field generated, and why is it so unstable?
Groundbreaking research by two French geophysicists promises to shed some light on the mystery. Using 80 metres of deep sea sediment core, they have obtained measurements lots of magnetic-field intensity that span 11 polarity reversals and four million years. The analysis reveals that intensity appears to fluctuate with a clear, well-defined rhythm. Although the strength of the magnetic field varies irregularly during the short term, there seems to be an inevitable long-term decline preceding each polarity reversal. When the poles flip-a process that takes several hundred thousand years-the magnetic field rapidly regains its strength and the cycle is repeated.
The results have caused a stir among geophysicists. The magnetic field is thought to originate from molten iron in the outer core, 3,000 kilometers beneath the earth's surface. By studying mineral grains found in material ranging from rocks to clay articles, previous researchers have already been able to identify reversals dating back 170 million years, including the most recent switch 730,000 years ago. How and why they occur, however, has been widely debated. Several theories link polarity flips to external disasters such as meteor impacts. But Peter Olson, a geophysicist at the Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, says this is unlikely if the French researchers are right. In fact, Olson says intensity that predictably declines from one reversal to the next contradicts 90 percent of the models currently under study. If the results prove to be valid geophysicists will have a new theory to guide them in their quest to understand the earth's inner physics. It certainly points the direction for future research. | 3377.txt | 3 |
[
"Some regularity in the changes of the earth's magnetic field.",
"Some causes of the fluctuation of the earth's magnetic field.",
"The origin of the earth's magnetic field.",
"The frequency of polarity reversals."
] | What have the two French geophysicists discovered in their research? | There are some each phenomena you can count on, but the magnetic field, someday is not of them. It fluctuates in strength, drifts from its axis, and every few 100,000 years undergo, dramatic polarity reversal-a period when North Pole becomes South Pole and South Pole becomes North Pole. But how is the field generated, and why is it so unstable?
Groundbreaking research by two French geophysicists promises to shed some light on the mystery. Using 80 metres of deep sea sediment core, they have obtained measurements lots of magnetic-field intensity that span 11 polarity reversals and four million years. The analysis reveals that intensity appears to fluctuate with a clear, well-defined rhythm. Although the strength of the magnetic field varies irregularly during the short term, there seems to be an inevitable long-term decline preceding each polarity reversal. When the poles flip-a process that takes several hundred thousand years-the magnetic field rapidly regains its strength and the cycle is repeated.
The results have caused a stir among geophysicists. The magnetic field is thought to originate from molten iron in the outer core, 3,000 kilometers beneath the earth's surface. By studying mineral grains found in material ranging from rocks to clay articles, previous researchers have already been able to identify reversals dating back 170 million years, including the most recent switch 730,000 years ago. How and why they occur, however, has been widely debated. Several theories link polarity flips to external disasters such as meteor impacts. But Peter Olson, a geophysicist at the Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, says this is unlikely if the French researchers are right. In fact, Olson says intensity that predictably declines from one reversal to the next contradicts 90 percent of the models currently under study. If the results prove to be valid geophysicists will have a new theory to guide them in their quest to understand the earth's inner physics. It certainly points the direction for future research. | 3377.txt | 0 |
[
"its identification of the origin of the earth's magnetic field",
"the way the earth's magnetic intensity is measured",
"its explanation of the shift in the earth's polarity",
"the way the earth's fluctuation rhythm is defined"
] | The French geophysicists' study is different from currently prevailing theories in ________. | There are some each phenomena you can count on, but the magnetic field, someday is not of them. It fluctuates in strength, drifts from its axis, and every few 100,000 years undergo, dramatic polarity reversal-a period when North Pole becomes South Pole and South Pole becomes North Pole. But how is the field generated, and why is it so unstable?
Groundbreaking research by two French geophysicists promises to shed some light on the mystery. Using 80 metres of deep sea sediment core, they have obtained measurements lots of magnetic-field intensity that span 11 polarity reversals and four million years. The analysis reveals that intensity appears to fluctuate with a clear, well-defined rhythm. Although the strength of the magnetic field varies irregularly during the short term, there seems to be an inevitable long-term decline preceding each polarity reversal. When the poles flip-a process that takes several hundred thousand years-the magnetic field rapidly regains its strength and the cycle is repeated.
The results have caused a stir among geophysicists. The magnetic field is thought to originate from molten iron in the outer core, 3,000 kilometers beneath the earth's surface. By studying mineral grains found in material ranging from rocks to clay articles, previous researchers have already been able to identify reversals dating back 170 million years, including the most recent switch 730,000 years ago. How and why they occur, however, has been widely debated. Several theories link polarity flips to external disasters such as meteor impacts. But Peter Olson, a geophysicist at the Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, says this is unlikely if the French researchers are right. In fact, Olson says intensity that predictably declines from one reversal to the next contradicts 90 percent of the models currently under study. If the results prove to be valid geophysicists will have a new theory to guide them in their quest to understand the earth's inner physics. It certainly points the direction for future research. | 3377.txt | 2 |
[
"is likely to direct further research in the inner physics of the earth",
"has successfully solved the mystery of polarity reversals",
"is certain to help predict external disasters",
"has caused great confusion among the world's geophysicists"
] | In Peter Oslo's opinion the French experiment ________. | There are some each phenomena you can count on, but the magnetic field, someday is not of them. It fluctuates in strength, drifts from its axis, and every few 100,000 years undergo, dramatic polarity reversal-a period when North Pole becomes South Pole and South Pole becomes North Pole. But how is the field generated, and why is it so unstable?
Groundbreaking research by two French geophysicists promises to shed some light on the mystery. Using 80 metres of deep sea sediment core, they have obtained measurements lots of magnetic-field intensity that span 11 polarity reversals and four million years. The analysis reveals that intensity appears to fluctuate with a clear, well-defined rhythm. Although the strength of the magnetic field varies irregularly during the short term, there seems to be an inevitable long-term decline preceding each polarity reversal. When the poles flip-a process that takes several hundred thousand years-the magnetic field rapidly regains its strength and the cycle is repeated.
The results have caused a stir among geophysicists. The magnetic field is thought to originate from molten iron in the outer core, 3,000 kilometers beneath the earth's surface. By studying mineral grains found in material ranging from rocks to clay articles, previous researchers have already been able to identify reversals dating back 170 million years, including the most recent switch 730,000 years ago. How and why they occur, however, has been widely debated. Several theories link polarity flips to external disasters such as meteor impacts. But Peter Olson, a geophysicist at the Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore, says this is unlikely if the French researchers are right. In fact, Olson says intensity that predictably declines from one reversal to the next contradicts 90 percent of the models currently under study. If the results prove to be valid geophysicists will have a new theory to guide them in their quest to understand the earth's inner physics. It certainly points the direction for future research. | 3377.txt | 0 |
[
"all those who get on well with each other are friends",
"friends are closer than people who just get on well with each other",
"everyone understands clearly how to make friends",
"every student has 6 friends"
] | According to the author, _ . | Friends play an important part in our lives, and although we may take the friendship for granted, we often don't clearly understand how we make friends. While we get on well with a number of people, we are usually friends with only a very few, for example, the average among students is about 6 per person. In all the cases of friendly relationships, two people like one another and enjoy being together, but beyond that, the degree of intimacy between them and the reasons for their shared interest vary enormously. As we get to know people we take into account things like age, race, economic condition, social position, and intelligence. Although these factors are not of prime importance, it is more difficult to get on with people when there is a marked difference in age and background.
Some friendly relationships can be kept on argument and discussion, but it is usual for close friends to have similar ideas and beliefs, to have attitudes and interests in common-they often talk about "being on the same wavelength". It generally takes time to reach this point. And the more intimately involved people become, the more they rely on one another. People want to do friends favors and hate to break a promise. Equally, friends have to learn to put up with annoying habits and to tolerate differences of opinion.
In contrast with marriage, there are no friendship ceremonies to strengthen the association between two people. But the supporting and understanding of each other that results from shared experiences and emotions does seem to create a powerful bond, which can overcome differences in background, and break down barriers of age, class or race. | 1448.txt | 1 |
[
"it is not easy to have a friendly relationship with people when there is a marked difference in age and background",
"the degree of friendship between two people and the reasons for their shared interest can vary greatly",
"friends need to know all these things",
"these are the most important factors to make friends"
] | When we make friends, we consider such things as age, race, and background, because _ . | Friends play an important part in our lives, and although we may take the friendship for granted, we often don't clearly understand how we make friends. While we get on well with a number of people, we are usually friends with only a very few, for example, the average among students is about 6 per person. In all the cases of friendly relationships, two people like one another and enjoy being together, but beyond that, the degree of intimacy between them and the reasons for their shared interest vary enormously. As we get to know people we take into account things like age, race, economic condition, social position, and intelligence. Although these factors are not of prime importance, it is more difficult to get on with people when there is a marked difference in age and background.
Some friendly relationships can be kept on argument and discussion, but it is usual for close friends to have similar ideas and beliefs, to have attitudes and interests in common-they often talk about "being on the same wavelength". It generally takes time to reach this point. And the more intimately involved people become, the more they rely on one another. People want to do friends favors and hate to break a promise. Equally, friends have to learn to put up with annoying habits and to tolerate differences of opinion.
In contrast with marriage, there are no friendship ceremonies to strengthen the association between two people. But the supporting and understanding of each other that results from shared experiences and emotions does seem to create a powerful bond, which can overcome differences in background, and break down barriers of age, class or race. | 1448.txt | 0 |
[
"using the same frequency while talking",
"keeping the same friendly relationship as other people do",
"having similar ideas, beliefs, attitudes and interests",
"having the same background"
] | In Paragraph 2, "being on the same wavelength" means_ . | Friends play an important part in our lives, and although we may take the friendship for granted, we often don't clearly understand how we make friends. While we get on well with a number of people, we are usually friends with only a very few, for example, the average among students is about 6 per person. In all the cases of friendly relationships, two people like one another and enjoy being together, but beyond that, the degree of intimacy between them and the reasons for their shared interest vary enormously. As we get to know people we take into account things like age, race, economic condition, social position, and intelligence. Although these factors are not of prime importance, it is more difficult to get on with people when there is a marked difference in age and background.
Some friendly relationships can be kept on argument and discussion, but it is usual for close friends to have similar ideas and beliefs, to have attitudes and interests in common-they often talk about "being on the same wavelength". It generally takes time to reach this point. And the more intimately involved people become, the more they rely on one another. People want to do friends favors and hate to break a promise. Equally, friends have to learn to put up with annoying habits and to tolerate differences of opinion.
In contrast with marriage, there are no friendship ceremonies to strengthen the association between two people. But the supporting and understanding of each other that results from shared experiences and emotions does seem to create a powerful bond, which can overcome differences in background, and break down barriers of age, class or race. | 1448.txt | 2 |
[
"Even friends may have differences of opinion.",
"Friends never argue with each other.",
"It generally takes time for people to become close friends.",
"Someone's habits may annoy his friends."
] | Which of the following is not implied in the passage? | Friends play an important part in our lives, and although we may take the friendship for granted, we often don't clearly understand how we make friends. While we get on well with a number of people, we are usually friends with only a very few, for example, the average among students is about 6 per person. In all the cases of friendly relationships, two people like one another and enjoy being together, but beyond that, the degree of intimacy between them and the reasons for their shared interest vary enormously. As we get to know people we take into account things like age, race, economic condition, social position, and intelligence. Although these factors are not of prime importance, it is more difficult to get on with people when there is a marked difference in age and background.
Some friendly relationships can be kept on argument and discussion, but it is usual for close friends to have similar ideas and beliefs, to have attitudes and interests in common-they often talk about "being on the same wavelength". It generally takes time to reach this point. And the more intimately involved people become, the more they rely on one another. People want to do friends favors and hate to break a promise. Equally, friends have to learn to put up with annoying habits and to tolerate differences of opinion.
In contrast with marriage, there are no friendship ceremonies to strengthen the association between two people. But the supporting and understanding of each other that results from shared experiences and emotions does seem to create a powerful bond, which can overcome differences in background, and break down barriers of age, class or race. | 1448.txt | 1 |
[
"must hold friendship ceremonies",
"have to eliminate differences in background",
"should make friends with those who are of the same age and of the same race",
"should support and understand each other through shared experiences and emotions"
] | To strengthen friendly relationship, people_ . | Friends play an important part in our lives, and although we may take the friendship for granted, we often don't clearly understand how we make friends. While we get on well with a number of people, we are usually friends with only a very few, for example, the average among students is about 6 per person. In all the cases of friendly relationships, two people like one another and enjoy being together, but beyond that, the degree of intimacy between them and the reasons for their shared interest vary enormously. As we get to know people we take into account things like age, race, economic condition, social position, and intelligence. Although these factors are not of prime importance, it is more difficult to get on with people when there is a marked difference in age and background.
Some friendly relationships can be kept on argument and discussion, but it is usual for close friends to have similar ideas and beliefs, to have attitudes and interests in common-they often talk about "being on the same wavelength". It generally takes time to reach this point. And the more intimately involved people become, the more they rely on one another. People want to do friends favors and hate to break a promise. Equally, friends have to learn to put up with annoying habits and to tolerate differences of opinion.
In contrast with marriage, there are no friendship ceremonies to strengthen the association between two people. But the supporting and understanding of each other that results from shared experiences and emotions does seem to create a powerful bond, which can overcome differences in background, and break down barriers of age, class or race. | 1448.txt | 3 |
[
"The biological link.",
"The child's benefits.",
"The traditional practice.",
"The parents' feelings."
] | What was the primary consideration in the Florida judge's ruling? | It's no secret that many children would be healthier and happier with adoptive parents than with the parents that nature dealt them. That's especially true of children who remain in abusive homes because the law blindly favors biological parents. It's also true of children who suffer for years in foster homes because of parents who can't or won't care for them but refuse to give up custody rights.
Fourteen-year-old Kimberly Mays fits neither description, but her recent court victory could eventually help children who do. Kimberly has been the object of an angry custody baffle between the man who raised her and her biological parents, with whom she has never lived. A Florida judge ruled that the teenager can remain with the only father she's ever known and that her biological parents have "no legal claim" on her.
The ruling, though it may yet be reversed, sets aside the principle that biology is the primary determinant of parentage. That's an important development, one that's long overdue.
Shortly after birth in December 1978, Kimberly Mays and another infant were mistakenly switched and sent home with the wrong parents. Kimberly's biological parents, Ernest and Regina Twigg, received a child who died of a heart disease in 1988. Medical tests showed that the child wasn't the Twiggs' own daughter, but Kimt only was, thus sparking a custody battle with Robert Mays. In 1989, the two families agreed that Mr. Mays would maintain custody with the Twiggs getting visiting fights. Those rights were ended when Mr. Mays decided that Kimberly was being harmed.
The decision to leave Kimberly with Mr. Mays rendered her suit debated. But the judge made clear that Kimberly did have standing to sue on her own behalf. Thus he made clear that she was more than just property to be handled as adults saw fit.
Certainly, the biological link between parent and child is fundamental. But biological parents aren't always preferable to adoptive ones, and biological parentage does not convey an absolute ownership that cancels all the rights of children. | 1300.txt | 1 |
[
"children are more than just personal possessions of their parents",
"the biological link between parent and child should be emphasized",
"foster homes bring children more pain and suffering than care",
"biological parents shouldn't claim custody rights after their child is adopted"
] | We can learn from the Kimberly case that _ . | It's no secret that many children would be healthier and happier with adoptive parents than with the parents that nature dealt them. That's especially true of children who remain in abusive homes because the law blindly favors biological parents. It's also true of children who suffer for years in foster homes because of parents who can't or won't care for them but refuse to give up custody rights.
Fourteen-year-old Kimberly Mays fits neither description, but her recent court victory could eventually help children who do. Kimberly has been the object of an angry custody baffle between the man who raised her and her biological parents, with whom she has never lived. A Florida judge ruled that the teenager can remain with the only father she's ever known and that her biological parents have "no legal claim" on her.
The ruling, though it may yet be reversed, sets aside the principle that biology is the primary determinant of parentage. That's an important development, one that's long overdue.
Shortly after birth in December 1978, Kimberly Mays and another infant were mistakenly switched and sent home with the wrong parents. Kimberly's biological parents, Ernest and Regina Twigg, received a child who died of a heart disease in 1988. Medical tests showed that the child wasn't the Twiggs' own daughter, but Kimt only was, thus sparking a custody battle with Robert Mays. In 1989, the two families agreed that Mr. Mays would maintain custody with the Twiggs getting visiting fights. Those rights were ended when Mr. Mays decided that Kimberly was being harmed.
The decision to leave Kimberly with Mr. Mays rendered her suit debated. But the judge made clear that Kimberly did have standing to sue on her own behalf. Thus he made clear that she was more than just property to be handled as adults saw fit.
Certainly, the biological link between parent and child is fundamental. But biological parents aren't always preferable to adoptive ones, and biological parentage does not convey an absolute ownership that cancels all the rights of children. | 1300.txt | 3 |
[
"they found her unhappy in Mr. Mays' custody",
"they regarded her as their property",
"they were her biological parents",
"they felt guilty about their past mistake"
] | The Twiggs claimed custody rights to Kimberly because _ . | It's no secret that many children would be healthier and happier with adoptive parents than with the parents that nature dealt them. That's especially true of children who remain in abusive homes because the law blindly favors biological parents. It's also true of children who suffer for years in foster homes because of parents who can't or won't care for them but refuse to give up custody rights.
Fourteen-year-old Kimberly Mays fits neither description, but her recent court victory could eventually help children who do. Kimberly has been the object of an angry custody baffle between the man who raised her and her biological parents, with whom she has never lived. A Florida judge ruled that the teenager can remain with the only father she's ever known and that her biological parents have "no legal claim" on her.
The ruling, though it may yet be reversed, sets aside the principle that biology is the primary determinant of parentage. That's an important development, one that's long overdue.
Shortly after birth in December 1978, Kimberly Mays and another infant were mistakenly switched and sent home with the wrong parents. Kimberly's biological parents, Ernest and Regina Twigg, received a child who died of a heart disease in 1988. Medical tests showed that the child wasn't the Twiggs' own daughter, but Kimt only was, thus sparking a custody battle with Robert Mays. In 1989, the two families agreed that Mr. Mays would maintain custody with the Twiggs getting visiting fights. Those rights were ended when Mr. Mays decided that Kimberly was being harmed.
The decision to leave Kimberly with Mr. Mays rendered her suit debated. But the judge made clear that Kimberly did have standing to sue on her own behalf. Thus he made clear that she was more than just property to be handled as adults saw fit.
Certainly, the biological link between parent and child is fundamental. But biological parents aren't always preferable to adoptive ones, and biological parentage does not convey an absolute ownership that cancels all the rights of children. | 1300.txt | 2 |
[
"by sheer accident",
"out of charity",
"at his request",
"for better care"
] | Kimberly had been given to Mr. Mays _ . | It's no secret that many children would be healthier and happier with adoptive parents than with the parents that nature dealt them. That's especially true of children who remain in abusive homes because the law blindly favors biological parents. It's also true of children who suffer for years in foster homes because of parents who can't or won't care for them but refuse to give up custody rights.
Fourteen-year-old Kimberly Mays fits neither description, but her recent court victory could eventually help children who do. Kimberly has been the object of an angry custody baffle between the man who raised her and her biological parents, with whom she has never lived. A Florida judge ruled that the teenager can remain with the only father she's ever known and that her biological parents have "no legal claim" on her.
The ruling, though it may yet be reversed, sets aside the principle that biology is the primary determinant of parentage. That's an important development, one that's long overdue.
Shortly after birth in December 1978, Kimberly Mays and another infant were mistakenly switched and sent home with the wrong parents. Kimberly's biological parents, Ernest and Regina Twigg, received a child who died of a heart disease in 1988. Medical tests showed that the child wasn't the Twiggs' own daughter, but Kimt only was, thus sparking a custody battle with Robert Mays. In 1989, the two families agreed that Mr. Mays would maintain custody with the Twiggs getting visiting fights. Those rights were ended when Mr. Mays decided that Kimberly was being harmed.
The decision to leave Kimberly with Mr. Mays rendered her suit debated. But the judge made clear that Kimberly did have standing to sue on her own behalf. Thus he made clear that she was more than just property to be handled as adults saw fit.
Certainly, the biological link between parent and child is fundamental. But biological parents aren't always preferable to adoptive ones, and biological parentage does not convey an absolute ownership that cancels all the rights of children. | 1300.txt | 2 |
[
"doubtful",
"critical",
"cautious",
"supportive"
] | The author's attitude towards the judge's ruling could be described as _ . | It's no secret that many children would be healthier and happier with adoptive parents than with the parents that nature dealt them. That's especially true of children who remain in abusive homes because the law blindly favors biological parents. It's also true of children who suffer for years in foster homes because of parents who can't or won't care for them but refuse to give up custody rights.
Fourteen-year-old Kimberly Mays fits neither description, but her recent court victory could eventually help children who do. Kimberly has been the object of an angry custody baffle between the man who raised her and her biological parents, with whom she has never lived. A Florida judge ruled that the teenager can remain with the only father she's ever known and that her biological parents have "no legal claim" on her.
The ruling, though it may yet be reversed, sets aside the principle that biology is the primary determinant of parentage. That's an important development, one that's long overdue.
Shortly after birth in December 1978, Kimberly Mays and another infant were mistakenly switched and sent home with the wrong parents. Kimberly's biological parents, Ernest and Regina Twigg, received a child who died of a heart disease in 1988. Medical tests showed that the child wasn't the Twiggs' own daughter, but Kimt only was, thus sparking a custody battle with Robert Mays. In 1989, the two families agreed that Mr. Mays would maintain custody with the Twiggs getting visiting fights. Those rights were ended when Mr. Mays decided that Kimberly was being harmed.
The decision to leave Kimberly with Mr. Mays rendered her suit debated. But the judge made clear that Kimberly did have standing to sue on her own behalf. Thus he made clear that she was more than just property to be handled as adults saw fit.
Certainly, the biological link between parent and child is fundamental. But biological parents aren't always preferable to adoptive ones, and biological parentage does not convey an absolute ownership that cancels all the rights of children. | 1300.txt | 0 |
[
"have evoked different opinions in the educational circle",
"have gained unanimous support in the American society",
"encourage cooperation among educational establishments",
"can help promote equal distribution of educational resources"
] | We learn from the beginning of the passage that vouchers _ . | Few ideas in education are more controversial than vouchers-letting parents choose to educate their children wherever they wish at the taxpayer's expense. The principle is compellingly simple. The state pays; parents choose; schools compete; standards rise; everybody gains. Simple, perhaps, but it has aroused predictable-and often fatal-opposition from the educational establishment. Letting parents choose where to educate their children is a silly idea; professionals know best. Co-operation, not competition, is the way to improve education for all. Vouchers would increase inequality because children who are hardest to teach would be left behind.
But these arguments are now succumbing to sheer weight of evidence. Voucher schemes are running in several different countries without ill-effects for social cohesion; those that use a lottery to hand out vouchers offer proof that recipients get a better education than those that do not. In several American states, the voucher pupils did better even though the state spent less than it would have done had the children been educated in normal state schools. American voucher schemes typically offer private schools around half of what the state would spend if the pupils stayed in public schools.
These results are important because they strip out other influences. Home, neighbourhood and natural ability all affect results more than which school a child attends. If the pupils who received vouchers differ from those who don't-perhaps simply by coming from the sort of go-getting family that elbows its way to the front of every queue-any effect might simply be the result of any number of other factors. But assigning the vouchers randomly guarded against this risk. Opponents still argue that those who exercise choice will be the most able and committed, and by clustering themselves together in better schools they will abandon the weak and voiceless to languish in rotten ones. Some cite the example of Chile, where a universal voucher scheme that allows schools to charge top-up fees seems to have improved the education of the best-off most.
The strongest evidence against this criticism comes from Sweden, where parents are freer than those in almost any other country to spend as they wish the money the government allocates to educating their children. Sweeping education reforms in 1992 not only relaxed enrolment rules in the state sector, allowing students to attend schools outside their own municipality, but also let them take their state funding to private schools, including religious ones and those operating for profit. The only real restrictions imposed on private schools were that they must run their admissions on a first-come-first-served basis and promise not to charge top-up fees. The result has been burgeoning variety and a rapid expansion of the private sector. At the time of the reforms only around 1% of Swedish students were educated privately; now 10% are, and growth in private schooling continues unabated.
More evidence that choice can raise standards for all comes from Caroline Hoxby, an economist at Harvard University, who has shown that when American public schools must compete for their students with schools that accept vouchers, their performance improves. Swedish researchers say the same. It seems that those who work in state schools are just like everybody else: they do better when confronted by a bit of competition. | 560.txt | 0 |
[
"they are always carried out in the way of lottery",
"they can damage social cohesion",
"they are proved to be of help and value",
"they should be adopted by every country"
] | Speaking of voucher schemes in Paragraph 2, the author implies that _ . | Few ideas in education are more controversial than vouchers-letting parents choose to educate their children wherever they wish at the taxpayer's expense. The principle is compellingly simple. The state pays; parents choose; schools compete; standards rise; everybody gains. Simple, perhaps, but it has aroused predictable-and often fatal-opposition from the educational establishment. Letting parents choose where to educate their children is a silly idea; professionals know best. Co-operation, not competition, is the way to improve education for all. Vouchers would increase inequality because children who are hardest to teach would be left behind.
But these arguments are now succumbing to sheer weight of evidence. Voucher schemes are running in several different countries without ill-effects for social cohesion; those that use a lottery to hand out vouchers offer proof that recipients get a better education than those that do not. In several American states, the voucher pupils did better even though the state spent less than it would have done had the children been educated in normal state schools. American voucher schemes typically offer private schools around half of what the state would spend if the pupils stayed in public schools.
These results are important because they strip out other influences. Home, neighbourhood and natural ability all affect results more than which school a child attends. If the pupils who received vouchers differ from those who don't-perhaps simply by coming from the sort of go-getting family that elbows its way to the front of every queue-any effect might simply be the result of any number of other factors. But assigning the vouchers randomly guarded against this risk. Opponents still argue that those who exercise choice will be the most able and committed, and by clustering themselves together in better schools they will abandon the weak and voiceless to languish in rotten ones. Some cite the example of Chile, where a universal voucher scheme that allows schools to charge top-up fees seems to have improved the education of the best-off most.
The strongest evidence against this criticism comes from Sweden, where parents are freer than those in almost any other country to spend as they wish the money the government allocates to educating their children. Sweeping education reforms in 1992 not only relaxed enrolment rules in the state sector, allowing students to attend schools outside their own municipality, but also let them take their state funding to private schools, including religious ones and those operating for profit. The only real restrictions imposed on private schools were that they must run their admissions on a first-come-first-served basis and promise not to charge top-up fees. The result has been burgeoning variety and a rapid expansion of the private sector. At the time of the reforms only around 1% of Swedish students were educated privately; now 10% are, and growth in private schooling continues unabated.
More evidence that choice can raise standards for all comes from Caroline Hoxby, an economist at Harvard University, who has shown that when American public schools must compete for their students with schools that accept vouchers, their performance improves. Swedish researchers say the same. It seems that those who work in state schools are just like everybody else: they do better when confronted by a bit of competition. | 560.txt | 2 |
[
"students should pick up their schools randomly so that good students can be equally distributed among schools",
"Chile's voucher schemes have improved the education of the most able and committed students",
"the right to choose good schools by paying top-up fee serves to improve education",
"students from different family backgrounds are supposed to go to different schools"
] | In the view of the" opponents" mentioned in the third paragraph, _ . | Few ideas in education are more controversial than vouchers-letting parents choose to educate their children wherever they wish at the taxpayer's expense. The principle is compellingly simple. The state pays; parents choose; schools compete; standards rise; everybody gains. Simple, perhaps, but it has aroused predictable-and often fatal-opposition from the educational establishment. Letting parents choose where to educate their children is a silly idea; professionals know best. Co-operation, not competition, is the way to improve education for all. Vouchers would increase inequality because children who are hardest to teach would be left behind.
But these arguments are now succumbing to sheer weight of evidence. Voucher schemes are running in several different countries without ill-effects for social cohesion; those that use a lottery to hand out vouchers offer proof that recipients get a better education than those that do not. In several American states, the voucher pupils did better even though the state spent less than it would have done had the children been educated in normal state schools. American voucher schemes typically offer private schools around half of what the state would spend if the pupils stayed in public schools.
These results are important because they strip out other influences. Home, neighbourhood and natural ability all affect results more than which school a child attends. If the pupils who received vouchers differ from those who don't-perhaps simply by coming from the sort of go-getting family that elbows its way to the front of every queue-any effect might simply be the result of any number of other factors. But assigning the vouchers randomly guarded against this risk. Opponents still argue that those who exercise choice will be the most able and committed, and by clustering themselves together in better schools they will abandon the weak and voiceless to languish in rotten ones. Some cite the example of Chile, where a universal voucher scheme that allows schools to charge top-up fees seems to have improved the education of the best-off most.
The strongest evidence against this criticism comes from Sweden, where parents are freer than those in almost any other country to spend as they wish the money the government allocates to educating their children. Sweeping education reforms in 1992 not only relaxed enrolment rules in the state sector, allowing students to attend schools outside their own municipality, but also let them take their state funding to private schools, including religious ones and those operating for profit. The only real restrictions imposed on private schools were that they must run their admissions on a first-come-first-served basis and promise not to charge top-up fees. The result has been burgeoning variety and a rapid expansion of the private sector. At the time of the reforms only around 1% of Swedish students were educated privately; now 10% are, and growth in private schooling continues unabated.
More evidence that choice can raise standards for all comes from Caroline Hoxby, an economist at Harvard University, who has shown that when American public schools must compete for their students with schools that accept vouchers, their performance improves. Swedish researchers say the same. It seems that those who work in state schools are just like everybody else: they do better when confronted by a bit of competition. | 560.txt | 1 |
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