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For the past few years I have charted the trends in American education spending and performance (see below). The goal is to see what the national data suggest about the productivity of our education system over time. Clearly, these data suggest that our educational productivity has collapsed: the inflation-adjusted cost of sending a student all the way through the K-12 system has almost tripled while test scores near the end of high-school remain largely unchanged. Put another way, per-pupil spending and achievement are not obviously correlated.
Not everyone is happy with these charts, and in this post I’ll respond to the critics, starting with the most recent: Matt DiCarlo of the Albert Shanker Institute, an organization that honors the life and legacy of the late president of the American Federation of Teachers. DiCarlo finds the chart “misleading,” “exasperating,” and seemingly designed to “start a conversation by ending it.” Since we’re actually having a conversation about the chart and what it shows, and since I’ve had countless such conversations over the years, perhaps we can agree that the last of those accusations is more of a rhetorical flourish than a serious argument.
DiCarlo links to a couple of earlier critics to do the heavy lifting in support of his antipathy, but he does admonish the use of a single percent-change y-axis as “not appropriate for and totally obscur[ing] changes in NAEP scale scores.” This is ironic. When I first began to publish these charts, I used two separate y-axes, as shown in the image below which dates back to around 2009.
This, DiCarlo may be exasperated to hear, was roundly critized for the ostensible crime of using… 2 separate y-axes, which, apparently, is only done by knaves and charlatans according to several e-mails I received at the time. But of course the use of 2 separate y axes is not inherently misleading. It depends on why they are used, whether or not the scales are sensible, etc. But when you are trying to reach a suspicious audience, it’s not very effective to just say: “no, you’re mistaken, there’s nothing wrong with this use of 2 y-axes.” They’ll just put that down to more knavery on your part. So, thinking I would eliminate one source of spurious objections, I switched to a single percent-change axis. And now we have DiCarlo’s objection to that. Catch-22.
But let’s investigate DiCarlo’s criticism. Does the percent change scale obscure important changes in the NAEP scores? Looking at the first chart, it is easy to see that the science score fell and never quite recovered to its original level before the test was discontinued, while the reading and math scores seem largely unchanged. As it happens, the raw NAEP score for math rose from 304 to 306, while the raw reading score rose from 285 to 287, and the raw science score fell from 305 to 295. We can see the science decline quite clearly, so it hasn’t been obscured. But the two-point gains in math and reading look essentially like flat lines. Which raises the question: is a two point gain essentially equivalent to a flat line, or is it substantial?
Some people like to answer that question by saying that a gain of x points on the NAEP is equivalent to one school-year’s worth of learning. But, according to a 2012 paper commissioned by the NAEP Validity Studies Panel, claims of that sort are unempirical guesswork.
Fortunately, there is a tried-and-true metric that researchers use to quantify effect sizes: they express them in terms of standard deviations, and those measures can in turn be converted to percentile scores. For example, the earliest available std deviation for the mean reading score of 17-year-olds was 46 points. Dividing 2 by 46, we get an effect size of 0.0435 SDs. That would take you from being in the middle of the pack in the early 1970s (that is, the 50th percentile), to being at the 51.7thpercentile. So instead of outscoring half your peers, you’d outscore 51.7 percent of them. That’s not a huge difference is it? That’s not a spike-the-football, endzone dance, “In. Your. Face!” kind of improvement. It’s really pretty small.
In math, the story is similar. The earliest SD available is for the 1978 admin of the test, and it was 35. A two-point gain would be an effect size of 0.057 SDs, which would raise you from median performer to the 52.3rd percentile. Again, this is not winning the lottery. This is not an “I’d like to thank the Academy” kind of moment.
So the fact that the reading and math scores look essentially flat in the chart at the top of this post is an accurate representation of the trend in raw NAEP scores. They are essentially flat.
Next, turning to the cost series in the top chart, both of the earlier critics cited by DiCarlo believed they smelled a rat. The legend of the version of the chart they reviewed referred to the cost trend line as a “13yr running total, i.e. K-12, spending per pupil,” which I thought was self-explanatory. It wasn’t. It seems that at least one of the critics was unfamiliar with the concept of a running total, thinking it was equivalent to simply multiplying the current year figure by 13. It’s not. Because of his misunderstanding, he wrote: “the cost figure increases (supposedly the total cost of a K-12 education taken by multiplying per-pupil costs by 13) are false.” Of course the error was his own, the result of failing to understand that a running 13yr total is the annual per-pupil spending for the given year, plus the corresponding figures for the preceding 12 years. This is an estimate of what was spent to put a graduate in the given year all the way through the K-12 system–i.e., the total cost of that graduate’s K-12 public schooling.
The other critic cited by DiCarlo seems not to have read the chart’s legend at all, claiming that I use “total rather than per pupil spending (and call it ‘cost’).” The legend explicitly states that it is a running 13yr total of per-pupil spending.
But, though both these critics were mistaken, I did learn (to my great surprise) that the idea of a running total is not universally understood. So, since that time, I have elaborated the explanation in the legend and raised it to the top of the chart in an effort to make the cost trend line easier to understand.
Yet other critics have alleged that the overall flat performance of 17-year-olds is purely the result of changing demographics—i.e., the increasing test participation rates of historically lower-scoring groups, and so the aggregate data are misleading. There is a little something to the premise of this argument, but the conclusion still doesn’t follow. I explained why in my 2011 testimony before the House Education and the Workforce Committee, but I’ll summarize it here for completeness.
It is true that both black and Hispanic students now score higher than they did in the early 1970s, and the difference isn’t negligible as it is with the overall aggregate trend. The first caveat is the that the trends for white students, who still make up the majority of test takers, are only marginally better than the overall trends. Whites gained four points in each of reading and math, and lost six points in science. The overall picture for whites is thus also essentially a flat line, and it is their performance that is chiefly responsible for the stagnation in the overall average scores, not the increasing participation of historically lower-scoring groups.
The second caveat is that all of the improvement in the scores of Hispanic and black students had occurred by around 1990, and their scores have stagnated or even declined slightly since that time (see the testimony link above). While the improvements for these subgroups of students are not negligible, they have no relationship to the relentlessly rising spending trend. Spending increased before, during, and after the period during which black and Hispanic students enjoyed their score gains. If per-pupil spending were an important cause of those gains, we would expect more uniform progress, and that is not what the data show.
Finally, what of the claims that it is unfair to chart test scores over this period because students have become harder to teach—because of poverty, single-parent families, low-birthweight or other factors associated with student performance. Claims like this are seldom accompanied by any sort of systematic numerical analysis. That’s too bad, because if the overall trend in such factors really has been negative, then they might well be dragging down student performance and skewing the NAEP scores lower. Fortunately, several years ago, prof. Jay Greene of the University of Arkansas decided to take these criticisms seriously, tabulating the trends in 16 different factors known to be associated with student achievement (including the ones listed above), and combining them into a single overall index of “teachability.” What Greene found is that, if anything, children have become marginally more teachable over this period. So we should expect some improvement in scores even if schools haven’t improved at all.
In sum, while I grant that this particular chart does not capture every interesting piece of the puzzle—no single chart could—it is both useful and an accurate depiction of the lack of correspondence between spending and student achievement in U.S. schools over the past two generations, and of the fact that spending has risen out of all proportion with the academic performance of students near the end of high school. |
The analysis on this page is being published shortly before the end of 2009, and at the date of first publication (Dec 31) is missing the final two weeks of the year. Figures displayed in blue are dynamic and will be updated from the IBC database as the remaining days are added. With this analysis IBC is introducing new interactive graphing tools allowing users to create their own trend analyses. We welcome comments to tGeRkX@@iVrEaNqDbOoBdQyLcPoBuHnAtG..oBrEgTRemove the capital letters to get the email address
Civilian deaths from violence in 2009
Analysis of the year’s toll from the Iraq Body Count project
First published
Introduction
This IBC analysis of 2009 trends begins with the same cautionary note that prefaced the largely “surge” focused 2008 report:
…a distinction must be drawn between abstractions represented by varying rates of violence and the reality of that violence for those experiencing it. Every statistic on this page can be traced to a human life violently ended, none of whom are any less a victim for having been killed during a downward trend in violence.
Trends
2009 has seen a number of significant improvements in levels of armed and non-state terrorist violence in Iraq. However, even taking into account worsening conditions elsewhere in the world, such violence still afflicts Iraq's population more than any other. Findings are summarised below, with graphs and underlying data available via the 'Show graph' buttons.
Yearly totals
The annual civilian death toll from violence in 2009 was the lowest since the 2003 invasion, at 5,376 by Dec 31 (2008: 10,274), and had the lowest recorded monthly toll (226 in November). However, for the first time since 2006 there has been no significant within-year decline, and the second half of 2009 saw about as many civilian deaths as the first. This may indicate that the situation is no longer improving.
Most violent city
On a per-capita basis, Mosul (799 recorded deaths in an estimated population of 1.8m) has in 2009 become significantly more deadly than Baghdad (est. pop. 6.5m, 1,725 deaths), despite none of the year's largest-scale bombings occurring in Mosul. Additionally, Mosul's absolute number of violent incidents deadly to civilians in 2009 (592) far exceeded Baghdad's (459).
Civilian deaths caused by Coalition and Iraqi state forces
Non-combatant Iraqi deaths resulting directly from actions involving US-led coalition forces were dramatically lower than in the preceding year, with a total of 87 reported by Dec 25 (2008: 656): deaths due to air attacks reduced from 365 in 2008 to 1 in 2009 (as of Dec 25). Deaths involving Iraqi forces were down from 586 in 2008 to 122 in 2009.
Of these deaths caused by US-coalition and Iraqi state forces, the number killed in joint actions fell from 120 in 2008 to 16 in 2009; the overall number of civilians killed by state forces (US-coalition, Iraqi, or both) was 1,122 in 2008 and 193 in 2009.
Anti-occupation forces
1 'Unknown agents' are defined by IBC as: Those who appear to attack civilian targets lacking a clear or unambiguous link to the foreign military presence in Iraq. This may include some overlap with other groups as well as with criminal murders. 'Anti-occupation forces' are identified by IBC when: their targets were either US-led Coalition personnel or Iraqis working for, or in collaboration with, the Coalition forces. Whether the current situation in Iraq is strictly an occupation is irrelevant to this classification: it is sufficient that the anti-occupation forces see themselves as such. See IBC's 2005 Dossier for more (Glossary, p.26, and Killers, pp.10-11).
The difficulty of reliably identifying many of the perpetrator groups behind civilian deaths in Iraq's post-invasion conflict (with the exception of uniformed forces) means that most of the deaths recorded by IBC are assigned to the Unknown agent category. However even from the minority of incidents where perpetrators could be positively identified, it is apparent that 2009's violence profile remains one where “anti-occupation” activity continues to play a central part in the deaths of Iraqi civilians and, most obviously, police or Government-allied targets (police forces members accounting for 1,224 (22.8%) of the deaths recorded by IBC in 2009). 1
Largest-scale bombings
Large-scale bombings killing more than 50 civilians per attack have increased in their severity of impact, claiming 758 lives in 8 attacks during 2009 compared to 534 in 9 attacks during 2008 (most of them in the early part of the year).
Weapon trends
Magnetic bombs secretly attached to cars have changed from a relatively rare to a common form of assassination (61 killed in 2008, 200 killed in 2009). As generally with attacks targeting individuals, the perpetrators remain largely in IBC's Unknown agent category. Individuals are also the targets of summary executions, often involving torture, whose number fell substantially from 2,380 in 2008 to 289 in 2009. Unlike civilian killings generally, the frequency of executions continued to decline throughout 2009. For trends in other weapons (explosive violence, suicide attacks, gunfire), see interactive graph at foot of page.
'Everyday terrorism'
2Closest were Pakistan and Afghanistan (Brookings Institute)
With roughly two explosions deadly to civilians and police every day in 2009 (769 explosions causing 3,126 deaths), Iraq continues to be the non-state terrorism capital of the world, suffering more deaths from such attacks than any other country.2
Official statistics
3 Monthly ministries figures are widely reported but were given in most consistent detail during 2009 by Agence France-Presse. 4 See e.g. CNN and AP.
Official figures released monthly by Iraqi ministries remain consistently lower than IBC's (as in previous years); 3 however, longer-term official figures released in 2009 by the Iraqi Ministry of Human Rights show somewhat higher totals than IBC for 2004-6. This indicates that, as expected, a full accounting for the entire period from 2003 is likely to be above, not below, IBC's present count. 4 Official figures are presented in aggregate form,whereas IBC's numbers are obtained from incidents individually listed on its website that are open to public scrutiny for verification or amendment.
Interactive Graph |
Scott Meslow is entertainment editor at TheWeek.com.
Last year’s White House Correspondents’ Dinner began with a very special introduction from one of the few members of Congress most Americans could identify by sight: Francis Underwood, the ladder-climbing sociopath played by Kevin Spacey in Netflix’s House of Cards. “You know my motto, Ed,” said Spacey to Fox News’s Ed Henry, then-president of the White House Correspondents’ Association. “You scratch my back, I won’t lacerate yours.”
A short video that played after Spacey spoke exemplified a rare bipartisan convergence to get something done. Alongside a number of other politicians and journalists, John McCain, Mike Bloomberg, Valerie Jarrett and Steny Hoyer were shown in conversation with Underwood, the Democratic congressman from South Carolina who, when we last left him at the conclusion of the series’ first season, was the House majority whip. “I may lie, cheat and intimidate to get what I want, but at least I get the job done,” Underwood said at the video’s end. “So I hope some of you were taking notes.”
Story Continued Below
Right on cue, the room united in uproarious laughter. We’ve seen something similar these past few days, ever since the second season debuted on Netflix on Friday. But the across-the-aisle affection for the nefarious—even criminal—exploits at the center of the show raise a question: Why has Washington, D.C., been so enthusiastic about the grim, cynical funhouse version of itself that appears in House of Cards?
When it comes to anti-heroic dramas, this is more common than you’d think. The advertising industry has eagerly embraced the womanizing, alcoholic Don Draper of Mad Men, and the city of Albuquerque, New Mexico—the setting for Breaking Bad—has turned the locations frequented by Walter White and his compatriots into a cottage tourist industry. It’s true that Essex County, New Jersey took pains to distance itself from the mobsters of HBO’s The Sopranos, but, oddly, nothing of the sort is happening in the image-conscious Capital. In fact, in an odd effort to align itself with the show’s plotlines, the office of Rep. Louise Slaughter (D-N.Y.) actually sent out a press release on Wednesday touting the mention of an initiative similar to one that Slaughter had led (“The reference occurs at the 29:45 mark of the fifth episode, titled ‘Chapter 17’ of season two,” the release helpfully points out).
Shouldn’t this surprise us? Why would a town so careful about presentation so gleefully embrace a show that treats politicians as either imbecilic or deeply corrupt, and treats most established journalists as cynical, selfishly motivated and malleable? For a time, the popularity of House of Cards in the District was something of an open secret; a BuzzFeed article published two weeks after the show’s first-season premiere reported that “aides who gushed about the show off the record subsequently refused to be interviewed […] fearing it might reflect poorly on their bosses or themselves.” Mike Long, the press secretary for real-life House Majority Whip Kevin McCarthy, took to Twitter to clarify that his boss had nothing in common with Frank Underwood.
Since then, Hill staffers, journalists and politicians alike all seemed to finish watching the first season and something began to change. The less salient aspects of the show collapsed under the weight of a simple truth: House of Cards makes Washington and its two wonkiest industries—journalism and politics—look really cool, even as it implicitly attacks them at their very roots.
House of Newt Watching with the Gingriches Curious about how the former House speaker and his wife, a former Hill staffer, are reacting to the new season of House of Cards? Yeah, so were we. Here are the takeaways, as reported by the Gingriches: 1. “Kevin Spacey is brilliant and his performance alone would justify the series. The script is good, the other actors are solid, but Spacey is brilliant.” 2. [Spoiler alert!] “Frank Underwood is a far more aggressive vice president than Joe Biden.” 3. “Frank Underwood runs the Senate more ruthlessly than Harry Reid (actually in a style reminiscent of Speaker Tom Reed).” 4. “Tea parties should have viewing parties. House of Cards could be a great recruiting tool.” 5. “Claire Underwood is a study in ruthless professionalism.” 6. “Riding the Metro is a little scarier now. House of Cards reminds us to watch our backs while waiting for the train.” 7. “As Republicans we are happy that our party is portrayed as somewhat stubborn and a challenge to manage, while Democrats are shown as corrupt, conniving, and viciously ambitious. Maybe House of Cards is actually a reality show.”
Over the past year, House of Cards’s political accolades have continued to amass. In December, the show received an endorsement from no less than President Barack Obama, who asked Netflix CEO Reed Hastings, on a visit to the White House, if he’d brought along advance copies of the show’s second season. “I wish things were that ruthlessly efficient,” the president joked. “It’s true. I like Kevin Spacey. Man, this guy’s getting a lot of stuff done.”
The lines have only gotten blurrier from there. McCarthy—Underwood’s real-life alter-ego, whose staffers once distanced him from the show—appeared in a recent web video where he and other members of Congress repeated memorable lines from the first season. In short, the actual majority whip was willing to associate himself with a fictional politician who once held his office, and who’s best known for his ruthlessness and his penchant for murder. (In fact, on The Daily Show on Tuesday, Spacey told Jon Stewart that he’d followed McCarthy around Washington as part of his research for the role, and the two men ruminated about executing federal lawmakers. “If I could kill just one member of Congress,” Spacey says McCarthy told him, “I wouldn’t have to worry about another vote.”)
McCarthy’s cooperation isn’t the only thing helping the show—the media has played an even greater role in abetting the Beltway hype and in creating a sense of authenticity. Cameos aplenty appear in this new season, and include many of the big-name media personalities you’d expect: Sean Hannity, Rachel Maddow, Bill Maher and Chris Matthews. But the show also manages to slip in a few deeper cuts, including CNN’s Ashleigh Banfield, Bloomberg TV’s Julianna Goldman and even a comparatively tougher-to-place print journalist—Matt Bai, formerly of The New York Times Magazine, recently of Yahoo News—who struggles to get an interview with Claire Underwood before producing a much ballyhooed longform magazine article (further demonstrating, of course, that glamor and pivotal plot turns are found in oddly Washington-esque places on this show—like, say, long magazine profiles in thought-leader publications).
Using media appearances in this way does a lot to increase the show’s verisimilitude, but only for its core audience; it’s safe to say that the average House of Cards viewer wouldn’t be able to distinguish each of the show’s many professional journalists from the fictional reporters generally played by actors who populate other shows like it.
This article tagged under: Politics
House Of Cards |
Jefferson Co. poll workers failed to ask voters for IDs
Traffic drives past dozens of election signs at the Theodore R Johns Sr Library on Friday. Early voting will continue through October 31. Photo taken Friday, October 24, 2014 Guiseppe Barranco/@spotnewsshooter less Traffic drives past dozens of election signs at the Theodore R Johns Sr Library on Friday. Early voting will continue through October 31. Photo taken Friday, October 24, 2014 Guiseppe ... more Photo: Guiseppe Barranco, Photo Editor Photo: Guiseppe Barranco, Photo Editor Image 1 of / 9 Caption Close Jefferson Co. poll workers failed to ask voters for IDs 1 / 9 Back to Gallery
Poll workers at two Jefferson County locations on election day did not require voters to provide acceptable forms of photo identification, one of many documented mishaps identified in a state report.
Four Secretary of State poll inspectors who reviewed activity at 34 polling places in the county reported that voters at the Hamshire Community Building and at Martin Luther King Jr. Middle School locations were not required to provide acceptable forms of ID.
County Clerk Carolyn Guidry said she received the inspectors' reports this week. Guidry said she had been too busy organizing Tuesday's recount in the district clerk race and other post-election activities to review the report or question volunteer poll workers on its findings.
"That's not good," Guidry said of the voter-ID notations. "These things are covered with (poll workers during training sessions). We have to depend on them to do what we are required to do. Sometimes they mess up. That's all I can say."
Also revealed in the report: |
Money. Music. Machines. When you think of the big players that make software and hardware solutions for musicians and DJs you might think of Ableton, Akai Pro and Native Instruments. The later have just shifted the goal posts in the industry to the tune of €50 million ($59 million) thanks to an investment from EMH Partners! The big question is what will they do with this rather large sum?
With their diverse range of products for DJs, producers and performers including Traktor, Maschine and Komplete, Native Instruments have, since 1996, carved out a large loyal userbase in the music industry. As noted by EMH Partners, NI’s "products are not only used by a vast majority of producers, musicians and DJs such as Depeche Mode, Alicia Keys, Skrillex, Carl Cox, Kendrick Lamar and Hans Zimmer, but also by an increasing number of hobby users."
Despite such high-profile users and obviously successful branded products there's plenty of areas Native Instruments could improve upon. And we think $59 million could help them achieve greater dominance in their product and service areas.
What Now?
So, $59 million is a significant amount to play with. And EMH Partners' investment is not about helping a company to break through but propelling an already successful one to the next level of development. NI has over 500 employees and generates annual revenues of €80 million currently with an undisclosed, healthy profit margin.
Behind great products are great ideas. Great ideas originate from great minds. So it would come as no surprise if NI add to their already talented and creative workforce with new ideas and skills from new people.
Daniel Haver, CEO of Native Instruments, explains that “by developing intuitive and powerful products we’ve empowered music creators and DJs globally to further realise their potential. Today we’re seeing demand from increasingly diverse market segments, which opens enormous potential. With EMH Partners we now have a strong partner at our side to kick off the next growth phase.”
It's also important to note that "the private equity firm will predominantly invest in the technological development of Native Instruments and its marketing and sales efforts". This won't be purely on R&D for new products and services, but we'd like to speculate a little on what this investment could result in for the end user...
What Next?
So what can we expect this extra investment to mean in terms of new products and existing ones? There's potential for Kontakt to evolve and solidify its place as the top sampler engine. Could Reaktor take on Max/MSP or Max for Live and spawn a new range of products and experiences beyond what we imagine?
The Maschine range of hardware/software could still go the way Akai Pro's MPC Touch and X have gone... standalone. We think a lot of Maschine users would love to use their instrument controllers without being tethered to a computer. Perhaps some cash could be used to make this a possibility?
Digital DJs tend to be either in the Serato or the Traktor camp. Different strokes for different folks. What's interesting is seing how Roland have brought their iconic synths and drum machines, 202, 505 and 808 to Serato-compatible DJ controllers, complete with a sequencer. As DJs worldwide gradually transition from occassional button pushing and laptop screen staring to incorporating sequencers and instruments in their live sets it would be interesting to see a Traktor / Maschine hybrid.
Komplete (software) and Komplete Kontrol (hardware controller) are amongst the most desired products for musicians. Komplete Kontrol MK2, just released, is positioning itself as not just the ideal companion for Komplete but also as a unique and powerful solution for Ableton Live and Logic Pro users. If Native can crack all the major DAWs and make Komplete Kontrol as useful for other music software as their own this could become the controller for everyone period. Again, money would go a long way to help make this happen.
Then there's cloud-based music production. Would it be in NI's interest to start making browser-based versions of the Maschine software. What about iOS and Android, could we expect to see even more powerful Traktor and Maschine mobile apps coming to market...?
And we're sure there's plenty we've not thought of where €50 million could alter the direction of one of the most influential music making companies.
What do you think? Will this €50 million investment herald a new chapter for Native Instruments? Will it change the landscape of the industry as a whole and push out some of NI's competitors or even smaller developers? The future hasn't been written yet, so we'll have to wait and see. One thing we can be sure of is this investment is significant and change is in the air... |
Michael Knutson - Symmetrical Fields January 5 - February 18, 2017
Symmetrical Fields
Oil Paintings on Canvas
SYMMETRICAL FOUR-LAYERED OVOIDS & LATTICES II, 2015
Oil on canvas
60 x 80 inches diptych
SOLD
SYMMETRICAL FOUR-LAYERED OVOIDS & LATTICES III, 2016
Oil on canvas
60 x 80 inches diptych
$12,000
SYMMETRICAL OVOID LATTICES IV, 2013
Oil on canvas
55 x 80 inches diptych
$10,000
SYMMETRICAL OVOID LATTICES V, 2013
Oil on canvas
40 x 63.75 inches
$6,500
SYMMETRICAL OVOID LATTICES VIII, 2015
Oil on canvas
32 x 80 inches diptych
$6,500
Watercolors
SYMMETRICAL FOUR-LAYERED LATTICES #11, 2014
Watercolor on paper
31.5 x 41 inches
SOLD
SYMMETRICAL FOUR-LAYERED LATTICES #7, 2014
Watercolor on paper
31.5 x 41 inches
$2,300
SYMMETRICAL FOUR-LAYERED OVOIDS & LATTICES #1, 2016
Watercolor on paper
31.5 x 41 inches
SOLD
SYMMETRICAL FOUR-LAYERED OVOIDS & LATTICES #4, 2016
Watercolor on paper
31.5 x 41 inches
$2,300
SYMMETRICAL FOUR-LAYERED OVOIDS & LATTICES #5, 2016
Watercolor on paper
31.5 x 41 inches
$2,300
SYMMETRICAL FOUR-LAYERED OVOIDS & LATTICES #7, 2016
Watercolor on paper
31.5 x 41 inches
SOLD |
BATON ROUGE, La. (AP) — A 23-year-old white Baton Rouge man arrested Tuesday was accused of killing two black men and firing on a black family in a string of attacks that police say may have been racially motivated.
A law enforcement official said they had found a copy of an Adolf Hitler speech at the home of Kenneth James Gleason, and investigators said DNA on shell casings and other evidence link him to the crimes.
Gleason was led away from the police department in handcuffs just before authorities there held a news conference to announce that he would be charged with first-degree murder in the shooting deaths last week of a homeless man and a dishwasher who was walking to work.
“I feel confident that this killer would have killed again,” interim Police Chief Jonny Dunnam said.
Gleason’s attorney, J. Christopher Alexander, said his client “vehemently denies guilt, and we look forward to complete vindication.” Alexander declined to say anything else.
Authorities found a copy of the Hitler speech during a search of Gleason’s home over the weekend, according to the law enforcement official who spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity because the investigation was ongoing.
Asked whether police suspect race was a motive for the shootings, Sgt. L’Jean McKneely said: “We’re not completely closed off to that. We’re looking at all possibilities at this time, so we’re not going to just pinpoint that.”
District Attorney Hillar Moore said his office could seek the death penalty.
“It appears to be cold, calculated, planned (against) people who were unarmed and defenseless,” he said. “We don’t need to prove motive. There are a lot of things that are unanswered.”
No one was injured when Gleason fired multiple times into the home of a black family in his neighborhood on Sept. 11, authorities said. It’s not clear if Gleason knew the family.
In the other shootings, Gleason fired from his car then walked up to the victims as they were lying on the ground and fired again multiple times, police said. Neither victim had any prior relationship with Gleason.
The first fatal shooting occurred Sept. 12 when 59-year-old Bruce Cofield, who was homeless, was shot to death. The second happened last Thursday night when 49-year-old Donald Smart was gunned down while walking to his job as a dishwasher at a cafe popular with Louisiana State University students.
The attacks came at a time when Louisiana’s capital already was in the grips of a surge in violence. The number of homicides in East Baton Rouge Parish has already surpassed last year’s total of 62, The Advocate newspaper reported earlier this month.
“Baton Rouge has been through a lot of turmoil in the last year. Has there not been a swift conclusion to this case, I feel confident that this killer probably would have killed again,” the police chief said. “He could have potentially created a tear in the fabric that holds this community together.”
Racial tensions roiled the city in the summer of 2016 when a black man was shot to death by white police officers outside of a convenience store. About two weeks later, a black gunman targeted police in an ambush, killing three officers and wounding three others before he was shot to death.
The city of about 229,000 is about 55 percent black and 40 percent white.
Gleason didn’t appear to have any active social media profiles. A spokesman at Louisiana State University said a student by that name attended the university from the fall of 2013 to the fall of 2014 before withdrawing. He had transferred to LSU from Baton Rouge Community College.
During the search of Gleason’s home, authorities also found 9 grams of marijuana and vials of human growth hormone, according to a police document. |
DUBAI (Reuters) - Iran has removed the core of its Arak heavy water nuclear reactor and filled it with cement as required under a nuclear deal signed with world powers last year, the semi-official Fars news agency said on Monday, citing an informed Iranian source.
A general view of the Arak heavy-water project, 190 km (120 miles) southwest of Tehran January 15, 2011. REUTERS/ISNA/Hamid Forootan/Files
Any such move, reducing the plant’s ability to produce plutonium, might signal imminent implementation of the nuclear deal and clear the way for Tehran to receive relief from economic sanctions.
Separately, the European Union’s foreign policy chief said that EU nuclear-related sanctions on Iran could be lifted soon.
“I can tell you that my expectation is that this day could come rather soon. The implementation of the agreements is proceeding well,” Federica Mogherini said during a visit to Prague.
The fate of the reactor in central Iran was one of the toughest sticking points in the long nuclear negotiations that led to an agreement in July between Iran and six world powers, known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA).
Under the deal’s terms, Iran accepted that the Arak reactor would be reconfigured so it could not yield fissile plutonium usable in a nuclear bomb.
China, the United States, France, Britain, Russia and Germany have agreed to participate in the redesign and the construction of the modernised reactor.
The Islamic Republic has said that the 40-megawatt, heavy-water plant is aimed at producing isotopes for cancer and other medical treatments. It has denied that any of its nuclear activity is aimed at developing weapons.
Behrouz Kamalvandi, the spokesperson for Iran’s atomic energy agency, said in an interview with Iran’s Etemad newspaper published on Monday that “Iran has met its commitments under the July nuclear agreement earlier than expected”.
“Implementation of JCPOA will finish in the next 7 days,” he added.
Iranian President Hassan Rouhani said in a speech broadcast live on state television on Monday: “We are hopeful that the sanctions against Iran would be lifted in the next few days.”
U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry said last week that “we are days away from implementation, if all goes well.”
Some oil traders said oil’s deep slide so far this year, including its 6 percent slump on Monday, was being fuelled in part by signs that Iran might emerge from crushing sanctions sooner rather than later, allowing it to ramp up production after years of constraint.
“The firm push for normalization with Iran has taken the last shred of geopolitical risk out of traders’ minds,” said Clayton Vernon, a trader and economist with proprietary trading firm Aquivia LLC in New Jersey.
Iran said last year that it hopes to boost exports by some 500,000 barrels per day as soon as sanctions ease, a move dealers fear will add to a global surplus that has cut prices to 12-year lows near $30 a barrel.
More recently officials have suggested they would seek to avoid flooding the world with more unwanted crude, but provided no details on what that would mean in practical terms. |
by ·
Every outdoor adventure attracts some type of douchebag that challenges everything you find sacred about the wilderness.
This guide won’t help you handle yourself in such situations but it will help you identify the type of douchebags that you may encounter in the wilderness, and give you a fighting chance at heading down the OTHER trail.
ID #1 – The Denim Adventurer
I’ve found that technical gear is much less important to me than I had previously thought. But there are still limits that I just can’t cross. Denim as adventure wear is one of those.
I’ve had friends join me on the trail wearing their favorite blue jeans. Not one has returned to the trailhead after a big day of hiking without regretting the decision.
But occasionally I meet someone on the trail that will comment on my REI Adventures Pants by saying something like “Boy, you wasted your money on those. My jeans can go anywhere your pants go.”
While that may true, I am certain that my level of comfort is far greater than theirs. Jeans aren’t wilderness ready. Of course, there is also the performance aspects to be considered. A crazy afternoon downpour may reveal the shortcomings of your pant selection.
Denim may not be the worst apparel decision ever but it most certainly isn’t the best one you’ve made, douchebag.
ID #2 – The Know-It-All
I like to engage other hikers and backpackers on the trail. My wife has concluded that I’m actually a better person when I’m on the trail. But on every adventure I encounter the “been there, done that” guy.
You’ve likely crossed paths with someone like this before in the wilderness. You greet each other and he asks where you’re headed. You share your destination, maybe a peak or a backcountry landmark, only to prompt a response like “Yeah, I’ve done that. It’s alright.”
I appreciate feedback from those that have gone before me. The response doesn’t necessarily make them a douchebag because not everyone enjoys the same pursuits. Most of the time, I will dismiss the response.
But the douchebag label applies if your new “friend” fits into multiple categories from this list. Often, the evidence is just too overwhelming to support reasonable doubt.
ID #3 – The Shuttler
The National Parks alone spend millions of dollars each year on wilderness rescues. Those in need should be given the services of the Search and Rescue teams but the question is “why” there was a need for rescue.
Often, the Parks simply eat the cost of rescues regardless of the role that the hiker had in their own demise.
But in the past few years, stories have surfaced of douchebags getting in over their head knowing that SAR is just a call away.
Those that find themselves overcome by extreme weather, debilitating injuries, or poor navigational choices that render them lost should be rescued without fault.
But the douchebags that feel that search and rescue is some sort of shuttle service should pay for their ride.
ID #4 – The Dog Shit Doggy Bag
I love to see dogs on the trail but I immediately look to their owners for an instant assessment. There are three ways this can go:
1- Your dog is going to pop a squat at some point. Responsible owners will bag that business and hike it out. That’s what I would do if I owned a dog.
2 – Others will just kick the duty off the trail and I’m ok with that too for the most part. It’s biodegradable and adds some nutritional value back to the soil. Of course, some may argue that the presence of dog feces may have an impact on the behavior of wild animals in the area that detect the dog’s presence. I’m not really sure how that works, but I see the leave-behind as a viable option to bagging it out.
3- Then there is the douchebag solution. They bag it and leave it behind as some sort of dog shit doggy bag. Hey genius, you took something that would break down and disappear in a matter of days and made it a permanent piece of litter that then changes my wilderness experience.
ID #5 – The Rock Jock
Douchebags seem to be drawn to cliffs and overlooks.
These natural features are perfect for launching small boulders over the edge or tossing rocks to “see how long it takes to hit the bottom”.
But it’s dangerous for those that may be hiking below. Of course, there’s no need for me to point this out.
Even the gaggle of douchebags at the cliff’s edge hurling rocks know this. They just choose to ignore the fact and toss away usually shouting a “did you see that!” as each one hits the canyon floor below.
ID #6 – The Litterbug
Every time I hit a busy trail I see people that fit this mold. They toss orange peels, apple cores, and paper wrappers assuming the squirrels will take care of it or more likely, a trail crew will hike it out.
This type of douchebag is really more irritating to me than most others. It requires little effort to hike out your garbage and the assumption that trail crews will handle it is infuriating. There are so many other things that trail crews could do with their free time.
And despite your half-baked argument, squirrels don’t eat orange peels douchebag.
ID #7 – The Destroyer
I support the humane harvesting of wild game for consumption and subsistence. But the douchebags that you see on the trail that will fling a rock or swing a stick at anything that moves are on my short list of the worst.
Destroying ant hills or a bird’s nest is the ultimate disrespect for the wilderness that I love and it triggers an immediate reaction from me. It usually starts with a greeting like “Hey, douchebag…”
I have no tolerance for these folks.
Their prey are often the very things I hit the trail to discover with my boys.
ID #8 – The Camel
I was 9 miles in, completely exhausted but still reeling from the shot of adrenaline that summiting Charleston Peak triggered. A woman was crying and her “guy” was anything but understanding.
Though they were not wearing denim, they were most certainly ill-equipped for an 18 mile round trip with 4000+ feet of elevation gain. To top it off, they had just 2 water bottles between them.
She was exhausted, likely dehydrated, and most certainly emotionally alone when I saw her. The douchebag she was with just kept saying “Let’s go! You’ll be fine. We’ll just push hard and you can drink when we get back to the cabin.”
He wandered off and we approached her. We offered some of our extra food, a few bars and some GORP. We also topped off her water bottle and told her how to get to Cave Spring on the way down.
Despite the desire to smack her boyfriend when he circled back, we offered him water as well. His response “No thanks. I’m like a camel.”
Sure you are, douchebag.
ID #9 – The Screamer
Your echo says “Douchebag!”
The canyons of the desert southwest that we call home are a hotbed for echo chambers. Almost every hike has a place where my boys will yell at the top of their lungs just to hear the echo. We let them engage this mystery of the wilderness a few times and then move on explaining why their voices echo and the conditions required for that to actually occur.
But when it’s a grown up doing the same thing for 15 minutes it’s a totally different story.
Their obnoxious behavior pushes the limits for many and it seems that over time their shouts echo back with a distinct “DOUCHEBAG”!
ID #10 – The Non-Believer
If you have kids, I bet you’ve seen The Lorax or perhaps even read the book by Dr Suess. For those that haven’t, The Lorax speaks for the trees. He protects for the wilderness.
Every year, I come across someone on the trail that has little regard for the trees. They snap saplings on the edge of the trail because they need a good walking stick.
Last year I encountered a group of hikers that had just harvested 6 saplings for walking sticks and had done so right on the fringe of the trail leaving behind a half dozen frayed stumps.
I know The Lorax is a fictional character but I hope that one day karma delivers those folks what they deserve. I just hope that the end result isn’t a trail defined by foot high stumps incapable of providing a safe haven for the critters that currently calls the wilderness home.
ID #11 – The Guitar Hero
Douchebags like to camp too. On a recent camping trip, we were welcomed by our neighbors for the weekend as they set up camp late in the evening.
They unpacked a few guitars and some percussion instruments, a strong sign of a forthcoming drum circle. One of them came over to ask for my blessing and promised that they would keep it low and quiet acknowledging our kids with a high five.
They began playing around 10 pm and continued on until about 1am. The level of the sound wasn’t so bad when they were actually playing, but the random outburst by one or two of them clearly reflected that a level of proficiency was lacking.
If you break out your guitar in camp you better deliver. We all share the same intimate space and anything short of entertaining for me just makes you the douchebag with the guitar.
ID #12 – The High Beamers and Beep Beepers
Let’s consider this passage a tip. If you roll into camp late at night, or you find yourself needing something that is still in your vehicle, please don’t lock your vehicle after you get it.
Most vehicles, my F-150 included, will kick on the lights when you open a door and setting your car alarm will trigger that very loud “beep beep” which will resonate through the entire campground.
Don’t be a douchebag, just unpack all your stuff when you get there and leave your truck unlocked or lock it once you’ve taken all your gear out.
It will help all of us sleep better once guitar hero next door finally shuts his pie hole for the night.
BONUS ID – The Government Hacks
Ok, admittedly, you will not likely cross paths with any of these specific douchebag types. They tend to stick to the DC area and cast their influence from within The Beltway. But you have likely felt their impact during the shutdown.
Their shortsighted decisions have impacted thousands of federal employees charged with protecting and serving our National Parks and hundreds of thousands of would-be Park visitors.
This category of Douchebag is particularly annoying but easily identified by their self-serving approach to life. They’ll cash their paycheck while holding checks for Veterans and National Park employees hostage to promote their own personal agenda.
Unfortunately, these douchebags are everywhere, at least it seems, so you’ll likely be impacted by their mere existence in one way or another even if you never see them.
What do you think?
Have we missed any big categories? Do you encounter any of these douchebags regularly on the trail? Share you thoughts in the comments below. |
Ahh, Monday morning.
The weekend is over, the bus to work is packed, and – if you’re like many people I know – you’re stoked on dreading the next 5 days ahead. I remember waking up Monday mornings with a pit in my stomach, always feeling anxious about the week to come. Truly, I had nothing to fear and there were never any situations during the week that I was unable to tackle, but for some reason, Monday mornings (actually, usually beginning Sunday afternoons) were a time a fear.
One of the greatest things I’ve learned is how your morning actions set the tone for the rest of your day. By putting the following steps into practice, I was able to change my daily mindset, feeling much more confident as I walked into the office Monday morning, and every day after that!
The magical tip? Set your GPS daily!
What does this mean? Peta Kelly, a woman I respect tremendously (check her out at at Life by my Own Design…she’s brilliant), explains it like this: you are all dressed up and ready for an amazing party. You have on your sexiest outfit, a bottle of the most delicious champagne, and are ready for the night ahead. You get in your car, set your GPS to the party location, and arrive there on time, excited for the night ahead. Now imagine the opposite situation: you are all ready to go, still in your drop-dead outfit, carrying that bottle of champagne, but you get in your car and don’t set your GPS. You’ve never been to the party before, and without knowing the location of the party (or being guided by your GPS), you end up spending your night driving around in circles, never making it to the party, and missing out on all the fun.
Sounds like a waste of a night, right? Although this example is fairly basic, I love how simply it explains the following idea: without having an intention of where you want to go in your life, you’ll never make it there.
It takes a daily practice of connecting to your goals in order to reach the destination you are aiming for! Using Peta’s techniques, I began setting my daily GPS. Every morning as I drink my big cup of tea, I spend 10 minutes outlining my GPS and reflecting on it. Even if I’m feeling lazy or unmotivated, I force myself to do it, because I know that without a plan, I’ll wander aimlessly!
I like to set my GPS in four boxes on a page, looking something like this:
In each box, I write:
Gratitudes
Goals
Gains
Guide
I start off with Gratitudes. This is the space where I think about all of the amazing things in my life that I am grateful for. My family, my business, my friends, my health, the feeling of the cool air on my skin as it rushes into the room when the instructor opens the door for a second during hot yoga class, whatever! Gratitudes are anything that you feel especially thankful for this morning. Sometimes, we wake up feeling sad, and I’ll be the first to admit, it’s a hard feeling to break. However, rather than focusing on the bad, I encourage you to sit your butt down and write out all of the good! Seeing it on paper really helps to understand how blessed you are. And remember, what you put out into the world is what you get back. Have you heard of the Law of Attraction? I’ve found this time and time again to ring true, so I know that if I want to be HAPPY, feel LOVED, and live the life of my DREAMS, then I better be talking about all of the great things in my life, putting my gratitude out there in the world so more of that delicious goodness comes into my world!
Next, I move onto my Goals. This is the space where you set the timeline for what you want to achieve. I like to set an exact day for my big-picture goals, because it feels more real and tangible than simply saying “I will… maybe… at some point… in the next 20 years… get a promotion…” One of my big-picture goals sounds something like this: By November 12, 2014 (my birthday) I will have reached a six-figure income in my company, and have helped 5 of my teammates retire from their 9-to-5 jobs. I also write my shorter-term goals in this space, such as: By May 1st, I will have read 5 self-development books. By June 20th, I will have attended 30 yoga classes consecutively. Whatever your goals are – personal, professional, emotional – write them down! Make them massive. BELIEVE you can achieve them. Visualization is KEY baby! Even if you don’t reach that exact goal on the date you set, you are so much closer than you would have been without creating the goal, I’ll bet money on it.
Remember the saying we always heard when we were kids, but never really paid attention to? “Shoot for the moon, even if you miss, you’ll land among the stars.” Embrace it!
The third section is Gains. I write at least 10 gains I made the following day. Sometimes, these are totally silly and make me laugh (i.e. I pulled a hilarious prank on my sister) and other times, they are more serious (i.e. I took myself completely out of my comfort zone and connected with three strangers). No matter how big or small they are, acknowledging your gains is a great way to find value in the day before, and to use as a starting point for the day ahead.
The final section is Guide. This section gives me goosies when I think about it. It is the space where you write in the present tense on the day you have reached your goals. Describe the day in full details; what are you wearing, who are you with, what is scheduled for the day? Soak it all in and think about how incredible that day will be. My guide might sound like this: It’s my 24th birthday, November 12th, and I’m waking up in one of my favorite cities, Chicago. Ryan and I are here for a week-long celebration, and I smile and laugh with so much love and gratitude because I have hit a six-figure annual income. We have breakfast in bed, then spend the day walking and playing in the light snow, stopping for lunch at our favorite deep-dish pizza place (Lou Malnati’s), and seeing an afternoon movie. We go out for drinks and leave our cell phones in the hotel, completely in love with the present moment. When we get home, we pack up all of our things, swapping out our cold weather gear for bikinis and board shorts, because tomorrow, we leave for a vacation in Bali.
Make your Guide out of this world. Make it big. Make it feel so real that it gives you a tingle down your spine. When you imagine that exact moment and how it will feel when you reach these wild ambitions, you are motivated even more to get to that point! You know and trust that the universe will guide you there, and you will take actions (consciously and subconsciously) that will bring you towards reaching the day when you sit back and think, “Wow, I really did it!”
I encourage you to make this a daily practice. You might feel uncomfortable at first. You might sit down and not even know what to write. Take comfort in knowing none of that matters. It is the process of reflecting on the “four G’s” that sets the positive frequency and love for the day ahead. Boo. Freakin. Yah.
Lindsey |
Sons of Anarchy creator Kurt Sutter informed fans at Comic-Con that the show’s final ride will be too bumpy for Bobby (Mark Boone Junior) to take a timeout for another gig as an Elvis impersonator. But here’s a consolation for those wanting to hear Boone sing again—and it’s for a good cause.
Timed to the premiere of the FX drama’s seventh and final season, Rock the Cause Records will release Boone’s cover of the Sonny Bono-penned classic “Bang Bang (My Baby Shot Me Down)” featuring producer/singer/songwriter Kevin Bowe to iTunes on Sept. 9. Net proceeds of the song will benefit the nonprofit label, which has raised more than a million dollars for various charities, to help support the organization’s internal operating expenses. EW has the premiere below.
Though there are no plans to use the song on the show, it does have ties to Sons: Last March, Boone and his castmates Kim Coates (Tig) and Theo Rossi (Juice) toured Australia for a series of moderated Q&As and invited Bowe to serve as the house band. Each night, Boone joined Bowe onstage to reimagine the song Nancy Sinatra made famous. A few months later, back in Los Angeles, Boone laid down the deep, dark vocals to Bowe’s backing tracks at the home studio of Three Dog Night’s Danny Hutton.
While the song itself is having a moment—Lady Gaga and Beyoncé have also recently covered it—it’s especially fitting as anxious Sons of Anarchy fans wait to see who will survive the show’s epic conclusion. Sutter has said two club members will be dead before the credits roll on the series finale Dec. 9. |
The British Royal Navy sailors accused of assaulting a Dallas police officer in a drunken brawl last weekend will not be allowed to leave the country.
The Navy members wanted to leave the country with the understanding that they would return when needed to answer to the assault charge, but now it won’t happen. Vickers Cunningham, the lawyer for the three sailors, declined to speak to FOX4 on camera on Wednesday afternoon.
The men were supposed to go before judge Amber Givens with the intent to get their passports back. All three men had been on track for upcoming foreign deployments.
But Cunningham said off-camera he withdrew the request to get the passports back. He didn’t give a reason why.
The seamen, out on bond, bolted toward the courthouse parking lot away from FOX4 cameras after their court appearance.
The three involved in the assault: Christopher Hickman, 30, and Callum Duncan, 26, wore sunglasses hiding black eyes. Christopher Casey, 28, had no glasses but wore a dark suit for the hearing.
The sailors are accused of assaulting veteran Dallas police officer Gerardo Huante early Saturday after closing time outside popular Uptown bar Concrete Cowboy.
Court documents said the three were fighting in the street and Huante tried to break it up, but they turned on him. Hickman held the officer down while Casey kicked him in the face and Duncan punched him several times.
Cunningham said the men will now have to wait stateside for their next court appearance, but there’s nothing upcoming on the court docket for the three. |
Whether they constitute a trend or not (and I say not), these cases represent mere footnotes in the annals of employment law compared with the potential impact of Dukes. Writing in the Harvard Law and Policy Review, professor Suzette M. Malveaux explained well last week in accessible language precisely what's at stake:
The potential impact of the case stems not so much from the size of the Dukes class as from how the case will influence the very survival of certain types of class actions. At issue is whether it will become more difficult for plaintiffs who seek monetary relief for systemic misconduct to meet the class action criteria. This is important because for many employees and others, a class action is their only meaningful access to the courts. Moreover, class actions are important to the civil justice system because of the substantial time and cost savings they provide the courts and parties. The Dukes case has the potential to redefine the terms on which this critical procedural device is available.
No matter what the justices say Tuesday, and no matter how they eventually rule, Wal-Mart already has largely succeeded in blunting the force of the allegations against it. The case will be 11 years old when it is decided by the Supreme Court and yet it is nowhere near trial, much less a plaintiffs' verdict that would be sustainable on appeal. This is so despite massive pre-trial discovery on the class-action issue alone, an exemplar of scorched-earth civil litigation which already has generated, by one litigant's count, "over 200 depositions" and the "production of more than a million pages," as well as "electronic personnel data."
At that rate, it could easily take another 11 years, or longer, to finally resolve this case. Betty Dukes, the Wal-Mart "greeter" who became the lead plaintiff in the case, was 54 when she first filed suit against the company. She's now 65. She'll be lucky if she gets her day in court, and a jury to hear her claims on the merits, before she's 70, and that's only if the justices allow the plaintiffs to proceed with their claims. This breathtaking pre-trial delay has occurred despite a series of rulings, from every court that has considered the case, acknowledging that there is a legally-cognizable class of plaintiffs here, a huge one, the members of which have at least a justiciable beef against Wal-Mart.
Amidst an intense public relations campaign, Wal-Mart says that the 9th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, and the trial judge before that, got it all wrong; that the class of potential plaintiffs is simply too big to band together against it under Rule 23 of the Federal Rules of Civil Procedure. From Wal-Mart's brief:
The class members-- potentially millions of women supervised by tens of thousands of different managers and employed in thousands of different stores throughout the country-- assert highly individualized, fact-intensive claims for monetary relief that are subject to individualized statutory defenses. The named plaintiffs' claims cannot conceivably be typical of the claims of the strangers they seek to represent. These intractable problems are compounded by a virtually boundless class definition that produces an across-the-board class pervaded by conflicts among its members. This kaleidoscope of claims, defenses, issues, locales, events, and individuals makes it impossible for the named plaintiffs to be adequate representatives of the absent class members.
The plaintiffs say this is nonsense. From their brief:
The district court made extensive findings to support its conclusion that the class satisfied the typicality and adequacy of representation requirements. Wal-Mart presents no legal argument, but instead asks the Court to revisit factual determinations made below. Wal-Mart would eliminate the 'pattern or practice' method of proof, requiring instead that systemic discrimination cases be litigated for both liability and remedies, individual-by-individual and store-by-store. Plaintiffs would be required to prove that 'the motive for every single discretionary pay and promotion decision affecting every single class member was discriminatory.
I counted 27 amici briefs, which means that Wal-Mart v. Dukes has become a national proxy fight between Big Business and the trial lawyers over the future of class-action litigation in America. My heart may be with Dukes but my money is on Wal-Mart. Despite its recent rulings, the Court's majority is still stridently pro-business (and anti-trial attorney). Add to that mix the justices' chronicled zeal in rejecting 9th Circuit decisions (like the one here) and you've got yourself the makings of a ruling for corporations that will make the Court's landmark campaign finance ruling, Citizens United, seem like a trifle to workers all over the country.
Image credit: Joshua Lott / Reuters |
Milan lead Italy in Money League
By Football Italia staff
The annual Football Money League report, published by Deloitte, shows that Milan are still Italian football’s top earners.
Real Madrid are the game’s biggest cash generating force after they amassed revenue in excess of €500m in 2011-12. Barcelona are second, with Manchester United third.
Milan are eighth in the list, having dropped a place from the season before, despite a yearly increase in revenue from €234.8m to €256.9m.
Juventus, thanks to income of €194.5m last season, are tenth in the standings having benefitted from winning Serie A and moving into their own arena.
Inter have fallen four places to 12th, Napoli are up five to 15th while Roma have dropped four spots to 19th.
Top 20: 1 Real Madrid €512.6m, 2 Barcelona €483m, 3 Man Utd €395.9m, 4 Bayern Munich €368.4m, 5 Chelsea €322.6m, 6 Arsenal €290.3m, 7 Man City €285.6m, 8 Milan €256.9m, 9 Liverpool €233.2m, 10 Juventus €195.4m, 11 Borussia Dortmund €189.1m, 12 Inter €185.9m, 13 Spurs €178.2m, 14 Schalke €174.5m, 15 Napoli €148.4m, 16 Marseille €135.7m, 17 Lyon €131.9m, 18 Hamburg €121.1m, 19 Roma €115.9m, 20 Newcastle €115.3m. |
Sponges and Foams
Japanese Mats:
Filter Sponges/Foams
Natural Sponge
Plastic and Nylon Scrubbies/Strippers/Scourers
Pot Scrubbies
Scour Pad
Floor Buffer Stripping Pads
Body Scrubbers
Flosses,Pads and Fibers
Polyfiber
Filter Sock
Felt
LFS Filter Pads
Matala Fiber Pads
LFS Bio-Media
Cannister Media
Bio-Balls
Bio-Bale
Lava rock
Bio-Wheels
?
Plants and Refugiums
Recently I have noticed a great increase in questions having to do media and which should be used in the askers particular situation.I thought I would put some effort into creating a "Guide" of sorts that may possibly be of some help to people with filter media questions, especially those who are somewhat new to the hobby or are just breaking into the DIY scene.I figured I would post many of the frequently used (or asked about) medias along with a few of the main upsides and downsides of said media.If anybody sees a commonly used media that I left out or just one that fits the guide feel free to add,although preferably in roughly the same format as to emphasize simplicity and improve the overall flow of the "Media Guide".with that said,let us begin withSurface area/cu.ft.:120Upsides: A fairly easily obtained and inexpensive material suitable for both bio-media as well as a pre-filter media.Often available in bulk.Downsidesn the low side as far as surface area, compresses somewhat over time.Overall: Excellent choice for bio-media in a sump with no lack of space.I had mine stacked about 12" high and the compressed somewhat over about a years time...perhaps flipping them occasionally can prevent this.Surface area/cu.ft.: roughly 75-175 depending on porousnessUpsides: An excellent all around choice of media in most applications.Technically you could run sponges or foam of varying porousness in your entire sump.Holds up well under "Rinse and re-use" conditions.Downsides: Clogs.not the highest in terms of surface area.If you have a rather large bio-load or somewhat of a lack of space you may want to look into media with a higher surface area.Rather pricey if needed in large quantity as well, IMHOOverall:A good pre-filter or bio-media however frequent rinsing will be needed if you are using this as your primary source of mechanical filtrationSurface area/cu.ft.:100Upsides:Rather inexpensive.descent micro-polisher.Downsides:Clogs easy.Not as porous as one would think,so water doesn't flow well through the center....although giving them a few good pokes with a kitchen knife works wonders.I am told they break down over time,although I have seen them successfully used in a sump for around 8 months.Overall:Not the best choice for either mechanical or biological but can be used until a better media is obtained.Surface area/cu.ft.:370Upsides: Whats not to love?Fairly high surface area, clog resistance and an easily stackable shape make these an all time favorite for experienced aquarists everywhere.Not to mention they are cheap as hell.Downsides:If your bio-load is huge yet your sump is less than massive, you will still most likely eventually find yourself looking to add some media with a higher surface area.Overall:Best bang for your buck as far as bio-mediaSurface area/cu.ft.:150-200Upsides:Excellent flow rate through media, among the best stacking medias in the "Guide" allow for maximum media coverage in tight spaces.Good as a "filler" media tucked here and there to fill in empty spaces in the sump.Downsides:Once again with a massive bio-load or very little space to work with you may find yourself wanting a smaller media with a higher surface area.Overall:Much the same as pot scubbies with some surface area sacrificed for far greater stackability.Surface area/cu.ft.:175-225Upside:Good flow rate,stackable,fair surface area.Downsides:Same as scourers.Overall: Much the same as the scourers but usually tighter woven providing more surface area with a slight reduction in flow rate.Surface area/cu.ft.: 75Upsides:free if you have a girlfriend (they always keep extra....)Downsides:Not pretty if your girlfriend ever finds out where her body scrubbers went.also they compress,have a low surface area and can sometimes contain perfumes built right into the plastic/nylon.Overall:Best used to soap up naked ladies.Surface area/cu.ft.:?Upsides:Great mechanical filtration,extremely cheap when purchased in bulk.Can be rinsed and reused.Can also be purchased in pads.Cheap at the LFS and 5 times cheaper at a fabric store.Downsides:Clogs fairly quickly.Fibers can be (and often are) found tangled on your impellor or floating in your tank.Overall:The mechanical counterpart to pot scrubbies.Cheap,easy to maintain,and reusable.Surface area/cu.ft.:NAUpsides:Unless your tank is super messy you can often get away with having a filter sock or two as your sumps primary source of mechanical filtration,freeing up valuable space for more bio-media.Downsides:If your tank is super messy these will clog and mess with your flow rate somewhat.Overall:Not a bad addition to a sump with proper maintenance.Surface area/cu.ft.: NAUpsides:Excellent for last stage mechanical filtration.Acts as a "micro polishing pad" for your sump.Downsides:Clogs extremely easy unless the water goes through several stages of mech filtration before going through the felt.Also the felt is often dyed (even the white felt is often dyed that color) so a bit of searching or a lot of rinsing is required.Overall:Often unnecessary yet hard to beat as a micro polisher for you tank.Surface area/cu.ft. NAUpsides:Easily obtained,often best choice for mech filtration.Varying levels of porousness for further customization of mechanical filtration.Downsides:Somewhat pricey.Not often sold in what I would consider "bulk"Overallrobably the most frequently used mechanical medias available.Most often what people choose to put in their drip trays.Surface area/cu.ft.:60-175Upsidesoes not compress.Good for use as a permanent mech filtration pad that can be rinsed and reused.Sold in bulk.Buoyant, otherwise much the same as a scouring pad such as scotch brite.Downsides:Expensive,Buoyant,Low surface area per cu.ft. means alot would be needed for bio.Overall:Basically a large scouring padSurface area/cu.ft.:ALOT (Varies)Upsides:most surface area in the smallest space possible is what cannister media is all about.If you have a very large bio-load than a sump full of pot scrubbies may not cut it,which is where the cannister bio-media comes in handy.DownsidesriceyOverall:I'm sure it would be great if we all had the money to fill our sump with cannister bio-media like cell pore and the like but for those of us who don't defecate money I suggest just buying a container at a time and tossing it in your sump,eventually youll have quite a bit.My main chamber in my sump is filled with scrubbies however I toss in a container of cannister media whenever I have a few extra dollars (cell-pore,eheim pro,biomax,etc.) and I am slowly but surely filling my third chamber.Surface area/cu.ft.:100-175Upsides:fair surface area,shaped for maximum aeration,can be purchased in bulk,often for a fair price if shopped for online.One of the best things you can put in the wet/dry section of your sump.Downsides:can be pricey if your too lazy to shop around.I also hear Pot Scrubbies work at least as well as bio-balls in the wet/dry chamber,though I have not personally confirmed this.Effectiveness supposedly greatly diminished when submerged.Overall:The media most people use in the wet/dry section of their sumps, followed by scrubbies in a close second.Surface area/cu.ft.:250Upsides:Good surface area.Sold in Bulk.Downsides:Can become somewhat compressed over time, countered by the occasional "fluffing".Overall:Used much the same as you would pot scrubbies or bioballs, either in the wet/dry or fully submerged.Surface area/cu.ft.:15-25Upsides:very easily obtained and rather inexpensive.Good filler in a sump on a tank with a light bioloadDownsides:Very low surface area really.If pores get clogged than you might as well just drop a stone in your tank for biomedia.Overall:Not the best choice for biomedia.Even If you were to keep the pores of the rock very clean your sump would still have to be about the same size as the tank your filtering.For those who still insist on using lava rock I might suggest breaking it up with a hammer and putting it in a media bag.Surface area/cu.ft.:Upsides:Supposedly house a super concentrated bacteria colony.Wet/Dry design.Downsides:Very high Evaporation.Somewhat of a price factor involved.Overall:Used with succes on smaller HOB's but not widely used in conjunction with sumps (unless you have a tidepool sump).Thought about adding one to my sump.Upside:eat nitrates.Downside:Usually need special lighting.Not always room for a full size refugium,and often not enough space in your sump for a "mini-refugium"Overall:I fairly good idea.I want to put a refugium on my sump but have not decided how exactly to go about doing so.These are the primary choices for filter media that we as aquarists have available to us,and I hope this "Guide" is of some help to many an aquarist who are scratching their head,looking at that empty chamber on your filter and wondering what to place there. |
A top newspaper group in Alabama is urging the state’s voters to write in another Republican in Tuesday’s special election rather than vote for embattled GOP nominee Roy Moore.
“Voting for Roy Moore just because he has an ‘R’ next to his name, ignoring his record of personal and official misconduct, is neither wise nor careful,” reads an editorial published Sunday on AL.com, which is home to three leading state newspapers, including The Birmingham News.
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The editorial board urges voters in Alabama to consider Sen. Richard Shelby Richard Craig ShelbyBottom Line Senate plots to avoid fall shutdown brawl How the border deal came together MORE’s (R-Ala.) path and reasoning behind his choice to write in a Republican rather then cast his vote for Moore.
“For a state's senior senator to not support his party's nominee for the other seat is almost unheard of. Historians could find just one example: from 1990, when Louisiana's Republican nominee was David Duke, a former KKK leader,” the board writes.
“Alabamians should think hard about how effective Moore can be as junior senator, with such a fissure between him and Shelby, let alone other Republicans.”
Shelby said last month that he wrote in a Republican candidate and on Sunday said the state of Alabama deserves better than Moore.
"The state of Alabama deserves better," Shelby said on CNN's "State of the Union." "I think we’ve got a lot of great Republicans that could’ve won and carried the state beautifully and served honorably."
The newspaper group last month called on voters to reject Moore and vote for Democrat Doug Jones in the wake of the initial sexual misconduct allegations levied against the Republican nominee.
In the Sunday editorial, the board notes the focus on abortion in the race, arguing that a vote for a Democrat who supports abortion rights will not lead to more procedures in Alabama.
“He has held to his beliefs on this even as some have urged him to waffle in order to defeat Moore,” the board writes of Jones. “It's rare that a politician in Alabama will hold onto his beliefs, even when they're unpopular.”
Moore on Tuesday will face off against Jones in the special election for the seat vacated by Attorney General Jeff Sessions Jefferson (Jeff) Beauregard SessionsTrump says he hasn't spoken to Barr about Mueller report Ex-Trump aide: Can’t imagine Mueller not giving House a ‘roadmap’ to impeachment Rosenstein: My time at DOJ is 'coming to an end' MORE. |
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Donald Trump is aiming to pull off one of the greatest political comebacks in history.
EDITOR’S NOTE: This is what’s known in the business as “hedging your bets”. Yes, CNN, the Clinton News Network, is absolutely all in for Crooked Hillary. But at the end of the day, there are bills to be paid, and that’s just a hard, cold fact of life. So CNN, seeing the seemingly unstoppable Trump Train, has decided to play both sides of the street for awhile to see what side the slice of buttered bread falls on. Trump Train…now boarding for 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue!
The Republican nominee is rebounding from a summer of repeated stumbles that threatened to undermine his candidacy, underscoring his ability to claw his way back and stay competitive despite controversies that would sink any other politician.
Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton enter the critical post-Labor Day phase of the campaign in a dead heat. A CNN/ORC national poll released Tuesday finds Trump ahead of Clinton by two points — 45% to 43% — among likely voters. The race is also tight among registered voters, where Clinton has a three point advantage. Both findings are within the margin of error.
The narrowing of the race is a remarkable feat for Trump, who was down 10 points a month ago in CNN’s Poll of Polls.
“Hello, Cleveland…*cough*…*ah-hack*….we are so happy to…*cough*…*cough*…be here!”
If Trump can spend the next 63 days shining a relentless and unforgiving spotlight on Clinton’s vulnerabilities and avoid more self-inflicted wounds, there could be a path — however narrow — for him to reach the White House.
“Can he fundamentally alter the focus of this election right now — which is on him?” asked Bill Lacy, a GOP veteran who ran presidential campaigns for Bob Dole and Fred Thompson. “He needs to make this election about Secretary Clinton.”
Donald Trump has captured the imagination of the American people like no other since Ronald Reagan:
Forward to minute 3:00 to see the massive size of the crowds following Trump around. He has more people at one rally then Hillary has at half a dozen.
Trump’s best chance for altering the race lies in the presidential debates, which begin September 26 and will serve as critical tests of his temperament and knowledge. In front of a vast television audience, the GOP nominee could reshape perceptions of his character and readiness — if he can avoid being drawn into gaffes and personality clashes by Clinton.
NTEB ELECTION 2016 FUN FACTS!
Here in Florida I see Donald Trump stickers and signage everywhere I go. We saw tons of Bernie sticker as well. So far, since June 2015, we have only two recorded sightings of anything related to the Hillary For President campaign. The following “fun facts” round out the story on the ground.
Number of followers on Twitter:
Number of followers on Facebook:
He will benefit from rock-bottom expectations, given controversies whipped up by his tempestuous personality and the vast gulf in experience between Trump and Clinton.
There will be no space for the billionaire to relax and regenerate his energy while rivals spar or networks cut to commercial breaks. The intensity of the questioning and his confrontation with a prepared and experienced candidate like Clinton will leave no place to hide.
Still, there is much for him to gain in the three scheduled televised showdowns and he will get an unfiltered chance to raise Clinton’s political vulnerabilities before the American people. source |
49ers receiver Jeremy Kerley steps into the right slot
Video: Inform video embed Bold predictions: 49ers at Panthers
Kristal Kerley’s hands were shaking before kickoff Monday at Levi’s Stadium.
Her husband, wide receiver Jeremy Kerley, was about to make his 49ers debut, 15 days after he’d arrived in a trade. It was a prime opportunity to revive a solid career that had gone south.
After 182 catches in five seasons with the Jets, he was released in March. After five months in Detroit, he was dealt to the 49ers for a backup guard, Brandon Thomas, who is on the Lions’ practice squad.
Now, he was suddenly the 49ers’ primary slot receiver and kick returner in the season opener against the Rams. But had he adequately digested the playbook? Would he have rapport with a quarterback he just met? Would this be a bright beginning or the latest dead end?
“When I first sat down, I was nervous and I was shaking a whole lot,” Kristal Kerley said. “It’s one of those things where he’s going to do good and the fans are going to love him. Or, if he makes too many mistakes, they’re going to be mad and I’m going to have my mama-bear, wifey claws out because I can’t have anybody attacking my husband.”
The good news for the Kerleys: Kristal’s claws were kept under wraps.
San Francisco 49ers' Jeremy Kerley against Los Angeles Rams during NFL game at Levi's Stadium in Santa Clara, Calif., on Monday, September 12, 2016. San Francisco 49ers' Jeremy Kerley against Los Angeles Rams during NFL game at Levi's Stadium in Santa Clara, Calif., on Monday, September 12, 2016. Photo: Scott Strazzante, The Chronicle Photo: Scott Strazzante, The Chronicle Image 1 of / 3 Caption Close 49ers receiver Jeremy Kerley steps into the right slot 1 / 3 Back to Gallery
The home fans loved Kerley, who led the 49ers in targets (11), catches (seven) and receiving yards (61) in a 28-0 win over the Rams. Kerley, who also returned two punts for 11 yards, played 54 of 81 snaps and provided one of the 49ers’ biggest offensive plays: His diving 18-yard catch on 4th-and-6 in the second quarter sustained a touchdown drive that gave the 49ers a 14-0 lead.
“We picked the guy up two weeks ago and he had seven catches,” head coach Chip Kelly said. “If we picked him up last week, he’d probably have 10 if we didn’t screw him up.”
Yes, Kerley, who recently got a permanent nameplate over his locker, looked comfortable even though he wasn’t quite at home. He didn’t move from a hotel to his new apartment in Santa Clara until Wednesday. And he spent part of the weekend before kickoff being quizzed on his new playbook by Kristal, a former All-America sprinter at TCU he met in college.
“I’d throw out (plays) to him,” Kristal said, “and he’d tell me where he’s supposed to move to.”
On Aug. 28, the Kerleys, who have children ages 7, 3 and 2, discovered that Jeremy would be moving to the 49ers.
They heard from his agent, Jeff Nalley, who called around 8 a.m. and began by saying he had good news: Jeremy would be leaving a team that was likely to release him to play for a team that had just lost its lone viable slot receiver, Bruce Ellington, to a season-ending hamstring tear.
In addition, he noted Kelly emphasized Kerley’s position in the 49ers’ no-huddle offense. Jordan Matthews had 152 catches (and 232 targets) as Kelly’s slot receiver in Philadelphia from 2014-15.
Kerley quickly became swayed by his agent’s good-news pitch: “Knowing Chip Kelly was the head coach and I might have a real chance to be the slot receiver in his offense, it kind of clicked: ‘You might be getting the ball. You might want to hop on this.’”
And Kristal provided more reason to feel good about the trade: “My feeling was you’re going from Detroit to Cali. C’mon, you have to smile, right?”
Until Monday, football hadn’t given Kerley much to smile about for over a year.
In 2015, he was phased out of the Jets’ offense after head coach Todd Bowles and offensive coordinator Chan Gailey were hired. Part of the reason was that the new staff preferred bigger-bodied receivers. Kerley, 5-foot-9 and 188 pounds, finished with just 16 catches despite playing in all 16 games.
In March, just 17 months after signing a four-year, $14 million extension, Kerley was released by the Jets and signed with the Lions. However, Detroit signed former 49ers wide receiver Anquan Boldin just before training camp and Kerley began to get the sense he might be departing Detroit sooner than he expected.
“You’ve got a 14-year vet coming into a team and he really only plays the slot,” Kerley said. “So you already kind of know what it is.”
And it was something Kerley had rarely experienced in his athletic career.
At Hutto (Texas) High, he was a four-year starter at quarterback and defensive back. In baseball, he was a pitcher who also played shortstop and center field. Kerley said his fastball hovered around 94 mph and he received a scholarship offer from Stanford. In track, he was second in Class 3A in the long jump and triple jump as a senior, finishing behind Titans wide receiver Kendall Wright in both events.
His success continued at TCU, where his receiving and returning exploits made him one of the three finalists for the Paul Hornung Award, which is given to the nation’s most versatile player. Then, one year after the Jets selected him in the fifth round in 2011, he had career highs in catches (56) and yards (827), a breakout season that led to his contract extension.
Given that background, he didn’t expect to be released and traded in a five-month span.
“It’s been humbling in the sense I’ve never been through anything like that,” Kerley said. “But for someone who doesn’t know how to handle the situation, it could be demoralizing and that didn’t happen.”
The string of rejection came not long after Kerley was stunned by the death of his “little brother,” Josh Wilson, 25, who was in a single-car accident near Hutto in October 2014. Kerley and Wilson were cousins, but they referred to each other as brothers due to their inseparable bond.
Kerley continued to text Wilson after his death, and the painful loss provided a new perspective on his job. The football-obsessed Wilson, who was also a talented athlete, wasn’t jealous of Kerley’s success, instead reveling in it, and was among his biggest fans. Kristal said Josh lived through Jeremy, who was determined to honor his memory.
Now, with the 49ers, it appears he’ll have plenty of chances to do so.
“For the most part, I didn’t really play for something,” Kerley said. “I just played because I was good at it and it was fun. I never really had a big motivation to go out and prove something to anybody other than myself. ... When he passed, I decided I was going to dedicate myself to play for him. He loved the game so much. Every time I step on the field, I know he’s watching. It’s like, “What would he want me to do?’”
Eric Branch is a San Francisco Chronicle staff writer. Email: [email protected] Twitter: @Eric_Branch
Davis out for Sunday
Backup right tackle Anthony Davis of the 49ers has been ruled out for Sunday’s game at Carolina because of a concussion suffered in Thursday’s practice.
Davis did not report his concussion until after practice, which is why he was not listed on the injury report until Friday, the team said.
In 2014, Davis suffered his first concussion and was sidelined for four games while he struggled with serious symptoms. Davis said he felt as though he was in a “white fog” for the first few days after his concussion.
He left the NFL in June 2015, citing a desire to let his “brain and body” heal, although he said during training camp that he wasn’t having post-concussion symptoms when he returned to play at the end of the 2014 season.
Last Saturday, Davis missed practice amid a report he was considering retirement, which he denied this week.
Davis and head coach Chip Kelly cited a “miscommunication” as the reason he missed the practice. They also said his sudden move from starting right guard to backup tackle after his practice absence was Kelly’s decision.
With Davis sidelined, John Theus, a rookie fifth-round pick, will serve as the swing tackle Sunday. If left tackle Joe Staley was sidelined, it’s likely right tackle Trent Brown would slide over to his side and Theus would assume Brown’s spot.
—Eric Branch |
(NaturalNews) The mainstream media have been tireless in their recent efforts to discredit and demonize those who dare question the safety or efficacy of vaccines, and particularly those who choose not to have their children vaccinated.What seems obvious now is that an honest dialogue on the subject seems nearly impossible in a climate of fear-mongering created by those who control the flow of information to the masses.The reports recently being circulated by the major media outlets are designed to lead people to believe that the entire anti-vaccine movement has grown out of response to a single (and allegedly spurious, according to the pro-vaccine camp) study linking mercury-containing vaccines with incidences of autism.Although there may be room for debate on that particular aspect of the subject at hand, what the media is not mentioning is that there are far more reasons to be skeptical about vaccines in general.The typical news story seen lately tends to label "anti-vaxxers" as the worst type of conspiracy nuts -- a small group of tin-foil-hat-wearing wackos who threaten their children's lives and the rest of the populace with their paranoid delusions. Many news reports have advocated imprisonment for parents who refuse to vaccinate their children.At the same time, vaccines are being promoted as completely safe and effective -- an assertion which is simply not true. There are mounds of evidence from dozens of studies indicating that many vaccines are neither efficacious nor harmless.A glaring example is the extremely compelling evidence that Merck & Co., one of the largest vaccine manufacturers on the planet, has provided false statements and faked clinical trials in connection with their mumps vaccine This fraud and deception on the part of Merck has been occurring for at least the past decade, and might still be occurring if it weren't for the actions of two whistleblowers from the company's laboratories who initially filed a lawsuit in 2012 -- a lawsuit which, despite Merck's efforts to have it dismissed, has recently ballooned into a federal case:The company now faces federal fraud charges. The whistleblowers' court documents state that Merck:"...failed to disclose that its mumps vaccine was not as effective as Merck represented, (ii) used improper testing techniques, (iii) manipulated testing methodology, (iv) abandoned undesirable test results, (v) falsified test data, (vi) failed to adequately investigate and report the diminished efficacy of its mumps vaccine , (vii) falsely verified that each manufacturing lot of mumps vaccine would be as effective as identified in the labeling, (viii) falsely certified the accuracy of applications filed with the FDA, (ix) falsely certified compliance with the terms of the CDC purchase contract, (x) engaged in the fraud and concealment describe herein for the purpose of illegally monopolizing the U.S. market for mumps vaccine, (xi) mislabeled, misbranded, and falsely certified its mumps vaccine, and (xii) engaged in the other acts described herein to conceal the diminished efficacy of the vaccine the government was purchasing."The fact that Merck, with hundreds of millions of dollars at its disposal to hire a high-powered legal team, was not able to have the lawsuit dismissed, is damning evidence that there is substance in the allegations.The court upheld all of the original complaints made by the whistle-blowers, and under the False Claims Act, Merck could be liable for hundreds of millions of dollars (possible even billions) in damages.For more than three decades, Merck has had an exclusive license granted by the FDA to manufacture and sell its Measles-Mumps-Rubella (MMR) vaccine to the public. To retain its licensing rights, Merck was required to prove that its updated vaccine formula had at least a 95 percent efficacy rate.This is the reason Merck falsified data -- the company knew that the vaccine was not nearly as effective as it was required to be, and out of greed and callousness, deliberately lied to the FDA and the American public with an utter disregard for the health consequences.Personally, I would expect this to be a bigger scandal and one of far greater concern than the minority of parents who refuse to have their children vaccinated, but there has been barely a whisper in the mainstream press regarding this pending lawsuit.It also would seem to exonerate those who question the safety and efficacy of vaccines in general, but the media is now engaged in a vicious smear campaign against the anti-vaxxers.And if you're wondering how this could possible happen, the answer -- as usual -- is "follow the money."The mainstream media is owned by its advertisers and is also heavily influenced by those in the government who have been bought by lobbyists. And guess what? Big Pharma is one of the biggest lobby groups out there.So, if you find yourself tempted to jump on the bandwagon, along with those in the media and elsewhere who are bent on vilifying those who question the safety and reliability of vaccines, maybe you should first consider taking a step back to closely examine their motives. |
Ladder Safety
by Nick Gromicko and Kenton Shepard
Some common causes of ladder injuries include: A ladder is a structure designed for climbing that consists of two long side-pieces joined at uniform intervals by rungs or steps. It's important to use the right tool for the job, and that includes ladders, which come in different types and sizes for different applications. It's also important to exercise extreme caution while using a ladder, as a fall from a ladder can lead to serious injury and even death.
mounting or dismounting the ladder improperly;
losing one's balance;
failing to set up the ladder properly;
over-reaching while on the ladder; and
mis-stepping while climbing or descending.
Statistics Concerning Ladder Dangers According to the World Health Organization, the United States leads the world in ladder deaths. Each year, there are more than 164,000 emergency room-treated injuries and 300 deaths in the U.S. that are caused by falls from ladders.
Most ladder deaths are from falls of 10 feet or less.
Falls from ladders are the leading cause of deaths on construction sites.
Over the past decade, the number of people who have died from falls from ladders has tripled.
Falls from ladders are the leading cause of ladder-related injuries, followed by using a ladder improperly, using a faulty or defective ladder, and simple carelessness.
Some basic safety tips will help prevent injuries. And safety begins with understanding the types of ladders available and their common ues.
Ladder Types
According to the American Ladder Institute, there are nine different types of ladders. Not all of them are used by inspectors, however.
The following types of ladders are used commonly by inspectors:
a step ladder, which is a self-supporting ladder that is not adjustable in length, with a hinged design for ease of storage;
a single ladder, which is a non-self-supporting ladder that is not adjustable in length, consisting of one section. This type of ladder is rarely used anymore because extension ladders are used instead;
an extension ladder, which is a non-self-supporting ladder that is adjustable in length. It consists of two or more sections that travel in guides or brackets arranged so as to permit length adjustment;
an articulated ladder, which has one or more pairs of locking articulated joints, which allow the ladder to be set up in several different configurations. It may be used as a step ladder or a single ladder;
a tripod ladder, which has one leg opposite the rungs and is handy for applications where more support is desired than that provided by an extension ladder but where space to set up the ladder may be limited;
a trestle ladder, which is a combination of a step ladder with a single extension ladder that can be raised through the top; and
a telescoping ladder, which uses a pin system to "telescope" into variable lengths. As it is more portable than the extension ladder, it is often preferred over that design for indoor applications. Inspectors should be aware that accidents have happened due to failure of the pins, which can be difficult to detect in advance. Some inspectors refuse to use telescoping ladders for this reason.
Accessories
Ladder levels attached to the bottom of the siderails can provide stability and support on uneven surfaces, but the use of these devices should be limited to those whose expertise and confidence in ladder use is advanced. For most users, placing the ladder on a flat, even surface is the safest method for use.
If it's not possible to safely brace an extension ladder against a stable or even surface at the top, a straight ladder stabilizer can be used for this purpose.
PARTS OF A STEP LADDER
PARTS OF AN EXTENSION LADDER
Safety Tips for Inspectors and Homeowners
Never:
leave a raised ladder unattended. Ladders that are not in use should be laid on the ground or put away. A client may be tempted to climb the inspector's raised ladder if it is left unattended, which is never a good idea. Similarly, the inspector should never use the client's ladder;
place a ladder in front of a door that is not locked, blocked or guarded;
place a ladder on an unstable or uneven surface;
use a ladder for any purpose other than the one for which it was designed. Many homeowners and even professionals sometimes use an extension ladder as a ramp between two points or as a shelf to hold materials and supplies, and what may seem convenient in a pinch in the field may lead to an accident or injury;
tie or fasten ladders together to provide longer sections, unless they are specifically designed for that purpose;
use a ladder in windy conditions;
use a ladder if you're not fully alert and physically able;
skip any rungs while climbing or descending;
bounce on any rungs;
use a ladder that has been exposed to fire or strong chemicals, as these conditions may leave residual damage or corrosion, which cannot be detected during use;
exceed the maximum load rating. The maximum load rating, which should be found on a highly visible label on the ladder, is the maximum intended load that the ladder is designed to carry. Duty ratings are Type lll, ll, l, lA and 1B, which correspond to maximum load capacities of 220, 225, 250, 300 and 350 pounds, respectively. Inspectors and homeowners should know the duty rating of the ladder they are using, as well as the combined weight of themselves and their tools;
use a step ladder in the closed or partially closed position, or use it by leaning it against a wall;
sit on any rung, including the top;
climb past the fourth rung from the top on a leaning ladder, or the second rung from the top on a step ladder. Never use the top step;
pull, lean, stretch, or make any sudden moves. Over-reaching is the most common and dangerous form of ladder misuse;
climb a ladder while holding tools or other items. Both hands are required for safe climbing and descent;
pull or push any items while ascending or descending. Always wait until you're at the top or bottom of your working point to hoist or lower items;
step on the rear section of a step ladder or the underside of an extension ladder;
paint a wooden ladder, as this can conceal cracks and other damage that would require repairing or replacing the ladder; or
drop or throw a ladder, or allow it to fall, which can create a hazard for others, as well as damage the ladder.
Before mounting a ladder, always check the following:
that the ladder, steps and rungs are free of oil, grease, wet paint, and other slipping hazards;
that the feet work properly and have slip-resistant pads. These pads become worn over time and may need to be replaced. On extension ladders, the rubber pads can be turned around to reveal metal spurs, which can be used to secure the ladder in soft surfaces, such as grass or dirt;
that rung locks and spreader braces are working;
that all moveable parts operate freely without binding or excessive play;
that all bolts and rivets are secure;
that ropes aren't frayed or excessively worn;
that the ground under the ladder is level and firm. Large, flat, wooden boards braced under the ladder can level a ladder on uneven or soft ground. Also, some companies make leveling devices so that ladders can be used on uneven and hilly terrain;
that the ladder's rungs, cleats or steps are parallel, level, and uniformly spaced when the ladder is in position for use. Rungs should be spaced between 10 and 14 inches apart;
10 and 14 inches apart; that the ladder is anchored. The base can be tied to a nearby sturdy object, such as a pole or a building. If no anchor is available, a stake can be driven into the ground. Inspectors should beware not to anchor their ladders to something that can impale them if they were to fall on it, such as a grounding rod. A 10-inch nail, hammered so as to leave only an inch or two exposed, is usually safe and effective;
that the area around the ladder is roped off or barricaded. An "InterNACHI Inspector at work!" stop sign can also be placed beside the ladder to warn others to stay clear;
for any cracks, bends, splits or corrosion;
the location of nearby power lines. If setting up a ladder near them or other types of electrical equipment is unavoidable, use a wooden or fiberglass ladder rather than a metal ladder, which can conduct electricity and lead to a shock or electrocution. Do not allow your ladder to make contact with any overhead wires, regardless of the type or whether they're live, as it is not always possible to confirm their status;
the distance of non-self-supporting ladders from the structure. This type of ladder must lean against a wall or other support, so they should be positioned at such an angle that the horizontal distance from the top support to the foot of the ladder is about one-quarter or a 4:1 angle of the working length of the ladder. A rough method to test this angle is by placing your toes at the base of the ladder and stretching your arm at shoulder height. Your hand should just touch the ladder;
that the ladder has slip-resistant feet;
that the ladder is the proper length for the job. Ladders should extend a minimum of 3 feet over the roofline or working surface;
the locking devices. Step ladders must have a metal spreader or locking device to hold the front and back sections in an open position when in use; and
that someone knows where you are. Accidents can and do happen in remote areas where cell phones are ineffective and no one is home. If you are injured under these conditions, no one will know you are hurt and need help.
While on the ladder, always:
face the ladder;
wear secure-fitting footwear free of mud and other substances that may cause you to slip;
consider anchoring the top of the ladder with a bungee cord. Perhaps the most feared move an inspector must make is stepping back onto the ladder from the roof. They must step around the section of the ladder that extends above the roofline, placing lateral pressure on the rung as they make contact with the ladder. A bungee cord is a convenient tool that can be used to reduce any wavering that could otherwise result in a serious accident. Also, a bungee cord may prevent the ladder from being blown over in the wind while the inspector is on the roof;
be conscious of the ladder's location, especially while walking on the roof. In an emergency, the inspector may need to leave the roof quickly. Ladders become much more dangerous when an inspector becomes covered in a swarm of stinging bees and must get down in a hurry, for instance;
use a fall-arrest system for working at great heights or while performing complicated tasks;
use the proper protective equipment for the job, such as a hardhat or eye protection;
keep your body centered between the rails at all times. Do not lean too far to the side while working; and
utilize at least three points of contact, because this minimizes the chances of slipping and falling from the ladder. At all times during ascent or descent, the climber must face the ladder and have two hands and one foot, or two feet and one hand, in contact with the ladder cleats and/or side rails. In this way, the climber is unlikely to become unstable if one limb slips during the climb. It is important to note that the climber must not carry any objects in either hand that can interfere with a firm grip on the ladder. |
1 When you say apocalypse’, you immediately conjure visions of an end to the world as we know it. It’s a part of our culture, our media and of course, it is in large part, a product of both science fiction AND fact. As in business, one must be prepared: you speculate to accumulate. And so in science, the best way to be prepar ed for such eventualities is to speculate. What are the ‘global killers’ Apocalypse in 20 ways going to be? How, if at all, can we prepare for those? And can we safely make some assumptions about their possibility, without in actual fact inducing a premature panic for their probability? The danger is clear: don’t speculate and get caught one day, unaware! Speculate too much and one risks inducing the very panic that said speculation is designed to curtail. But Fear Not! The t eam at What is Universe is here to help. Have some FUN with us as we begin this two part overview of scientific apocalypses that might just be the end of all things. Welcome t o the end of the world...
2 We don’t exactly know what happens to matter when falling into a black hole though we can be sure that only due to the enormous gravitational force our civilisation ends right there. And so it is that Earth too could be vulnerable. Whyever not? We are, at our ‘cor e’ (!) simply a part of ‘space’. A planet; a starry spec ‘out there’. And if any other star can be swallowed then it would be both complacent and indeed illogical to assume that the A black hole visiting and swallowing Earth Earth is beyond such a fate. Imagine CERN, the particle accelerator, simulating the origins of the Earth: the ‘big bang’. Well, it has been legitimately speculated that a strong gravitational force could thereby be generated and in turn, tear apart the very fabric of the Earth’s stability. In short: we could create our own ‘black hole’ and that would swallow us up. Discovery has a price and that price could be an apocalypse! The str ong gravitational force would tear apart the planet for sure, so even without knowing what happens to matter beyond the Event Horiz on of the black hole, we can be sure that’s the end of our world as we know it. 1
3 A gamma ray burst occurs when a massive star dies and collapses, causing a huge explosion known as a supernova. The r emnant of this supernova is often a neutron star, quark star or black hole. During the supernova a narrow beam of intense radiation known as a gamma-ray burst is sometimes released from either pole of the star. A gamma-ray burst is incredibly powerful, typically releasing more energy in seconds than Gamma ray burst reaching Earth the sun will in its 10 billion-year lifetime. A planet caught in one of these bursts would lose its atmosphere instantly and would be left a burnt cinder, astronomers say. In the realm of science fiction, gamma rays are our friends rather than foes. Note that the heroic and altruistic Dr. Bruce Banner researches the things for the benefit of mankind; his expertise on the subject helping to perfect a super- soldier serum and repel an alien invasion. Unfortunately, it also turns him into a giant raging monster known as the HULK. But just think of the fun we all have in watching ‘HULK SMASH!’. Empirical, scientific proofs are available, Marvel comic books, tv series, cartoon shows and of course the recent A vengers Assemble and forthcoming Age of Ultron. 2
4 Ok. This was AL W A YS going to be a long shot. But it IS possible. Not probable, granted. But possible. Y ou cannot rule it out. Consider this: SOMEWHERE in our dense universe, there is at least one planet CAP ABLE of sustaining life in a similar capacity to that of Earth. Who is to say that the spark did not ignite? We may indeed have alien counterparts. Granted, they may have chosen NO T to contact us! Perhaps they took one look at the Earth’s aesthetic from space: pollution; ozone layer; oceans expanding and ice caps melting and thought ‘sod this: back to our leader!’. IE if we seem primitive and destructive to a SUPERIOR species, then WHY would they even ventur e into OUR territory? W ould YOU settle in an uninhabitable Alien invasion home? No. Neither would aliens. The logical alt ernative is that the alien life forms in question are LESS advanced than we. Ther efore, they would hav e neither means nor inclination to contact the Earth. T his is a prominent concern in science fiction: note that Star T rek often speaks of ‘‘pre industrial civilisations’, rather than having EVERY star and system populated by God like beings (Q /Khan et al are not always the focus; note Star T rek Generations and Insurrection both feature primitive communities). That said, we just don’t know yet. T he sheer mathematics that divide us in light years could prevent a communication of any meaningful nature to intercept or pr event the dark day of an alien war. Indeed, the way the makers of the inevitable Independence Day sequel (20 years after the original was a box office hit) explained the del ay in those terms: ‘twenty years could be five minutes to an alien race’ (relativity, basically). If these are indeed hostile aliens, what is the greatest weapon in warfare? SURPRISE! So don’t rule out an attack one day, as you go about your daily business..( cf: War of the Worlds) or even just an outbreak of a virus carried by one of OUR space explorers (remember, readers: a ‘virus’ IS an intelligent life form..and they do exist in space). ‘In space, no-one can hear you cough’ . 3
5 Don’t let the title scare you away. Let us explain.. ‘The Standar d Model’, that is our best model of the universe so far, says that the vacuum is not devoid of matter. Instead, it teems with particles and antiparticles that pop into exist ence and run into one another and annihilate themselves. T his quantum mechanic process violates no laws of physics, provided the particles don’t live longer than a fleeting instant. The Standar d Model also says that for the vacuum of empty space to be stable, we should be living at a minimum of potential energy. It is lik e living at the bottom of a valley Vacuum instability bordered by hills! And the value of the Higgs potential would be lowest point of the valley. BUT our Universe might end if our valley really is not the lowest one around. T he shape of the Higgs potential is determined precisely by the Higgs mass. The observ ed 126 GeV mass seems to imply the universe does not exist in the lowest possible energy state. It is sort of like being in a valley whose floor is higher than that of an adjoining valley. If we did not know that a deep valley was on the other side of the hill, we would think we were at the lowest level we could be. If we somehow managed to get to the other side, however, we could fall much lower. This situation would normally not pose a problem, as we could not travel between valleys, ex cept in quantum mechanics, which allows particles to tunnel through hills unpredictably. As a result, in the future our Universe could spontaneously and randomly tunnel through to the deeper one, with potentially catastrophic consequences. 4
6 Our day begins and ends with the rise and fall of the Sun. Should the lifespan of the Earth itself be any different? IE: one terrible day..the Sun rises.. and rises..and rises. Until it explodes. ‘Sundown’ acquires an horrific and destructive yet awesomely powerful connotation. The death of the Sun would mean the death of the Earth. And, like it or not, the sun’s death is inevitable! It is in effect a ticking time-bomb of energy from which its heat is transmitted to us. Our Sun comes to the end of its life cycle But at least we won’t be alone in the wake. T he Sun’s death would also take out most of the solar system. Unlikely as it is for the Sun to turn into a supernova soon, when it does reach ‘Red Giant’ phase, it will swallow the Earth. Think of the rest of the solar system as the sweet that follows Earth as the main course. At least we go down as the centre of the Universe in some sense? If you’d like t o simulate the Sun-death scenario, we recommend Danny Boyle’s excellent film, Sunshine. 5
7 Ever had one of those days where nothing works? Y our Broadband is slow . Y our mobile phone signal is non existent. Just imagine that, multiplied by infinity and you’re not even close to the very r eal, very possible nightmare that is the solar superstorm! When it comes (and it will), it brings down all our electric networks and power grids. The r esult? We get catapulted back t o the Solar superstorm middle age. Good luck with that! The solar flares are not just an explosion on the Suns surface, they actually push waves of light out in all possible spectra - including X-Rays, Gamma Rays and all that “good” radiation that is deadly to our human species. But Solar storms also cause pretty colorful auroras in the sky, so at least we will have something to watch while the electr onic devices of our civilisation are being wiped out. 6
8 If String Theory and one of its successors M-Theory stand, then our Universe began with two so called cosmic membranes colliding. If our brane, that contains our Universe as we know it, collides with another one and a new Universe starts to emerge our current Universe may be discontinued. IE: multiple universes could be co-existing at this point. M-Theory But, to quote the tagline for the Highlander films, ‘there can only be one’. A scientific equivalent of corporate merger or acquisition in dimensions would have to happen at some point. The smaller of the two dimensions must fold into its larger counterpart. And, since we are at this point only speculating as to how many additional dimensions are ‘out there’, you can mak e a fairly safe bet that if one dimension has to ‘give’, then it’ll be ours. Y ou have been warned! 7
9 It is very likely that an ast eroid wiped out the dinosaurs that ruled our planet for 100 million years. T here was the impact of the asteroid itself (akin to a thousand nukes hitting the earth all over) and its explosive destruction. And there was the froz en legacy: an ice age, wiping out the ecosystems and sustainability that enables Asteroid impact survival at any level. So, even if one were to survive an asteroid’s impact with the Earth in the future, you WILL go ‘the way of the dinosaur’ in its wake. For a dramatic dress rehearsal (with some sound physics, save the inevitable stretches) see the films Armageddon and Deep Impact ( both 1998). Equally, you can read up on current resear ch in the area. A good example would be at the Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies and associated Observatory at Dunsink. One of our editors has visited both and met the experts, as his Grandfather (the late Col. John P. Duggan) was Registrar at the Institute. Y es, that’s right: Ireland is THE pl ace to prepar e for a meteor attack! T hey have beer and whiskey! 8
10 We are not a political magazine. But it has to be broached: mankind’s decisions in global security or apparent lack thereof could wipe us out. ALL of us. One nuclear attack taken precipit ously that initiates reprisals; one biological experiment gone wrong either in defence from or offence against an enemy. One determined maniac with a ‘dirty bomb’. Mass destruction T rue, the world might not ‘explode’ in just one fell swoop. But civilisation can fall like dominos: one catastrophe feeding a chain of successors that simply expands and explodes until we have destroyed ourselv es. Science can be the agent of that chaos. Or it can engender the very brand of enlightened thought and moral communication that breaks down boundaries, crosses borders and thereby pr events any such doomsday scenario. Don’t ‘become death’ or a ‘destroyer of worlds’. 9 |
Given such a singular vintage, it may be hard to draw conclusions about the region in general. Nonetheless, it’s clear that, as in California, a new wave of Oregon producers is striving to make wine in a lighter, more restrained style. Although this has been true for several years, a vintage like 2011 certainly played to their strengths. Not one of the bottles in our tasting hit 14 percent alcohol, remarkable among New World wines that habitually leave that mark in the dust.
While most of the bottles ranged from 12.5 to 13.5 percent, some went as low as 11 and 10.5 percent. Why the disparity? Remember, though 13.5 percent is just 3 percentage points higher than 10.5 percent, that amounts to almost 30 percent more alcohol.
I think it’s fair to say that some producers felt it necessary to take the legal step in Oregon of adding sugar to the fermenting grape juice in order to boost alcohol levels and add richness. This technique, chaptalization, has a long history in cool-climate wine regions, although I doubt that it alone would account for a difference of 3 percentage points. In my opinion, it is one of the more benign manipulations available to modern winemakers.
Those working in the most natural style possible would be among the least likely to chaptalize. For what it’s worth, neither Teutonic Wine Company’s Bergspitze Laurel Vineyard pinot noir from the Chehalem Mountains (10.5 percent) or Bow & Arrow’s Medici Vineyard, also from Chehalem (11 percent) made our cut. I am a big fan of both producers and love many of their wines. Both of these were light and pure, and while I found them deliciously gulpable, others thought they were too dilute. I will say that at $36 and $30 respectively, it’s possible to find equally thirst-quenching wines for far less money.
Our favorite was Soter Vineyards North Valley cuvée, made from purchased grapes rather than from Soter’s estate vineyard, a deep, earthy, deliciously tangy wine that was our best value at $29. Right behind was the Soléna Hyland Vineyard from the McMinnville region, with persistent complex flavors of red fruit and minerals and a sleek, almost gossamer structure. We also very much liked the harmonious Les Dijonnais from Brick House in Ribbon Ridge, which gave a slightly richer impression, and the bright, graceful Beaux Frères Willamette Valley.
Two of the more unusual bottles in the top 10 were the Eyrie Vineyards Dundee Hills and Big Table Farm’s Willamette Valley. Eyrie is a historic Oregon producer characterized by its pale color and ability to age well for decades. This wine was especially light, yet it would be a mistake to think it is slight or under ripe. Instead, it was surprisingly complex with subtle floral and mineral flavors. Big Table is an up-and-coming producer that I hope to follow over the years. Its 2011 was fresh and inviting, and very much in the delicate, restrained mode.
While our 20 bottles were a good cross-section of the vintage, they did not include all the top producers. Notably absent were Domaine Drouhin Oregon and J. Christopher, which I’ve come to very much like over the last few years.
I don’t doubt this vintage will be polarizing. Those who do prefer richer, warmer wines may find some of these puzzling, as if they lacked sufficient flesh. Others may be charmed by their unusual delicacy. Either way, 2011 is proof that among wine’s best qualities is its power to surprise. |
The controversy over Kathy Griffin holding up a bloodied severed head of Donald Trump — an action which has led to her removal from CNN's New Year's Eve programming — reportedly spilled into the President's family when TMZ reported that the Trumps' 11-year son "Barron was in front of the TV watching a show when the news came on and he saw the bloody, beheaded image." TMZ says: "We're told he panicked and screamed, 'Mommy, Mommy!'"
I was hoping against hope that the level of "discourse" hasn't sunk to the point where people who should know better would start attacking Barron or using him to criticize the Trumps. Rosie O'Donnell and several others who should know better dashed those hopes Wednesday afternoon.
I should have known that O'Donnell would among those who couldn't help themselves.
In late November, she "shared a video that suggested that ... Barron might be autistic." She linked to "a seven-minute video compiling clips from the Republican National Convention, the presidential debates, and Trump’s acceptance speech that suggested (that then) 10-year-old Barron might be showing signs of autism."
She defended what she did for three days, suggesting, among other things, as described by the Washington Times, that "that Barron was fair game because Mr. Trump is president-elect."
It's amazing how quickly some on the left moved from "leave them alone" with Barack Obama's daughters to "Trump's boy is fair game."
Over a week after her initial speculation, O'Donnell finally apologized to Melania Trump (but apparently not to the President-elect): "I apologize to @MELANIATRUMP - i was insensitive in my RT - i am sorry for the pain i caused - it was not my intent - i am truly sorry."
Earlier Wednesday, O'Donnell responded to the TMZ report by using Barron's reported reaction to go after his father (HT Twitchy):
O'Donnell is referring to the two men killed in Portland by a far-left Bernie Sanders and Jill Stein supporter. There is no way one can make sense of her claim that the man's hatred was "promoted by his (Barron's) father." But that's not the point. The point is to tie Donald Trump to any and every possible expression of hate, and to then hope that many of those who see her post don't learn the truth.
Others are calling the TMZ report "fake news" and accusing those who are giving it any credibility of hypocrisy. One of them is April Reign, who is Managing Editor of Broadway Black and Editor-at-Large of Nu Tribe Magazine, with the following pair of tweets (links here and here):
Peter S. Hall, a Senior Editor for Movies.com and Fandango, joined the "fake news" chorus and added a truly disgusting twist:
To his credit, Hall has apologized: "You're right. It's unfair to single a kid out. I apologize and I deleted it."
To his detriment, what would possess anyone who has a very young son himself to publish that horrible tweet in the first place?
Ken Jennings, who became famous as a Jeopardy contestant and has apparently used that fame to opportunistically promote his unhinged views, defended Griffin yesterday and went full sarcasm today, implying that an 11 year-old should be able to handle what he allegedly saw.
<<< Please support MRC's NewsBusters team with a tax-deductible contribution today. >>> DONATE
Grounds for reader outrage would include the number of people who liked Jennings' Wednesday tweet:
Conservative author and chief investment officer of TrendMacro Don Luskin had the perfect reaction to Jennings, and it really applies to everyone out there going after Barron Trump over his reported reaction to the Griffin incident or using the reporting about him to attack his parents and his family:
Cross-posted at BizzyBlog.com. |
Rep. Nancy Pelosi’s office on Wednesday said the minority leader doesn’t have any dirt on Newt Gingrich.
Pelosi has suggested in two interviews that she knows something that could prevent Gingrich from becoming president, but her office said the California Democrat doesn’t have any secrets about Gingrich, who has shot to the top of national Republican polls after winning the South Carolina primary.
"The 'something' Leader Pelosi knows is that Newt Gingrich will not be President of the United States. She made that clear last night," Pelosi spokesman Drew Hammill said in a statement.
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"Leader Pelosi previously made a reference to the extensive amount of information that is in the public record, including the comprehensive committee report with which the public may not be fully aware,” Hammill said.
Pelosi made headlines on Tuesday when she told CNN Gingrich would not be president, and that “there’s something I know.”
In an interview in December, Pelosi also drew attention by suggesting there was information that could come out of her office that could damage Gingrich. Pelosi suggested it was related to the House ethics investigation of Gingrich; Pelosi served on the panel looking into Gingrich.
“One of these days we’ll have a conversation about Newt Gingrich," Pelosi said at the time. “When the time is right. … I know a lot about him. I served on the investigative committee that investigated him, four of us locked in a room in an undisclosed location for a year. A thousand pages of his stuff.”
But on Wednesday, Hammill repeated that all of the information from the investigation is in the public realm.
Responding to the CNN interview, Gingrich on Wednesday said that Pelosi should just release whatever she was referring to.
“If she knows something, I have a simple challenge: Spit it out,” Gingrich said Wednesday on NBC's "Today" show.
—This story was posted at 11:36 a.m. and updated at 11:57 a.m. |
(Read more: Buffett: Stocks now 'more or less fairly priced')
Republicans are looking at the debt limit issue and the waning government funding as leverage to push deficit-reduction plans.
The GOP-controlled House is pushing through a stop-gap federal funding bill to avoid a shutdown, but it includes measures to gut the president's health-care law.
Obama has vowed to veto any such legislation.
Buffett said he sees health-care costs as a "huge problem for the country … but that's not the fault of Obamacare," because the spending trends have been in place for decades.
"Health-care costs in this country are a tapeworm of American business," he continued. "Overall, the economy has a 17 percent-plus of GDP going to health-care costs."
Buffett was interviewed alongside Bank of America CEO Brian Moynihan before a student forum at Georgetown University in Washington, D.C., on Thursday.
On health-care costs, Moynihan said, "[Obama's] Affordable Care Act, the debate around it, has actually just focused business on how much this is really costing them." |
Leninism is the political theory for the organisation of a revolutionary vanguard party and the achievement of a dictatorship of the proletariat as political prelude to the establishment of socialism.[1] Developed by and named for the Russian revolutionary Vladimir Lenin, Leninism comprises socialist political and economic theories, developed from Marxism and Lenin's interpretations of Marxist theories, for practical application to the socio-political conditions of the Russian Empire of the early 20th century.
Functionally, the Leninist vanguard party was to provide the working class with the political consciousness (education and organisation) and revolutionary leadership necessary to depose capitalism in Imperial Russia.[1] After the October Revolution of 1917, Leninism became the dominant hegemonic force within the Russian revolutionary current, and in establishing further Bolshevik supremacy, the Bolsheviks had defeated the socialist opposition such as the Mensheviks and factions of the Socialist Revolutionary Party and also suppressed soviet democracy.[2] The Russian Civil War (1917–1922) thus included left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks (1918–1924) that were suppressed in the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR) before incorporation to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) in 1922.
Leninism was composed for revolutionary praxis and originally was neither a rigorously proper philosophy nor a discrete political theory. After the Russian Revolution and in History and Class Consciousness: Studies in Marxist Dialectics (1923), György Lukács developed and organised Lenin's pragmatic revolutionary practices and ideology into the formal philosophy of vanguard-party revolution (Leninism). As a political-science term, "Leninism" entered common usage in 1922 after infirmity ended Lenin's participation in governing the Russian Communist Party. At the Fifth Congress of the Communist International in July 1924, Grigory Zinoviev popularized the term "Leninism" to denote "vanguard-party revolution". From 1917 to 1922, Leninism was the Russian application of Marxist economics and political philosophy, effected and realised by the Bolsheviks, the vanguard party who led the fight for the political independence of the working class. In the 1925–1929 period, Joseph Stalin established his interpretation of Leninism as the official and only legitimate form of Marxism in Russia by amalgamating the political philosophies as Marxism–Leninism, which then became the state ideology of the Soviet Union.
Historical background [ edit ]
In the 19th century, The Communist Manifesto (1848), by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, called for the international political unification of the European working classes in order to achieve a communist revolution and proposed that because the socio-economic organization of communism was of a higher form than that of capitalism, a workers' revolution would first occur in the economically advanced, industrialized countries. Marxist social democracy was strongest in Germany throughout the 19th century and the Social Democratic Party of Germany inspired Lenin and other Russian Marxists.[3]
In the early 20th century, the socio-economic backwardness of Imperial Russia (1721–1917)—uneven and combined economic development—facilitated rapid and intensive industrialization, which produced a united, working-class proletariat in a predominantly rural, agrarian, peasant society. Moreover, because the industrialization was financed mostly with foreign capital, Imperial Russia did not possess a revolutionary bourgeoisie with political and economic influence upon the workers and the peasants (as occurred in the French Revolution, 1789). Although Russia's political economy principally was agrarian and semi-feudal, the task of democratic revolution therefore fell to the urban, industrial working class as the only social class capable of effecting land reform and democratization, in view that the Russian propertied classes would attempt to suppress any revolution, in town and country.
In April 1917, Lenin published the April Theses, the political strategy of the October Revolution (7–8 November 1917), which proposed that the Russian revolution was not an isolated national event, but a fundamentally international event—the first world socialist revolution. Thus Lenin's practical application of Marxism and working-class urban revolution to the social, political and economic conditions of the agrarian peasant society that was Tsarist Russia sparked the "revolutionary nationalism of the poor" to depose the absolute monarchy of the three-hundred-year Romanov dynasty (1613–1917).[4]
Imperialism [ edit ]
In the course of developing the Russian application of Marxism, the pamphlet Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1916) presented Lenin's analysis of an economic development predicted by Karl Marx, namely that capitalism would become a global financial system, wherein advanced industrial countries export financial capital to their colonial countries, to finance the exploitation of their natural resources and the labour of the native populations. Such superexploitation of the poor (undeveloped) countries allows the wealthy (developed) countries to maintain some homeland workers politically content with a slightly higher standard of living and so ensure peaceful labour–capital relations in the capitalist homeland (see labour aristocracy and globalization). Hence, a proletarian revolution of workers and peasants could not occur in the developed capitalist countries while the imperialist global-finance system remained intact; thus an underdeveloped country would feature the first proletarian revolution; and in the early 20th century, Imperial Russia was the politically weakest country in the capitalist global-finance system.[5]
In the United States of Europe Slogan (1915), Lenin said:
Workers of the world, unite!—Uneven economic and political development is an absolute law of capitalism. Hence the victory of socialism is possible, first in several, or even in one capitalist country taken separately. The victorious proletariat of that country, having expropriated the capitalists and organised its own socialist production, would stand up against the rest of the world, the capitalist world. Collected Works, vol. 18, p. 232[6]
In Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920), Lenin said:
The more powerful enemy can be vanquished only by exerting the utmost effort, and by the most thorough, careful, attentive, skillful and obligatory use of any, even the smallest, rift between the enemies, any conflict of interests among the bourgeoisie of the various countries and among the various groups or types of bourgeoisie within the various countries, and also by taking advantage of any, even the smallest, opportunity of winning a mass ally, even though this ally is temporary, vacillating, unstable, unreliable and conditional. Those who do not understand this reveal a failure to understand even the smallest grain of Marxism, of modern scientific socialism in general. Those who have not proved in practice, over a fairly considerable period of time and in fairly varied political situations, their ability to apply this truth in practice have not yet learned to help the revolutionary class in its struggle to emancipate all toiling humanity from the exploiters. And this applies equally to the period before and after the proletariat has won political power. Collected Works, vol. 31, p. 23[7]
Leninist praxis [ edit ]
The vanguard party [ edit ]
In Chapter II: "Proletarians and Communists" of The Communist Manifesto (1848), Marx and Engels presented the idea of the vanguard party as solely qualified to politically lead the proletariat in revolution:
The Communists, therefore, are, on the one hand, practically the most advanced and resolute section of the working-class parties of every country, that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand, theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage of clearly understanding the lines of march, the conditions, and the ultimate general results of the proletarian movement. The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all other proletarian parties: Formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of the bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat.
Hence, the purpose of the Leninist vanguard party is to establish a democratic dictatorship of the proletariat; supported by the working class, the vanguard party would lead the revolution to depose the incumbent Tsarist government; and then transfer power of government to the working class, which change of ruling class—from bourgeoisie to proletariat—makes possible the full development of socialism.[8] In the pamphlet What Is To Be Done? (1902), Lenin proposed that a revolutionary vanguard party, mostly recruited from the working class, should lead the political campaign because it was the only way that the proletariat could successfully achieve a revolution; unlike the economist campaign of trade-union-struggle advocated by other socialist political parties; and later by the anarcho-syndicalists. Like Marx, Lenin distinguished between the aspects of a revolution, the "economic campaign" (labour strikes for increased wages and work concessions), which featured diffused plural leadership; and the "political campaign" (socialist changes to society), which required the decisive revolutionary leadership of the Bolshevik vanguard party.
Democratic centralism
As epitomised in the slogan "Freedom in Discussion, Unity in Action", Lenin followed the example of the First International (IWA, International Workingmen's Association, 1864–1876) and organised the Bolsheviks as a democratically centralised vanguard party, wherein free political-speech was recognised legitimate until policy consensus. Afterwards, every member of the party would be expected to uphold the official policy established in consensus. In the pamphlet Freedom to Criticise and Unity of Action (1905), Lenin said:
Of course, the application of this principle in practice will sometimes give rise to disputes and misunderstandings; but only on the basis of this principle can all disputes and all misunderstandings be settled honourably for the Party. [...] The principle of democratic centralism and autonomy for local Party organisations implies universal and full freedom to criticise, so long as this does not disturb the unity of a definite action; it rules out all criticism which disrupts or makes difficult the unity of an action decided on by the Party.[9]
Full, inner-party democratic debate was Bolshevik Party practice under Lenin, even after the banning of party factions in 1921. Although a guiding influence in policy, Lenin did not exercise absolute power and continually debated and discussed to have his point of view accepted. Under Stalin, the inner-party practice of democratic free debate did not continue after the death of Lenin in 1924.
Revolution
Before the Revolution, despite supporting political reform (including Bolsheviks elected to the Duma, when opportune), Lenin proposed that capitalism could ultimately only be overthrown with revolution, not with gradual reforms—from within (Fabianism) and from without (social democracy)—which would fail because the ruling capitalist social class, who hold economic power (the means of production), determine the nature of political power in a bourgeois society.[10] As epitomised in the slogan "For a Democratic Dictatorship of the Proletariat and Peasantry", a revolution in the underdeveloped Russian Empire required an allied proletariat of town and country (urban workers and peasants) because the urban workers would be too few to successfully assume power in the cities on their own. Moreover, owing to the middle-class aspirations of much of the peasantry, Leon Trotsky proposed that the proletariat should lead the revolution as the only way for it to be truly socialist and democratic. Although Lenin initially disagreed with Trotsky's formulation, he adopted it before the Russian Revolution in October 1917.
Dictatorship of the proletariat [ edit ]
In the Russian socialist society, government by direct democracy was effected by elected soviets (workers' councils), which "soviet government" form Lenin described as the manifestation of the Marxist "democratic dictatorship of the proletariat".[11] As political organisations, the soviets would comprise representatives of factory workers' and trade union committees, but would exclude capitalists as a social class in order to ensure the establishment of a proletarian government, by and for the working class and the peasants. About the political disenfranchisement of the Russian capitalist social classes, Lenin said that "depriving the exploiters of the franchise is a purely Russian question, and not a question of the dictatorship of the proletariat, in general. [...] In which countries [...] democracy for the exploiters will be, in one or another form, restricted [...] is a question of the specific national features of this or that capitalism".[12] In chapter five of The State and Revolution (1917), Lenin describes the dictatorship of the proletariat as such:
[...] the organisation of the vanguard of the oppressed as the ruling class for the purpose of crushing the oppressors. [...] An immense expansion of democracy, which for the first time becomes democracy for the poor, democracy for the people, and not democracy for the rich [...] and suppression by force, i.e. exclusion from democracy, for the exploiters and oppressors of the people—this is the change which democracy undergoes during the 'transition' from capitalism to communism.[13]
About democracy, Lenin further stated the following in The State and Revolution:
Democracy for the vast majority of the people, and suppression by force, i.e. exclusion from democracy, of the exploiters and oppressors of the people—this is the change democracy undergoes during the transition from capitalism to communism. Collected Works, vol. 25, pp. 461–462[14]
Soviet constitutionalism was the collective government form of the Russian dictatorship of the proletariat, the opposite of the government form of the dictatorship of capital (privately owned means of production) practised in bourgeois democracies. In the soviet political system, the (Leninist) vanguard party would be one of many political parties competing for elected power.[1][11][15] Nevertheless, the circumstances of the Red vs. White Russian Civil War and terrorism by the opposing political parties and in aid of the White Armies' counter-revolution led to the Bolshevik government banning other parties, thus the vanguard party became the sole, legal political party in Russia. Lenin did not regard such political suppression as philosophically inherent to the dictatorship of the proletariat, yet the Stalinists retrospectively claimed that such factional suppression was original to Leninism.[16][17][18]
Economics [ edit ]
The Soviet Union nationalised industry and established a foreign-trade monopoly to allow the productive co-ordination of the national economy and so prevent Russian national industries from competing against each other. To feed the populaces of town and country, Lenin instituted War Communism (1918–1921) as a necessary condition—adequate supplies of food and weapons—for fighting the Russian Civil War (1917–1923).[15] Later in March 1921, he established the New Economic Policy (NEP, 1921–1929), which allowed measures of private commerce, internal free trade and replaced grain requisitions with an agricultural tax under the management of state banks. The purpose of the NEP was to resolve food-shortage riots among the peasantry and allowed measures of private enterprise, wherein the profit motive encouraged the peasants to harvest the crops required to feed the people of town and country; and to economically re-establish the urban working class, who had lost many men (workers) to the counter-revolutionary Civil War.[19][20] With the NEP, the socialist nationalisation of the economy could then be developed to industrialise Russia, strengthen the working class and raise standards of living, thus the NEP would advance socialism against capitalism. Lenin regarded the appearance of new socialist states in the developed countries as necessary to the strengthening Russia's economy and the eventual development of socialism. In that, he was encouraged by the German Revolution of 1918–1919, the Italian insurrection and general strikes of 1920 and industrial unrest in Britain, France and the United States.
National self-determination [ edit ]
Lenin recognized and accepted the existence of nationalism among oppressed peoples, advocated their national rights to self-determination and opposed the ethnic chauvinism of "Greater Russia" because such ethnocentrism was a cultural obstacle to establishing the proletarian dictatorship in the territories of the deposed Russian Empire (1721–1917).[21][22] In The Right of Nations to Self-determination (1914), Lenin said:
We fight against the privileges and violence of the oppressor nation, and do not in any way condone strivings for privileges on the part of the oppressed nation. [...] The bourgeois nationalism of any oppressed nation has a general democratic content that is directed against oppression, and it is this content that we unconditionally support. At the same time, we strictly distinguish it from the tendency towards national exclusiveness. [...] Can a nation be free if it oppresses other nations? It cannot.[23]
The internationalist philosophies of Bolshevism and of Marxism are based upon class struggle transcending nationalism, ethnocentrism and religion, which are intellectual obstacles to class consciousness because the bourgeois ruling classes manipulated said cultural status quo to politically divide the proletarian working classes. To overcome the political barrier of nationalism, Lenin said it was necessary to acknowledge the existence of nationalism among oppressed peoples and to guarantee their national independence as the right of secession; and that based upon national self-determination, it was natural for socialist states to transcend nationalism and form a federation.[24] In The Question of Nationalities, or "Autonomisation" (1923), Lenin said the following:
[...] nothing holds up the development and strengthening of proletarian class solidarity so much as national injustice; "offended" nationals are not sensitive to anything, so much as to the feeling of equality, and the violation of this equality, if only through negligence or jest—to the violation of that equality by their proletarian comrades.[25]
Socialist culture [ edit ]
The role of the Marxist vanguard party was to politically educate the workers and peasants to dispel the societal false consciousness of religion and nationalism that constitute the cultural status quo taught by the bourgeoisie to the proletariat to facilitate their economic exploitation of peasant and worker. Influenced by Lenin, the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party stated that the development of the socialist workers' culture should not be "hamstrung from above" and opposed the Proletkult (1917–1925) organisational control of the national culture.[26]
Leninism after 1924 [ edit ]
In post-Revolutionary Russia, Stalinism (socialism in one country) and Trotskyism (permanent world revolution) were the principal philosophies of communism that claimed legitimate ideological descent from Leninism, thus within the Communist Party, each ideological faction denied the political legitimacy of the opposing faction.[27]
Lenin vs. Stalin
Until shortly before his death, Lenin worked to counter the disproportionate political influence of Joseph Stalin in the Communist Party and in the bureaucracy of the Soviet government, partly because of abuses he had committed against the populace of Georgia and partly because the autocratic Stalin had accumulated administrative power disproportionate to his office of General Secretary of the Communist Party.[28][29] The counter-action against Stalin aligned with Lenin's advocacy of the right of self-determination for the national and ethnic groups of the former Tsarist Empire, which was a key theoretic concept of Leninism.[29] Lenin warned that Stalin has "unlimited authority concentrated in his hands, and I am not sure whether he will always be capable of using that authority with sufficient caution" and formed a factional bloc with Leon Trotsky to remove Stalin as the General Secretary of the Communist Party.[18][30]
To that end followed proposals reducing the administrative powers of party posts in order to reduce bureaucratic influence upon the policies of the Communist Party. Lenin advised Trotsky to emphasize Stalin's recent bureaucratic alignment in such matters (e.g. undermining the anti-bureaucratic workers' and peasants' Inspection) and argued to depose Stalin as General Secretary. Despite advice to refuse "any rotten compromise", Trotsky did not heed Lenin's advice and General Secretary Stalin retained power over the Communist Party and the bureaucracy of the soviet government.[18]
Trotskyism vs. Stalinism
After Lenin's death (21 January 1924), Trotsky ideologically battled the influence of Stalin, who formed ruling blocs within the Russian Communist Party (with Grigory Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev, then with Nikolai Bukharin and then by himself) and so determined soviet government policy from 1924 onwards. The ruling blocs continually denied Stalin's opponents the right to organise as an opposition faction within the party—thus the re-instatement of democratic centralism and free speech within the Communist Party were key arguments of Trotsky's Left Opposition and the later Joint Opposition.[18][31]
In the course of instituting government policy, Stalin promoted the doctrine of socialism in one country (adopted 1925), wherein the Soviet Union would establish socialism upon Russia's economic foundations (and support socialist revolutions elsewhere). Conversely, Trotsky held that socialism in one country would economically constrain the industrial development of the Soviet Union and thus required assistance from the new socialist countries that had arisen in the developed world—which was essential for maintaining Soviet democracy—in 1924 much undermined by civil war and counter-revolution. Furthermore, Trotsky's theory of permanent revolution proposed that socialist revolutions in underdeveloped countries would go further towards dismantling feudal régimes and establish socialist democracies that would not pass through a capitalist stage of development and government. Hence, revolutionary workers should politically ally with peasant political organisations, but not with capitalist political parties. In contrast, Stalin and allies proposed that alliances with capitalist political parties were essential to realising a revolution where communists were too few. However, said Stalinist practice failed, especially in the Northern Expedition portion of the Chinese Revolution (1925–1927), wherein it resulted in the right-wing Kuomintang's massacre of the Chinese Communist Party. Despite the failure, Stalin's policy of mixed-ideology political alliances nonetheless became Comintern policy.
The Oppositionists
Until exiled from Russia in 1929, Trotsky helped develop and led the Left Opposition (and the later Joint Opposition) with members of the Workers' Opposition, the Decembrists and (later) the Zinovievists.[18] Trotskyism ideologically predominated the political platform of the Left Opposition, which demanded the restoration of soviet democracy, the expansion of democratic centralism in the Communist Party, national industrialisation, international permanent revolution and socialist internationalism. The Trotskyist demands countered Stalin's political dominance of the Russian Communist Party, which was officially characterised by the "cult of Lenin", the rejection of permanent revolution and the doctrine of socialism in one country. The Stalinist economic policy vacillated between appeasing capitalist kulak interests in the countryside and destroying them. Initially, the Stalinists also rejected the national industrialisation of Russia, but then pursued it in full, sometimes brutally. In both cases, the Left Opposition denounced the regressive nature of the policy towards the kulak social class of wealthy peasants and the brutality of forced industrialisation. Trotsky described the vacillating Stalinist policy as a symptom of the undemocratic nature of a ruling bureaucracy.[32]
During the 1920s and the 1930s, Stalin fought and defeated the political influence of Trotsky and of the Trotskyists in Russia, by means of slander, antisemitism, programmed censorship, expulsions, exile (internal and external) and imprisonment. The anti–Trotsky campaign culminated in the executions (official and unofficial) of the Moscow Trials (1936–1938), which were part of the Great Purge of Old Bolsheviks (who had led the Revolution).[18][33] Once established as ruler of the Soviet Union, General Secretary Stalin re-titled the official socialism in one country doctrine as Marxism–Leninism to establish ideologic continuity with Leninism whilst opponents continued calling it Stalinism.
Philosophic successors [ edit ]
In political practice, Leninism (vanguard-party revolution), despite its origin as communist revolutionary praxis, was adopted throughout the political spectrum.
In the event, the practical application of Maoism to the socio-economic conditions of Third World countries produced revolutionary vanguard parties, such as the Communist Party of Peru – Red Fatherland.[36]
Criticism [ edit ]
In The Nationalities Question in the Russian Revolution (1918), Marxist Rosa Luxemburg criticized the Bolsheviks and their policies for: the suppression of the All Russian Constituent Assembly (January 1918); the partitioning of the feudal estates to the peasant communes; and the right of self-determination of every national people of the Russias. Luxemburg said that the strategic (geopolitical) mistakes of the Bolsheviks would create great dangers for the Russian Revolution, such as the bureaucratisation that would arise to administrate the oversized country that was Bolshevik Russia.[37] In defence of expedient revolutionary practise, Lenin criticised in "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920) the political and ideological complaints of the anti-Bolshevik critics who claimed ideologically correct stances that were to the political-left of Lenin.
In Marxist philosophy, the term "left communism" identifies a range of communist political perspectives that are left-wing among communists. Left communism criticizes the ideology that the Bolshevik Party practiced as a revolutionary vanguard at certain periods of their history. Ideologically, left communists present their perspective and approach as more authentically Marxist and more oriented to the proletariat than it is the Leninism of the Communist International at their first (1919) and second (1920) congresses. Proponents of left communism include Amadeo Bordiga, Herman Gorter, Antonie Pannekoek, Otto Rühle, Sylvia Pankhurst and Paul Mattick.[38]
Historically, the Dutch–German communist left has been most critical of Lenin and Leninism.[39][40][41] The Italian communist left instead still identified as Leninists; Bordiga said: "All this work of demolishing opportunism and "deviationism" (Lenin: What Is To Be Done?) is today the basis of party activity. The party follows revolutionary tradition and experiences in this work during these periods of revolutionary reflux and the proliferation of opportunist theories which had as their violent and inflexible opponents Marx, Engels, Lenin and the Italian Left.".[42] Paul Mattick continues in the council communist tradition which begun by the Dutch–German left and so is also critical of Leninism.[43] Contemporary left-communist organisations, such as the Internationalist Communist Tendency and the International Communist Current, view Lenin as an important and influential theorist, but remain critical of Leninism as political praxis.[44][45][46] The Bordigist ideology of the International Communist Party follow Bordiga's strict adherence to Leninism. The recent communisation current has been influenced by left communism and is critical of Lenin and Leninism, being more ideologically aligned with the Dutch–German left than the Italian left, wherein the theorist of communisation Gilles Dauvé criticised Leninism as a "by-product of Kautskyism".[47]
In The Soviet Union Versus Socialism (1986), Noam Chomsky argued that Stalinism was a logical extension of Leninism, and not an ideological deviation from Lenin's policies. It resulted in collectivization and enforced the law with a police state, functions of the state continually supported with a totalitarian political ideology.[48][49]
See also [ edit ]
References [ edit ]
Further reading [ edit ]
Selected works by Vladimir Lenin
The Development of Capitalism in Russia , 1899.
, 1899. What Is To Be Done? Burning Questions of Our Movement , 1902.
, 1902. The Three Sources and Three Component Parts of Marxism , 1913.
, 1913. The Right of Nations to Self-Determination , 1914.
, 1914. Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism , 1917.
, 1917. The State and Revolution , 1917.
, 1917. The Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Revolution (The "April Theses"), 1917.
(The "April Theses"), 1917. "Left-Wing" Childishness and the Petty Bourgois Mentality , 1918.
, 1918. Left-Wing Communism: an Infantile Disorder , 1920.
, 1920. "Last Testament" Letters to the Congress, 1923–1924.
Histories
Isaac Deutscher. The Prophet Armed: Trotsky 1879–1921 , 1954.
, 1954. Isaac Deutscher. The Prophet Unarmed: Trotsky 1921–1929 , 1959.
, 1959. Moshe Lewin. Lenin's Last Struggle , 1969.
, 1969. Edward Hallett Carr. The Russian Revolution From Lenin to Stalin: 1917–1929, 1979.
Other authors
Works by Vladimir Lenin:
Other thematic links: |
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Anthem Blue Cross should reimburse California man for transplant, jury says
The insurer had refused to cover the liver surgery after Ephram Nehme decided to go out of state to face a shorter waiting list. Panelists in L.A. also say Blue Cross should pay Nehme's legal fees.
The jury, which included at least three members with Blue Cross medical coverage, voted 10 to 2 that the company breached its contract with Nehme. It voted 9 to 3 that the health insurer acted in bad faith by refusing to pay for the out-of-state operation. The panel deliberated for less than two days.
Blue Cross approved Nehme's liver transplant in late 2006, and he was on the waiting list at UCLA Medical Center. But the company refused to pay when Nehme, gravely ill and fearing for his life, decided to have the operation in Indiana, where wait times are far shorter than in California.
In addition, the jury ordered Blue Cross to pay plaintiff Ephram Nehme's legal expenses, which could dwarf the $206,000 cost of the transplant.
A Los Angeles jury concluded Monday that Anthem Blue Cross should cover the cost of an out-of-state liver transplant that a California man paid for after the insurer balked.
"The message here is that you can't take people's money, promise to protect them, and then leave them to die in their time of need," said Nehme's lawyer, Scott Glovsky.
At a hearing set for next week, Glovsky said he would seek to broaden the jury's verdict under the state's unfair competition law. He will ask Superior Court Judge Kenneth Freeman to order Blue Cross to allow its California members to pursue organ transplants at hospitals nationwide that do business with its parent, Indianapolis-based WellPoint Inc., the nation's largest health insurer.
In a statement, Blue Cross acknowledged "the jury's determination that Mr. Nehme's transplant should have been approved by Anthem Blue Cross despite the fact that Mr. Nehme's Anthem Blue Cross contract states that transplants must be performed only at California Centers of Excellence."
"While we disagree with the jury's coverage determination, we are pleased that the jury did not award punitive damages and unanimously concluded that Anthem Blue Cross did not act with any malice toward Mr. Nehme," the company said.
A spokeswoman said the company had not decided whether it would appeal.
Blue Cross also said it offered to settle the case with Nehme several months ago for more money than the jury awarded.
"It is unfortunate that the time spent by the jury and the considerable costs of this trial could have been avoided," the company said in its statement.
Nehme, a 62-year-old produce merchant and grandfather, said the case was not about money. Before the trial began he pledged to donate any winnings to liver research.
Nehme said he saw the suit as a way to pressure Blue Cross to stop denying out-of-state transplants, adding that he was particularly concerned about patients who could not afford to pay out of pocket.
"I'm trying to save lives," Nehme said when the trial began Feb. 22. "There are a lot of people who need liver transplants, and they should be able to get them wherever they need them."
Nehme's liver began to fail in 2006, and he was placed in line for a transplant at UCLA. Blue Cross readily approved the procedure at the hospital, which is part of its contracted network. |
As a graduate student in the 1960s, I joined Irven DeVore and Richard Lee in a multifaceted study of the !Kung San, then still hunter-gatherers, in northwestern Botswana. Some anthropologists were persuaded that such studies would shed light on human origins, and some psychologists were convinced that infancy research had a similar role to play in helping us understand the individual. So it seemed logical to investigate, so to speak, the origins of the origins.
Not that either of those propositions was uncontroversial. Both Franz Boas's disciples in the United States and the structural anthropologists in Europe had rejected any notion that evolution orders cultures, and so there were those who found the claims of researchers on hunter-gatherers to be nothing less than offensive. We were, however, careful to point out that hunter-gatherers were not different from other people biologically or even psychologically, but were perfectly modern human beings living in the very circumstances that dominated human evolution. It was this overlap between them and early human beings—the ones who lived before the invention of agriculture—that led us to think that those who persisted in this way of life could shed light on our origins.
Then there was the question of childhood development. The idea that what happens in infancy might be of overriding importance in later development was also questionable. Some observers argued that the first three years of life were all that really mattered. (The re-emergence of that idea about a decade ago, in the language of brain science, didn't make it any more valid.) It was probably the lingering sway of psychoanalysis that made this such a tempting hypothesis in the 1960s, but attempts to reconstruct in retrospect the influences that shape patients' lives do not constitute scientific evidence.
While I was in Botswana, Jerome Kagan—one of the most brilliant of infancy researchers and one of my advisers—was doing research in rural Guatemala, where he, Robert Klein, and other collaborators saw infants who got none of the stimulation thought essential by middle-class parents in America, but who at age 10 performed very nicely, thank you, on basic age-appropriate cognitive tests. Kagan became deeply skeptical of the importance of early experience. By the late 1990s, as Judith Rich Harris conducted a frontal assault on "the nurture assumption," Kagan began to think that the pendulum had swung too far. But by then he, and many other developmentalists, were committed to genetic, temperamental, and neurobiological investigations and were less interested in the nurture assumption or its challenges.
I returned from Africa in the early 1970s to a revolution in the study of evolution. The new scholarship incorporated sociobiology, behavioral ecology, and what would become evolutionary psychology, but it is best and most comprehensively called neo-Darwinian theory. At first it seemed so mechanistic and trivializing that when applied to human behavior it often produced psychological and political revulsion. A letter to The New York Review of Books in 1975 that was signed by a number of distinguished scientists accused E.O. Wilson, one of the field's leaders, of joining "the long parade of biological determinists whose work has served to buttress the institutions of their society by exonerating them from responsibility for social problems." Yet this revulsion was often followed by critical appraisal, and then grudging and partial acceptance. I went through those stages, and by 1976 I was convinced that neo-Darwinism would someday have a small but important place in the spectrum of behavioral and social science—a prediction that was considered weak by enthusiasts and anathema by critics, but one now widely recognized to be true.
In 1979 I signed a contract with Harvard University Press to write a book on evolution and childhood. I thought it would take three years; it took three decades. In that time, advances in the fields of sociobiology, evolutionary psychology, behavior genetics, and brain development greatly enhanced our understanding of childhood. There were thousands of person-years of studying animal behavior in the wild, hundreds of well-designed experiments testing Darwinian hypotheses about human behavior, enormous samples analyzed by advanced statistics in twin and adoption studies, accelerating gene technology, and functional brain imaging in real time in adolescents and even in children.
Those and other advances were both causes and results of a rapidly changing intellectual atmosphere. For one thing, both neo-Darwinism and behavioral genetics gained traction at a pace and in ways that I never predicted. A watershed moment was in 1997, when Newsweek splashed across the top of two pages in a special issue on childhood, "Scientists Estimate That Genes Determine Only About 50 Percent of a Child's Personality." To the extent that such a number is meaningful, it made good sense to me, but 20 years earlier, you would have been savaged for a far more modest guesstimate. Wilson, the author of Sociobiology: The New Synthesis (Harvard University Press, 1975), had ice water poured on his head on the stage at a national scientific meeting, and Sandra Wood Scarr, a leading developmental psychologist, was spat upon on a major university campus; neither of them is remotely a genetic determinist. So the fact that "only about 50 percent" was now news showed just how far we had come.
Behavioral ecology and ethology, too, were transformed by neo-Darwinian ideas. Stephen Jay Gould, Richard Lewontin, and a few other important biologists continued to oppose them, but if Gould actually read Natural History, the magazine he wrote for so eloquently for decades, he must have noticed that hardly an issue went by without an article that was suffused with concepts like competition, reproductive success, life-history theory, the evolution of altruism, and other attempts to find and measure adaptations. (This phenomenon was even more evident in scholarly journals.)
Evolutionary psychology, meanwhile, secured a niche in psychological science. And behavior-genetic analysis went from being easily challenged and occasionally even fraudulent to achieving scientific credibility. And then genetics took its greatest step, which was to be able to study genes and genomes directly. True, the promise of linking specific genes to complex behavior remains mainly a promise; unlike decoding the genome, this is an enterprise not of decades but of centuries. Still, genes are no longer an abstraction, and the hard work of figuring out how they shape the brain, and therefore behavior, is under way.
But this work is not the death knell for environmental influences on human development; quite the contrary. For instance, the genetic disorder phenylketonuria (PKU), a form of progressive mental retardation in infants resulting from a simple genetic mutation, can be managed by maintaining a special diet. And there are recent examples of how studying genes deepens our understanding of environmental influence. Genetic markers like the neurotransmitter-related enzyme monoamine oxidase, certain types of dopamine receptors, and perhaps the serotonin transporter all have variants that in some studies make individuals more vulnerable to psychological stress during early life. Those findings and countless more like them might one day enable us to tailor environments to infants and children, focusing our interventions with uncanny specificity.
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The era when genetic hypotheses and discoveries resulted in a nihilistic attitude toward the prospects of some children is behind us—and good riddance. That said, there are still political and moral hazards in this work; vigilance is always needed. Discoveries will always be abused by some ideologues. But it is no longer possible to stop, slow, or ignore the advance of a science that now has great and well-deserved intellectual momentum.
Two other changes over the past 30 years make this a good moment to explore the evolution of childhood. First, advances in brain imaging are now as impressive as those in genomics, and it has influenced every branch of behavioral and social science. Before we could look at brains only after death, or very crudely during life, and supplement those meager findings with evidence from the study of other animals, and then guess how the brain generates its major product, behavior. Now we can watch brain circuits in action, down to the level of millimeters, while mental processes are going on.
For technical reasons, this has not been as easy to do in infants and children as in adults, but those difficulties are being addressed. Work by Mark Johnson on the development of face processing; by Jessica Dubois and Jésus Pujol on the emergence of language; and by Eric Nelson, Lawrence Steinberg, and Sarah-Jayne Blakemore on the tug of war between impulse and inhibition in adolescent social behavior, all demonstrate the tremendous power of imaging to refine our understanding of child development. Behavioral changes can't be explained by brain maturation alone, but imaging brings a whole new kind of information to bear on children's mental life, whether as cause, effect, or both.
Second, cognitive neuroscience is no longer concerned merely with how the brain enables us to see a line, remember a word, or execute a calculation. In the field's early stages, cognition meant the things that can be measured by intelligence tests. With few exceptions, emotional intelligence, relationships, and emotions themselves were not considered suitable objects for serious study. Those areas were left to the psychoanalysts to speculate about as best they could. By the 1990s, however, prominent scientists like Kagan, Antonio Damasio, Richard Davidson, Robert Sapolsky, and Stephen Suomi turned their attention in these once-disdained directions and began to see new crucial dimensions of brain and behavior.
All of this research suggests that the evolution of intelligence and mind is driven not just by things like making tools and remembering food locations, but also by the vital need to negotiate emotions and relationships in the course of achieving reproductive success. That need is of the essence of higher-brain function; it is where the biobehavioral rubber meets the evolutionary road.
Where does anthropology, especially cross-cultural research, fit into this story? By 1970 psychological anthropology seemed on the cusp of a scientific revolution, with thinkers like Roy D'Andrade, Robert LeVine, and Beatrice and John Whiting developing careful methods of measuring child behavior and child-rearing in cultures across the globe. But as Patricia Greenfield deftly put it, anthropology took postmodernism "on the chin," and it did so at a time when opportunities for both scientific and humanistic research were dissolving. The result was a generation of critiques of past work, sometimes verging on political and philosophical cant, instead of primary studies of vanishing cultures.
Fortunately, some anthropologists ducked the blow and kept empirically oriented cultural anthropology alive. Many were motivated mainly by evolutionary or ecological hypotheses. Some collaborated with ethologists and psychologists to put the study of childhood on an ever-firmer base of empirical evidence. And although postmodernism was almost as inimical to Boasian descriptive ethnology as it was to the new forms of evolutionary anthropology, it was the latter where the greatest ire was raised. Some anthropology departments, including those at Harvard and Stanford, even broke apart for a time over the role of science and evolution in the discipline, but progress continued.
So where do we stand now in our grasp of how evolution shapes child development?
Human development is a legacy of the remote past and the basis of all we think about and do in relation to infants and children. The first three months of life, which have aptly been called the fourth trimester, are a legacy of the necessary early expulsion of human fetuses from the womb to avoid an even worse crunch than childbirth already is. Erect posture, followed by brain expansion, made this necessary. The result is a newborn not exactly asocial, but not yet responsive to social cues, and certainly in need of care. And parents should be patient. The programmed social awakening of the third month of life will meet almost all expectations, and it can't be rushed.
Another legacy of human evolution is the expansion of middle childhood, the period between age 6 or so and puberty. Alan Mann, a professor of anthropology at Princeton University and perhaps the leading authority on childhood in the fossil record, now sees this as a major human advance. In the course of what psychologists call the 5-to-7-year shift, the hard-to-control emotions of early childhood are left behind and replaced by logical patterns of thought and the ability to think about thought itself. Across cultures, it is a time when more is expected of children and more responsibility assigned to them. Biologically, middle childhood is a period of slower growth and calmer hormonal flux, ideal for a unique human enterprise: the acquisition of large stores of cultural knowledge.
That doesn't stop with the advent of puberty, but the dynamic changes greatly. Teenagers enter, in some form, the human mating dance, and that involves competition even in cultures where it is largely controlled by elders through arranged marriage. And groups beset by enemies must turn boys into warrior-defenders. It's a developmental phase fraught with danger for both sexes, and the evolutionary legacy is evident. Hormones mobilized by maturational change enable sexual and aggressive behavior, eventually in an adult mode. But there's the rub: How long will it, or should it, take?
The news of the past decade or so is that the human brain continues its maturational march between the ages of 10 and 20. The frontal cortex and other areas needed for mature thought are not fully developed until at least the end of that period. Meanwhile, the average age at which children reach puberty (as defined by hormonal change) has dropped at least two or three years over the past two centuries. That is not evolution but revolution, and it is likely that the endocrine change now occurs earlier in relation to brain development as well as to chronological age. If so, we have an even starker problem than the slowness of brain growth: hormonal surges at ever-younger brain ages and ever-lower levels of inhibition. The implications for schooling, for the increasing sexualization of the young, and for the culpability of juvenile offenders are potentially transformative.
That brings us to another way that evolution aids our understanding of childhood. If through most of human history puberty began later, then we now face a mismatch between our evolutionary design and our current environment. A clear example of this discordance is found in studies of childhood nutrition and activity. Children throughout our evolution were continually active, mostly in play and exploration, but also in providing some of their own subsistence. Their diets included substantial amounts of lean meat and fish, extremely low levels of saturated fat, salt, and refined carbohydrates, high intake of vegetables and fruits, large amounts of fiber, and a broad spectrum of micronutrients like calcium and vitamin C.
If there is any such thing as a natural lifestyle, that is it, and our modern departure from it has predictably engendered an epidemic of childhood and adolescent obesity, as well as what used to be called adult-onset diabetes. Calls for more acceptance of obesity are at odds with evolution and, more important, with children's health.
What about other characteristics of hunter-gatherer childhood, such as nursing, mother-infant co-sleeping, immediate parental response to crying, and the like? Here I would be more cautious, since, unlike in the case of diet and activity, we do not have decisive evidence for the advantages of those choices. However, neither do we have evidence that there is anything wrong with them, and, especially as they are part of the deep human past, pending further study parents should be left alone to make their own decisions.
Another thing is clear from the evolutionary record: Mothers have never done the job of child-rearing alone. Among primates, only humans provide for their young after weaning. As Sarah Blaffer Hrdy, a professor emerita of anthropology at the University of California at Davis, showed in her book, Mothers and Others: The Evolutionary Origins of Mutual Understanding (Harvard University Press, 2009), that required the support of grandmothers, fathers, and others. We should think of the natural human adaptation for child-rearing as one in which mothers are central but have large amounts of support.
Evolutionary thinking is particularly useful in illuminating our view of childhood in the realm of facultative adaptation—a sort of "if then" proposition built into our genes. Evolution and genes sometimes say, This is how it must always be, but often they say, If in such-and-such an environment, respond with this adaptation, but if in this other, very different context, respond with that one. Sometimes the consequences are dire for children. Martin Daly and Margo Wilson, of McMaster University, in Hamilton, Ontario, have shown that abuse and neglect, up to and including killing children, are almost 100 times more likely in households with an adult male who is not genetically related to the child. Nothing, I think, could make it clearer that evolutionary explanations must be kept completely separate from moral and legal judgments. Yet this well-established fact about violence committed against children, independent of socioeconomic status and shown across national boundaries, should lead us to a new ways of thinking about abuse prevention. They can be subtle, not draconian, but they should recognize the facts.
From the viewpoint of the child, early life experience may serve as an important signal to understand her environment. The lack of trust that most psychologists believe stems from unstable nurturance can also be thought of, in evolutionary perspective, as an adaptive response to a situation that is at best unpredictable. The adaptation may even include maturing and initiating sexual activity earlier. That needn't constrain us to accept such harsh environments as inevitable, much less to condone the conditions that give rise to them. But since they do exist, we should adopt a more positive view of childhood adaptation in less-than-favorable circumstances. Respecting children rather than pathologizing them (or even while trying to help with their pathology) can in some cases be a good thing.
The evolutionary theorist Theodosius Dobzhansky used to say that nothing in biology makes sense except in light of evolution. We are now in a position to say that very little in childhood does, either—or, at a minimum, that children's behavior, their developmental course, and even our treatment of them make much more sense in that light. In a world in which religious fundamentalists and some postmodern liberals stand in unholy alliance against Darwin's science, we will do well to keep our minds open. Our children will benefit from a view of them and their care that includes our best understanding of that science. |
Celestin wanted to celebrate his wife’s birthday. Using the internet he purchased a few cosmetic products from China for a value of $36. His Chinese counterpart explained to him that the package would be delivered by DHL in about 10 days with an extra cost of about $100.
Author J Jacques Morisset Lead Economist and Program Leader for Cote d’Ivoire, World Bank
Ten days later he was contacted by the DHL office in Abidjan, the capital of Ivory Coast, informing him that his package had arrived but would be going through customs inspection. The next day came the bad news (see the below copy of the official receipt). The customs duties and charges amounted to $360 or 10 times the original value of his package. The explanation was as follows: First, the value of his package was reevaluated arbitrarily by the inspector from $36 to $360, without any explanation. Second, the value-added tax (VAT), the custom duty, and the statistical tax amounted to $248.97 or seven times the original value. Third, the forward freight agent was charging him several fees for $75.94 or more than twice the original value.
Figure 1: Receipt showing corruption in Ivory Coast
What an expensive gift for his wife! Celestin wanted to complain, but he learned that it would take anywhere from several days to weeks to go through the legal process at the customs office with little chance of success. Moreover, DHL was going to charge him an extra $17 for each additional day of storage. Discouraged, Celestin decided to pay his customs duties.
The story of Celestin is one faced by many importers in Ivory Coast and unfortunately in most West African countries. This is not a story typically found in an economic textbook or in reports produced by the World Bank or the International Monetary Fund where customs duties are simply the addition of common external tariffs (ranging from 0 percent to 20 percent) and VAT (the rate is 18 percent in Ivory Coast). This is, however, the reality in Ivory Coast where a trader has to pay 10 times the original cost of his merchandise, excluding transport costs.
These fees have two huge negative implications for the country. The most obvious is that imports become much more expensive, including many basic necessities, which consequently raises the cost of living. Such policies also act as a barrier to entry, protecting local industries but discouraging efficiency gains for customers. This applies to cosmetic products but also to equipment, materials, and vehicles.
The second implication is that corruption thrives with such disproportionate entry costs because a trader will be ready to pay a customs official to go around the system as long as the bribe will be lower than the total customs duties. For the inspector, the temptation is also large because his salary is relatively small compared to the potential bribe. For these reason, this kind of “bargaining” process is happening every day.
Corruption can be thought of as the logical response to a government failure as emphasized by Samuel Huntington in his seminal book published in 1968. It can also be considered positive as it reduces the cost of imports with benefits for traders and ultimately customers. Yet, corruption is unfair as it is non-transparent and greatly depends on the bargaining power of each individual. Celestin may end up paying $350 but an insider only $100. It is also time consuming, explaining long delays in import procedures in most African countries. According to the latest Doing Business report, it takes on average more than 9 days (or 215 hours) to complete all import procedures in Ivory Coast. The country was ranked 142th out of 189 countries in 2016.
In the end, the policy response is simple: reduce import duties, simplify all procedures, and promote accountability through easy access to information and data. In Singapore, Celestin would have paid a general sale tax of 7 percent and the average customs duty of only 1 percent. In Mauritius, the VAT rate is 15 percent and the highest customs duty is 15 percent. In an effort to reduce disputes around the value of goods, the country of Seychelles has introduced a flat fee for all imports of personal goods with a value of less than $300. Also, effective controls and audits as well as publishing the names of cheaters (from both the private and public sectors) or posting complaints on social media can reinforce the fear of sanctions. And guess what? In all these countries, the level of corruption is low (see their rankings in the World Bank Governance indicators) and their customs revenues have increased over time as Celestin and others have more incentives to buy gifts from other countries.
This blog reflects the personal opinion of the author and not of the World Bank Group. |
CHARLOTTE, N.C. — At 6-foot-6, 318 pounds, Andrew Norwell is a difficult person to miss.
And yet, that’s precisely what happened during the 2014 NFL Draft — when all 32 teams passed on the college prospect.
Now, there’s absolutely no way to overlook Norwell, who emerged as a star at left guard last season for the Carolina Panthers and finished as one of the top players at his position.
Norwell is also a key reason why the offensive line has the capacity to be downright good, sooner than later — something nobody would have suspected this time last year.
The Ohio State product, a three-year college starter and two-time All-Big Ten first-team selection, watched seven rounds of the 2014 draft go by without hearing his name called. A few days later, Norwell signed as a free agent with the Panthers.
Unbeknownst to the Panthers at the time, one post-draft phone call might have secured their future at left guard.
In 2014, Norwell started at left guard in eight of his last nine games; the other outing included a start at right guard. How skilled was the free-agent rookie? Of his last six games at left guard, Norwell graded out analytically speaking as the fourth-best left guard in the NFL.
For good measure, Norwell also didn’t allow a single sack and only one quarterback hit.
"That surprises me, because I never read up on myself," says Norwell of his stats. "I stay away from that stuff."
On the whole, the Panthers had a rough 2014 campaign along the offensive line, with the left side — namely tackle Byron Bell at tackle and guard Amini Silatolu — grading out poorly. As a unit, the O-line ranked at or near the bottom in every analytical statistical category.
Then, injuries started to happen; and before he knew it, Norwell went from not dressing for games to starting against the Seahawks.
"It was an amazing experience," recalls Norwell. "Playing the defending champs and it being my first start against Seattle, it was an incredible experience. And with it being a home game, my family got to come down and watch me. It was exciting. …
"I was a little nervous the first series, but after that, I was like, ‘Let’s play ball.’"
Norwell was a steadying force, giving the Panthers something they hadn’t had in numerous years at that position â quality starts.
Though he was undrafted and only a rookie, Norwell’s success wasn’t a major shocker.
"I stepped into that role and I took it over," he said. "It was humbling going through this process with it being my rookie year and being able to be so successful at my job. All the hard work paid off."
Unlike so many undrafted players, Norwell didn’t use it as motivation. He didn’t have the perpetual chip on his shoulder as a result.
"That stuff doesn’t matter now," he said. "It’s all about now. I wouldn’t trade it for anything. I started half the season and I worked my way up. Nothing was given to me. I like hard work and that’s where it’s gotten me."
Still, it took Norwell some time to get acclimated to life in the NFL.
"Just processing everything (was the hardest part)," he said. "You’ve got to calm down. It’s kind of overwhelming at first, but then you realize it’s just football and that you’ve been doing this your whole life. And once I got settled in and felt confident, good things happened to me."
Now, there’s no holding him back. He’s had a full year in the system and looks to be even more of an anchor on the line this year.
"A lot of people didn’t have their eye on me during the season, because I wasn’t dressing the first six games," Norwell says. "But in the seventh game, an O-lineman went down and I stepped up. The coaches saw that I can play this game and that I’m very competitive at what I do." |
Diane Macdonald
Smoking is a health hazard for anyone, but for people with diabetes or a high risk of developing the disease, lighting up can contribute to serious health complications.
Researchers have long known that diabetes patients who smoke have higher blood sugar levels, making their disease more difficult to control and putting them at greater danger of developing complications such as blindness, nerve damage, kidney failure and heart problems. Now a new study offers the most definitive evidence why: the nicotine in cigarettes.
Xiao-Chuan Liu, a professor of chemistry at the California State Polytechnic University, presented results from his study of blood samples from smokers at the American Chemical Society national meeting and exposition. He found that nicotine, when added to human blood samples, raised levels of hemoglobin A1c (HbA1c) by as much as 34%. Liu expects a similar effect occurs with diabetic smokers, whom he hopes to test in a follow up study.
Hemoglobin A1c — a combination of hemoglobin (which ferries oxygen) and glucose — is a standard indicator of blood sugar content in the body.
Doctors always knew smoking can make diabetes worse, but, Liu says, “now we know why. It’s the nicotine. This study also implies that if you are a smoker, and not diabetic, that your chances of developing diabetes is higher.”
The higher A1c levels rise in the blood, he says, the more likely it is that other protein complexes, which build up in various tissues of the body, from the eyes, heart and blood vessels, can form, leading to blockages in circulation and other complications.
But perhaps more importantly, the results also suggest that nicotine replacement products such as patches and nicotine-containing electronic cigarettes, aren’t a safe option for diabetes patients either. Because they still contain nicotine, these products are just as likely to boost A1c levels as cigarettes are. “In order to minimize your chances of developing diabetes or diabetic complications, you need to quit smoking,” says Liu. Even it means going cold turkey. |
Donald Trump said he was open to meeting Kim Jong-un in the appropriate circumstances
© Thomson Reuters 2017
North Korea accused the United States on Tuesday of pushing the Korean peninsula to the brink of nuclear war after a pair of strategic U.S. bombers flew training drills with the South Korean and Japanese air forces in another show of strength.The two supersonic B-1B Lancer bombers were deployed amid rising tensions over North Korea's dogged pursuit of its nuclear and missile programmes in defiance of United Nations sanctions and pressure from the United States.The flight of the two bombers on Monday came as U.S. President Donald Trump said he was open to meeting North Korean leader Kim Jong Un in the appropriate circumstances, even though Pyongyang suggested it would continue with its nuclear tests.South Korean Defence Ministry spokesman Moon Sang-gyun told a briefing in Seoul that Monday's joint drill was conducted to deter provocations by the North and to test readiness against another potential nuclear test.The U.S. air force said in a statement the bombers had flown from Guam to conduct training exercises with the South Korean and Japanese air forces.North Korea said the bombers conducted "a nuclear bomb dropping drill against major objects" in its territory at a time when Trump and "other U.S. warmongers are crying out for making a preemptive nuclear strike" on the North."The reckless military provocation is pushing the situation on the Korean peninsula closer to the brink of nuclear war," the North's official KCNA news agency said on Tuesday.Tensions on the Korean peninsula have been high for weeks, driven by concerns that the North might conduct its sixth nuclear test in defiance of pressure from the United States and Pyongyang's sole major ally, China.China's Global Times, a state-backed tabloid that does not necessarily reflect national policy, said in an editorial late on Monday the United States should not rely on China alone to pressure Pyongyang into giving up its nuclear ambitions.April could prove a "turning point", the paper said, but "Washington ... must also continue to exert its own efforts on the issue".It was widely feared North Korea could conduct its sixth nuclear test on or around April 15 to celebrate the anniversary of the birth of the North's founding leader, Kim Il Sung, or on April 25 to coincide with the 85th anniversary of the foundation of its Korean People's Army.The North has conducted such tests or missile launches to mark significant events in the past.Instead, North Korea conducted an annual military parade, featuring a display of missiles, on April 15 and then a large, live-fire artillery drill 10 days later.South Korea's acting president Hwang Kyo-ahn called for stronger vigilance because of continuing provocation by Seoul's poor and isolated neighbour."I am asking foreign and security ministries to further strengthen military readiness in order for North Korea not to miscalculate ... and drive the Korea-U.S. alliance and cooperation from neighbouring countries such as China to put pressure on the North," Hwang told a cabinet meeting on Tuesday.Trump said on Monday he would be "honoured" to meet the North's young leader."If it would be appropriate for me to meet with him, I would absolutely, I would be honoured to do it," Trump told Bloomberg News in comments that drew criticism in Washington.Trump did not say what conditions would be needed for such a meeting to occur or when it could happen. The White House said later North Korea would need to meet many conditions before it could be contemplated."Clearly conditions are not there right now," White House spokesman Sean Spicer said."I don't see this happening anytime soon."Trump warned in an interview with Reuters on Thursday that a "major, major conflict" with North Korea was possible, while China said last week the situation on the Korean peninsula could escalate or slip out of control.In a show of force, the United States has already sent an aircraft carrier strike group, led by the USS Carl Vinson, to waters off the Korean peninsula to conduct drills with South Korea and Japan.The U.S. military's THAAD anti-missile defence system has reached initial operational capacity in South Korea, U.S. officials told Reuters, although they cautioned that it would not be fully operational for some months.North Korea test-launched a missile on Saturday that appeared to have failed within minutes, its fourth successive failed launch since March. It has conducted two nuclear tests and a series of missile-related activities at an unprecedented pace since the beginning of last year.The North is technically still at war with the South after their 1950-53 conflict ended in a truce, not a treaty, and regularly threatens to destroy the United States, Japan and South Korea. |
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Last weekend, my friends and I went camping at a private spot in Big Sur that has the only fresh water swimming hole in the area. It’d previously been off-limits, but thanks to a new service called Hipcamp, anyone can now book it online. How’s it work?
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The actual sunset you will actually see from camp.
The Best Campsite In Big Sur
Betty Withrow has lived in the mountains of Big Sur for 43 years. She’s six miles down a rough dirt road, in a little hollow it takes serious effort to find, even with a map and directions. With mature apple, plum, fig and avocado trees, not to mention the redwoods that surround her property, it’s about as close to heaven as you’ll likely find on god’s green earth.
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And now, you can visit her there to go camping.
We did just that, organizing a group of 15 people (the site’s maximum) from San Francisco and Los Angeles and rendezvousing there to celebrate July 4th.
We’ve camped in Big Sur a bunch, first down in Limekiln State Park, which like everything at sea level is crowded, cold and damp. Then, on top of Prewitt Ridge, which is gorgeous, remote and warm, but does get crowded on big holiday weekends.
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By booking Betty’s place, a bit downhill from the Ridge, we bough ourselves complete seclusion and privacy, positively luxurious facilities (by camping standards, anyways) and that sweet, spring-fed swimmin’ hole. While the Ridge a mile or two away was so crowded people had to turn around and leave and where campfires are currently banned, we knew we had our own spot reserved, complete with a permissible fire pit, kitchen, spring water and camp kitchen.
If you haven’t been to Big Sur, it needs to be on your list. Rugged mountains come crashing down into the sea, covered in oaks up top and redwoods as you get lower down. Somewhere in between the ridges covered in golden grass, persistent marine layer clouds and rocky coast line there’s real magic. No better sunset exists anywhere on earth.
So, it’s a popular place to visit and camp. Along the Pacific Coast Highway, you’ll find private resorts like Treebones, a few state campgrounds and a couple little turnouts where people park RVs. All of them are crowded, none deliver you full access to the area’s natural beauty and, because that fog bank rolls in every night, you’ll be cold and wet. Most people just don’t get an experience that lives up to the promise, which is a shame.
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And that’s the problem with camping in organized campgrounds and accessible public land pretty much anywhere. You can book campgrounds, but campgrounds suck. Public land is what you want, but there’s no guarantee someone else won’t already be there and on it you’re subject to many rules and restrictions. Enter Hipcamp.
Airbnb For Camping
It’s no mistake that Hipcamp looks and feels like Airbnb. The venture-backed, Bay Area startup is trying to do for camping what that service did for vacation rentals. It aims to make stuff available that no one’s had access to before, and make the experience easy and reliable both for the property owners and campers.
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It does that by allowing you to search for and browse available spots, with good pictures, descriptions and details, obviously, but also like Airbnb it encourages campers and camp hosts to rate and review each other, giving you an assurance that your experience will match your expectation and weeding out bad apples.
“Over 60% of the United States is privately owned,” explains Hipcamp. Its big idea isn’t just to open up camping, it’s to reap the benefits that outdoors recreation can bring to private land. “It is essential to the future of our planet that much of this land remains undeveloped to maintain wilderness habitats and corridors that allow plants and animals to thrive and migrate naturally. By connecting landowners who want to keep their land undeveloped with responsible, ecologically minded campers, we can use recreation to fund the conservation of this land.”
Right now, Hipcamp has launched its “land sharing” program in California and catalogs a handful of properties. To scale, it’s offering a $500 bounty to land owners who sign up and to people who refer new land owners. Know someone that owns a beautiful piece of land? Send Hipcamp their way.
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Hipcamp helps those land owners figure out insurance, fix up their facilities and aims to make the experience slick and easy for owners and campers alike.
It also allows you to search, research and book public campgrounds. Just now with a slick, powerful, modern interface.
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The Hipcamp Experience
We were the first Hipcampers to visit Betty’s property in Big Sur. The company had been out a couple weekend’s previously to install signage and help fix up her outdoor toilets, shower, kitchen and other facilities.
After a little bit of a false start due to a stolen sign and subsequent navigation kerfuffles, we rolled into camp and were greeted by a friendly lady and her pet chihuahua. She showed us where everything was, then left us on our own.
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Despite being way out in the middle of nowhere and obviously being of a rustic nature, the facilities were clean, well stocked and useful. Betty had laid in a pile of firewood for us to use. That alone solved a major logistical problem.
The meadow where we camped was just up a hill from Betty’s house, but she struck the right balance of being there when we needed something (or just wanted to listen to her stories!) and letting us be when we didn’t. We felt incredibly welcome on her property and were grateful to be there.
On Sunday, we packed everything up, loaded our trash on the Subaru’s roof and waved goodbye. We told Betty we’d be back and we mean it; this couldn’t have been an easier or more enjoyable weekend.
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Total price? $300. Or, with 15 of us, $20 a head. That’s enough money to net Betty a return and help her keep her land pristine while still being a hell of a bargain for an awesome weekend in natural heaven. She tells us she’s looking forward to sharing it with more people. Go visit.
Camping’s Problem, Solved?
“We don’t think finding a campsite should be such a time-consuming, convoluted and confusing process,” says Hipcamp. And they’ve fixed that, at least for the small number of public sites that have been fully populated with photos, reviews and tips and for the handful of private properties they’ve so far enlisted.
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What Hipcamp needs now is users. If you have land you want to make money off of, sign up. If you want to find better places to camp, sign up. If you know someone who’d benefit on either side, send them the link. This is potentially something that could be valuable to all of us who enjoy the outdoors, let’s help make it viable.
“Campers win, landowners win, Mother Nature wins,” concludes Hipcamp. |
WASHINGTON (AP) — Attorney General Jeff Sessions is leaving open the possibility that a special counsel could be appointed to look into Clinton Foundation dealings and an Obama-era uranium deal, the Justice Department said Monday.
In a letter to the House Judiciary Committee, which is holding an oversight hearing Tuesday, the Justice Department said Sessions had directed senior federal prosecutors to “evaluate certain issues” recently raised by Republican lawmakers.
The prosecutors will report to Sessions and Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein and recommend whether any new investigations should be opened, whether any matters currently under investigation require additional resources and whether it might be necessary to appoint a special counsel to oversee a probe, according to a letter sent to Rep. Robert Goodlatte of Virginia, the Judiciary Committee’s Republican chairman.
The letter from Assistant Attorney General Stephen Boyd did not say what specific steps might be taken by the Justice Department to address the lawmakers’ concerns, or whether any of the matters Republicans have seized might on already be under investigation.
Any appointment of a new special counsel, particularly in response to calls from members of Congress or from President Donald Trump, is likely to lead to Democratic complaints about an undue political influence on the department’s decision-making.
Trump in recent weeks has repeatedly weighed in on department affairs, publicly lamenting that he does not have more direct involvement with it and calling on law enforcement scrutiny of Democrat Hillary Clinton, his opponent in the 2016 presidential race, and other Democrats. He has been particularly interested in the Clinton Foundation.
“Everybody is asking why the Justice Department (and FBI) isn’t looking into all of the dishonesty going on with Crooked Hillary & the Dems…” Trump tweeted earlier this month.
In apparent anticipation of those concerns, Boyd said in the letter that Justice Department “will never evaluate any matter except on the facts and the law.”
“Professionalism, integrity and public confidence in the Department’s work is critical for us, and no priority is higher,” Boyd said.
Sessions said at his January confirmation hearing that he would recuse himself from any investigations involving Democrat Hillary Clinton given his role as a vocal campaign surrogate to President Donald Trump. He similarly recused himself from a separate investigation into potential coordination between the Trump campaign and Russia, and in May, the Justice Department appointed former FBI Director Robert Mueller as special counsel to lead that probe.
House Republicans in recent weeks have launched their own probes into the Obama administration and Hillary Clinton’s emails.
Some have specifically said they want to know more about whether Obama’s Department of Justice was investigating the purchase of American uranium mines by a Russian-backed company in 2010. The agreement was reached while Hillary Clinton led the State Department and some investors in the company had relationships with former President Bill Clinton and donated large sums to the Clinton Foundation.
The letter comes one day before Sessions is to appear before the Judiciary panel for a Justice Department oversight hearing. Democrats on the committee have already signaled that they intend to press Sessions on his knowledge of contacts between Russians and aides to the Trump campaign. |
Man Clearly Yelling Gibberish During Sing-along Part
CHICAGO – Fans of popular hardcore band Without Mercy were outraged this weekend when they discovered that a man was clearly just yelling gibberish during a popular sing-along part of the band’s hit song, “Time to Die,” multiple heavily tattooed sources confirmed.
“I was going along doing my thing singing it back and then, out of nowhere, there was this guy climbing all over my back and yelling nonsense into the mic,” said Without Mercy fan Brendan Burke who was the first to notice the unforgivable behavior. “I spent lots of time in my car memorizing all these lyrics so I know for a fact this guy was screaming the wrong words. It really threw me off my game and I missed a crucial pile-up.”
Fans were further bothered when the man started clapping before songs had ended and was caught trying to sing along to a new, unrecorded song.
“This guy was a complete goon. He was even trying to mosh between songs. I kept thinking ‘Why are you here man? Do you even know this band?’ every time he pulled that crap,” said scene staple Mike Hobart. “When TJ, the singer, said, ‘If you know the words, stand up front,’ this guy had the nerve to push past me and start pounding the stage. Ridiculous, man.”
Members of Without Mercy were understandably irate at the young showgoers attempt at participation.
“Sing-alongs are a time-honored tradition at hardcore shows,” said Without Mercy guitarist Keith McKenzie. “Historically, they have identified who knows the lyrics the best, which also proves who likes the band the most – and has the most credibility. Randomly yelling nonsense like that is an insult to everything hardcore stands for.”
When reached for comment, the man in question replied, “argh blarg watermelonwatermelon LIVING A LIE!” adding “test press sundress, TIME TO DIE!”
Picture by Matt Gill. |
The second half, devoted to the guerrilla campaign in Bolivia in 1967 that ended in Guevara’s death, is equally rigorous in its depiction of a failed revolt. Though Guevara tried, in a new context, to apply the strategic lessons of the Cuban revolution — concentrate on the countryside; cultivate popular support; maintain discipline and cohesion in the ranks — everything went wrong. And it turned out that Guevara’s adversaries, the Bolivian army and its American advisers, had learned a thing or two about how to wage an effective counterinsurgency.
There is a lot, however, that the audience will not learn from this big movie, which has some big problems as well as major virtues. In between the two periods covered in “Che,” Guevara was an important player in the Castro government, but his brutal role in turning a revolutionary movement into a dictatorship goes virtually unmentioned. This, along with Benicio Del Toro’s soulful and charismatic performance, allows Mr. Soderbergh to preserve the romantic notion of Guevara as a martyr and an iconic figure, an idealistic champion of the poor and oppressed. By now, though, this image seems at best naïve and incomplete, at worst sentimental and dishonest. More to the point, perhaps, it is not very interesting.
But “Che” itself is interesting, partly because it has the power to provoke some serious argument — about its own tactics and methods, as well as those of its subject. Whether American audiences will have a chance to participate in that argument is, for the moment, an open question. The mood here among buyers has been extremely cautious, and as of this writing, distributors have balked at spending $8 million to $10 million (the reported asking price for “Che”) on a 258-minute movie to be released in two parts, with subtitles.
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This is one of the frustrations of Cannes, for American critics at least. We see lots of fascinating movies — not all good, but very few completely worthless — and then wonder if we, or our readers, will ever see them again. I’m not in the movie business (a mutually beneficial arrangement, believe me), and not inclined to speculate with someone else’s money. I do hope, however, that sometime in the near future I can take part in the long and contentious conversation that “Che” deserves, and also see how my own initial ambivalence about the film resolves itself.
I have a similar hope for Charlie Kaufman’s “Synecdoche, New York,” a movie about which I am not ambivalent at all. Puzzled? Yes. Unsure of its commercial prospects? As I said, that’s none of my business. (“Synecdoche” is another competition entry looking for love in a marketplace of commitment-shy distributors.)
But Mr. Kaufman, the wildly inventive screenwriter of “Being John Malkovich” and “Eternal Sunshine of the Spotless Mind,” has, in his first film as a director, made those efforts look almost conventional. Like his protagonist, a beleaguered theater director played by Philip Seymour Hoffman, he has created a seamless and complicated alternate reality, unsettling nearly every expectation a moviegoer might have about time, psychology and narrative structure.
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But though the ideas that drive “Synecdoche, New York” are difficult and sometimes abstruse, the feelings it explores are clear and accessible. These include the anxiety of artistic creation, the fear of love and the dread of its loss, and the desperate sense that your life is rushing by faster than you can make sense of it. A sad story, yes, but fittingly for a movie bristling with paradoxes and conundrums, also extremely funny.
Nothing in Mr. Kaufman’s film happens as you might expect it to, even if his previous work had conditioned you to expect surprises. Cannes, meanwhile, has a way of disappointing expectations even as it confirms them. After last year’s robust 60th-anniversary edition of the festival, which yielded so many great movies (and quite a few sales), this one feels like a bit of a letdown.
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It’s not that the films are bad, but rather that many of the directors in competition have, with their previous work, set such a high standard. Jean-Pierre and Luc Dardenne, with two Palmes d’Or already on their résumés, arrived this year with “Le Silence de Lorna,” an engrossing movie about the moral struggle of a young Albanian immigrant in Belgium. It’s very good. Not a masterpiece, though, which is what the Dardenne brothers have conditioned us to expect.
And many of us were anticipating masterpieces from the Turkish director Nuri Bilge Ceylan and from the Argentine filmmaker Lucrecia Martel, whose second feature, “The Holy Girl,” was a discovery of the 2004 festival. Many critics insist that “Three Monkeys,” Mr. Ceylan’s new film (acquired for American release by New Yorker Films), fulfills the promise of his earlier work, which includes “Distant” and “Climates.” But in trying something new — using his austere, exacting sense of form to tell a ripely melodramatic story — he seems to have sacrificed some of the wit that made those earlier films so memorable.
Ms. Martel, in contrast, errs on the side of consistency. The obliqueness that made “The Holy Girl” so haunting feels coy and mannered in her new film, “The Headless Woman,” the point of which seems to be to pass the mental dissociation of its main character on to the audience. But if Ms. Martel is in a rut, she may be planning to break out of it. An announcement came earlier this week that her next project, “L’Eternauta,” will be a science-fiction movie involving an invasion of Earth by aliens.
If it comes to Cannes, such a radical departure will surely encounter some grumbling. How come these filmmakers can’t stick to what they’re good at? But then again: Why don’t they ever try something new? You may get the Palme d’Or, but you still can’t win. There’s no pleasing some people. Which may be why we keep coming back. |
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Mar-28-2009 14:17 TweetFollow @OregonNews President Obama -- Out of Touch, or A Hypocrite? When I think about the vast numbers of people who are serving time for nothing more than marijuana possession, and the havoc incarceration wreaks on them, their families, and everyone they will meet in the future, I'm very sad.
Courtesy: datelinebucharest.com
(SALEM, Ore.) - On Thursday, March 26th, President Obama hosted an Internet town hall meeting, inviting the public to submit and vote on questions to be asked about the economy. It was exciting to see that several of the most popular submissions were questioning the economic wisdom of continuing the drug war, and specifically the war on marijuana consumers, in these tough economic times. Unfortunately, while the President clearly got the message that there's tremendous public interest in this issue, he seemed to be out of touch with the realities of today's drug war. His only response was to joke, "There was one question that was voted on that ranked fairly high, and that was whether legalizing marijuana would improve the economy and job creation, (and I don't know what this says about the online audience). The answer is, no, I don't think that is a good strategy to grow our economy." Although there were many questions asked about cannabis, most had little if anything to do with legalizing it to "grow our economy." People were asking very serious questions related to the massacres south of our border, and whether bringing the drug profits funding them into a legal, taxed, and regulated market might help turn the tide. They were asking our President if he believes that chasing down cannabis consumers is really a wise use of our scarce resources in these difficult economic times. But he turned this important discussion into a tasteless, offensive joke, disparaging the citizens he had asked to submit questions in the first place. Considering our tax dollars are spent to incarcerate more of our citizens per capita than any other nation, not to mention the societal costs of having 1 in 31 adult Americans behind bars or on parole or probation, this seems to me to be a serious issue. Adding in the cost of all of the lives lost and families torn apart in an ideological and hypocritical pursuit of a "drug free America," (brought to you by Merck and Pfizer, of course), I don't understand what President Obama found so funny. When I think about the vast numbers of people who are serving time for nothing more than marijuana possession, and the havoc incarceration wreaks on them, their families, and everyone they will meet in the future, I'm very sad. In addition to being punished through the loss of their freedom, there's also the enormous risk of prison rape. People who've ever been incarcerated more than 72 hours are not allowed to donate plasma because the doctors assume they've been raped and may have contracted a blood-borne disease. There's nothing funny about that. Again, I don't understand what President Obama finds funny about any of this. Maybe it's only funny if you got away with using cannabis and became President, and you never again have to worry about being arrested, incarcerated, raped, and stigmatized for life. ====================================================== Erin Hildebrandt wears many hats. She's wife to Bill Hildebrandt, mom to five beautiful kids, activist, artist, legally registered Oregon medical marijuana patient, public speaker, and an internationally published writer. She co-founded Parents Ending Prohibition, and her writing has been printed in Mothering Magazine, New York's Newsday, and Canada's National Post, among many others. Erin has been interviewed for a front page story in USA Today, and she has been published in the American Bar Association Journal. Speaking as a survivor of child sexual abuse, Erin also appeared on the Geraldo Rivera show. She has also testified before Oregon Senate and House committees, and Maryland Senate and House committees. We are very pleased to feature the work of Erin Hildebrandt on Salem-News.com.
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Tiny "walking" proteins could be used to investigate mechanical deformations in soft materials according to Hokkaido University researchers.
The researchers employed a concept that is a part of the transportation network in cells. "Walking" filament-shaped proteins, such as kinesin, carry cargo on one of their ends while two foot-shaped structures on the other end move one "foot" in front of the other along a network of associated protein microtubules in the cells.
The team aimed to test whether these walking proteins and their associated proteins could be used as a sensor for stretching and compressing a soft silicon-based material polydimethylsiloxane (PDMS) that is used, for example, in manufacturing contact lenses.
First, they deposited kinesin motor proteins on the surface of the PDMS so that one end of the kinesin proteins was attached to the PDMS, while the other end remained free. Next, the team deposited fluorescent-microtubules on the kinesin-layered surface. The layered PDMS was then placed in a special stretch chamber that was observed under the microscope.
When the team neither stretched nor compressed the PDMS, the microtubules moved randomly on the PDMS surface at a constant velocity. This movement effectively happens due to the kinesin proteins "walking in place" because they are attached to the surface of the PDMS. But as they move their "feet" along the free microtubules, the microtubules are forced to move around randomly on the material's surface.
When the team stretched the PDMS, the microtubules moved faster and aligned themselves parallel to the stretching axis. The density of kinesin proteins on the surface also decreased as a result of the stretching. When the PDMS were compressed, however, the microtubules slowed down and aligned themselves perpendicular to the compression axis, while the density of kinesin proteins on the surface of the material increased.
The team also tested the use of the microtubules as "probes" to detect the mechanical deformation of another soft material, polyurethane, a material commonly used in the manufacture of artificial skin and heart valves, and came up with similar results.
"Although further research is still required to prevent the denaturation of the proteins which occurs during the experiment, our present work should facilitate the elucidation of the surface science of soft materials in the future," the researchers say in their study published in the journal Nature Communications. Akira Kakugo, the lead author of the paper, further explains: "since deforming soft materials provides environments that resemble living cells, our method could also help make clear the functions and mechanisms of motor proteins and microtubules interacting in the cells." |
Six-time Olympic medallist Clara Hughes told an audience in Thompson March 16 that she thought winning her first Olympic medal – a bronze medal in cycling at the 1996 Olympics in Atlanta – would quiet the feelings she had carried inside her since childhood, the idea that if she was the best at everything it would cure her family’s dysfunction.
But it didn’t.
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Hughes was speaking at a public event in R.D. Parker Collegiate’s Letkemann Theatre as part of the eighth-annual Hope Forum, an event put on by the Hope North Suicide Prevention Committee in Thompson to promote life and encourage frank, open discussion about mental illness and mental health.
Tied with Cindy Klassen as Canada’s most-decorated Olympic athlete, with medals in multiple summer and winter games in cycling and long-track speed skating, Hughes might seem like the ultimate example of a person who’s got it all together. But the fact is, she earned those medals despite, and in some ways because of, her own mental health struggles and those of her family.
“You can learn to manage, you can learn to cope and you can thrive with it,” she said of mental illness. “Four of those Olympic medals of the six that I won came after my first bout of depression, came within other relapses into depression.”
A Winnipegger, Hughes told the crowd, which rewarded her with a standing ovation at the conclusion of her speech, that she remembers when she hid in a closet in her Elmwood home as a child, anticipating that her alcoholic father would come home and the family would come looking for her and they’d have a night as a nice, normal family. She fell asleep waiting for him to get back and when she awoke, the sounds she heard were not those of a happy family but of arguing parents.
“I sat in that closet that night and for the first time felt a sense of hopelessness and worthlessness and failure and I was five and I know I’m not the only person in this room that has felt that,” said Hughes.
Her sister, who has bipolar disorder and depression, sought solace in the streets and was sent to juvenile detention at the age of 13, spending the rest of her teens in custody and group homes, away from her family.
Hughes was travelling down that same path, smoking a pack of cigarettes a day by seventh grade and numbing her pain with alcohol and drugs until she saw something at the age of 16 that changed her life. It was 1988 and Canadian speed skater Gaetan Boucher was competing in his final Olympic race and she watched as he burst out of the gate only to fade in the final 300 metres, his energy expended too early to wind up on the podium. She got into speed skating herself, then switched to cycling when Manitoba threw together a team, which went on to finish first when the Western Canada Games were held in her hometown.
But despite her meteoric rise, which saw her win the first and last medals for Canada at the 1996 Olympics, Hughes says she was really still punishing herself for not fixing her family, just with exercise and training this time instead of with drugs and alcohol. Following her first Olympic medals, she became clinically depressed, though she didn’t recognize the symptoms in herself even when others did. She self-medicated with alcohol and drugs and food and lost two years in her athletic prime.
“I refused to admit I had a medical condition that needed treatment and help,” said Hughes. “I refused to admit that I was not stronger than this. I refused to give my family the chance to support me through this.”
She quit sports entirely before returning to cycling with a new coach, competing in the 2000 Olympics in Australia and finishing 25 minutes behind the winner in her first race and not feeling bad about it.
“I remember thinking, ‘I don’t care if it’s not a medal. I feel really good about finishing what I’ve started today and knowing who I am,’” said Hughes.
Hughes decided to return to her first sport, speed skating, when she was the same age Boucher had been when she saw him give one last valiant effort despite being considered washed-up. She qualified for the 2002 Olympics in Salt Lake City and said she was incredibly nervous until she received an email from a family she had met and visited in Lac La Ronge First Nation in Saskatchewan, which contained a Cree word meaning “now” which she wrote on her hand before her first race.
“I realized, this is it, this is now, see what’s possible,” said Hughes.
She won a bronze medal, becoming the fourth person and second woman to win medals in both the summer and winter games. She would go on to win a gold and silver medal at the 2006 Winter Olympics in Turin, Italy and was chosen as the flag bearer for Canada at the 2010 Vancouver Olympics opening ceremonies. Her final Olympic speed skating race in Vancouver, in which she won a bronze medal, was one of the best races of her career, she says.
“There was still eight skaters to go and I celebrated like I won the Olympics even if I looked like a complete jerk if I ended up in ninth place because I wanted people to connect to the moment and the beauty of being complete, being completed, not depending on something outside and knowing who you are and celebrating excellence,” she said.
Her mom was in the audience that day for the first time at any of Hughes’s Olympic races.
“I looked up and I waved and I blew her a kiss,” said Hughes and then she went to call her dad, who lived with undiagnosed bipolar disorder and has since died after suffering from dementia. He hung up the phone.
“But you know what?” said Hughes. “For the first time in my life I was able to look at that phone and I was able to smile and I was able to say, ‘Dad, I love you. I love you and I can’t fix you and I can’t rescue you and I can’t even change you but I can love you. I can love you with all my heart and today was a good day. Today was a great day and I’m going to celebrate it.’ And the only reason I was able to do that, not be destroyed by success, is because of all the help I had in the previous 14 years. Without that help, there would be no speed skating. Without that help, there would be no comeback. Without that help, there would be no life and no person.”
Though Hughes said she is proud of her athletic achievements, she says what she has done outside of competition, including working with the Right to Play organization – to which she donated $10,000 after the 2006 Winter Olympics – and becoming a national spokesperson for the Bell Let’s Talk campaign to encourage open discussion of mental health and illness, has been even more meaningful.
“We connect, I think, at the deepest level through struggle yet all we share is joy,” she said. “If we could learn to talk about it more, people wouldn’t feel alone.” |
There are numerous examples of schools punishing students for seemingly innocuous online activity. In 2012, after a Minnesota student wrote a Facebook post saying a hall monitor was “mean” to her, she was forced to turn over her Facebook password to school administrators—in the presence of a sheriff’s deputy. The school made an out-of-court settlement with the student, who was represented by the ACLU.
In other recent cases, student banter that would have gone unnoticed in the pre-digital era has drawn swift punishment. In Kansas, a high school class president was suspended for a Twitter post making fun of his school’s football team. In Oregon, 20 students were suspended over a tweet claiming a female teacher flirted with her students. And just a few days ago, also in Kansas, a student was suspended for a tweet that made the principal “uncomfortable” (in the wording of the school’s disciplinary incident notification).
“We cannot allow the hard-fought battles for student speech rights to be eroded in the digital age,” says Lee Rowland, an ACLU staff attorney specializing in speech, privacy, and technology. “School officials aren’t permitted to listen in on chatter at students’ private gatherings with friends, or rifle through their private videos and photo albums. Nor should we permit them to do so simply because those conversations or images are digital.”
No one disputes the fact that students can be cruel online. Chip Douglas, a 10th grade English teacher in North Carolina, resigned after students created a fake Twitter profile that portrayed him as a hyper-sexualized drug addict. But some First Amendment advocates believe a subsequent law enacted by the North Carolina legislature in December 2012, the first of its kind, has gone too far. Intended to protect teachers from cyber-bullying, the law prohibits students from making any online comments meant to “intimidate or torment” a school employee.
Such broad language creates two big First Amendment problems. First, schools can punish any speech as long as they can cite “intimidation.” Second, schools can punish students for comments made after school hours, in the privacy of their own home.
“You can’t equate online speech created on personal time with in-class speech, and it’s dangerous to try,” says Frank LoMonte, director of the Student Press Law Center. “Schools are so prone to censor and intimidate whistleblowers who complain about school conditions on school time. Students absolutely must have some safe space where they can complain when schools are dirty, dangerous, or overcrowded, without fear that the long arm of school discipline will reach out and grab them.”
Student speech—often in defiance of administrators—has helped keep schools transparent. In September, students writing for an Ohio high school newspaper looked at public records and discovered that what their high school’s administration had called an “alleged assault” by a student was actually an alleged rape. In November, students at a Staten Island high school broke a story about how the answers to Department of Education standardized tests were posted online before the test was administered. |
It is a nightmare that Dayna Herroz must live with the rest of her life.
In July 2006, Dayna's 22 year old daughter Tori Vienneau and Tori's son Dean, were found strangled inside their Southcrest apartment.
Dean was hung by his neck in his crib with a cord on the same day that he turned ten months old.
"You wake up every morning and know that your family has been murdered," Herroz said.
After 18 months San Diego Police homicide detectives finally had enough evidence to arrest Vienneau's ex-boyfriend and father of her son, Bonita resident Dennis Potts.
Prosecutors said Potts killed Vienneau and son because he didn't want to pay child support. He even used a friend's DNA to fake a paternity test.
"He thought he could get away with this, and he ruined his own life," Herroz said.
Herroz agreed to participate in a special "Dateline" on the crime because she wants to raise awareness about domestic violence.
Potts is now serving two life sentences in prison and Herroz said the judge granted her an unusual request.
In his prison cell, there is a large picture of the bodies of Vienneau and Dean in their casket on the day they were buried together.
"I want him to live with it everyday,"Dayna said. "It's laminated, so he can't cut it up, he can't draw on it."
The case is now being featured this Friday night on NBC's "Dateline." |
Microsoft is integrating Skype directly into Windows 10, and the result looks a lot like Apple's iMessage service. While the company unveiled some of its Skype integration at a special Windows 10 press event in Redmond yesterday, the software maker didn’t show its new Messaging app on the PC version of Windows 10. This appears to be key to a new experience for Skype messaging in Windows 10, and it brings back the built-in Messaging app from Windows 8 that Microsoft killed with the Windows 8.1 update.
Skype is starting to link usernames to mobile numbers
The new Messaging app works by integrating Skype, allowing you to chat to Skype contacts or initiate video / audio calls. All the conversations are synced between PCs, tablets, and phones, and the new app looks like a lightweight version of Skype. It’s also identical to the Messages app on OS X, with the same two-panel interface and circular UI for contact photos. Microsoft has started linking Skype usernames with mobile numbers to make it easier to find friends who are using the service without having to know their user ID. That makes this whole approach a lot more like iMessage, allowing Skype users to chat to friends easily on the service. The main difference is that Skype is cross-platform so you can chat to friends on iOS, Android, BlackBerry, Windows, and more, while iMessage is limited to Apple’s platforms.
The built-in Skype experience on the phone version of Windows 10 also allows you to send text messages, but it’s entirely possible (and likely) that Microsoft will extend this functionality and sync state to the PC version just like iMessage. In Microsoft’s new world Windows 10 apps are the same across PCs, phones, and tablets, so such a move would be expected. Microsoft isn’t fully detailing its Messaging app plans just yet, but it’s encouraging to see the company move to a more native and simple integration of Skype instead of separate and unnecessary apps. All that's needed now is the complexity of usernames to fully disappear so everyone can use Skype just with their mobile number. |
Berkeley High water polo player investigated for mid-game assault
Boys high school water polo match between Greenwich High School and Brunswick School at Greenwich High School, Conn., Wednesday, Sept. 14, 2016. Brunswick defeated Greenwich 6-5. Boys high school water polo match between Greenwich High School and Brunswick School at Greenwich High School, Conn., Wednesday, Sept. 14, 2016. Brunswick defeated Greenwich 6-5. Photo: Bob Luckey Jr., Hearst Connecticut Media Photo: Bob Luckey Jr., Hearst Connecticut Media Image 1 of / 1 Caption Close Berkeley High water polo player investigated for mid-game assault 1 / 1 Back to Gallery
Police in Alameda have launched an investigation into a report that a Berkeley High School student on the boys water polo team sexually assaulted an opponent during a match last month, officials said Monday.
The investigation into the alleged incident during an Oct. 11 match at Encinal High School in Alameda is still active and no arrests have been made, said Lt. Hoshmand Durani, a spokesman for the Alameda Police Department.
It was the second time in less than a year that a Bay Area high school water polo player has been the subject of a criminal probe stemming from violence in the pool.
The latest alleged incident came to the attention of police on Oct. 12 after an Encinal school staff member told a school resource officer about it, Durani said. He didn’t go into details about the allegation, citing the juvenile status of the people involved, and didn’t know if anyone was injured.
“I don’t want to pinpoint a specific allegation because we still have to interview people,” Durani said Monday. “We have to verify all sides of the story.”
The Berkeley team’s coach, Raymond Haywood, said Monday that he had not heard about the incident or the investigation.
“This is news to me,” he said when contacted by The Chronicle. He referred other questions to the high school’s athletic director, who didn’t immediately respond to requests for comment.
On Tuesday, though, the high school’s principal, Sam Pasarow, said the coach was mistaken. He said Haywood had knowledge of the incident, but not of the investigation.
Charles Burress, a spokesman for the Berkeley Unified School District, said he couldn’t discuss what happened to the player being investigated.
“We take the issue of good sportsmanship and behavior very seriously, but we cannot comment on any specific cases of student discipline,” he said.
Last year, a 15-year-old boy from Acalanes High in Lafayette was charged with felony assault and battery for allegedly striking an opponent and breaking his nose during a junior-varsity match. Part of the incident was captured on video.
The move to charge the teen player was an uncommon instance of bringing sports violence into the criminal justice system and was sharply criticized by some.
Kimberly Veklerov is a San Francisco Chronicle staff writer. Email: [email protected] Twitter: @kveklerov |
Dec. 23 was original deadline for enrolling on exchange to ensure coverage beginning Jan. 1.
Susan Rider, an insurance broker in Indianapolis, says the wait time have improved but glitches remain on HealthCare.gov. (Photo11: By Karl Ahlrichs) Story Highlights High demand, multiple time zones prompted extension through Christmas Eve, HHS says
More than 1 million visited the site over the weekend; 200,000 phoned the call center
Obama signed up for a bronze plan over the weekend... that is, his staff signed him up.
More than 1 million visitors logged into HealthCare.gov by late Monday, racing to meet the administration's new midnight, Christmas Eve deadline to enroll in health insurance.
Officials pushed back the Dec. 23 deadline by a day, acknowledging the site was still having problems signing people up. Earlier Monday, more than 60,000 people hit the landing page when it was too busy to accommodate them and left an email address so they could be alerted when the site wasn't busy, said Julie Bataille, spokeswoman for the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services.
Enrollment for plans under the Affordable Care Act is falling far below expectations, especially on the troubled federal website that is handling insurance sales for 36 states. But actual numbers won't be available until mid-February. The Congressional Budget Office projected 7 million people would sign up on the state and federal exchange by the end of 2014.
The deadline for Jan. 1 coverage was Monday, but because of high demand and to ensure everyone who attempts to sign up can, Bataille announced people would be able to enroll Dec. 24, as well.
"If you want insurance starting Jan. 1, you should sign up today," she said Monday. "But if you have trouble due to high demand, we will make sure we help you get signed up.
"Anticipating high demand and the fact that consumers may be enrolling from multiple time zones, we have taken steps to make sure that those who select a plan through tomorrow will get coverage for Jan. 1," she said.
The move was "too little too late," for the 70,000 insurance brokers racing to sign up clients for insurance on the exchange, said Jessica Waltman, the top lobbyist for the National Association of Health Underwriters. In Indianapolis, broker Susan Rider said wait times were down but glitches remained Monday, including challenges signing up consumers who were eligible for subsidies.
Angel Rivera (L) and his wife Wilma Rivera sit with, Amada cantera, an insurance agent with Sunshine Life and Health Advisors as they try to purchase health insurance under the Affordable Care Act at the kiosk setup at the Mall of Americas on December 22, 2013 in Miami, Florida. (Photo11: Joe Raedle Getty Images)
"We end up having to complete some of the steps multiple times online, while having someone on the phone assisting as well," says Rider. "These clients are thankful for the extension."
President Obama signed up for a bronze plan over the weekend, as well. The move was a symbolic one, as the President is covered through the military, as all presidents are.
In anticipation of heavy online traffic or other technical issues, HHS had already programmed its systems to support Jan. 1 coverage for those who attempt to complete their enrollment through Tuesday. The agency called it a concept similar to Election Day, when those in line when the polls close still get to vote.
Insurers said they'd be standing by to help.
"Health plans will continue to do everything they can to help consumers through the enrollment process and mitigate potential confusion or disruption caused by all of these last-minute changes to the rules and deadlines," said Robert Zirkelbach, spokesman for the trade group America's Health Insurance Plans.
Last week, insurers announced they were voluntarily extending the payment deadline to Jan. 10 "to provide greater peace of mind for consumers purchasing coverage through the new marketplaces," said Zirkelbach.
Peter Lee's excitement about California's enrollment numbers could be heard over the phone line Monday afternoon.
"It's rockin' and rollin' in California," said Lee, executive director of California's health exchange. "Sunday, we saw 27,000 people go end-to-end through the process."
From Friday to Sunday, 77,000 people enrolled in private plans, he said. Enrollment through the exchange in private plans now tops 400,000.
"We Americans generally leave things to the last minute, whether it's taxes or midterm reports," he said. "But the good news is, it means they've heard the message."
The volume on the website did, however, cause it to slow down, and pages may take five or six seconds to load, he said. California is not extending its deadline until Tuesday.
"If for any reason our system doesn't work today, we'll get you there," he said. "Some people, we may help them on Thursday. We'll get you across the finish line."
Insurance shoppers were rallying to meet the deadline in other states, too:
•Illinois saw its exchange numbers jump up over the weekend, said Illinois Department of Public Health spokeswoman Sabrina Miller. During the first weekend of December, the state's call center received 222 calls. Saturday and Sunday's call center numbers increased to 1,625. They've had a total of 292,229 visitors as of Monday, up 11,894 since Friday.
•New York's numbers also increased significantly, up to 421,949 completed applications, 137,783 enrolled in private plans and 51,763 enrolled in Medicaid. As of Dec. 16, the numbers were: 363,258 had completed an application; 95,196 had enrolled in a private plan and 39,426 had qualified for Medicaid.
•Washington's exchange spokeswoman, Bethany Frey, said things went "really well" over the weekend. Though she didn't have complete numbers, she said the site's staff reported "very busy weekend traffic." Friday, 30,000 people visited the state website.
The deadline extension caught insurance brokers off guard, especially those who weren't planning to work past Monday. In Carlisle, Pa., broker Michelle Grochalski was already thankful she had finally shepherded about 18 clients through the arduous process of enrolling on HealthCare.gov. Unless a new client walks in her office Monday, "we are completely finished," she said.
It wasn't easy: While one client took just an hour and half, another took two months to enroll through the exchange. For one applicant, Grochalski said she had to reapply to take a child that didn't exist off their application.
"Tis the season for faith," she laughed.
In the time it took to get 18 people signed up on the federal exchange, Grochalski's office processed 50 other insurance applications for people who didn't qualify for subsidies and Medicare applications. The office will be closed Tuesday and Wednesday and she fears people looking for help from brokers after Monday may be out of luck.
Even though it's been "like Grand Central Station" in broker Elizabeth Gallops' office Monday, she wasn't happy with the decision to extend the deadline. She's hoping to get everyone signed up Monday and it will be up to individual brokers if they want to work on Christmas Eve, she said.
Things were going better Monday on HealthCare.gov than Friday when there were delays, said Gallops, who works for JBA Benefits of Winston-Salem, N.C. She's learned always to start with a fresh browser window. Monday it took about 15 minutes to get on the site and each client is taking about an hour and a half to enroll, Gallops said.
HealthCare.gov's queuing system seemed to be working smoothly Monday; error rates remained low at .45%, and wait times were minimal.
While that's good news, it's been a long few months for brokers and consumers trying to sign up for insurance, many say.
"I'm glad we could help the people we did. The season is still going to be jolly," said Grochalski. "But there's got to be better ways to get health care for all Americans versus the way they did it."
Contributing: Fola Akinnibi
Still insurance shopping? Tell us about it at [email protected]
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Washington (CNN) -- The battle over health care reform reached another milestone Thursday as top House Democrats unveiled sweeping legislation that includes a highly controversial public health insurance option.
The nearly 2,000-page bill -- a combination of three versions passed by House committees -- would cost $894 billion over 10 years to extend insurance coverage to 36 million uncovered Americans, according to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi.
However, the bill's total cost, including Medicare changes, is expected to be higher and could push the price tag over $1 trillion, according to an initial CNN analysis.
The bill guarantees that 96 percent of Americans have coverage, Pelosi stated. The claim is based on an analysis by the non-partisan Congressional Budget Office.
Among other things, the bill would subsidize insurance for poorer Americans and create health insurance exchanges to make it easier for small groups and individuals to purchase coverage. It would also cap annual out-of-pocket expenses and prevent insurance companies from denying coverage for pre-existing conditions.
Pelosi's office said the bill would cut the federal deficit by roughly $30 billion over the next decade. The measure is financed through a combination of a tax surcharge on wealthy Americans and spending constraints in Medicare and Medicaid.
Specifically, individuals with annual incomes over $500,000, as well as families earning more than $1 million, would face a 5.4 percent income tax surcharge. Medicare expenditures would be cut by 1.3 percent annually.
"Today, we are ... laying the foundation for a brighter future for generations to come," Pelosi said on Capitol Hill.
"For Americans struggling with the cost of health care, this is an urgently needed bill," said House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, D-Maryland. "This is an idea whose time has come."
President Obama praised House Democrats for forging "a strong consensus that represents a historic step forward."
Republicans tore into the bill, characterizing it as a series of tax increases and new regulations that would destroy jobs while doing little to stop spiraling health care costs.
"This really is a government takeover of health care in America," said Rep. Mike Pence, R-Indiana. "It appears for all of the world like a massive government-run insurance plan paid for with a freight train of mandates and taxes and bureaucracy."
Critics argue that the Democrats' $894 billion price tag excludes the cost associated with closing the Medicare "donut hole" prescription drug coverage gap.
The donut hole refers to some drug costs left uncovered by Medicare before catastrophic coverage kicks in. Pelosi highlighted plans to close the gap while discussing the bill Thursday.
Under the public option in the House plan, health care providers would be allowed to negotiate reimbursement rates with the federal government, according to Democratic leadership aides.
Pelosi and other liberal Democrats had argued for a more "robust" public option that ties reimbursement rates for providers and hospitals to Medicare rates plus a 5 percent increase. Several Democrats representing rural areas, however, complained that doctors and hospitals in their districts would be shortchanged under such a formula.
The Democratic leadership "pushed as hard as they could" for the robust option but couldn't win majority support for it, said liberal New York Rep. Jerrold Nadler. "There is no point crying over spilt milk."
The House bill differs from legislation now being considered by the Senate in a number of critical ways. Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nevada, also favors a public option but would allow individual states to opt out of the plan. Reid would allow for the creation of nonprofit health care cooperatives; the House bill does not include such a measure.
A bill recently passed by the Senate Finance Committee does not include a tax surcharge on the wealthy but would instead impose a new tax on high-end health care policies, dubbed "Cadillac plans" by critics. A large number of House Democrats are adamantly opposed to taxing such policies, arguing that such a move would hurt union members who traded higher salaries for more generous benefits.
Individuals under the $829 billion Senate Finance Committee plan would be required to purchase health insurance coverage or face a fine of up to $750. The House bill imposes a more stringent fine of up to 2.5 percent of an individual's income. Both versions include a hardship exemption for poorer Americans.
The Senate Finance Committee bill would require large companies to contribute to the health care costs of lower income workers if those workers receive a government subsidy for insurance. The House legislation would require larger companies to provide employee insurance for everyone or pay a penalty of up to 8 percent of total revenue.
Democratic leaders in both chambers agree on establishing nonprofit health care cooperatives and stripping insurance companies of an antitrust exemption that has been in place since the end of World War II.
Moderate House Democrats, whose votes are needed to pass the bill, appeared to be cautiously optimistic. They didn't, however, offer any definitive judgments.
"I'm not leaning one way or the other right now, but I just have to get into the bill and read it for myself," said Rep. Baron Hill, D-Indiana. "I'm hoping to be able to vote for it."
The House Democratic leadership posted the bill online Thursday and agreed to give members at least 72 hours to read it before a vote. Under that timetable, the full House could begin debating the bill next week.
Any bill passed by the House of Representatives will eventually have to be merged with legislation passed by the Senate. Both chambers would then have to pass a revised measure before sending it to Obama to be signed into law.
One thorny issue remaining to be resolved among House Democrats is the final abortion language in the bill. Rep. Bart Stupak, D-Michigan, has been pushing leaders to add stronger language prohibiting the use of federal money to pay for abortions under new health care reforms.
Stupak has vowed that if he isn't allowed a vote on the issue, a group of 40 anti-abortion Democrats will work to block the bill from getting to the House floor.
Leadership aides admit that they need to find compromise wording on abortion but say they are confident the issue will be resolved by the time the bill gets to the floor.
CNN's Ted Barrett, Dana Bash, Tom Cohen, Lisa Desjardins, Alan Silverleib and Deirdre Walsh contributed to this report |
Arc System Works announced that they would be releasing "Guilty Gear Xrd: Revelator" for the PC. They are distributing the flashy fighting game through Steam and should be available on Dec. 14, 2016.
As reported by Gematsu, "Guilty Gear Xrd: Revelator" for PC will retail for $49.99 together with a launch discount of 10 percent. Another product option named "A One Dawn Bundle" priced at $69.99, will include all available DLC content. Additionally, they would throw in the "Guilty Gear Sound Live 2014 Archives+" soundtrack. The bonus soundtrack holds 11 music tracks with three featuring vocals. The song "One Dawn," which is Dizzy's main theme is also reportedly included. The game's soundtrack a heavy metal vibe with a small hint of jazz on some tracks.
According to Steam, the minimum system requirements in order to run "Guilty Gear Xrd: Revelator" are an Intel Core i5 (2.0Ghz) processor, 2GB of RAM, DirectX (version 9.0c), 12GB of free space, Nvidia GeForce GTX 560 or Radeon HD 7770 and a broadband internet connection.
The PC version of "Guilty Gear Xrd: Revelator" unfortunately does not feature cross-platform play like Capcom's "Street Fighter V."
"Guilty Gear Xrd: Revelator" is the follow up to Arc System Works' "Guilty Gear Xrd: Sign" released back in 2014. The game is developed using "Unreal Engine 3" and uses cel-shaded 3D models. It features 17 returning characters with 6 new characters joining the battle. The story mode continues where Xrd: Sign's tale left off, players are treated to a full cinematic movie experience. The story mode does not feature any player versus computer matches, which might surprise veteran fighting game players.
Beginners can go through the tutorial mode to learn combat techniques and match strategies. "Guilty Gear Xrd: Revelator" also includes a stylish mode option for beginners, which allows them to execute flashy moves and combos with minimal input. The PC version sadly lacks the Lobby function found on the console versions. |
What can we learn from the 12 teams who ascended to the College Football Playoff in its first three seasons?
From a scheduling standpoint, each of the dozen reached the end of the regular season with a 12-game resume to present to the Playoff committee. In each case it was enough to earn them a coveted place in the bracket.
It illustrates, absolutely, how important the schedule is in today’s college football climate. Teams can finish the season with the same record, but the one who has the best perceived set of opponents will ultimately be given the opportunity to play for a national championship.
With 12 teams in three years, we now have enough data to begin to forecast what a Playoff-worthy schedule looks like. Any common threads among the 12 teams sends a clear message, “This is what the committee is looking for.”
These are the unofficial guidelines to “scheduling your way to a CFB Playoff berth.”
I. You MUST schedule a Power school out of conference play.
100% of the 12 teams who earned slots in the first three CFB Playoff brackets played a Power team in non-conference play. It is one of only two absolutes among the dozen Playoff-worthy slates.
II. Schedule your bye week for Week 6 or later.
Of the 12 previous Playoff schools, nine (or 75%) had at least one bye week that fell during or after Week 6 of the season.
The only exceptions were Ohio State in 2016 (the Buckeyes had Week 4 off), Clemson in 2015 (also Week 4), and Oklahoma in 2015 (Week 3).
III. Schedule no more than two road games in a row.
The other absolute in scheduling for a Playoff, 100% of the teams sampled played a maximum of two consecutive road games during the regular season.
Of these, five (or 42%) didn’t play any back-to-back road games during their Playoff campaign (2016 Clemson, 2015 Alabama and Oklahoma, 2014 Florida State and Oregon.)
IV. Schedule at least three consecutive home games.
The flip side of the third commandment, eight (or 67%) of the 12 Playoff teams scheduled at least one home stand lasting three weeks or more.
In 2015, Michigan State enjoyed a stretch of four home games from Sept. 12 (Oregon) to Oct. 3 (Purdue) – making the Spartans the Playoff team with the longest homestretch in history.
V. There is no need to double-up on non-conference power opponents.
While the first commandment is absolute, schools don’t need to push the boat out too far if they choose not to. Of the 12 Playoff teams, only three (or 25%) scheduled more than one Power team out of conference play. The exceptions are Clemson (two in both 2015 and 2016) and Florida State (three in 2014).
VI. Scheduling an FCS team isn’t a big deal.
Even though FBS teams have won roughly 90 percent of the 240 games they’ve played vs. FCS schools since the CFB Playoff kicked off in 2014, scheduling such an opponent isn’t frowned upon.
Eight of the 12 Playoff teams (or 67%) scheduled an FCS squad and still made the bracket. The only exceptions were Ohio State (2016 and 2014), Michigan State (2015), and Oklahoma (2015).
VII. Schedule at least seven games at home.
Eleven of the 12 playoff teams (or 92%) played seven home games the year they made the playoff. The only exception was Oklahoma in 2015, which played six games at home in Norman, five on the road, and then its standing date with Texas at the Cotton Bowl in Dallas.
What’s worth noting is that five other Playoff teams, like the Sooners, also played a neutral game the year they made it to the bracket. But, each of these—Alabama (2016, 2015 and 2014), Florida State (2014) and Ohio State (2014)—added seven home games and only four road dates to their neutral game.
VIII. Schedule a non-conference power opponent that has a good chance of being ranked.
A proviso to the first commandment, don’t just play any non-conference power opponent, play a good one.
Eight of the 12 Playoff contenders (or 67%) not only played a Power school out of league play, they played such an opponent that was ranked in the Top 25 at the time of the game. The only exceptions were Clemson (2016), Washington (2016), Alabama (2014), and Ohio State (2014).
IX. Schedule a school from any Power conference with the exception of the ACC
To further pinpoint who to play out of conference, pick a school from the Big 12, Big Ten, Pac-12 or SEC. Don’t pick the ACC.
Though it sounds bizarre, of the nine non-ACC teams that have made the Playoff, only one played an ACC team during the regular season. That means 89% of the non-ACC schools scheduled an opponent from another Power conference.
The only exception was (8) Ohio State in 2014, which fell memorably to unranked Virginia Tech in a Week 2 shocker in Columbus.
X. Unless you’re Alabama, schedule 10 Power opponents in the regular season.
The final guideline expands on the fifth commandment. Basically, if you’re not an SEC member, you can’t get away with playing only eight conference games and still make the Playoff.
Currently, the ACC and SEC both play eight-game conference slates while the Big 12, Big Ten, and Pac-12 play nine. Add in the required non-conference Power opponent and the ACC and SEC generally play nine Power teams during a 12-game regular season, while the Big 12, Big Ten, and Pac-12 play ten.
Since Alabama is the only SEC program to ever make the Playoff, we’ll assume that in most cases, the committee would give say Georgia, LSU or Florida the same pass it’s given the Tide. The assumption is that the SEC members’ in-conference schedule is so difficult that it makes up for the fact that the entire league plays one fewer Power team than the rest of the country (minus the ACC).
The ACC has never “gotten away” with this because the members who have made the Playoff all played an extra Power opponent out of conference during that season. Therefore, the committee has never been tested on the question. The Big Ten, though, did avoid being left out in 2014 (Ohio State) and 2015 (Michigan State) before it expanded its conference slate to nine games in 2016.
No matter how you slice it, seven (or 58%) of the 12 Playoff teams played 10-plus power opponents in the regular season the year of their Playoff berth. Three of five exceptions were Alabama (2014, 2015, and 2016), which not only got a pass, it earned the number one seed two of the three years.
Amy Daughters is a contributor to FBSchedules.com. |
Italian politicians and the public are fuming over a “disgusting” satirical cartoon published by controversial French weekly Charlie Hebdo, which made fun of the victims of an earthquake that left nearly 300 people dead and obliterated entire towns.
Charlie Hebdo, which made headlines in 2015 after a terrorist attack that followed the publication of a series of controversial Mohammad cartoons, has just released another controversial satire.
#CharlieHebdo has proven once again how they don't have respect for anyone.
This is not satire. pic.twitter.com/3zYbKHhdiU — Alef Lila Wa Lila (@_LaCherry_) September 2, 2016
The cartoon titled “Earthquake Italian Style” compared the quake victims with typical dishes of the country. The caricature showed a man covered in blood standing with a sign over his head reading “penne in tomato sauce.” The poor fellow is depicted next to a badly injured woman survivor who is labeled “penne au gratin.” The icing on the satirical image shows people squashed in the rubble with feet sticking out between the floors of a collapsed building with the sign reading “Lasagna”.
“These designs are disgusting,” said the Italian Minister of Justice Andrea Orlando, Le Figaro quoted. The minister added that by publishing the caricature the weekly “created a scandal” to “attract media attention.”
#CharlieHebdo Mocking dead child refugees, religion or Italian victims of an earthquake isn't satire or freedom of speech. It's lazy hate. — Ramon Kaur (@RamonKaur) September 2, 2016
“All this is disgusting,” President Senate Pietro Grasso concurred, calling the respect for the freedom of satire an “irony”.
The most outrage came from the mayor of a quake-devastated town of Amatrice, who declared “the town is gone” after the disaster.
“How the f**k do you draw a cartoon about the dead!” Sergio Pirozzi said in response to the cartoon. “I’m sure this unpleasant and embarrassing satire does not reflect French sentiment.”
He added that misfortunes and the dead do not deserve a satire, saying “we will show how the Italian people are a great people.”
#CharlieHebdo cartoon comparing earthquake victims to Pasta has Italians up in arms, though many were unquestioningly #jesuischarlie in 2015 — Barbara Serra (@BarbaraGSerra) September 2, 2016
Following a similar reaction on social media, the French embassy in Rome said Friday that the Charlie Hebdo cartoon “does not absolutely represent the position of France.”
Shaken Italy: Drone pics from quake-ravaged Amatrice
Calling the suffering of Italian people from earthquake an “immense tragedy,” the embassy issued “sincere condolences,” adding that the Frenchmen “are close to Italy in this difficult trial.”
Shaken Italy: Drone pics from quake-ravaged Pescara del Tronto
An earthquake, measuring 6.2, hit central Italy on August 24 near the border of Umbria, Lazio, Abruzzo and Marche regions. It caused widespread destruction with severe damage being witnessed in the towns of Amatrice, Accumoli and Pescara del Tronto. The quake has taken lives of at least 294 people.
WATCH MORE: |
Unbox Therapy/YouTube screenshot by Chris Matyszczyk/CNET
There's something insanely glorious about buying expensive phones and immediately trying to break them.
And given that the bendability of the iPhone 6 Plus is very likely being discussed at the highest levels of government today, we need to garner as much evidence as we can.
Fortunately, Lewis Hilsenteger of Unbox Therapy, the man who performed the original bend-it-and-beckon that shocked the world, has returned with a more comprehensive demonstration.
This time, he decided to test the iPhone 6 (rather than the eminently bendable 6 Plus) against stiff competition, such as the HTC One M8, the Nokia Lumia 1020 and the Moto X.
There have also been complaints, you see, that inserting the iPhone 6 into various, perhaps slim-fit, pockets also causes an unseemly warping.
Once Hilsenteger applied his expert pressure, he identified a small dent in the iPhone 6's form. He did, though, claim that it's far less bendy than the 6 Plus.
Clearly, it's impossible to know whether he used precisely the same force as he did with the 6 Plus. He insisted, however, that the smaller size of the phone contributed to its additional sturdiness, an argument some logicians might admire.
The really rather gorgeous HTC One M8 cracked under pressure. The allegedly unmistakable sound of loose glue permeated the ether. The screen emerged a touch from its perfect casing too.
The Moto X is, in Hilsenteger's estimation, "solid." It stood as firm and unbending as a guard in a silly hat outside Buckingham Palace. This phone was, for him, the biggest surprise.
The Lumia did apparently make some cracking noises. There was a little movement, but still not so much that it caused alarm.
Those of academic minds and pedantic natures will offer that these particular phones may or may not be perfect examples of their type. They could have been the ones made on a Friday night or on a joyous Monday morning.
It's also impossible to know if Hilsenteger was beginning to lose his strength after so much testing. Fame, too, can sap the energy somewhat.
I hope, though, that the idea of sitting in a bar, say, and attempting to bend your phone until it makes noises and/or its screen pops out will quickly pass. This is no way to accompany a decent sauvignon blanc or even an average craft beer.
Whichever phone you have bought, please consider that it has a certain size, as do you and your pockets. Please, therefore, be wise in how you treat it.
An iPhone owner bemoaning its bentness may be even worse than someone who last week bought a BMW and whines that it's already scratched. |
Bitcoin Price Calculator
We created the Bitcoin Price Calculator for a few reasons:
The Bitcoin Price has increased by 1300% so far in 2017, rising from $434 on 01/01/2016 to $6,080 on 22/10/2017. This has led to mass speculation of just how successful Bitcoin can be. The Bitcoin Price Calculator allows you see quickly and easily what the Bitcoin price will be any any given market capitalization.
The speculation has now gone beyond individuals. It seems industry experts and research teams are now putting forward theories and predictions. The Bitcoin Price Calculator allows you to check what the price would be should these predictions come true.
It seems easier to think of a market cap Bitcoin could reach as oppose to following the price. We can compare the market cap against the market cap of anything. This allows to put into more a more relative perspective the value that Bitcoin could potentially reach.
How does the Bitcoin Price Calculator work?
The Bitcoin Price Calculator allows us to take any market capitalization, at a particular point in time and see what the Bitcoin price would be. The given point in time would be a rough estimate based on the supply of Bitcoins’. There is a chart below which shows the estimated number of Bitcoins in a particular year. This is only an estimate as the supply could well vary from the date we have provided. Fortunately, the supply of coins does not affect the value of the coins a great deal.
You can compare the market cap against almost anything e.g.
Commodoties Gold, Silver etc.
Companies Google, Facebook, Paypal etc.
Countries
There Is conversions for both £ and $ and you can increase the market capitalization goes to a maximum of £/$2 trillion. The Bitcoin supply is capped at 21 million. The Bitcoin supply will increase by a lower amount each year as the block reward halves every 4 years. The coin supplies below are only rough estimate. |
Photo by Steven Depolo
As avid Inhabitat readers know, BPA is a nasty substance. The organic compound, found in everything from reusable water bottles to soup cans, is thought to cause both hormonal and neurological issues. But the anti-BPA movement is growing strong — so strong, in fact, that Canada just moved to ban the substance altogether.
Canada banned BPA-containing plastic baby bottles in 2008, but the new move will see BPA removed from all products on store shelves. As a result, Canada will become the first country in the world to declare BPA as a toxic substance. There’s no word on when the ban will take effect, but the North American chemical industry is reportedly angry with Environment Canada’s decision to abolish the stuff.
Even though the U.S. hasn’t made any moves to ban BPA outright, the Canadian ban could reverberate across the border — and that’s a good thing for anyone concerned about their health.
Via Grist |
At the start of the first world war, razor-sharp Marxist organizer Rosa Luxemburg described the world around her as existing within a turning point: it would be socialism or barbarism. She wrote, “either the triumph of imperialism and the collapse of all civilization as in ancient Rome, depopulation, desolation, degeneration––a great cemetery. Or the victory of socialism, that means the conscious active struggle of the international proletariat against imperialism and its method of war. ” (Junius Pamphlet, Ch. 1). This image of socialism or barbarism has been evoked many times throughout history in moments of historical crisis; each time the struggle for liberation has fallen short. Shortly after writing this pamphlet, Luxemburg’s own Party betrayed her by siding with the imperialists in the Great War, and later had her murdered. Barbarism has continued to reign through cycles of working class and oppressed-led movements, full on insurrections, experiments and attempts to build something within the shell of the old. Barbarism has thrived and built upon its power tenfold, most sharply expressed last month in Charlottesville.
This turning point, between socialism and barbarism, looms overhead, a translucent smog cloud that chokes us while allowing only glimpses of the sun behind it. This lived experience gets translated into our many varied expressions of ideology, from straightforward political pamphlets, like Luxemburg’s, to art, movies, TV and books. Our moment is constantly being captured and regurgitated in the varied theory-making methods around us, most notably in the dystopian-themed media of the last decade: The Walking Dead, The Hunger Games, Black Mirror, The Purge, Bitch Planet, West World, The Handmaid’s Tale, etc.
Utopian and dystopian themed media as a broader trend pop up historically in moments of crisis: world wars, economic and political crises, mass uprisings and movements, etc. They express the day to day experience of socialism or barbarism. What makes today’s dystopian stories in the U.S. new and different is the way they illustrate the uniqueness of our time: the crisis of social reproduction, and the political vacuum in danger of being filled by anti-woman, anti-immigrant, white supremacist fascism.
The Handmaid's Tale is the most populist dystopian story today, lifting off from Margaret Atwood’s original depiction, and expressed through a contemporary lens. The series reflects what coalesced into the Million+ Women’s March on Washington the day after Trump’s inauguration, followed by the International Women’s Strike on March 8th. There is simply a large constituency of liberal to radical women who are increasingly concerned about Trump’s rape history and rhetoric, the increasing lack of control over women’s bodies and reproduction, and the alt-right’s blatant anti-woman position. A majority of these women are content to demonstrate peacefully, make individualistic and/or consumer-based interventions and go home. Critiques from the left have contented that this is a contemporary expression of “white feminism” that fails to grasp what is necessary for liberation, precisely because of the privileged white woman’s lived experience. The Women’s March white feminists represent the passive acceptance of the world portrayed in The Handmaid’s Tale. Offred, the main character, is defined by motherhood and coerced access to her sexuality, despite attempts to break out of this one-sidedness. Over and over again, she submits the world around her (nevermind how the world got there in the first place, something that appears to have creeped upon her unknowingly), shying away from insurrections, subversion and escape attempts when faced with violent consequences. Each time she strikes out, she is equally struck down and withdraws. Similar to many of the women who marched on Washington, Offred seeks to find a less painful path to liberation. Furthermore, some have argued that the narrative has particular racial contours––that white women are for the first time experiencing, or imagining, horrors that have always existed for Black and Brown women––calling the series a “white woman’s dystopia.”
We could contrast this narrative with Kelly Sue DeConnick’s and Valentine De Landro’s Bitch Planet comic book series, which at its core contains a narrative similar to The Handmaid’s Tale, that is, the disciplining of women. Troublesome women and femmes in the Bitch Planet world are locked up and labeled “noncompliant.” Tongue-in-cheek faux ads are peppered throughout the series, appealing to women’s inherent sense of subordination, traditional femininity, subservience to men; their flattened selves. Similarly, the Bitch Planet femme protagonists, mostly black, some trans, almost all women of color, never do anything without a fight. Yes, they are repressed and experience violence on a daily basis. But they are constantly balking at the system, lashing out at cops and guards, busting each other out of captivity and building a movement. It is not without contradiction but the narrative is empowering and evokes a sense of collectivity lacking in The Handmaid’s Tale.
These themes reflect real-world possibilities through struggle. It is a positive development that white women are motivated to struggle for control over reproduction; however, it is important to note the racialized and class-based ways these struggles play out. Consider, for example, recent waves of defensive legislative fights championed by Wendy Davis; or Planned Parenthood’s media campaign to reframe their work as providing health and wellness care, rather than abortions. Meanwhile, militant, from-below struggles are directly taking reproduction back into everyday women’s hands by smuggling abortion drugs across the border.
It seems that many people accessing abortions have no faith in the politicians, the legislature, professionals, etc., and instead are putting their fate (and their bodies) in their own hands. This lack of faith in bourgeois democracy is echoed in historically low voter turnouts; a swelling interest in socialism, anarchism and communism; increasing interest in and veiled sympathy for black bloc and antifa tactics; and recent direct actions targeting statues and symbols of white supremacy.
Dystopian themed media and theory articulates these lived sentiments well (consider, for example, the open rebellions depicted in the Hunger Games series); however, what’s missing is a utopian counterpart. Some argue this is because of an impasse we find ourselves in; movements are as disparate and precarious as the working class life that makes them up; we are lacking a cohere and unified revolutionary Subject that can bring us together and provide leadership. We are left with nihilism and purely negative depictions of the world: an attempt to revel in barbarism. Consider the hopeless affect embedded within the first two seasons of Black Mirror, or the relentless message in the TV version of the Walking Dead that ”you can’t come back from this.” It is true that we find ourselves a turning point not unlike the one that Luxemburg faced 100 or so years ago. There is no clear path to communism; the new society is not clear, we cannot believe it to be lurking just around the corner. In short, there is much work to be done.
If barbarism is an omnipresent smog blocking out the light of a potential new society, we must remember that the light is just as omnipresent. As a friend and comrade recently wrote:
“Darkness does not exist by itself, it is always in relation to light. The white supremacist violence we are seeing didn’t arise from nothing. It's rooted in our country's violent history, and its current manifestation grows as it is more and more threatened by the powerful fight for black lives, against the police, to abolish prisons, to live fully in whatever gender we choose, to destroy anyone that gets in our way. And the struggles of today remind us of those in the past. Whatever progress we live in now is thanks to slaves in revolt, abolitionists risking their lives to fight white supremacy, the heroes of the black power movement who invented completely new ways of being and caring for one another despite enormous state violence…this history is also being brought into the light by our continued resistance.”
Here, my friend alludes to what is necessary in this moment. When we find ourselves enveloped in the fog of barbarism, the task is not to revel in it, but to draw on the latent content of a new society, the “socialism,” around us and struggle for something better. Popular ideology and media will follow. |
This is how I’ve decided to prepare for summer this year: 1. Buy tiny madras shorts and aviator sunglasses for the toddler. Like I could resist. 2. Let fear of bathing suit season convince me to let a friend drag me to my first Pilates class, ever, and not even a beginner class. Ow. I’m pretty sure I should have resisted. 3. Allow myself the purchase of a single purpose, space-hogging (well, not for a normal sized kitchen but definitely for mine) appliance I have coveted for more than a decade, just because it will take us from lemons to lemonade in under 5 minutes. I’m so glad I didn’t resist.
Logically, to celebrate the fact that I finally accepted that the joy an electric citrus juicer would bring me* would outmatch the inconvenience of storing it, the recipe that I’d share today would be for lemonade. But the toddler is at his grandparents for the night and you know that means: We took the bourbon down from the top shelf.
Amusingly enough, our current favorite cocktail sprang out of our quest to find a perfect version our previous favorite cocktail, the Manhattan. We learned last December that one of our favorite neighborhood restaurants, Back Forty, made an excellent one, and so we went back for another. And another. And one night — really, we have only ourselves to blame — they ran out of sweet vermouth and we were forced to order something else. Seeing as the restaurant creates the most ungodly delicious fried-to-order doughnuts, does things with cheese curds and ramps I can only daydream about and makes a damn fine burger, we decided to trust their instincts and ordered their signature cocktail. And even though it was the dead of winter, even though we had our coats and hats and gloves piled on our laps and our feet stuffed in snow-crusted boots under the bar, this lemonade-on-ice cocktail instantly transported us to a summery kind of place. And we’ve stayed there since.
* Amusingly, in my attempts over the last 10 years to convince myself that no space-efficient kitchen needs such a silly machine, I’ve amassed a cluttered drawer of citrus hopefuls. There have been two reamers, one metal and one wooden, a lever-handled old-fashioned looking thing that turned out to be pretty but absolutely useless, a Kitchen Aid attachment that sprayed my clothes and left juice running from wrist to elbow, but less so in the measuring cup and one of these, which is actually pretty awesome but painful if you’re going for a pitcher of lemonade. In the end, I bought not one but two electric citrus juicers. The first one is the one I’d recommend anyone else buy — it’s inexpensive and has a ton of raving reviews on Amazon (this is an updated link). I only ended up returning it because I really wanted one like my grandmother used to have, with a spout that I could place a glass underneath. I’m quite happy with the one I ended up with but should warn that it doesn’t strain the pulp especially well. For that, you should set a small strainer over your glass as before you start squeezin’.
One year ago: Braided Lemon Bread
Two years ago: Broccoli Slaw and Almond Raspberry Layer Cake
Three years ago: Cherry Cornmeal Upside Down Cake
Four years ago: Baked Eggs with Spinach and Mushrooms + Chive Biscuits + Bloody Marys |
While I am doing significantly better than I have been, I am not as confident and self assured as I really should be. My mood has improved, now I just need to convince myself that I am confident, able, and worthy. It’s not an easy task. I feel like I am transparent to everyone else; that they can see that I am sick and unstable. I feel like I am a failure at work, and my career just continues to spiral downward. I am unlovable and destined to live the rest of my life without a significant other.
I am Crazy.
But that really isn’t the truth. I may be suffering from a horrible disease, but I am not without value, ability, and able to enrich others’ lives. So I tell myself over and over… “I Am”. Maybe if I keep repeating this I will be able to eventually believe it and build myself up to where I ought to be.
I am smart. Bipolar people in general tend to have a higher than average intelligence, and I have to believe I am no exception. I chose not to go to college (Okay, that wasn’t smart) but I have accomplished great things in spite of my lack of education. I have held jobs that require a post graduate degree. I have had MBA’s and PhD’s working for me. Most of my entire career has been in senior management; often at the top level. Being smart isn’t limited to just work life either. I’ve learned a great deal about my illness and how to successfully deal with it. I have a deep understanding of politics and society. My perspectives about so many things are valid and have merit.
I am creative. From the way I find solutions to problems to being artistic and musical; I have creativity and skill. My problem solving abilities have had a large effect on my career; most jobs I’ve held required out of the box thinking and flexibility. I’ve been able to resolve whatever issue I’ve faced. My photography has earned awards and respect. I play multiple musical instruments even though I can’t read a note of music. I play entirely by ear. I have the way to communicate my thoughts and emotions through the written word. I’ve received so many positive comments and feedback that I have to believe that there’s at least some skill there.
I am successful in my career. True, over the years I’ve held less and less responsible positions, but that’s a reflection on the economy rather than my ability. And I’ve remained gainfully employed in spite of the hard economic times and my disease. I’ve been able to transition across industries and positions, using my core skills to quickly adapt to new environments. Regardless of what position I’ve held at any level I’ve been able to perform and produce. My illness has had a negative effect on practically every job I’ve ever had, but I’ve always managed to rise above it and keep moving on.
I am confident and secure. When I’m not struggling with the extremes of my illness I have a strong belief in myself and my abilities. I know I have talents and skills. I can interact with others with all kinds of backgrounds and cultures. I present myself well, and have people who look up to me. I am a good person.
I am strong. With everything I’ve had to deal with in my life I’ve had to have a tremendous amount of strength to persevere. I’ve been the one that others lean on during troubles and crisis. I have made it through times of unemployment and financial difficulties. I have stood fast in my beliefs and opinions even when it hasn’t been easy. My illness hasn’t conquered me. I’ve been able to withstand the absolute worse that my disease has thrown at me and made it through times that have broken others.
I am tolerant and compassionate. I do have strong opinions and beliefs. But I always try to respect others views and will always consider different perspectives. I’m not so inflexible that I can’t change my mind based on someone elses’ input. I try to understand that everyone has their own struggles and accept them for what they are. Who am I to judge?
I am attractive. The truth is, I feel like I’m geeky and unremarkable. You don’t get to be my age without picking up some wrinkles and sags. I’m not in the same shape I was in 30 years ago. I have my health issues and infirmaries. I am bipolar. But every pot has a lid, and I’m sure that there’s someone out there that can be attracted to me just as I am.
I am capable of a healthy and loving relationship. I have learned so much about myself and relationships in general over the last year or so. I know I can be good for someone else and develop and grow a significant connection. I am good to others. I’m always the gentleman and try to treat them with the utmost respect and dignity. I have a lot to contribute to a relationship and be a wonderful partner.
Believe it or not, I am humble. All the overly positive “I am” statements are to give myself the belief that I am not the pathetic loser that I feel like I am. But regardless of the overconfident opinions I’m giving myself I know that I’m no different from anyone else. We all have our strengths and weaknesses. I am thankful that I’ve been given the abilities that I have, and respect the fact that there are others more skilled and capable.
I am alive. Over the years, especially over the last year I have reached the point where life just was not worth living. I’ve been on the brink many times, and have even come close to succeeding at ending my life. But I’ve made it through and lived to fight again. While I’m strong and in a good place I’m going to embrace what life has to offer, good and bad, and do my best to draw on it the next time lose my hope.
I am going to be okay. I’ve been able to rise above over so many challenges and disadvantages. My disease has done its best to destroy me, but I’m still fighting the good fight. I have learned so much about my illness and have gained valuable insight into how to manage it. I have a good treatment plan and awesome support circle. I may have finally reached a position of stability and peace, but if not, I will the next time. Or the time after that. Sooner or later I have no doubt that I will get to the point that my illness does not have the absolute control over me, and I’ll be able to function in a normal and healthy way.
I have to keep working to believe that I have many positive and healthy attributes that make me worthwhile. I have to make the most of what I have and use it to the best of my ability. I need to have the confidence and self esteem to believe in myself in spite of everything. I have the abilities, smarts and skills to do the best that I can dealing with whatever life may throw at me. I have to know that I am a decent human being.
Because I am.
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Manitoba drivers who hit and kill a cyclist often end up simply paying a fine.
A Global News investigation found multiple cases where the driver was never criminally charged. Instead the person was charged under the Highway Traffic Act (HTA) and the offence often resulted in a few thousand dollars fine.
RELATED: 87 year old Winnipeg cyclist identified as victim of Friday’s crash
Leslie Freudenberg, 87, was an avid cyclist. But in July 2016, his passion got him killed. Freudenberg was struck by a piece of heavy machinery.
“He was riding his bike down a cyclist pathway and was crossing the street,” his son-in-law, Keith Johnson, told Global News. “A piece of heavy equipment was being transported down the street and didn’t have a full view for the driver. He didn’t even know that he actually hit my father-in-law.”
Freudenberg was killed instantly. The 34-year-old driver was never charged. Instead, PCL Construction, the company that owned the truck, is going to court for not providing a clear view to the driver. The Manitoba Justice department said the maximum penalty the company will face is a $2,000 fine.
“I guess the cruel nature of all of that is the fact that the family has never really been given the opportunity for closure at this point,” Johnson said. “We’ve paid the ultimate price in losing a family member that we’ll never get back.”
This scenario – a pedestrian or cyclist is hit and killed and the driver receives a light penalty – is playing out across the country. Global News has spoken to many families from coast to coast who are outraged that careless drivers aren’t facing stiffer fines after hitting and killing their loved ones.
WATCH: Life is cheap: Trudi Mason recounts harrowing story of losing her friend to a pickup truck
Trudi Mason of Lethbridge, Alta. was cycling with her best friend when a truck hit the both of them. Mason’s friend died. Mason says the court process ignores the fact a person was killed.
The family feels Freudenberg’s death could have been prevented had PCL followed equipment protocol. Instead, the incident happened as the driver was moving the heavy machinery from one end of the street to the other.
“Les’ death hasn’t been taken seriously,” Johnson said. “It’s the worst slap in the face that we could ever experience. It just further denies any closure that the family has to put this behind them.”
Freudenberg’s tragic death is just one of many similar cases involving other cyclists around the province.
Similar Cases
In 2008, Robert Carrier, 45, and Daniel Hurtuboise, 50, were killed while biking east of Highway 1, about 5 km’s east of Virden. The driver, Ian Edmond Gibbons, was initially charged with two counts of dangerous driving causing death and two counts of dangerous driving causing bodily harm.
However, those charges were pleaded down to a Highway Traffic Act charge. Gibbons claimed he was distracted while adjusting his air conditioning. Eventually, he was fined $5,000… or $2,500 a life.
In 2014, Graeme Loader was killed by a woman driving an SUV on Highway 1. Jody Bone, 28, was charged with dangerous driving causing death and careless driving causing death. Bone was only found guilty of careless driving causing death and fined $4,000.
READ MORE: Toronto man cycling across Canada for WWF killed in Manitoba crash
Legal Challenges
While the facts of each case are always different, legal experts told Global News, criminal convictions in cases like these can be hard for Crown attorneys because they are difficult to prove.
“It has to be a marked departure in the behaviour that someone has exhibited behind the wheel or of a normal, reasonable person driving, that leads to the death. That can be difficult to prove,” University of Manitoba Assistant Law Professor and former Manitoba prosecutor David Ireland said. “If they’re not likely to get a conviction that’s when the Crown starts pleading it down.”
Ireland said the lawyers and judges have to consider all aspects of the scenario.
“Most of us will have a momentary lapse of attention when we’re driving,” Ireland said. “People drive when they are tired, they aren’t paying full attention or they’re arguing with someone in the front seat. It’s then whether that behaviour becomes regulated under the Highway Traffic Act or criminalized under the criminal code.
Even when the law does allow for jail time in these cases, it’s clear the justice system is reluctant to send drivers who kill cyclists to jail.
“We have jail, we have probation, we have fines,” Ireland said. “It’s obviously the world’s worst tool box. We don’t have an awful lot we can do and jail is at the top of the ladder. Consequentially, the courts are told not to (send them to jail) if there is something else that can do the job of rehabilitating the offender.”
A Call for Action
There are approximately 180 cyclists hit by drivers in Manitoba every single year, according to Manitoba Public Insurance.
Cycling advocates are pushing for a change in legislation so the penalties reflect the reality that a driver has killed someone.
“It’s really sad and it’s something that we want to make sure is taken seriously. There’s frustrations on what the cost of that life is,” Bike Winnipeg’s Mark Cohoe said. “Making sure it’s possible to get negligent driving or dangerous driving applied to someone is critical.”
Cohoe said when a cyclist is killed and the driver only receives a small fine, it doesn’t fit the severity of the incident.
“Obviously that’s saying the legislation needs to be changed to get a (criminal) conviction,” he said. “There has to be ramifications for it. Obviously this is killing someone. They are never coming back to their relatives, their friends and family.”
Regardless of multiple requests, Manitoba’s Justice Minister Heather Stefanson refused an interview with Global News.
Instead, the following statement was released:
“All fatal traffic accidents are terribly tragic and unfortunate events. Our government takes road safety seriously and in instances where an individual is impaired, distracted, or driving recklessly, offenders can be prosecuted under the Criminal Code. When those factors aren’t present for a Criminal Code violation, they could be considered for a charge under a provincial statute.”
WATCH: Life is cheap: What provincial ministers have to say about careless drivers facing minor penalties
Global News sought out responses from 8 of 10 provincial governments regarding whether the justice system fairly deals with people who kill with their cars. Three ministers agreed to do an on camera interview.
Have you or someone you know been involved in the legal aftermath of a serious accident? Is there a story you’d like to tell? Let us know using the form below. |
Plans were revealed the other day showing Hillwood building a 70-story office tower near the Perot Museum of Nature & Science in Dallas. The structure designed by British “starchitect” Sir Norman Foster would be just a few stories shorter than Bank of America Plaza, the city’s current tallest building, which has 72 floors. When the idea was unveiled, thoughtful critics like D’s Peter Simek questioned the wisdom of the plan, protesting the structure’s impact on the “existing urban ecology.”
But, being a shallow sort who’s often accused of thinking like a stereotypical male, I immediately wondered, on the other hand, why Hillwood wouldn’t want to just go ahead and build the thing with 73 stories. That way, the Dallas-based developer could legitimately claim to have the biggest one—skyscraper, that is—in all of Big D. So, I asked Hillwood Chairman Ross Perot Jr. about it.
“I’m sure we’ll make it taller, ” Perot replied. “I’m sure we will. But the bottom line is, we’re developers, and we need a good client—and we’re gonna do what the customer wants. Ideally, it would be one build-to-suit client… The true skyline hasn’t really changed since the ’80s,” Perot went on. “Maybe it never will change; maybe corporate America doesn’t want the big towers anymore. But [if they do], we have a site and a plan to upgrade the skyline of Dallas.” |
Everybody needs beauty as well as bread, places to play in and pray in where nature may heal and cheer and give strength to the body and soul. Keep close to Nature’s heart…and break clear away, once in awhile, and climb a mountain or spend a week in the woods. Wash your spirit clean.~ John Muir
To care for their health and well-being, many men carefully watch their diet, take supplements, exercise, and go for regular check-ups at the dentist and the doctor. Some even supplement this routine with visits to a masseuse or a therapist. But many men are skipping out on something essential to their manly vigor-spending time in the great outdoors.
Great men from Theodore Roosevelt to Ralph Waldo Emerson loved to tear out into nature. Yet today men see activities like hiking, fishing, hunting, and camping as hobbies to be enjoyed by some and not by others. They’ve become just another recreational opportunity: you can take it or leave it.
But spending time in the outdoors is essential for every man. It will strip off the stale, sissified patina that civilization has covered you in and renew your soul in 5 crucial ways:
1. Nature gives you a chance for unstructured exploration
Surely all God’s people, however serious or savage, great or small, like to play. ~ John Muir
Most men’s lives are tightly scheduled and routine. Wake up, shower, commute, work, home, sleep. Each day you drive the same route, sit in the same cubicle, and sleep in the same bed. Yet within each man is a strong urge to set out and explore, to start out a day with only the faintest outline of an agenda, and to discover things never seen before. Scrambling over rocks, hiking up mountains, and fording streams will make you feel like a kid again.
2. Nature gets you in touch with the basic elements and your primal self
In God’s wildness lies the hope of the world – the great fresh unblighted, unredeemed wilderness. The galling harness of civilization drops off, and wounds heal ere we are aware. ~ John Muir
The modern man is subject to all sorts of rules, expectations, and constraints. Buttoned up and buried in paper work, he must act polite, follow the traffic laws, and refrain from throttling the a-hole who prolongs the company meeting with asinine questions. His spirit his constantly hemmed in. And everything modern man touches, lives in, and uses has been modified from its original form: sanded, molded, and packaged for consumption. Almost every sound he hears, from the car engine to the ringing cell phone, originates from an artificial source. It’s enough to render every man with a mild form of insanity.
Here at AoM, we encourage men to have manners, but the primal side of man should not be completely suffocated. Men must periodically tear themselves away from civilization and interact with things in their natural state. Touch real dirt, sit by a real fire, sharpen real wood, and listen to the pure sounds of running streams and the wind in the trees. Surround yourself with matter that doesn’t exist solely for human consumption. Experience things that just are.
Listen to our podcast about awakening your senses to the outdoors:
3. Nature gives you space to think and puts your problems in perspective
Walk away quietly in any direction and taste the freedom of the mountaineer. Camp out among the grasses and gentians of glacial meadows, in craggy garden nooks full of nature’s darlings. Climb the mountains and get their good tidings, Nature’s peace will flow into you as sunshine flows into trees. The winds will blow their own freshness into you and the storms their energy, while cares will drop off like autumn leaves. ~ John Muir
In the cities and suburbs, it is easy to lose what is truly important. The world begins to seem as if it really does revolve around your tiny world. And there are few truly quiet moments in this madcap life. In the car you are listening to music or talk radio, at work you’re focused on the task at hand, and when you get home you turn on the TV and zone out. Getting lost in nature allows quiet, unstructured space in which to sort out your problems, think through what’s been going on in your life, and plan goals for the future. Under the stars and beneath the trees, it is easier to see what really matters. Mountain peaks, rolling rivers, and radiant sunsets will make you and your problems seem properly small.
4. Invigorates your body
I know that our bodies were made to thrive only in pure air, and the scenes in which pure air is found. ~ John Muir
Every now and again men must tear themselves away from the clogged air of the streets and the recycled air of corporate buildings. Your lungs yearn to breathe the fresh air in the forests and mountains. Hiking will invigorate your body. While all exercise is beneficial in alleviating depression, outdoor exercise is particularly useful. The sunlight, physical activity, and inspiring scenery will combine to rejuvenate your spirit and leave you ready to once more take on the world. |
Democratic presidential candidate Bernie Sanders is set to pick up one of his biggest endorsements yet Thursday from the powerful Communications Workers of America union, sources told NBC’s Andrea Mitchell.
The group represents some 700,000 workers nationally, making it by far the largest union to back Sanders yet. CWA’s endorsement, which will be announced at a press conference at 11:00 a.m. Thursday at the union’s headquarters in Washington, comes as Sanders has lost out on a string of major union endorsements to Democratic front-runner Hillary Clinton, whose campaign now claims the support of unions representing 12 million workers.
RELATED: The big challenge facing Bernie Sanders
Larry Cohen, CWA’s former president, joined Sanders’ campaign as a top labor adviser shortly after stepping down in June. The union has been hinting a possible Sanders endorsement for months, saying the decision would come only after members voted in an online poll. The national union did not issue an endorsement in the 2008 Democratic primary between Hillary Clinton and Barack Obama.
With only two members of Congress in his corner, this is one of Sanders’ most important endorsements yet. CWA boasts it has more than 300,000 active and retired members in the states that hold primaries and caucuses between now and April 1, whom could be mobilized to support Sanders. |
Sevilla FC 4-0 GNK Dinamo
Sevilla dominated against the Croatian champions Dinamo, with the confidence that comes from having won every home game this season. They found it tough at first, but slowly the chances came. Steven N’Zonzi’s glanced header was pushed on to the crossbar and soon after birthday-boy Vitolo had a goal-bound header hacked over the bar. Sevilla coach Jorge Sampaoli was his usual animated presence on the touchline until Franco Vazquez found Luciano Vietto in the area. The Argentine worked an opening and from a narrow angle fired home in the 31st minute. It was his first goal in the Champions League this season and made him the club’s top scorer with five in all competitions.
When Dinamo’s Petar Stojanovic picked up a second yellow card just before halftime it left Sevilla utterly dominant. Sergio Escudero doubled the lead in the 66th minute, driving into area off the left flank, playing a one-two with Vitolo and burying a shot inside the far post. N’Zonzi grabbed a third with a header from a corner and at the end substitute Wissam Ben Yedder rounded off the scoring at the back. The victory left Sevilla top of Group H with 10 points, two ahead of second-placed Juventus.
Legia Warsaw 3-3 Real Madrid
Real Madrid had the lion’s share of the chances but were unable to capitalise on their dominance as they were held to a hard-fought 3-3 draw by Legia Warsaw.
Madrid took the lead after just 57 seconds when Gareth Bale spectacularly volleyed in from outside the area, the club’s fastest-ever goal in the Champions League. Zidane’s side dominated play from that moment on and extended their lead in the 35th minute when Karim Benzema slotted home Bale’s pass from inside the box. Legia fought back, however, and halved the deficit before half-time thanks to Vadis Odjidja’s nicely-taken solo effort.
The second half was a very open affair with chances at both ends but it was Legia who struck first, Miroslav Radovic shooting low into the bottom corner to equalise just before the hour mark. Real Madrid continued to apply the pressure but the hosts took a dramatic late lead in the 83rd minute through Thibault Moulin’s neat finish from the edge of the box. The stage was set for a famous win but Mateo Kovacic drew Real Madrid level just two minutes later, ensuring that the visitors took home a point.
Real Madrid sit second in Group F, two points behind Borussia Dortmund, and will have to wait until Matchday 5 when they face Sporting Lisbon to qualify for the knock-out stages. |
That’s a massive amount of money and speaks to both the complexity of the U.S. corporate tax code and the extreme lengths companies will go to lower their tax bill. Apple, for instance, uses a subsidiary known as Apple Operations International (AOI) to hold most of its offshore profits, as a report from the Senate Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations explained last year. AOI is incorporated in Ireland, where the corporate tax rate is just 2 percent. Because of that, AOI avoids paying the U.S. corporate tax rate of 35 percent. But the Irish corporate tax code only applies to companies whose management and control reside in Ireland. It has nothing to do with where the entity is incorporated. Therefore, AOI’s management and control is not located in Ireland, so it avoids the Irish corporate tax as well.
The Citizens for Tax Justice report shows that Ireland is the seventh most popular tax haven for Fortune 500 companies. You’ll see some other familiar names on the list: the Netherlands, the Cayman Islands, Bermuda and Switzerland.
The 362 companies have nearly $2 trillion combined sitting overseas. Including Fortune 500 firms without subsidiaries in tax haven jurisdictions and non-Fortune 500 companies brings that to over $2 trillion. That money cannot be used to pay wages or invest in the United States. Companies cannot buy back shares or issue dividends with it. Apple even issued $17 billion in debt last year for dividend and buyback programs to avoid repatriating their overseas profits and paying the 35 percent corporate rate. This money could have provided a huge boost to the U.S. economy if companies had returned it to the United States. Instead, it sits overseas, collecting dust.
While it’s easy to denigrate the multinational firms for keeping the profits abroad, the corporate tax code also deserves blame. Democrats and Republicans both agree it needs to be reformed. The 35 percent rate is the highest in the developed world. The corporate tax code contains so many tax breaks that no rational company pays that rate. Instead, they hire teams of lawyers and use complicated tax strategies to lower their tax bill in any way they can. This complex system inherently favors those with the resources to hire teams of lawyers: big, rich companies. New, small firms are at a significant disadvantage.
The corporate tax code isn’t even doing a good job collecting revenue for the federal government. Corporate tax revenue as a percent of GDP fell from a peak of more than 6 percent after World War II to approximately 2 percent over the past three decades: |
DETROIT - Protesters blocked all four lanes Friday morning of southbound I-75 near Mack in Detroit.
Michigan State Police eventually pulled them over just before the I-375 split and helped direct traffic.
The protesters have been on area freeways before rallying against Detroit's emergency manager. The cars drive slowly in the lanes, backing up and blocking the flow of traffic.
Ayana Rhodes was one of the drivers who was slowing traffic. She explained why she and the others took their protest to the freeway.
"We just wanted to bring some attention to let everyone know, including the citizens of Detroit, more specifically the state of Michigan that our due process and civil liberties are not negotiable," Rhodes said.
In March, Gov. Rick Snyder appointed Kevyn Orr to take over the finances of the largest city in the country to come under state oversight.
The city has a $327 million budget deficit and more than $14 billion in debt.
Since then, several protests, including those featuring prominent leaders like Rev. Al Sharpton, have been held in the city.
Rhodes said the protesters timed Friday's action to coincide with traffic heading to opening day.
"We knew there would be a lot of people who would be out, so we definitely wanted to bring some attention, so today would be the kind of day to get our message out there and get our message across," Rhodes said.
The protesters have staged other freeway slowdowns and Rhodes says the actions will continue.
"We are going to continue to do what we need to do because this is something that needs to be addressed and needs to be said and we are not going to give it up until our voices are heard," Rhodes said.
State police issued citations to four of the protest drivers for careless driving. That is a violation that could put three points on their licenses.
Officers said if those protesters are stopped again taking the same action, the citation would be for reckless driving. That is a more serious offense.
Copyright 2013 by ClickOnDetroit.com. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed. |
The Labour lie about food banks – that their growth has been due to the callousness of the coalition government – is simple and has become familiar by the amount of airtime the BBC has given it over the past four years. Countering that message has been hard as the truth, as so often, is more complicated.
Anyone who has visited a food bank will have understood that most people who use them are coping with a short terms crisis.
Delays in receiving benefits are a huge cause of difficulties. Chris Mould, the Executive Director of the Trussell Trust has estimated that 44 per cent of food bank visits are due to delays of one kind or another.
This morning on this site, the Conservative MP John Glen, a member of the All Party Parliamentary Group (APPG) for Hunger and Food Poverty, noted the Government has made progress in ensuring benefits are paid on time. The DWP can point to significant improvements: 92 per cent of claims are now processed on time (up from 86 per cent in 2009/10).
That is an important achievement for which Iain Duncan Smith deserves credit. But it is inherent in the system that there will be bureaucracy, inefficiency and inflexibility.
That is why the APPG’s Feeding Britain report about the huge challenge remaining is important.
So if fewer people are experiencing benefit delays are there other factors that still mean an increase in the number going hungry? Not according to polling for the OECD. That suggests the figure has fallen in the UK while the OECD average has increased.
Thus we are left with the conclusion that the growth in food banks does not mean more people need help. It means that more of those who need help are getting help.
Seldom do we hear Labour asked to apologise for their decision in 2008 – maintained by Yvette Cooper when she was Work and Pensions Secretary the following year – of banning Job Centres from referring claimants to food banks.
Was this because Labour wanted to suppress food bank use for propaganda purposes?
Perhaps. But I suspect more likely it just reflected the statist mentality. There was suspicion of independent initiative – even if was charitable rather than profit-making.
Quite understandably food banks rely seek evidence of real need before handing over the food parcel. A signed referral from the DWP would be one such example.Thus we had the grotesque situation that people were left hungry due to the DWP’s own administrative failings. Yet the DWP obstructed those trying to sort out the mess.
IDS lifted the ban – which the Trussell Trust welcomed. Localism has more been applied with the Social Fund having switched from the DWP to local councils – a year ago has probably helped. Some councils have made arrangements with food banks. Others – such as mine – have negotiated a substantial bulk discount on goods not available to individual customers. The average time for processing a Social Fund payment was 10-12 days now the average processing time is one day.
But while the Government should co-operate with charities – such as food banks – it should not be in charge. What worried me about the Feeding Britain was the implication that the Government should in some way take charge of the food banks. Nationalisation in this area would be just as disastrous as it has been elsewhere.
Then there was the recommendation in the report for increasing the minimum wage. (Incidentally the report cited with approval Sidney and Beatrice Webb. Given that they were apologists for Stalin this was deeply offensive whatever ones views on the minimum wage of the thinking of the Webbs on such a policy.)
The Government has decided to increase the minimum wage to £6.50 per hour. The report says it should be more. But what? £6.75? £7.00? £8.00? £10.00? £20.00? What would Jesus do? The Bishop of Truro won’t give us a figure. Presumably that is because he knows that if it is set too high that would mean more unemployment and make the problems that food banks cope with worse.
When it comes to subsidies for biofuels this report has highlighted a valid concern. It is absurd for supermarkets to be given an incentive by the taxpayer to burn food that is perfectly good (albeit passed some ludicrously risk averse sell by date) rather than donating it to charity.
Food banks are part of the Big Society. Those who donate to them and volunteer for them are local heroes. It is right for the state to collaborate with them. But it would be wrong to try and mount a takeover bid. |
Ten people reported missing in the Crimea, believed to be on political and ethnic grounds Thursday, September 29, 2016 10:30:00 AM
According to a statement issued by the press service of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, ten people are reported missing on political or ethnic grounds in the Crimea.
“The lack of responsibility and reparations for victims nourishes impunity,” the statement stresses. As noted in the report, the right to peaceful assembly is restricted in the Crimea, and law enforcement authorities continue to examine and persecute people for expressing their opinions, which are wrongfully regarded as extremist. Moreover, the so-called trial of the deputy chairman of the Mejlis, Ilmi Umerov, who was subjected to involuntary psychiatric examination and released after a month-long forced stay in a hospital, was mentioned in the report.
Earlier it was reported that during the period of the Crimean annexation, there have been about 22 people missing, many of whom are Crimean Tatars.
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ISRAEL blackmailed President Clinton with phone-tapped tapes of his steamy sex talks with Monica Lewinsky, a blockbuster new book charges.
The price Clinton paid for the silence of the Mossad spy agency was calling off an FBI hunt for a top-level Israeli mole allegedly installed at the White House.
The allegation appears in “Gideon’s Spies – The Secret History of the Mossad,” written by respected author Gordon Thomas and due out next week.
Asked for comment, White House spokesman P.J. Crowley replied, “The only thing I can possibly say is we’ll skip the book and wait for the movie.”
Israel has denied conducting spying operations in the United States.
But hints about the Mossad connection to Sexgate surfaced in evidence given to independent counsel Kenneth Starr last year.
Lewinsky testified under oath that after a session of heavy petting and oral sex in the White House, Clinton told her that a foreign embassy was tapping the two phone lines in her D.C. apartment.
She said Clinton advised her that if she was questioned about their phone-sex sessions she should claim that they knew their calls were being bugged – and were joking to make the phone-tappers look silly.
Starr did not pursue the matter, as far as the public record shows, and Lewinsky apparently accepted Clinton’s story without asking for details.
But author Thomas says Danny Yatom, Mossad inspector general, succeeded in tapping Lewinsky’s phone and amassed some 30 hours of sexually explicit conversations between the president and Lewinsky.
Thomas says Tel Aviv used the tapes to stop the probe of an operative code-named “MEGA,” who was, and could still be, deep within the White House.
“So far as anyone knows, the Israeli agent MEGA – a much more important spy than the imprisoned CIA traitor Jonathan Pollard, and probably his controller – is still in place at the White House,” Thomas said last night from London.
“There was a flurry of high-profile counterintelligence activity which lasted as long as the bioleverage” – that is, blackmail – “took to work.”
His book – which coincidentally is published by St. Martin’s Press, like Andrew Morton’s “Monica’s Story” – claims the decision to use the Lewinsky tapes reaches high levels in Israel.
Israel’s Committee for Central Intelligence, meeting in emergency session, decided to play dirty by exploiting Monica’s steamy chats as a way of protecting their White House “asset,” Thomas said.
“FBI counterintelligence, which had also been taping Monica’s calls, got the message and decided to go back off,” the Welsh-born author claims.
Verifying Thomas’ account is difficult because spy agencies almost never comment on their activities or anything anyone writes about them.
It’s been reported that the Justice Department and FBI launched an investigation last year for a suspected mole, code-named “MEGA,” based on undisclosed evidence that an Israeli spy had penetrated the White House.
Israel heatedly denied a mole existed, saying it had ended such spying with the arrest of Pollard more than a decade ago.
Officials in Jerusalem said MEGA was the code name for a U.S.-Israeli intelligence sharing arrangement to fight terrorism.
In any event, nothing has been heard of the U.S. pursuit of MEGA in a year.
The alleged Mossad connection adds a new dimension to Sexgate – and could even support Hillary Clinton’s charge that a “vast, right-wing conspiracy” was out to destroy her husband’s presidency.
Asked about that, Thomas replied: “That’s not for me to say.
“I can only report the facts as I found them. What you make of the facts is up to you. What Monica makes of them is up to her.” |
This is a list of Mexico's 37 most-wanted drug lords as published by Mexican federal authorities on 23 March 2009. According to a BBC Mundo Mexico report, the 37 drug lords "have jeopardized México national security."[1][2] As of 8 January 2016, 25 drug lords have been captured, eight have been killed and four remain fugitives.
The list of drug lords is grouped by their drug cartels. Mexico offers up to 30 million pesos (about 1.6 million U.S. dollars) for the capture of each of the fugitives.[2][3][4] The United States also offers rewards for two of them.[5] The most-wanted of the 37 drug lords was Joaquín Guzmán Loera, for whom Mexican and U.S. governments offered a total bounty of 7 million USD.[6] He was captured on 22 February 2014 in Mazatlán, Sinaloa, where he was staying at a hotel.[7] He escaped yet again on 11 July 2015 through a 1.5 kilometer long tunnel from his cell in the Mexican maximum security prison he had been housed in. Guzmán was recaptured by Mexican Marines following a gun battle on 8 January 2016.[8]
Recent events [ edit ]
As of 18 January 2011, Mexico had captured or killed 20 of the 37 in the most-wanted list.[9] The 21 June 2011 arrest of José de Jesús Méndez Vargas,[10] a.k.a. "El Chango", brought the total to twenty-one captured or killed.[11][12] On 4 November 2011, Francisco Hernández García was captured bringing the total to 22 captured or killed. A leader of the Zetas drug cartel, Raúl Hernández Lechuga was captured on 12 December 2011, which brought the total to 23 captured or killed so far.[11][12][13] On 26 September 2012, Iván Velázquez Caballero was captured by Mexican security forces, bringing the total captured or killed so far to 24.[14] Then the 7 October 2012 killing of Heriberto Lazcano brought this total to 25 captured or killed so far.[15]
On 15 July 2013, Miguel Treviño Morales was apprehended by the Mexican Marines in a town called Anáhuac, Nuevo León, near the border of the state of Tamaulipas,[16] bringing the total captured or killed so far to 26. Then, the 27 January 2014 apprehension of Dionisio Loya Plancarte,[17] a.k.a. "El Tío", brought the total captured or killed to 27, and leaving the Mexican government with 10 such fugitives still on the loose. On 23 June 2014, Fernando Sánchez Arellano was arrested by soldiers of the Mexican Army and federal agents of the Procuraduría General de la República (PGR) at the La Mesa borough of Tijuana, Baja California, bringing the total captured or killed so far to 28. Héctor Beltrán Leyva was arrested by the Mexican Army on 1 October 2014 inside a restaurant in San Miguel de Allende, Guanajuato, bringing the total captured or killed to 29.
Vicente Carrillo Fuentes was arrested by Mexican authorities in Torreón (Coahuila) on 9 October 2014, bringing the total captured or killed to 30. On 27 February 2015, Servando Gómez Martínez, the leader of the Knights Templar cartel, was arrested by Mexican security forces in Morelia, Michoacán, bringing the total captured or killed to 31.[18] On 4 March 2015, Omar Treviño Morales was captured inside a residence in Fuentes del Valle, an upper-class neighborhood in San Pedro Garza García, Nuevo León, by the Federal Police and the Mexican Army bringing the total captured or killed to 32. On 8 January 2016, Mexican Marines captured Joaquín Guzmán Loera after a heavy firefight in the city of Los Mochis, Sinaloa, bringing the total captured or killed to 33.
30 million pesos rewards [ edit ]
Mexico offers up to 30 million pesos (about 2.4 million U.S. dollars) for each of the following:
Gulf Cartel [ edit ]
Juárez Cartel [ edit ]
Los Zetas [ edit ]
Summary [ edit ]
See also [ edit ]
Policing:
General: |
The House passed a massive $662 billion defense bill Wednesday night after last-minute changes placated the White House and ensured President Barack Obama's ability to prosecute terrorist suspects in the civilian justice system.
The vote was 283-136 and reflected the strong support for annual legislation that authorizes money for the men and women of the military as well as weapons systems and the millions of jobs they generate in lawmakers' districts.
It was a rare instance of bipartisanship in a bitterly divided Congress. The Senate is expected to pass the measure on Thursday and send it to Obama.
The House vote came just hours after the administration abandoned a veto threat over provisions dealing with the handling of terrorism suspects.
Applying pressure on House and Senate negotiators working on the bill last week, Obama and senior members of his national security team, including Defense Secretary Leon Panetta and Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, had pressed for modifications in the provisions.
Negotiators announced the changes late Monday, clearing the way for White House acceptance.
In a statement, press secretary Jay Carney said the new bill "does not challenge the president's ability to collect intelligence, incapacitate dangerous terrorists and protect the American people."
Specifically, the bill would require that the military take custody of a suspect deemed to be a member of Al Qaeda or its affiliates and who is involved in plotting or committing attacks on the United States. There is an exemption for U.S. citizens.
House and Senate negotiators added language that says nothing in the bill will affect "existing criminal enforcement and national security authorities of the FBI or any other domestic law enforcement agency" with regard to a captured suspect "regardless of whether such ... person is held in military custody."
The bill also says the president can waive the provision based on national security.
"While we remain concerned about the uncertainty that this law will create for our counterterrorism professionals, the most recent changes give the president additional discretion in determining how the law will be implemented, consistent with our values and the rule of law, which are at the heart of our country's strength," Carney said.
Uncertainty was a major concern of FBI Director Robert Mueller, who expressed serious reservations about the detainee provisions.
Testifying before the Senate Judiciary Committee, Mueller said a coordinated effort by the military, intelligence agencies and law enforcement has weakened Al Qaeda and captured or killed many of its leaders, including Usama bin Laden and Anwar al-Awlaki, the U.S.-born radical Islamic cleric. He suggested that the divisive provision in the bipartisan defense bill would deny that flexibility and prove impractical.
"The statute lacks clarity with regard to what happens at the time of arrest. It lacks clarity with regard to what happens if we had a case in Lackawanna, N.Y., and an arrest has to be made there and there's no military within several hundred miles," Mueller said. "What happens if we have ... a case that we're investigating on three individuals, two of whom are American citizens and would not go to military custody and the third is not an American citizen and could go to military custody?"
The legislation also would deny suspected terrorists, even U.S. citizens seized within the nation's borders, the right to trial and subject them to indefinite detention.
The escalating fight over whether to treat suspects as prisoners of war or criminals has divided Democrats and Republicans, the Pentagon and Congress.
The administration insists that the military, law enforcement and intelligence officials need flexibility in the campaign against terrorism. Obama points to his administration's successes in killing bin Laden and al-Awlaki. Republicans counter that their efforts are necessary to respond to an evolving, post-Sept. 11 threat, and that Obama has failed to produce a consistent policy on handling terror suspects.
In a reflection of the uncertainty, House members offered differing interpretations of the military custody and indefinite detention provisions and what would happen if the bill became law.
"The provisions do not extend new authority to detain U.S. citizens," House Armed Services Chairman Howard "Buck" McKeon, R-Calif., said during debate.
But Rep. Jerrold Nadler, D-N.Y., said the bill would turn "the military into a domestic police force."
Highlighting a period of austerity and a winding down of decade-old conflicts, the bill is $27 billion less than Obama requested and $43 billion less than Congress gave the Pentagon. The bill also authorizes money for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and national security programs in the Energy Department.
Frustrated with delays and cost overruns with the troubled F-35 Joint Strike Fighter aircraft program, lawmakers planned to require the contractor, Lockheed Martin, to cover the expense of any extra costs on the next batch and future purchases of the aircraft. The Pentagon envisions buying 2,443 planes for the Air Force, Marine Corps and Navy, but the price could make it the most expensive program in military history -- $1 trillion.
The legislation freezes $700 million for Pakistan until the defense secretary provides Congress a report on how Islamabad is countering the threat of improvised explosive devices.
It would impose tough new penalties on Iran, targeting foreign financial institutions that do business with the country's central bank. The president could waive those penalties if he notifies Congress that it's in the interest of national security.
The bill begins a reduction in defense spending, a reality the Pentagon hasn't faced in the decade since the Sept. 11 attacks. Pentagon spending has nearly doubled in that period, but the deficit-reduction plan that Obama and congressional Republicans backed this summer sets the Defense Department on a budget-cutting course.
Arizona Sen. John McCain, the top Republican on the Senate Armed Services Committee, and several other GOP defense hawks pledged to return to Washington next month with a plan to avoid automatic across-the-board cuts to defense required in 2013. The failure of Congress' deficit supercommittee last month means $1.2 trillion in cuts over the next 10 years, with half from defense.
Defense hawks said the 10 percent cut would hollow out the Pentagon and devastate U.S. military readiness. |
Breaking: After Tens of Thousands of Emails Leaked, Second HRC Email Regarding “Yoga” is Found
In March 2015 Hillary Clinton held a presser at the United Nations. She said she released all of her work emails to the State Department.
She then said she deleted her 33,000 private, personal emails.
“Emails about planning Chelsea’s wedding or my mother’s funeral arrangements, condolence notes to friends as well as yoga routines.”
This week, after thousands of Hillary Clinton and Podesta emails were released, a second Hillary email with the word “yoga” was found.
Breaking News: After tens of thousands of emails were leaked, a second HRC email regarding "yoga" was found. #PodestaEmails7: 8882 pic.twitter.com/Xw9555Ho7e — StandardRedneck Liz (@MissLizzyNJ) October 14, 2016
And there were exactly 99 emails using the word “wedding.” |
NYT columnist: 'Demoralized' Republicans fleeing RNC will make McCain 'lonely guy' in Minnesota David Edwards and Nick Juliano
Published: Friday August 15, 2008
Print This Email This Suspected cause of defections is fears of Bush-McCain baggage More than one in five Republican senators have said they won't attend the GOP convention next month or are considering missing out on the Minnesota confab to formally nominate John McCain. Eight Republican Senators are skipping the Twin Cities convention, and two more say they might have better things to do Sept. 1-4. It's a troubling sign for a party that already expects to lose more seats in Congress this year and indicates that John McCain continues to be saddled by the baggage of President Bush's last eight years, says one observer. "The ones who are running away are definitely assuming that the voters are going to see McCain linked up there with Bush," New York Times columnist Bob Herbert tells MSNBC's Rachel Maddow. Maddow, who was guest hosting Countdown Thursday night, said some of the GOP defections were understandable. For example, Idaho Sen. Larry Craig is likely trying to avoid any unpleasant memories of his foot-tapping escapades at the Minneapolis/St. Paul airport, and Alaska's Ted Stevens is perhaps too busy prepping for his upcoming public corruption trial. Most of the Republican truants, though, seem more worried that pictures of them applauding Bush or McCain would doom their chances in already tough re-election races. Sen. Gordon Smith (R-OR) has run ads linking himself with Democrats Barack Obama and John Kerry, and he recently rejected the largely honorary position of serving as McCain's Oregon campaign co-chairman. Also skipping the Republican convention will be North Carolina's Elizabeth Dole, Maine's Susan Collins, Nebraska's Chuck Hagel, Colorado's Wayne Allard and Kansas's Pat Roberts. New Hampshire Sen. John Sununu and Mississippi's Roger Wicker haven't yet decided whether they'll be at the convention to nominate McCain. Just three Republican senators in competitive races have said for sure they will attend the convention, and the head of the Republicans' House campaigns has encouraged them to skip the convention. "He's going to be a lonely guy," Herbert joked of the presumptive GOP nominee. "The short answer is, this is weird. ... They have reason to be demoralized." This video is from MSNBC's Countdown, broadcast August 14, 2008.
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The activists pushing Senate Democrats to resist Donald Trump’s nominee for the Supreme Court seat Republicans robbed from Barack Obama recognize that Neil Gorsuch has no business replacing the late Antonin Scalia. Will Senate Democrats come to the same conclusion?
The case against confirming Gorsuch is the same as the case against confirming Robert Bork three decades ago: the man holds fast to a fringe ideology that will disenfranchise and discriminate against anyone who is not a member of the economic elite. Gorsuch simply cannot be trusted to apply the law fairly and objectively.
In her 2009 Scalia biography American Original, Joan Biskupic discussed the Reagan administration’s prime motive for nominating Scalia to the High Court:
Foremost in the minds of [Reagan’s advisers] was this opportunity to shift the Court’s direction. [Scalia’s] appointment could help project components of the Reagan revolution far into the future. Reagan’s [1981] appointment of [Sandra Day] O’Connor had fulfilled a campaign promise to place a woman on the Court. This new nomination could be more of a reflection of Reagan’s quest for a remade judiciary… Patrick Buchanan, the former Nixon speechwriter and TV commentator whom [White House Chief of Staff] Don Regan had brought in to be communications director at the White House, had written a memo touting Scalia as a major contributor to the legal legacy Reagan hoped to leave…Buchanan had written in his Scalia memo, “The stakes here are immense–whether or not this President can leave behind a Supreme Court that will carry forward the ideas of the Reagan Revolution–into the 21st century.”
Just as Scalia was the full embodiment of the Reagan vision on the Supreme Court, so too would Gorsuch fully embody the Trump vision, ensuring unequal justice under law for anyone not in Trump’s rarefied financial air. Gorsuch would move the legal right closer to achieving the longstanding goal of removing all traces of what right-wingers regard as progressive legal activism from the Court. Of course, what right-wingers regard as progressive legal activism, the rest of us call equality.
There is nothing immoral or dishonest about Democratic Senators factoring politics into their decision to resist Gorsuch (if they choose to do so, that is). The raw reality is that on the High Court, Gorsuch would, as a committed right-wing ideologue, screw over members of the Democratic Party’s constituency. Why would any Democratic Senator collaborate in a scheme to wound their own party’s base?
Analyzing the Democratic Party’s options, NPR’s Nina Totenberg observes:
In the unlikely event that Democrats could block Gorsuch with a filibuster, the Republican leadership would certainly exercise the so-called “nuclear option” and simply unblock the nomination by getting rid of the filibuster rule for Supreme Court nominations. Privately, some Democrats would rather wave Gorsuch through this time without a filibuster, given that he is nominated to fill a seat previously occupied by a the similarly conservative Justice Antonin Scalia. These Democrats would rather save the filibuster for if there is a second Supreme Court vacancy during the Trump administration, threatening to fill a seat now occupied by a liberal justice. But that sort of strategic decision-making is difficult at a time when the Democratic base doesn’t see any benefit to cooperating with Trump.
If Senate Democrats “wave Gorsuch through” and let him obtain a seat the Republican Party stole, those Democrats, will, in effect, tell their own voters to get lost. Does that make sense? If the answer is “no,” shouldn’t that be the same answer Senate Democrats give to Gorsuch?
NOTE: On MSNBC last night, Sen. Richard Blumenthal (D-CT) expressed a willingness to filibuster Gorsuch. |
The article was written by Ayush Singh Tip Ranks #4 Financial Blogger – Senior Analyst at I Know First.
NXP Semiconductors Stock
Apple suppliers like NXP Semiconductor have struggled over the last few months.
Apple suppliers like NXP Semiconductor have struggled over the last few months. The risks of falling iPhone sales are blown out of proportion.
NXP Semiconductor has a diversified business model that’ll offset the drop in iPhone sales.
The growth and potential of connected cars make NXP Semiconductor undervalued.
I Know First has a bullish view for NXPI stock movement for the mid and long term.
Due to the falling year over year sales of the iPhone 6S, Apple suppliers have taken a beating this year. Most Apple suppliers are down considerably from their 52-week high levels and NXP Semiconductors (NXPI) is no exception to it.
NXP Semiconductor is trading about 30% lower from its all-time highs and although the stock has struggled recently, it has fared better than many other peers. I think shares of NXP Semiconductor are undervalued, which is why I think investors should consider adding it to their potfolio.s
An amazing performance
NXP Semiconductors is the largest rival of STMicro. In 2015, the company had gone through a trifling drop of around 17 percent.
(Source: NXPI data by YCharts)
However, the company faced nearly the same headwinds which knocked down STMicro, but it grumbled up by acquiring opponent chipmaker Freescale previous year. By acquiring Freescale, the company became one of the biggest manufacturers of automotive electronics worldwide.
In 2015, the company’s automotive sales, including the first month of Freescale, surged 17 percent on a yearly basis and accounted for 22 percent of its revenue. The company still anticipates that percentage to reach approximately 36 percent throughout the first quarter this year, and it could turn into a major growth engine as sales of connected cars increases. Sales of protected interface and organization, high-performance assorted signal devices, and secure connected cars all displayed huge sales growth the previous year. Since sales of connected cars are expected to sky rocket in the future, I think NXP Semiconductor is currently undervalued.
(Source: Business Insider)
Just before closing NXP’s acquisition of Freescale, the company had projected all those sales to post y-o-y drops. Moreover, the joined company’s huge size could allow it to exploit economies of scale to destabilize less significant competitors like STMicro.
Consensus forecasts that the company will show 57 percent sales growth and 8 percent sales growth in 2016 and 2017 respectively. Throughout the approaching five years, the company’s yearly earnings are predicted to surge 25 percent yearly. Although NXP Semiconductor does not pay a dividend, the company spent $474 million on buybacks previous year. Heavy spending on buybacks indicates that the company’s management also believes that shares are undervalued.
Well Positioned
Due to NXP’s acquisition of Freescale Semiconductor, the company has been able to become one of the largest semiconductor supplier companies in the world, comprising leadership positions in both the broad-based microcontroller as well as in the automotive semiconductor markets.
NXP Semiconductor is also a prominent supplier of the NFC chips, mainly used to allow mobile payment systems such as Android Pay and Apple Pay, as well as the company, strives in a variety of other areas, providing it a diverse customer base.
In the case of automotive semiconductor segment, NXP’s merger with Freescale accounts to be a big bet, and the long-run tendencies are working in the company’s favor. Nowadays, cars are becoming more connected, and though a mass-market self-driving car is not so far, growing penetration of progressive driver assistance features can drive the company’s growth even without considerable growth in yearly auto sales.
NXP Semiconductor shares declined in 2015, as general semiconductor weakness has pulled down the company’s results. On the other hand, it is significant to keep in mind that the company operates in a cyclical industry, and though the company managed an operating margin of more than 30 percent the previous year, average profitability will probably be flat moving onward.
However, NXP Semiconductor holds a robust position on the board and the automotive semiconductor sector, the company is well positioned to grow well over the next decade.
Still working very slow
It is true that the merger with Freescale adds a lot of muscular bulk to the company’s already athletic frame. In 2016, total sales are projected to reach $10 billion, a surge of $3.9 billion as compared to the sales in 2015.
However, the merger would not be all that takes NXP Semiconductor to a great height. There is some similarity between Freescale’s and NXP Semiconductors’ operations, and the company also had to unburden some operations to a Chinese investor so as to meet regulatory antitrust necessities.
Apart from this, the top-line estimate for the approaching quarter of 2016 is $2.2 billion, a 50 percent surge in NXP Semiconductors’ individual sales in the year-ago quarter, but 17 percent lower than the total sales of Freescale and NXP in that quarter.
Also, the merger was supposed to create $40 billion enterprise value and presently stands at $34 billion. Therefore, it clearly indicates that the company is putting a lot of efforts to reach the mark.
According to TipRanks, both bloggers and analysts alike think that NXP Semiconductor will be able to reach that mark. All the 8 analysts covering NXP Semiconductor think that the stock is a buy and have an average price target of over $105, which represents a hefty 30% upside potential from current levels.
As for bloggers, 24 out of the 25 bloggers who have covered the stock recently are bullish. Given the strong bullish sentiment, I think it’s highly likely that shares of NXP Semiconductor will move higher in the near future.
Conclusion
I believe investors are not appreciating NXP Semiconductors diversified business model and are being overly paranoid about moderately declining iPhone sales. The company has a dominating presence in other sectors, which is why I think it will be able to survive this downturn, making it a good pick.
My bullish outlook is echoed by algorithmic forecasts of I Know First. I Know First uses an advanced state of the art algorithm based on artificial intelligence and machine learning to foresee market performance for more than 3,000 markets including stock forecasts, world indices, commodities, interest rates, ETFs, and currencies. The algorithm generates a forecast with a signal and a predictability indicator. The signal is the number at the center of the box. The predictability is the figure at the bottom of the box. At the top, a particular asset is identified. This format is standardized across all forecasts. The middle number indicates strength and direction, not a price target or percentage gain/loss. The bottom figure, the predictability, signifies a confidence level.
As you can see from the image above, the green 115.85, 165.43 and 4.33 forecasts for the respective time period indicate that I Know First’s algorithm expects NXPI to continue moving higher in the short as well as the long-term.
In the past, I Know First has predicted correctly the bullish signal for NXPI stock movement, like in this forecast from August 25th, 2015. NXPI had a bullish signal of 9.93 and predictability of 0.11 managing to bring high returns of 9.42% in just 3 days. |
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There comes to a point where a player has reached a certain level that they cannot plateau any higher. Now they are desperately doing worse, not as confident as before, and their drive is slowly drifting away. You practiced your combos in the training room, you beat the computer senseless a million times, and you have exposed yourself in a tournament environment. What else is missing? Why am I doing worse? It’s an easy answer that most people don’t realize. Your love of the game is lost. All you want to do now is to win and prove yourself to the community that you’re a top player.This is a very common situation for lots of players, but having love for the game or for your character will show a lot more signs of improvement than someone whose only interest is to win. If you look at the player DJ Huoshen on how he play and how he reacts to things. You can tell that he loves to play with the team he uses; Felicia/Skrull/Taskmaster. He loves this game and he takes the game as it is. He understands that the game is cheap and his characters have a high chance of losing but he makes it work and still comes out on top. Why? Because he loves to play the game. He doesn’t just care about winning. Winning is nice but staying true to your heart means a lot more and that’s where winning matters the most.This obviously doesn’t mean that if you pick the character you like, you will win all your matches. There are broken things in every game that will just prevent your success.Phoenixbut as long as you tried your best and your love in the game will be there, you will have a much more clearer outlook on things and what little things to improve on for your next match, tournament, and etc.If you look at the way Japan plays, they just stick to one character. Something that every country is doing now. The reason why they stick to one character is because usually that’s their favorite character and of course you want to be the best with that character. Japanese players are skilled enough to play every character and they can counter pick if they wanted too, but most of the time they will stick to their guns and grind it out the hard way.If you follow this concept, it opens up gateways on how to play the character differently and what unique ways to fight your bad match ups.For Example: Sagat vs. Rufus is generally a bad match up for Rufus because of Sagat’s zoning option with his tiger shots, his standing hard kick as a strong poke and his Kara DP or F+HK which can stop Rufus' air mobility. The way for Rufus to win is to knock Sagat down and mix him up on his wake up. I thought to myself how to prevent Sagat from starting up his defense. Well, if you guys watch my Rufus vs. Sagat matches. I love to sweep Sagat's standing hard kick. This causes a hard knockdown which lets Rufus starts his offense up. I knew that wasn’t enough so I thought to myself, how else can I knock him down. I then use my ex messiah kick properties to go through his tiger shot zoning and catch him before he can recover. This also lets me start my offense with dive kick pressure. I believe my favorite one is using my standing HK (The Ballet Kick) I use this on every character because they love to jump away from Rufus since they are scared of the dive kick pressure and because the move has a upper hit box, it will stop the character from jumping and then it’s a free juggle for me into Ultra #1.Never give up and do not think you’re bad at the game. Success does not happen overnight. It takes time and patience. Play hard and play because you love to play. Think back on why you started to pick up fighting games and have faith in your character and yourself.Justin Wong is a member of Evil Geniuses, you can find more information about this organization at http://www.myeg.net |
Richard Cordray has been rumored to be considering a run for governor of Ohio, but he gave no indication Wednesday of what his plans are. | Pete Marovich/Getty Images Cordray to resign from CFPB, clouding future of watchdog agency
Richard Cordray, the embattled director of the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, will resign his post at the end of the month, giving President Donald Trump the chance to reshape an agency that has drawn relentless attacks from businesses over its aggressive enforcement.
Cordray made the announcement in an email to bureau staff on Wednesday.
Story Continued Below
"It has been a joy of my life to have the opportunity to serve our country as the first director of the Consumer Bureau by working alongside all of you here," he wrote. "Together we have made a real and lasting difference that has improved people's lives."
Cordray has been rumored to be considering a run for governor of Ohio, but gave no indication Wednesday of his plans.
Trump is likely to put the bureau under the control of Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, who can delegate day-to-day operations to an interim director, according to a White House official and others familiar with the administration’s thinking. An interim director can stay at the post indefinitely, or at least until the White House can get a nominee confirmed.
Cordray's departure kicks off a high-stakes scramble to secure the future of the CFPB, a powerful Washington regulator that has cheered consumers and angered businesses as well as Republicans, who have accused it of overreaching. The independent bureau is the only bank regulator not led by a Trump appointee.
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"We need to appoint someone who has a proven track record of looking out for consumers," said John Taylor, president of the National Community Reinvestment Coalition. "To do anything that would weaken it by appointing someone who is less committed than Richard Cordray was would be a disservice to consumers."
Trump, never a Cordray fan, has been scouting for his replacement among the ranks of Republican attorneys general. But the partisan grip squeezing Washington, and the agency’s supercharged politics, mean that anyone chosen for the job will face a rocky, if not impossible, road to confirmation.
Republicans are floating a handful of agency critics as contenders for the post, including Cordray’s biggest foe, House Financial Services Chairman Jeb Hensarling (R-Texas). Hensarling has not expressed interest in the job, according to people close to him.
Hensarling on Wednesday called the bureau a “rogue agency that has done more to hurt consumers than help them” and called Cordray’s departure “an excellent opportunity to enact desperately needed reforms.”
Keith Noreika, the outgoing acting head of the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, has also been mentioned, along with Todd Zywicki, a law professor at George Mason University. Both have fiercely opposed the bureau's approach to regulation and enforcement and would face long odds of being confirmed, but could serve as interim directors without Senate approval.
Brian Brooks, an executive vice president and general counsel at Fannie Mae who worked with Mnuchin at OneWest Bank, and former Florida Attorney General Bill McCollum are also mentioned as candidates to lead the bureau.
As the CFPB's inaugural leader, Cordray fashioned the agency into a razor-toothed watchdog with as much bite as bark, racking up a legacy of sweeping regulations that redefined how mortgages are sold, debts are collected and credit card fees are tallied.
More broadly, his bureau gave consumers a strong advocate that returned nearly $12 billion to 29 million wronged customers.
While the agency made headlines with action against mandatory arbitration, payday lending and subprime mortgages, most of its work was done under the radar and in some ways a lot of its heavy lifting has already been done. The bureau spent a good portion of its first six years pushing out rules and studies required by the Dodd-Frank Act that created it and building guardrails for products that had been loosely regulated.
“They inherited a Wild West market," said Mike Calhoun, president of the Center for Responsible Lending and a Cordray supporter. The bureau "cleaned up the mess it had inherited and now has evolved into a more established agency."
With Cordray leaving, political vitriol over the agency's independence and structure should subside.
“You’ll see less of an urgency to change the system structurally now that it’s in control of the current administration and current Congress," Calhoun said.
Still, the bureau faces an uncertain future. Led by a lone, independent director armed with plentiful funding that can’t be withheld by Congress, its broad jurisdiction over banks, mortgage companies, credit card issuers and other financial providers is under fire from Republicans who want to rein it in.
Democrats quickly laid down their markers. Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.), who inspired the bureau's creation and helped set it up under President Barack Obama, tweeted that the agency is “no place for another Trump-appointed industry hack.”
Warren opposes transforming the bureau into a bipartisan commission, as some have proposed. In a press conference Wednesday, she cited the failure of the Securities and Exchange Commission to act before the 2008 financial crisis. "We need a regulator on the consumer's side who is nimble and able to respond to crises before they bring down the American economy," she said.
Warren was immediately taken to task by industry lobbyists who have pushed for installing a commission at the agency similar to those at the SEC or Federal Deposit Insurance Corp.
"She said today she doesn’t want some industry hack to run the CFPB. Well, that’s really not her choice right now," said Richard Hunt, president of the Consumer Bankers Association. “They gambled and they lost. There cannot be any whining from the Democrats over who President Trump is going to appoint."
The Consumer Bankers Association, American Bankers Association, Consumer Mortgage Coalition, National Association of Realtors and other groups have endorsed a plan to replace the CFPB’s lone-director system with a five-member, commission.
Yet while Cordray's departure might open the door to structural changes, there seems to be little appetite on the Hill for legislation now that Republicans have control over the bureau.
Rep. Blaine Luetkemeyer (R-Mo.), who chairs the consumer credit panel of the House Financial Services Committee, said the debate over whether to replace the CFPB director with a commission is finished for the time being after the idea failed to gain traction with Democrats.
"I just don't see that it's something that's going to get support right now," he said. "Once the Democrats see how [Trump's] new designee could go in there and completely turn that agency upside down compared to where they want it to go, they may be more willing to sit down and talk."
House Republicans declined to pursue installing a commission when they passed a sweeping financial deregulation bill in June.
Cordray's future also remains uncertain.
In Ohio and across the country, the former state attorney general is adored among progressives and might be able to raise money quickly despite his shortcomings as a shoe-leather campaigner.
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If he chooses to run, he would face a handful of lesser-known but still serious candidates: Dayton Mayor Nan Whaley, former Rep. Betty Sutton, state Sen. Joe Schiavoni, former state Rep. Connie Pillich and former Wayne County Commissioner Dave Kiefer.
Their Republican opponents have been building formidable war chests in a bid to succeed Gov. John Kasich, who is term-limited.
Attorney General Mike DeWine and Secretary of State Jon Husted each raised $2.5 million in the first six months of the year. Rep. Jim Renacci has shuttled $4 million of his own money into his gubernatorial bid. Lt. Gov. Mary Taylor raised $640,000.
Ohio Democrats worry that no candidate will be able to match the fundraising chops of DeWine, Husted, or Renacci — not even Cordray.
"The donor base is just still pretty bedraggled because of 2016,” said Sharen Neuhardt, a former Democratic candidate for lieutenant governor who has strong ties to what’s left of the Ohio Democratic donor community.
Ben White contributed to this report. |
I complain a lot on this blog about traditional approaches to teaching music theory. Fortunately, there’s a better alternative: Everyday Tonality by Philip Tagg. Don’t be put off by the DIY look of the web site. The book is the single best explanation I know of for how harmony works across a broad spectrum of the world’s music.
Tagg brings an ethnomusicological approach to music theory. Rather than starting with a particular theoretical approach and trying to fit it to different kinds of music, he derives generalizations from different kinds of music as they are practiced. Tagg’s model of harmony is less tidy than the standard classical theory text, but so is the world he’s describing.
Common-practice tonal theory classical theory was invented to explain the European classical canon, not every kind of music in the world. Tonal theory focuses on harmony to the exclusion of nearly everything else. The problem is that the academy teaches this theory of a particular aspect of the music of a certain time and place as if it were the foundation for understanding any kind of music. Euroclassical tonal theory is fine for explain large-scale linear harmonic structure over the course of sections and movements of classical works, but it fails when you try to apply it to the static, loop-oriented harmonies structures of most of the music that people currently listen to. Tagg gives the example of “La Bamba.”
On its face, the chord progression to “La Bamba” couldn’t be any simpler: I, IV and V, over and over. A classical theorist looks at that and says, it’s tonic, subdominant, dominant, repeat. But “La Bamba” doesn’t feel like a narrative of being at rest, then mild tension, then more extreme tension, then being at rest again. The chords go by too fast and with too many repetitions for that. The song isn’t a linear narrative. It feels like one continuous mood. Tagg explains:
Explaining something as common and as ostensibly simple as the La Bamba chord loop (as in La Bamba, Guantanamera, Wild Thing, Pata Pata, Twist & Shout etc.) in terms of tonic, subdominant and dominant had for some time struck me as about as productive as using theories of combustion to explain electricity. And yet some music scholars still try to apply Schenkerian notions of harmonic directionality to tonal configurations in which notions like ‘dominant’ and ‘perfect cadence’ are at best questionable, if not altogether irrelevant.
Tagg argues that in order to understand the cyclical ambiance of groove-based harmony, we need a theory of “the extended present” (p. 10), not of linear narrative function. Euroclassical theory ignores metricity, periodicity, timbre, groove, and sonic staging. Those last three parameters are beyond the scope of Tagg’s project, but he offers some useful ideas about bringing meter and repetition into the study of harmony.
One of Tagg’s useful concepts is the idea of “one-chord changes,” as in Aretha Franklin’s “Chain of Fools.”
There’s only one chord in “Chain of Fools,” C minor. By Euroclassical standards, the song should be boring and static, but when you listen, it is neither of those things. The single chord doesn’t repeat mindlessly. “Chain of Fools” is built from complex interlocking rhythmic figures that accent different parts of C minor and its extensions in different metrical positions. When you consider the way that the musicians deploy different pieces of C minor to support the groove, you start to understand “Chain of Fools” as the rich and exciting piece of music that we intuitively experience it to be.
Tagg’s next useful concept is the “shuttle,” a groove that switches back and forth between two chords. One of his examples is the Gm7 to C7 groove in Pink Floyd’s song “The Great Gig In The Sky.”
What key is this groove in? Classical and jazz theorists would both say it’s a ii-V progression in F major. You might also argue that, since F never appears, it’s really a i-IV progression in G Dorian. Tagg thinks that neither description is correct, though he’d probably agree that the latter one is closer to the truth. Instead, Tagg says we should hear the groove as being in the “key” of Gm7/C7. Neither of the chords is “a place you pass on the way to another destination”–we need to understand them both as comprising “a tonical neighbourhood” that “is itself somewhere to be” (p. 377). Rather than hearing a teleological pull to either of the two chords, we hear a unified “dynamic ongoing tonal state” (p. 23). This is the most accurate description I have read of my own mental approach to playing or writing a two-chord groove.
Tagg offers another way to think about two-chord shuttles: the idea of “dual tonicity” (p. 426), two different modes with two different tonics coexisting in superposition. Even if the two chords have a V-I relationship (e.g. G7 and C), that doesn’t necessarily imply a dominant-tonic function. Instead, we might be hearing the simultaneous modes of G Mixolydian and C major. This is a common situation in Latin music, not to mention about half the pop songs currently on the radio.
It should in short be understood that the V-I cadence does not trump all others in non-classical tonality and that reversal, partial or total, of harmonic direction… can establish two modes, each with its own tonic, inside the same short piece of music (pp. 439-440).
This reminds me of the way that West African drummers hear their rhythm patterns as being simultaneously in duple and triple meter. It’s no surprise, then, that African diasporic musical traditions would take a similarly ambiguous view of harmony.
Tagg uses the term “loop” for loops of three or four different chords. Chord function in loops is more a matter of metrical position than the contents of the chords themselves. Harmony in groove-based music doesn’t have functions like dominant and subdominant. Instead, Tagg suggests we label chords as outgoing, medial, and incoming. Each of these functions occupies a particular position in the metrical structure of the loop.
The loop might represent any length of musical time, depending on the harmonic rhythm. Each chord might last for two beats each, or one measure each, or two measures each, or whatever. The metrical functions of these chords override whatever other functions the progression might suggest, whether they happen to be tonal or modal or blues or seemingly random.
Using the loop concept, we can now make better sense of the “La Bamba” progression. The C chord is the tonic, the F is the outgoing chord, and G is both the medial chord and the incoming chord.
We can also understand a basic I-vi-ii-V jazz turnaround in these terms: Cmaj7 is the tonic, A-7 is the outgoing chord, D-7 is the medial chord, and G7 is the incoming chord. It so happens that you can explain this progression in functional harmony terms as well, but when you loop the chords endlessly, it’s more correct to think of them as being a single mood, not as markers in a linear narrative.
This analysis aligns better with modern jazz practice. When you play over this kind of loop, you deliberately use harmonic ambiguity, like playing the leading tone on the C chord and avoiding it on the G7 chord.
In the examples I’ve given so far, classical and jazz theory would agree with Tagg’s analysis of what the tonic chord is. For an example where they differ, consider “Sweet Home Alabama,” an endless loop of D7, C, and G. Classical theorists usually say that the chords in this loop are the dominant, subdominant and tonic in G major. Tagg’s theory says no; look at the metrical positions.
Since D7 occupies the tonic position, it must be the tonic chord. The tune is therefore in the “key” of D Mixolydian, not in G.
Note that if we disregard rhythm, both “Sweet Home Alabama” and “La Bamba” are the “same” chords (if we transpose the latter down a fourth.) Thinking about loop function shows us how the two progressions nevertheless form different tonalities.
Here’s a tougher one: what key is Daft Punk’s “Get Lucky” in?
There are four chords here: B minor, D major, F-sharp minor, and E major. I can think of five different keys that these chords might plausibly imply.
If B minor is the tonic chord, then the progression is i-III-v-IV. This puts us in B Dorian mode, though that’s only weakly established by the minor v chord.
If D is the tonic chord, then the progression is vi-I-iii-II. This puts us in D Lydian mode, which is unlikely for a pop song. Besides, now there’s no dominant or subdominant chord.
If F-sharp minor is the tonic chord, then the progression is iv-bVI-i-bVII. This puts us in F-sharp natural minor, which would be reasonable, except that now the tonic is in a metrically weak position.
If E is the tonic chord, then the progression is v-bVII-ii-I. This puts us in E Mixolydian mode, which also has a weak minor v chord.
Since all of these scales are modes of A major, maybe that’s really the key. Maybe the progression is ii-IV-vi-V. This would make perfect sense, except how can A be the tonic chord if it never once appears in the song?
Tagg would say: we’re asking the wrong question. The song is in all of these keys and none of them. The rules of functional harmony are no help. Instead, we should ask about the metrical function of the four chords. Using Tagg’s terminology, B minor is the tonic because it’s in the tonic position. D is the outgoing chord, F-sharp minor is the medial chord, and E is the incoming chord.
If you were going to improvise a solo over these changes, you could use any of the five scales mentioned above (they’re all the same seven pitches anyway.)
How about the chorus of Stevie Wonder’s “Sir Duke“?
The chords are B, Fm7, C#m7, and F#7. If you ignore the second chord, it’s a straightforward ii-V-I in B, but how do we understand Fm7? Tagg would say, who cares? It’s the outgoing chord. The fact that the other three chords happen to be “functional” doesn’t make the Fm7 sound strange; in the context of Stevie’s groove, it sounds perfectly fine. You could put any chords into the four slots as long as they don’t clash with the melody.
Not all repeated chord progressions are loops. Tagg argues that if the loop is longer than about eighteen seconds, we’re more likely to hear it as a “cyclical matrix” like twelve-bar blues or rhythm changes. You could probably create a more complex diagram of circles within circles to better understand the metrical function of harmonies in those bigger forms, but that’s a topic for another post.
Tagg shares my frustration with the Euroclassical world’s arrogance toward other musics. Institutional theorists often impose their own value system onto any other music they encounter. Tagg says that this is nothing more than a cultural holdover of colonialism.
[N]o-one in their right mind would dismiss Beethoven quartets (for example Op. 131 in C# minor) on grounds of monometricity (no cross-rhythms), monotimbrality (just a string quartet) or monospatiality (no variation of acoustic ambiance) because it’s obvious that the main dynamic of those quartets comes from thematic and harmonic development over time. By the same token it’s silly to dismiss Chuck Berry’s Nadine because it spends 70% of its time on one chord, or Bo Diddley’s Bo Diddley because it’s all on one chord (p. 353).
Actually, plenty of people in their right minds do dismiss Beethoven, for exactly those reasons. Most contemporary Western listeners strongly prefer music with cross-rhythms, varying timbres and wildly diverse acoustic ambiances. We call that music rock, or hip-hop, or EDM, or reggae, or any of the other popular musics descended from the African diaspora.
Too many music educators from Euroclassical culture sneer at everyone else for their lack of interest in “great” music. These same educators too often display ignorance of the music that everyone else finds meaningful and enjoyable. We the pop-oriented progressives have our work cut out for us.
Canons are institutionally useful. It’s a pain to constantly have to be revising and updating curricula, textbooks and exams. Nevertheless, if we’re going to teach music responsibly, we should at the very least be teaching it correctly. We should treat Euroclassical theory as the specialized topic that it is. If we’re going to impose a single, universally learned music theory on every student (and I don’t think we should), then I’d prefer that it look like Tagg’s.
If you’re interested in more theory resources in the spirit of Tagg, you might enjoy these posts:
And definitely check out Tagg’s other books. Ten Little Title Tunes is particularly good.
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An extraordinary thing happened in the Houses of Parliament on Tuesday . A member of the seven-strong Backbench Business Committee burst out laughing at the suggestion that MPs should be allowed to debate a range of gender issues including domestic violence, suicide and premature mortality rates.
In an age when offending the sensibilities of anti-sexism campaigners can cause Nobel laureates to be sacked and drive astrophysicists with unfortunate dress sense to tears of redemption , it’s a miracle there hasn’t been another hysterical lynching in the court of public opinion.
At least it would be if it were a male politician caught on camera chortling at the suggestion that parliament should discuss issues like violence against women, breast cancer screening and eating disorders.
The reason the media hasn’t grabbed hold of SniggerGate yet, is that the sniggering MP is female and the gendered problems she appears to find funny are issues that disproportionately affect men and boys.
(You can watch the debate in full on Parliamentlive.tv's archive. Fast forward to 14:54:10.)
On the day that Jess Phillips MP sniggered at the suggestion that men’s issues should be discussed in Parliament on International Men’s Day, another 13 men died from suicide.
It’s not funny. Not for the men whose lives were lost and not for their friends and family. Suicide is a men’s issue and if we don’t talk about the problem, we can’t solve it.
On the day the Labour member for Birmingham Yardley clapped her hands over her mouth to stop herself guffawing at Philip Davies MP’s request for a debate on men’s issues, more than 200 men died of cancer.
As a nation we spend more time, money and energy trying to prevent, detect and cure female cancers in the UK – and yet men are 58pc more likely to die of cancer before the age of 65 than women.
I don’t think that’s hilarious. Not for the men who die before their time and not for the loved ones they leave behind. Men of all classes have a lower life expectancy than women of the same background. It’s a men’s issue and like all men’s issues, we can’t solve it if we don’t discuss it.
"We’re collectively more tolerant of the harm that happens to men and boys" Glen Poole
On the day that the former manager of a charity supporting victims of domestic violence snorted at the idea that men’s issues are worthy of debate, more than 2,000 men and boys were victims of a violent crime.
To me it’s no joke that men and boys are the main victims of both men’s violence and women’s violence. Yet while we have strategies to end violence against women and girls, there are no strategies to tackle violence against men and boys.
Men are more likely to be murdered or violently assaulted than women, and male victims of intimate violence, like sexual assault and domestic violence, are less likely than female victims to get help. That’s a men’s issue that will never be resolved if we don’t make time to discuss it.
Photo: IMD
International Men’s Day on 19th November is the perfect time for MPs to discuss a whole host of seriously unfunny issues facing men and boys in 2015.
What about the dads who are less involved in their children’s lives than they’d like to be for a whole host of personal, cultural and legal reasons? What about the fact that boys underperform girls at every stage of education and are less likely to go to university? How about men being more likely to be unemployed, or homeless, or imprisoned or addicted to drugs and alcohol? What about the fact that the overwhelming majority of people who die at work every year are men?
There are many different factors causing issues like these, but one thing unites them all. We’re not so concerned about addressing these issues because we’re collectively more tolerant of the harm that happens to men and boys.
This tolerance is held in place by the underlying threat that anyone who tries to highlight these issues will be met with derision and ridicule.
Photo: Illustration by Jacqui Clark
I’ve been promoting the celebration of International Men’s Day in the UK since 2010 and each year at least one high profile woman will use it as an opportunity to denigrate men. In 2013, for example, it was the blogger/journalist Fleet Street Fox, who wrote that men should take a break from raping for the day.
Now we have a female politician in a position of power and privilege sniggering at men’s problems and opposing the discussions of men’s issue in Parliament on International Men’s Day, because there are more male MPs than female MPs.
It's a ludicrous position to take. As Philip Davies rightly argued, there’s a very big difference between men raising issues and the raising of men’s issues.
Yes mother of 2 sons sister of 3 brothers. I don't hate men and boys I hate fools who think men don't have equality https://t.co/q5DVEykBpB — Jess Phillips MP (@jessphillips) October 29, 2015
Off to factory in my constituency to try to mitigate local job losses for the men there. See I don't hate men! — Jess Phillips MP (@jessphillips) October 29, 2015
Both male and female MPs discuss women’s issues on International Women’s Day and have a monthly session of question about women and equality.
Our collective inability to provide political space for men’s issues to be discussed too – particularly on International Men’s Day – is a sign of a nation that’s content to turn a blind eye to everyday sexism against men and boys.
But maybe this year we can make a difference. If you agree with me that men’s issues should be discussed in Parliament, why not write to your MP and ask him or her to support Phil Davies’ call for a debate on International Men’s Day on 19th November?
Sure, they might just snigger at you, like Jess Phillips. But maybe, just maybe, they’ll show themselves to be a true egalitarian who believes in equality for everyone, including the men and boys they represent.
Glen Poole is the news editor of online magazine insideMAN, author of the book Equality For Men and UK coordinator for International Men's Day. |
By Marilyn Frye
From The Politics Of Reality: Essays In Feminist Theory (The Crossing Press 1983)
I
White feminists come to renewed and earnest thought about racism not entirely spontaneously. We are pressed by women of color. Women of color have been at feminist conferences, meetings and festivals and speaking up, pointing out that their needs and interests are not being taken into account nor answered and that much that white feminists do and say is racist. Some white feminists have been aware of and acting against racism all along, and spontaneously, but the topic of racism has arrived per force in the feminist newspapers and journals, at the National Women’s Studies Association, in women’s centers and women’s bookstores in the last couple of years, not so much because some white feminists urged this but because women of color have demanded it.
Nonetheless, many white feminists have to a fair extent responded to the demand; by which I mean, white feminists have to a fair extent chosen to hear what it was usually in their power not to hear. The hearing is, as anyone who has been on the scene knows, sometimes very defensive, sometimes dulled by fear, sometimes alarmingly partial or distorted. But it has interested me that I and other white feminists have heard the objections and demands, for I think it is an aspect of race privilege to have a choice–a choice between the options of hearing and not hearing. That is part of what being white gets you.
This matter of the powers white feminists have because of being white came up for me very concretely in a real-life situation a while back. Conscientiously, and with the encouragement of various women of color–both friends and women speaking in the feminist press–a group of white women formed a white women’s consciousness-raising group to identify and explore the racism in our lives with a view to dismantling the barriers that blocked our understanding and action in this matter. As is obvious from this description, we certainly thought of ourselves as doing the right thing. Some women of color talked with us about their view that it was racist to make it a group for white women only; we discussed our reasons and invited women of color who wanted to participate to come to the meeting for further discussion.
In a later community meeting, one Black woman criticized us very angrily for ever thinking we could achieve our goals by working only with white women. We said we never meant this few weeks of this particular kind of work to be all we ever did and told her we had decided at the beginning to organize a group open to all women shortly after our series of white women’s meetings came to a close. Well, as some of you will know without my telling, we could hardly have said anything less satisfying to our critic. She exploded with rage: “You decided!” Yes. We consulted the opinions of some women of color, but still, we decided. “Isn’t that what we are supposed to do?” we said to ourselves, “Take responsibility, decide what to do, and do something?” She seemed to be enraged by our making decisions, by our acting, by our doing anything. It seemed like doing nothing would be racist and whatever we did would be racist just because we did it. We began to lose hope; we felt bewildered and trapped. It seemed that what our critic was saying must be right; but what she was saying didn’t seem to make any sense.
She seemed crazy to me.
That stopped me.
I paused and touched and weighed that seeming. It was familiar. I know it as deceptive, defensive. I know it from both sides; I have been thought crazy by others too righteous, too timid and too defended to grasp the enormity of our difference and the significance of their offenses. I backed off. To get my balance, I reached for what I knew when I was not frightened.
A woman was called “schizophrenic.” She said her father was trying to kill her. He was beside himself: anguished and baffled that she would not drink coffee he brought her for fear he had poisoned it. How could she think that? But then, why had she “gone mad” and been reduced to incompetence by the ensuing familial and social processes? Was her father trying to kill her? No, of course not: he was a good-willed man and loved his daughter. But also, yes, of course. Every good fatherly thing about him, including his caring decisions about what will improve things for her, are poisonous to her. The Father is death to The Daughter. And she knows it.
What is it that our Black woman critic knows? Am I racist when I (a white woman) decide what I shall do to try to grow and heal the wounds and scars of racism among lesbians and feminists? Am I racist if I decide to do nothing? If I decide to refuse to work with other white women on our racism? My deciding, deciding anything, is poison to her. Is this what she knows?
Every choice or decision I make is made in a matrix of options. Racism distorts and limits that matrix in various ways. My being on the white side of racism leaves me a different variety of options than are available to a woman of color. As a white woman I have certain freedoms and liberties. When I use them, according to my white woman’s judgment, to act on matters of racism, my enterprise reflects strangely on the matrix of options within which it is undertaken. In the case at hand, I was deciding when to relate to white women and when to relate to women of color according to what I thought would reduce my racism, enhance my growth and improve my politics. It becomes clearer why no decision I make here can fail to be an exercise of race privilege. (And yet this cannot be an excuse for not making a decision, though perhaps it suggests that a decision should be made at a different level.)
Does being white make it impossible for me to be a good person?
II
What is this “being white” that gets me into so much trouble, after so many years of seeming to me to be so benign? What is this privilege of race? What is race?
First, there is the matter of skin color. Supposedly one is white if one is white. I mean, one is a member of the white race if one’s skin is white. But that is not really so. Many people whose skin is white, by which of course we don’t really mean white, are Black or Mexican or Puerto Rican or Mohawk. And some people who are dark-skinned are white. Natives of India and Pakistan are generally counted as white in this country though perhaps to the average white American they look dark. While it cannot be denied that conceptions of race and of whiteness have much to do with fetishes about pigmentation, that seems to me not to be the Heart of Whiteness. Light skin may get a person counted as white; it does not make a person white.
Whiteness is, it seems pretty obvious, a social or political construct of some sort, something elaborated upon conceptions of kinship or common ancestry and upon ancient ethnocentric associations of good and evil with light and dark. Those who fashion this construct of whiteness, who elaborate on these conceptions, are primarily a certain group of males. It is their construct. They construct a conception of their “us,” their kindred, their nation, their tribe. Earliest uses of the word ‘race’ in English, according to The Oxford English Dictionary, make this clear. The people of one’s race were those of a common lineage or ancestry. People of like coloring could be of different races. The connection of race to color was a historical development and one which did not entirely eclipse the earlier meaning. Race, as defined and conceived by the white male arbiters of conceptions, is still not entirely a matter of color. One can be very pale, and yet if there are persons of color in one’s lineage, one can be classed as Black, Indian, etc.
On the other hand, it is the experience of light-skinned people from family and cultural backgrounds that are Black or another dark group that white people tend to disbelieve or discount their tellings of their histories. There is a pressure coming from white people to make light-skinned people be white. Michelle Cliff speaks of this in her book Claiming An Identity They Taught Me To Despise.1 Cliff is a light-skinned woman who looks white to most white people. She encounters among white people resistance, even hostility, to her assertion that she is Black. In another case, a friend of mine to whom I have been quite close off and on for some fifteen or twenty years, noticed I was assuming she is white: she told me she had told me years ago that she is Mexican. Apparently I did not hear, or I forgot, or it was convenient for me to whitewash her.**
The concept of whiteness is not just used, in these cases, it is wielded. Whites exercise a power of defining who is white and who is not, and are jealous of that power.2 If a light-skinned person of “colored” kinship claims to be white, and white people discover the person’s background, they see that a person who might be a marginal case has decided what she is. Because the white person cannot allow that deciding, the decision must be reversed. On the other hand, when someone has been clearly and definitively decided to be white by whites, her claim that she is not white must be challenged; again because anyone who is even possibly marginal cannot be allowed to draw the line. To such a person, a white person is saying: I have decided you are white so you are white, because what I say about who is white and who is not is definitive.
To be white is to be a member of an in-group, a kin group, which is self-defining. Just as with fraternities or sororities, the power to draw the membership line is jealously guarded. Though a variety of traits and histories are relevant to whether one will be defined into or out of that group, one essential thing is that the group is self-defining, that it exercises control of access to membership. Members can bend the rules of membership anytime, if that is necessary to assert the members’ sole and exclusive authority to decide who is a member; in fact, bending the rules is an ideal expression of that authority.
A particularly insidious expression of this emerges when members of the self-appointed “superior” group tend casually to grant membership by “generously” giving people “the benefit of the doubt.” If the question does not arise, or does not arise explicitly or blatantly, one will generally be assumed by white people to be white, since the contrary assumption might be (by white judgment) insulting. A parallel to this is the arrogant presumption on the part of heterosexual people that anyone they meet is heterosexual. The question often must be made to arise, blatantly and explicitly, before the heterosexual person will consider the thought that one is lesbian or homosexual. Otherwise, even if some doubt arises, one will be given the dubious benefit of the doubt rather than be thought “ill” of, that is, suspected of “deviance.”
The parallelism of heterosexuality and whiteness holds up in at least one more respect. In both cases there are certain members of the dominant group who systematically do not give the benefit of their doubt. They seem on the lookout for people whom they can suppose want to pass as members of their club. These are the sorts of people who are fabulously sensitive to clues that someone is Mulatto, Jewish, Indian or gay, and are eager to notify others of the person’s supposed pretense of being “normal” or “white” (or whatever), though the person may have been making no pretense at all.*** This latter type is quite commonly recognized as a racist, anti-Semite or homophobe, while the other type, the one who “graciously” lets the possibly deviant/dark person pass as normal/white, is often considered a nice person and not a bigot. People of both types seem to me to be equally arrogant: both are arrogating definitional power to themselves and thereby asserting that defining is exclusively their prerogative.
I think that almost all white people engage in the activity of defining membership in the group of white people in one or another of these modes, quite un-self-consciously and quite constantly. It is very hard, in individual cases, to give up this habit and await people’s deciding for themselves what group they are members of.
The tendency of members of the group called white to be generously inclusive, to count as white anybody not obviously nonwhite, seems to be of a piece with another habit of members of that group, namely, the habit of false universalization. As feminists we are very familiar with the male version of this: the men write and speak and presumably, therefore, also think, as though whatever is true of them is true of everybody. White people also speak in universals. A great deal of what has been written by white feminists is limited by this sort of false universalization. Much of what we have said is accurate only if taken to be about white women and white men within white culture (middle-class white women and white men, in fact). For the most part, it never occurred to us to modify our nouns accordingly; to our minds the people we were writing about were people. We don’t think of ourselves as white.
It is an important breakthrough for a member of a dominant group to come to know s/he is a member of a group, to know that what s/he is is only a part of humanity. It was breathtaking to discover that in the culture I was born and reared in, the word `woman’ means white woman, just as we discovered before that the word ‘man’ means male man. This sudden expansion of the scope of one’s perception can produce a cold rush of awareness of the arbitrariness of the definitions, the brittleness of these boundaries. Escape becomes thinkable.
The group to which I belong, presumably by virtue of my pigmentation, is not ordained in Nature to be socially and politically recognized as a group, but is so ordained only by its own members through their own self-serving and politically motivated hoarding of definitional power. What this can mean to white people is that we are not white by nature but by political classification, and hence it is in principle possible to disaffiliate. If being white is not finally a matter of skin color, which is beyond our power to change, but of politics and power, then perhaps white individuals in a white supremacist society are not doomed to dominance by logic or nature.
III
Some of my experience has made me feel trapped and set up so that my actions are caught in a web that connects them inexorably to sources in white privilege and to consequences oppressive to people of color (especially to women of color). Clearly, if one wants to extricate oneself from such a fate or (if the feeling was deceptive) from such a feeling of fatedness, the first rule for the procedure can only be: educate oneself.
One can, and should, educate oneself and overcome the terrible limitations imposed by the abysmal ignorance inherent in racism. There are traps, of course. For instance, one may slip into a frame of mind which distances those one is learning about as “objects of study.” While one is educating oneself about the experiences and perspectives of the peoples one is ignorant about, and in part as a corrective to the errors of one’s ways, one should also be studying one’s own ignorance. Ignorance is not something simple: it is not a simple lack, absence or emptiness, and it is not a passive state. Ignorance of this sort–the determined ignorance most white Americans have of American Indian tribes and clans, the ostrichlike ignorance most white Americans have of the histories of Asian peoples in this country, the impoverishing ignorance most white Americans have of Black language–ignorance of these sorts is a complex result of many acts and many negligences. To begin to appreciate this one need only hear the active verb to ‘ignore’ in the word ‘ignorance’. Our ignorance is perpetuated for us in many ways and we have many ways of perpetuating it for ourselves.
I was at a poetry reading by the Black lesbian feminist, Audre Lorde. In her poems she invoked African goddesses, naming several of them. After the reading a white woman rose to speak. She said first that she was very ignorant of African religious and cultural history, and then she asked the poet to spell the names of these goddesses and to tell her where she might look for their stories. The poet replied by telling her that there is a bibliography in the back of the book from which she was reading which would provide the relevant information. The white woman did not thank the poet and sit down. The white woman (who I know is literate) said, “I see, but will you spell their names for me?” What I saw was a white woman committed to her ignorance and being stubborn in its defense. She would convince herself that she cannot use this bibliography if the Black woman will not spell the names for her. She will say she tried to repair her ignorance but the poet would not cooperate. The poet. The Black woman poet who troubled herself to include a bibliography in her book of poems. ****
In Ralph Ellison’s The Invisible Man3 (a book of considerable value to feminists), one can see the structures of white ignorance from the side of the ignored. Nothing the protagonist can do makes him visible. He wants nothing so badly as to be seen and heard. But he is frustrated by an opaque and dense veil made up of lies the white men tell each other about Black men. He is ignored nearly to death.
There is an enlightening account of some structures of white ignorance also in a story called “Meditations on History,” by Sherley Ann Williams.4 In the story, a man who is writing a book about how to manage slaves is visiting a place where a slave woman is being held until her baby is born so that, when they hang her for running away and killing a white man, her owner will at least have the baby to make up for his loss. The writer is interviewing the woman to find out why she killed the slave trader, and why and how the slaves got loose. (His ignorance is, of course, already showing, along with some of the structures which both motivate and support it.) He is irritated by her humming and singing, but it never occurs to him that it means anything. By way of her songs, the woman is able to conspire with the other slaves around the place; she tells them that her friends will come to rescue her and notifies them when the time is at hand; they cooperate with her, and she escapes. The hapless interviewer is totally baffled by her escape. His presumptions have closed out knowledge; his ignorance has been self-constructed. His ignorance has also been both encouraged and used by the slave woman, who has deliberately and reasonably played on it by pretending to be stupid, robotic and disoriented. It was certainly not in her interest to disabuse him of his assumptions that her singing was mindless and that she was too mindless to be plotting an escape. Ignorance works like this, creating the conditions which ensure its continuance.
White women can dip into our own experience as women for knowledge of the ways in which ignorance is complex and willful, for we know from our interactions with white men (and not necessarily only with men who are white) the “absence” imposed on us by our not being taken seriously, and we sense its motivation and know it is not simply accidental oversight.
If one wonders at the mechanisms of ignorance, at how a person can be right there and see and hear, and yet not know, one of the answers lies with the matter of attention. The man in Williams’ story constantly daydreams about what a great success his book is going to be; he has compelling fantasies of his own fame and recognition–recognition by white men, of course. He is much more intent upon the matter of whom he will please and impress than he is upon the matter at hand. Members of dominant groups are habitually busy with impressing each other and care more for that than for actually knowing what is going on. And again, white women can learn from our own experience a propos (most often, white) men. We do much of what we do with a great anxiety for how we will be received by men–by mentors, friends, husbands, lovers, editors, members of our disciplines, professions or political groups, tenure-review committees, fathers. With our attention focused on these men, or our imaginings of them, we cannot pay attention to the matter at hand and will wind up ignorant of things which were perfectly apparent. Thus, without any specific effort these men can turn white women to the work of falsification even as we try to educate ourselves. Since white women are almost white men, being white, at least, and sometimes more-or-less honorary men, we can cling to a hope of true membership in the dominant and powerful group, and if our focus is thus locked on them by this futile hope, we can be stuck in our ignorance and theirs all our lives. (Some men of color fall into the parallel trap of hoping for membership in the dominant and powerful group, this time because of their sex. With their attention focused on power and money, they cannot see women, of their race or any other.) Attention has everything to do with knowledge.
IV
White women’s attachments to white men have a great deal to do with our race privilege, with our racism and with our inabilities to understand these. Race and racism also have a great deal to do with white women’s attachment to white men. We need to look at these connections more closely. Within the span of a few days, a little while back, I encountered three things that came together like pieces of a simple puzzle:
I heard a report on the radio about the “new” Klan. It included a recording of a man making a speech to the effect that the white race is threatened with extinction. He explicitly compared the white race to the species of animals that are classed as “endangered” and protected by laws. He also noted with concern the fact that ten years ago the population of Canada was 98 percent white and it is now only 87 percent white.# 2. In a report in the feminist newspaper Big Mama Rag, it was pointed out that “they” are making it virtually impossible for white women to get abortions while forcing sterilization of women of color both in the United States and around the world. In the feminist magazine Conditions, No. 7, there was a conversation among several Black and Jewish lesbians. Among other things, they discussed the matter of the pressure on them to have Black or Jewish babies, to contribute to the survival of their races, which are threatened with extinction. ##
I think on all this. For hundreds of years and for a variety of reasons, mostly economic, white men of European stock have been out, world-wide, conquering, colonizing and enslaving people they classify as dark, earning the latter’s hatred and rage in megadeath magnitudes. For hundreds of years, those same white men have known they were a minority in the population of the world, and more recently many of them, have believed in the doctrine that darkness is genetically dominant. White men have their reasons to be afraid of racial extinction.###
I begin to think that this fear is one of the crucial sources of white racism even among the nonrabid who do not actively participate in Klan Kulture. This suggests a reading of the dominant culture’s immense pressure on “women” to be mothers. The dominant culture is white, and its pressure is on white women to have white babies. The magazine images of the glories of motherhood do not show white mothers with little brown babies. Feminists have commonly recognized that the pressures of compulsory motherhood on women of color is not just pressure to keep women down, but pressure to keep the populations of their races up; we have not so commonly thought that the pressures of compulsory motherhood on white women are not just pressures to keep women down, but pressure to keep the white population up.
This aspect of compulsory motherhood for white women–white men’s anxiety for the survival of their race####–has not been explicit or articulate in the lifetimes and lives of white women in my circles, and the pressure to make babies has been moderated by the pressure for “family planning” (which I interpret as a project of quality control). But what is common and overt in primarily white circles where the racism runs deep and mostly silent is another curious phenomenon.
In the all white or mostly white environments I have usually lived and worked in, when the women start talking up feminism and lesbian feminism, we are very commonly challenged with the claim that if we had our way, the species would die out. (The assumption our critics make here is that if women had a choice, we would never have intercourse and never bear children. This reveals a lot about the critics’ own assessment of the joys of sex, pregnancy, birthing and motherhood.) They say the species would die out. What I suspect is that the critics confuse the white race with the human species, just as men have confused males with the human species. What the critics are saying, once it is decoded, is that the white race might die out. The demand that white women make white babies to keep the race afloat has not been overt, but I think it is being made over and over again in disguised form as a preachment within an all-white context about our duty to keep the species afloat.
Many white women, certainly many white feminists in the milieux I am familiar with, have not consciously thought that white men may be fearing racial extinction and, at the least, wanting our services to maintain their numbers. Perhaps here in middle America, most white women are so secure in white dominance that such insecure thoughts as whether there are enough white people around do not occur. But also, because we white women have been able to think of ourselves as looking just at women and men when we really were looking at white women and white men, we have generally interpreted our connections with these men solely in terms of gender, sexism and male dominance. We have to figure their desire for racial dominance into the equations.
Simply as females, as mere women in this world, we who are female and white stand to be poor, ill-educated, preyed upon and despised. But because we are both female and white, we belong to that group of women from which the men of the racially dominant group choose their mates. Because of that we are given some access to the benefits they have as members of the racially dominant male group–access to material and educational benefits and the specious benefits of enjoying secondhand feelings of superiority and supremacy. We also have the specious benefit of a certain hope (a false hope, as it turns out) which women of subordinated races do not have, namely the hope of becoming actually dominant with the white men, as their “equals.” This last pseudo-benefit binds us most closely to them in racial solidarity. A liberal white feminism would seek “equality”; we can hardly expect to be heard as saying we want social and economic status equal to that of, say, Chicanos. If what we want is equality with our white brothers, then what we want is, among other things, our own firsthand participation in racial dominance rather than the secondhand ersatz dominance we get as the dominant group’s women. No wonder such feminism has no credibility with women of color.
Race is a tie that binds us to men: “us” being white women, and “men” being white men. If we wish not to be bound in subordination to men, we have to give up trading on our white skin for white men’s race privilege. And on the other hand, if we detach ourselves from reproductive service to white men (in the many senses and dimensions of “reproduction”), the threat we pose is not just to their male selves but to their white selves. White men’s domination and control of’ white women is essential to their project of maintaining their racial dominance. This is probably part of the explanation of why the backlash against feminism overlaps in time and personnel with renewed intensity and overtness of white racism in this country. When their control of “their” women is threatened, their confidence in their racial dominance is threatened.
It is perfectly clear that this did not occur to many of us in advance, but for white women a radical feminism is treacherous to the white race as presently constructed and instituted in this country. The growing willingness of white women to forego the material benefits and ego supports available through connections with white men makes us much harder to contain and control as part of the base of their racial dominance. For many of us, resistance to white male domination was first, and quite naturally, action simply for our own release from a degradation and tyranny we hated in and of itself. But in this racial context, our pursuit of our liberation (I do not say “of equality”) is, whether or not we so intend it, disloyal to Whiteness.
I recommend that we make this disloyalty an explicit part of our politics and embrace it, publicly. This can help us to steer clear of a superficial politics of just wanting what our white brothers have, and help us develop toward a genuine disaffiliation from that Whiteness that has, finally, so little to do with skin color and so much to do with racism.
V
In a certain way it is true that being white-skinned means that everything I do will be wrong–at the least an exercise of unwarranted privilege–and I will encounter the reasonable anger of women of color at every turn. But ‘white’ also designates a political category, a sort of political fraternity. Membership in it is not in the same sense “fated” or “natural.” It can be resisted.
There is a correct line on the matter of white racism which is, in fact, quite correct, to the effect that as a white person one must never claim not to be racist, but only to be anti-racist. The reasoning is that racism is so systematic and white privilege so impossible to escape, that one is, simply, trapped. On one level this is perfectly true and must always be taken into account. Taken as the whole and final truth, it is also unbearably and dangerously dismal. It would place us in the hopeless moral position of one who believes in original sin but in no mechanism of redemption. But white supremacy is not a law of nature, nor is any individual’s complicity in it.
Feminists make use of a distinction between being male and being “a man,” or masculine. I have enjoined males of my acquaintance to set themselves against masculinity. I have asked them to think about how they can stop being men, and I was not recommending a sex-change operation. I do not know how they can stop being men, but I think it is thinkable, and it is a counsel of hope. Likewise I can set myself against Whiteness: I can give myself the injunction to stop being White.
I do not suggest for a moment that I can disaffiliate by a private act of will, or by any personal strategy. Nor, certainly, is it accomplished simply by thinking it possible. To think it thinkable shortcuts no work and shields one from no responsibility. Quite the contrary, it may be a necessary prerequisite to assuming responsibility, and it invites the honorable work of radical imagination.
Footnotes
* This is a slightly revised version of the text of a talk I delivered to general audience at Cornell University, sponsored by the Women’s Studies Program, the Philosophy Department and the James H. Becker Alumni Lecture Series, October 29, 1981. In the revision process I profited from the comments and criticisms of Nancy K. Bereano, Michele Nevels, Carolyn Shafer, Sandra Siegel, Sharon Keller and Dorothy Yoshimuri This piece, more than any other in the collection, directly reflects and is limited by my own location, both culturally and in a process of change. The last thing I would want is that it be read either as my last, or as a complete, account of what whiteness is and of what that means to a white feminist. I do not for a moment take it or intend it to be either.
** As Ran Hall pointed out: “the definition of ‘whitewash’–a concealing or glossing over of flaws–does not imply improving or correcting an object or situation but the covering of reality with a cheap, inferior disguise (whiteness).” See “dear martha,” in Common Lives Lesbian Lives: A Lesbian Quarterly, No. 6., Winter, 1982, p. 40.
*** I have not generally included Jews in my lists of examples of “racial” groups because when I did, Jewish critics of this material said that the ways in which anti-Semitism and other sorts of racism are similar and different make such simple inclusion misleading. I include Jews among my examples right here because with respect specifically to these questions of being allowed or not allowed to “pass” (whether one wants to or not), anti-Semitism and other kinds of racism are similar. Although many Jews are politically white in many ways in this country, when they “pass” as non-Jewish, what they may get is the treatment and reception accorded to ordinary “white” Americans. Paradoxically, though Jewish is not equivalent to nonwhite, passing still seems to be passing as white. My thanks to Nancy Bereano for useful discussion of these matters.
**** I do not mean to suggest she provided the bibliography specifically or primarily for the education of white women; but it is reasonable to assume she thought it would be useful to whatever white woman might happen along with suitable curiosity.
# This report went by quickly and I had no way to take notes, so I cannot vouch either for his statistics or for the absolute accuracy of my report of his statistics, but these figures do accurately reflect the genera magnitude of “the problem” and of his problem.
## Many Blacks in this country have a global perspective which reveals that though white racism here has its genocidal aspect, Blacks in America are certainly not the whole Black race. For such people, the idea that their race is threatened with extinction may not have the force it would have for those with a more “american” perspective.
### Edward Fields, a principal ideologue and propagandist for the Klan, was asked if homosexuals are a threat to the white race. He replied that they are, and went on to say: “Our birthrate is extremely low. We are below population zero, below 2.5 children per family. The white race is going down fast, we are only 12% of the world population. In 1990, we’ll be only 10% of the population worldwide. We’ll be an extinct species if homosexuality continues to grow, interracial marriage continues to take people out of the white race, if our birthrate continues to fall.” (quoted in “Into the Fires of Hatred: A Portrait of Klan Leader Edward Fields” by Lee David Hoshall with Nancy A. F. Langer, in Gay Community News November 6, 1982, p. 5.)
#### Male chauvinism makes the men think of themselves as the white race. In this context it is appropriate to call it their race, not “our” race.
Endnotes
Persephone Press, Watertown, Massachusetts, 1980. Cf., “The Problem That Has No Name,” in this collection, for discussion of the speciousness and of the effectiveness of such power. Random House, New York, 1952. In Midnight Birds, Stories of Contemporary Black Women Writers, edited by Mary Helen Washington (Anchor Doubleday, New York, 1980).
Feminist Reprise thanks KY for her assistance in readying this article for the site. |
(ANTIMEDIA) — With numerous distractions unfolding on the newly released reality TV show that is “Keeping Up with the Trump Administration,” it may surprise readers to learn that the U.S. is using the terror group ISIS as a pawn in its depraved foreign policy.
Video footage obtained by Al-Masdar appears to show convoys of ISIS fighters fleeing the Syrian city of Raqqa untouched by the U.S. military, which is currently bombing that exact location. As Al-Masdar notes, despite having Kurdish and American drones hovering around the city of Raqqa, U.S. bombs are nowhere to be seen as hundreds of fighters pass safely. The release of this footage comes on the heels of accusations from both Russia and Iran that the U.S. is colluding with ISIS to allow the group’s safe passage into areas controlled by the Syrian government.
Iran claims to have direct proof but thus far has not released it. Even if Russia and Iran don’t have any secret documents that directly expose this collusion, the fact remains that we don’t necessarily need them.
After all, this is exactly how ISIS grew exponentially in Syria in the first instance – as a direct result of U.S. foreign policy strategy. In 2012, a classified Defense Intelligence Agency report predicted the rise of ISIS, something actively encouraged by the U.S. establishment. The report stated:
“If the situation unravels, there is the possibility of establishing a declared or undeclared Salafist principality in eastern Syria… and this is exactly what the supporting powers to the opposition want, in order to isolate the Syrian regime.”
Further, leaked audio of former Secretary of State John Kerry shows he knew ISIS was gaining momentum in Syria, and that in turn, the U.S. hoped this would bring Syrian President Bashar al-Assad to the negotiating table.
In recent times, the safe passage of ISIS fighters to areas under the control of the Syrian government has been an unspoken but official strategy and has been the reality on the ground in Iraq and Syria.
Late last year, Anti-Media reported on an anonymous military-diplomatic official’s claims that the United States was allowing safe passage to Syria for ISIS fighters exiting Mosul, Iraq – even though the U.S. was supposedly waging an offensive to defeat ISIS in the area. As we noted, acknowledging the admittedly undesirable, questionable nature of the anonymous source:
“An anonymous source claiming to a Russian newspaper something as conspiratorial as the U.S. directly aiding ISIS militants may seem a bit dubious, but since the offensive was launched on Monday of this week, this has been the reality on the ground.
“According to Army Lieutenant General Talib Shaghati, as reported by anti-Russian newspaper, the Guardian, ISIS militants are already fleeing Mosul to Syria. This was further confirmed by the Saudi foreign minister, Adel al-Jubeir, who said that if ISIS were forced out of Mosul, they would likely go on to Syria.”
Not long after, ISIS launched an offensive into a very strategic area in Syria called Deir ez-Zor, battling through Syrian government defenses. The most horrifying part of this offensive was the fact that, as noted by the Guardian, the ISIS fighters who successfully broke through government defense lines in Syria were “primarily reinforcements coming over the border from Iraq’s Anbar province.”
Deir ez-Zor is not outside the U.S. military’s strike range capacity. This is the same city that was attacked by the American-led coalition in September of last year – an attack that targeted Syrian troops for over an hour, paving the way for a timely ISIS offensive. Yet when it comes to hundreds of reinforcements raging through the Iraqi border into Syria, the U.S. military is on a brief vacation.
We were told Raqqa was to be ISIS’ last stronghold in Syria, but this is clearly not true. In order for the U.S. to ultimately put pressure on the Syrian government, the real prize is not Raqqa but a combination of two very strategic locations that are very heavily interlinked.
As explained by Gulf News:
“There, a complex confrontation is unfolding, with far more geopolitical import and risk. Daesh [ISIS] is expected to make its last stand not in Raqqa but in an area that encompasses the borders with Iraq and Jordan and much of Syria’s modest oil reserves, making it important in stabilising Syria and influencing its neighbouring countries.
“Whoever lays claim to the sparsely populated area in this 21st-century version of the Great Game not only will take credit for seizing what is likely to be Daesh’s last patch of a territorial caliphate in Syria, but also will play an important role in determining Syria’s future and the post-war dynamics of the region.”
And this is ultimately the problem for the U.S.-led coalition of anti-Assad (and anti-Iranian) nations. The behind-closed-doors official rationale for targeting Syria’s government for regime change was to undermine Iranian influence in the region, according to Hillary Clinton’s email archive. Countries such as Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Egypt, and the other Gulf States have long feared that a fully dominated Shia-led bloc of Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon could completely overthrow the regional balance of power. They have opposed such a development at all costs.
As Gulf News explains, the Iranians are in the process of fully implementing this Shia bridge, known as the “Shia Crescent”:
“The contested area also includes desert regions farther south with several border crossings, among them the critical highway connecting Damascus and Baghdad — coveted by Iran as a land route to Lebanon and its ally, the Hezbollah militia.”
This is why the U.S. military has set up a training base at the Aal-Tanf border crossing. If the Syrian government were to retake the area and open it up under its control, they would be able to directly link Iran to Syria and the rest of its allies, including Iraq and Lebanon.
This is also why the U.S. military has been engaging in illegal acts of aggression against Iranian-backed militias operating in the area — to defend this position.
Further, the Syrian government’s outpost in Deir ez-Zor is isolated, hence why these two offensives are running in tandem. They both rely on the liberation of the other to have any real value to the Syrian government and its Russian and Iranian allies.
As fascinating as the Comey testimony spectacle has been (don’t forget to tune in for tomorrow’s scandal of anonymous leaks and misspelled tweets), the real scandal lies in the fact that the U.S. is now openly siding with ISIS while allowing the terrorists safe passage into parts of Syria so that these extremists can battle a secular government. The U.S. is moments away from an all-out confrontation with Iran (and Russia, a nuclear power).
Don’t expect the corporate media to report on these damning facts anytime soon, as the public continues to sleepwalk into a global powder keg of deceit, death, and destruction.
Creative Commons / Anti-Media / Report a typo |
WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Ten months after the botched rollout of HealthCare.gov, Obamacare’s federal health insurance exchange is still dogged by cost overruns and technology delays that could hamper enrollment when it resumes in November, a U.S. watchdog said.
The total cost of HealthCare.gov and its supporting systems hit $840 million in March, according to a forthcoming report by the nonpartisan Government Accountability Office (GAO). Excerpts of the report were released on Wednesday by a U.S. House of Representatives oversight committee.
Part of the cost stems from the federal government’s work with Accenture Plc, the lead contractor for the HealthCare.gov website. The value of that contract soared more than 92 percent in less than six months, from $91 million in January to more than $175 million by early June, a GAO investigation found.
The GAO report blamed cost increases on lax oversight, the complexity of the system and the need to rework technology. Multiple failures caused HealthCare.gov to crash during its Oct. 1 debut, hampering early enrollment for benefits under President Barack Obama’s healthcare law and prompting a congressional investigation.
The administration spent weeks repairing the site, helping more than 5 million people use it to sign up for coverage in 2014. It has since changed many of the contractors that worked on the initial website.
The overall cost of developing the federal marketplace, which helps consumers in 36 states sign up for subsidized private health insurance, nearly quadrupled to $209 million by last February from $56 million in September 2011, GAO said. The cost of developing a related federal data hub jumped from $30 million to $85 million.
Meanwhile, large segments of the marketplace system still remain unbuilt, including a financial management system to automate payments of federal subsidies to health insurers that is due to be completed in December.
A senior official with the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, part of the Department of Health and Human Services and the government’s lead agency on Obamacare implementation, said it has taken steps to tighten contractor oversight. But the GAO said inconsistent oversight had led CMS officials to inappropriately authorize more than $30 million in contractor spending.
The GAO report is not due to be released until early Thursday, ahead of a House Energy and Commerce subcommittee hearing on implementation of Obama’s Affordable Care Act. GAO acquisition and sourcing management director William Woods is scheduled to testify.
Enrollment for 2015 health coverage is scheduled to open on Nov. 15.
“Unless CMS improves contract management and adheres to a structured governance process, significant risks remain that upcoming open enrollment periods could encounter challenges,” Woods said in written testimony.
Despite concerns about the performance of HealthCare.gov’s former lead contractor, CGI Federal, CMS was able to withhold only about 2 percent of the contractor’s fees paid. That was partly because CGI Federal’s contract allowed for payment even when work was not completed. |
The illustrious motor vehicle manufacturer reveals in a press release that it plans to concentrate its efforts to develop land-based control centres and the use of artificial intelligence in autonomous and remote-controlled shipping in the roughly 175,000-resident city in South-west Finland.
Rolls-Royce on Wednesday announced that it will establish a research and development centre focusing on autonomous and remote-controlled shipping in Turku, Finland.
Finland was selected as the location for the research centre primarily due to its robust maritime cluster and expertise in information and communication technology, Sauli Eloranta, the senior vice president of technology management and innovation at Rolls-Royce Marine, told Kauppalehti. Another key factor was a significant research funding granted by the Finnish Funding Agency for Innovation (Tekes) on 8 March, 2017, according to the press release.
Rolls-Royce also announced that it plans to invest some 230 million euros worldwide in the development of intelligent shipping technology. A substantial share of the investment will be made in Finland, Eloranta revealed to Helsingin Sanomat.
The announcement was met with joy both in Turku and Helsinki.
Anne Berner (Centre), the Minister of Transport and Communications, states in a press release that the research and development centre will consolidate the country’s position as a developer and user of autonomous transport solutions and as one of the world’s leading modern maritime technology manufacturers.
Aleksi Randell, the Mayor of Turku, estimated similarly that the decision is testament to the expertise in Finland.
“This is excellent news. For a global technology company such as Rolls-Royce to locate a research and development centre in Turku is a victory for us and all of Finland – and first and foremost yet another accolade for the world-class expertise in Finland,” he says in a press release.
Rolls-Royce's decision to establish its facility in Turku adds a sense of urgency to the plans to improve the availability of higher education programmes in engineering in the region, according to the press release. The Technology Industries of Finland has estimated that the demand for highly-educated professionals in the region will almost double in 2017–2021, to an estimated 850 per annum.
Aleksi Teivainen – HT
Image: Rolls-Royce
Source: Uusi Suomi |
Headline:
"One child is holding something
that's been banned in America
to protect them.
Guess which one."
The ad is by a group called Moms Demand Action for Gun Sense in America.
The explanation, via babble:
"The Charles Perrault version of Little Red Riding Hood, the one that was banned by two California school districts, was controversial not because both the grandma and the little girl are eaten by the wolf by the end of the story, but because — as the Christian Science Monitor notes, "one of the refreshments for her grandmother that Little Red Riding Hood carried in her basket was wine."
Second Amendment defenders will cry foul over the the image of a grade school-age girl holding what appears to be a Bushmaster XM-15, the same weapon used by Adam Lanza to shoot and kill 26 Connecticut school children.
What do you think?
Ad agency: Grey, Canada.
Related: Here's the accompanying TV spot which also dramatically features an AR-15 rifle.
Correction: Lanza killed 20 children and six adults, including his mother, with a Bushmaster XM-15. |
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A new study has shown a link between low intelligence and people who fall for "pseudo-profound" quotes.
Researchers from the University of Waterloo in Ontario, Canada, found that people who are impressed by intellectual-sounding "bullsh**" are likely to be less reflective with lower verbal intelligence. They are also more likely to believe in conspiracy theories and the paranormal.
The Daily Telegraph suggests this might include people share "profound" quotes on social media or use "meaningless, intelligent-sounding soundbites in arguments".
In the study, researchers presented participants with "buzzwords randomly organised into statements with syntactic structure but no discernible meaning", such as "Wholeness quiets infinite phenomena" or "Hidden meaning transforms unparalleled abstract beauty".
They were then asked to rate the profundity of each sentence and differentiate between philosophy quotes, mundane sentences and "bullsh**".
Most recognised the mundane sentences but were less able to distinguish the philosophical quotes from the vacuous statements.
The study found that those more receptive to the "bullsh**" statements were "less reflective, lower in cognitive ability (ie verbal and fluid intelligence, numeracy)", more prone to "ontological confusions and conspiratorial ideation", more likely to hold religious and paranormal beliefs, and more likely to endorse complementary and alternative medicine.
It points to the words of social and cognitive scientist Dan Sperber, who said: "All too often, what readers do is judge profound what they have failed to grasp. Obscurity inspires awe."
The study, entitled 'On the reception and detection of pseudo-profound bulls***', was published in the journal of the Society for Judgment and Decision Making (SJDM) and the European Association for Decision Making (EADM). |
Despite doomsday warnings from the White House and lawmakers on both sides that hundreds of thousands would lose their jobs as a result of the sequester, it turns out the budget cuts have only led to one job being lost among 23 federal agencies.
Now Sen. Tom Coburn, R-Okla., is demanding answers as to why the Obama administration repeatedly warned taxpayers that the $85.3 billion in spending cuts, which went into effect in March 2013, would threaten hundreds of thousands of jobs. The findings were revealed in a government watchdog report.
“Taxpayers expect us to root our predictions in fact, not ideology and spin,” Coburn said Wednesday in a letter to Office of Management and Budget Director Sylvia Matthews Burwell.
In response, OMB spokesman Steve Posner said in a statement to FoxNews.com there is "no question" the sequestration has had an negative impact on Americans, pointing out the report also states that employees had their hours reduced and agencies were forced to curtail hiring as a result of the cuts, among other examples.
The March report by the Government Accountability Office describes how 23 agencies and departments -- which appear to span most of the federal government -- complied with the cuts. Only one, the Department of Justice, decided to lay off a single employee in fiscal year 2013.
A spokeswoman for the GAO told FoxNews.com the DOJ reported that the laid-off worker was from the the U.S. Parole Commission, but they had no other information about the employee. Virtually every other arm of the government turned to tactics like cutting overtime, reducing employee travel and putting workers on furlough to avoid actual firings.
The report is a stark contrast from the dire predictions from the Obama administration and Democratic leadership, who blamed Republicans for the cuts.
In a memo released before the sequester cuts went into effect, the White House claimed they “threaten hundreds of thousands of middle class jobs.” In a speech at the White House that February, President Obama repeated those claims.
"These cuts are not smart, they are not fair, they will hurt our economy, they will add hundreds of thousands of Americans to the unemployment rolls," he said. "This is not an abstraction. People will lose their jobs."
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid upped the doomsday rhetoric in July, according to the Washington Post, saying on the Senate floor over a million jobs were already lost.
“We have learned that the sequestration already has cut 1.6 million jobs. So we need job creation. We need to help the middle class by creating jobs,” he said.
Republicans also warned about the potential job-killing effect of the cuts, with House Speaker John Boehner claiming in a February 2013 Wall Street Journal op-ed “thousands of jobs” would be threatened.
Coburn said he wants Burwell, who has been nominated to lead the health department, to explain why the predictions were so drastically wrong.
“While that’s good news for federal employees and other workers, it is devastating to the credibility of Washington politicians and administration officials who spent months – and millions of dollars – engaging in a coordinated multi-agency cabinet-level public relations campaign to scare the American people,” he said.
Coburn noted two frequently cited government estimates by Goldman Sachs and the Congressional Budget Office, which predicted a loss of anywhere from 99,999 and 1,599,999 jobs, seem to have been way off base.
Posner said that many figures in the GAO report make clear that "sequestration had significant negative effects on services for the public as well as agency operations and federal workers." He said in the future, it may get even worse.
"GAO itself notes that many of the flexibilities used to mitigate the effects of sequestration in 2013 may not be available in future years, suggesting that the impacts would be even worse if sequestration is allowed to occur in future years," he said. |
Mr. Friedman and Ms. Epstein have been civilly divorced since April and share custody of their daughter, but they are still married according to Jewish law. And without a get neither he nor Ms. Epstein can remarry within the faith. She is considered an agunah, or chained woman.
Although the majority of men in Jewish divorces grant their wives a get with little fuss, the husbands who refuse — it is estimated there are several hundred agunot in the United States today — can provoke a clash between religious folkways and secular divorce law.
Usually these conflicts are resolved quietly, within the religious community. But Ms. Epstein’s frustrated supporters took to the streets.
Like most marriages that end badly, this one began hopefully. On April 23, 2006, Aharon Friedman of Brooklyn married Tamar Epstein, seven years his junior, of suburban Philadelphia . The next year, they had a daughter.
According to court records and interviews with Ms. Epstein, her lawyer and Mr. Friedman, who refused to be quoted publicly, Ms. Epstein said in March 2008 that she wanted a divorce. Her husband said he hoped to reconcile but the next month, she moved with their daughter to her parents’ home in suburban Philadelphia.
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Both parties wanted their divorce resolved by a beit din, a Jewish court. But both also availed themselves of civil court: Mr. Friedman to get an emergency order to have his daughter returned to Maryland (it was denied), and Ms. Epstein, thereafter, in a countersuit for divorce. Both have since filed numerous other civil motions in a messy case.
An Orthodox rabbinic court in Baltimore still had not ruled when a Maryland civil court heard the case, in June 2009. It issued its custody order two months later, and in April 2010, the divorce became final.
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All parties have said that Mr. Friedman is angry about the custody order, which grants him three weekends a month with his daughter, two of them in Philadelphia, beginning at 6 p.m. on Fridays. As a religious Jew, Mr. Friedman will not drive from sundown Friday to sundown Saturday — so he cannot see his daughter until Sunday.
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The custody order is “a joke,” said Yisroel Belsky, a prominent Brooklyn rabbi. “The court decided in a bullheaded way not to respect the Shabbos,” or Sabbath, he said in a interview.
And the Rabbinical Council of Greater Washington issued a statement saying that the parties had not yet exhausted the rabbinical courts, suggesting it was premature to blame Mr. Friedman for withholding the get.
But other rabbis have argued that it is Jewish custom to give a get once divorce terms have been settled, and with no possibility of reconciliation.
“Even if one party acts wrongly to the other, it is never correct either for the husband to withhold a get or for the wife to refuse a get when a marriage is clearly over,” writes Rabbi Jonathan Reiss, who is not involved in this dispute.
Ms. Epstein eventually sought help from the Organization for the Resolution of Agunot, or ORA, an Orthodox group in New York. The group organized the Dec. 19 rally outside Mr. Friedman’s apartment. After videos were posted on the Internet, Washington Jewish Week ran an editorial with the headline “Unchain This Woman.”
Ms. Epstein, still living with her parents and working as a nurse, said: “It’s been over two and a half years since we separated, all I want is to be able to move on and rebuild my life for my sake and my daughter’s sake. And I’ve been held hostage.”
On Dec. 20, Rabbi Shmuel Herzfeld of Washington, who supports Ms. Epstein, wrote to Jon Traub, the Republican staff director of the Ways and Means Committee, accusing Mr. Friedman of “psychological terrorism.” Rabbi Herzfeld urged Mr. Traub to “tell Aharon to give the get immediately,” and warned that “it is appropriate to also rally in the vicinity of Aharon’s work place.”
Rabbi Herzfeld said Mr. Traub told him, in a phone call, that this was not a matter for the Ways and Means Committee.
But for Ms. Epstein’s supporters, this is a matter for everyone. |
If you’re a regular reader of this blog and its comments section, you’re probably more than a little worried about two bits of climate science in particular:
Our understanding of past climates (paleoclimate) and 5-6 C long term climate sensitivity.
And if you’re a frequent returner, you’ve probably figured out by now that the two go hand in glove.
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Looking back to a period of time called the Pliocene climate epoch of 2.6 to 5.3 million years ago, we find that atmospheric carbon dioxide levels were somewhat lower than they are at present — ranging from 390 to 400 parts per million. We also find that global temperatures were between 2 to 3 degrees Celsius warmer than 1880s ranges, that glaciers in Antarctica and Greenland were significantly reduced, and that sea levels were about 25 meters (82 feet) higher than they are today.
(The Totten Glacier is one of many Antarctic land ice systems that are under threat of melt due to human-forced warming. A new paleoclimate study has recently found that levels of atmospheric greenhouse gasses that are below those presently in our atmosphere caused substantial Antarctic melt 4.23 million years ago. Image source: antarctica.gov.)
Given that atmospheric CO2 levels during 2017 will average around 407 parts per million, given that these levels are above those when sea levels were considerably higher than today, and given that these levels of heat trapping gasses are rapidly rising due to continued fossil fuel burning, both the present level of greenhouse gasses in the Earth’s atmosphere and our understanding of past climates should give us substantial cause for concern.
This past week, even more fuel was thrown onto the fire as a paleoclimate-based model study led by Nick Golledge has found that under 400 parts per million CO2 heat forcing during the Pliocene, substantial portions of Antarctica melted over a rather brief period of decades and centuries.
Modeled WAIS collapse in 100-300 yrs under equilibrium 400ppm CO2 #Pliocene climate. Wilkes basin collapse 1-2000yrshttps://t.co/2hlvGKBMMr pic.twitter.com/zIkaSe0AiC — Nick Golledge (@nick_golledge) July 27, 2017
Notably, the model found that the West Antarctic Ice Sheet collapsed in just 100-300 years under the steady 400 ppm CO2 forcing at 4.23 million years ago. In addition, the Wilkes Basin section of Antarctica collapsed within 1-2 thousand years under a similar heat forcing. In total, the study found that Antarctica contributed to 8.6 meters of sea level rise at the time due to the loss of these large formations of land ice.
From the study:
We conclude that the Antarctic ice sheet contributed 8.6 ± 2.8 m to global sea level at this time, under an atmospheric CO 2 concentration identical to present (400 ppm). Warmer-than-present ocean temperatures led to the collapse of West Antarctica over centuries, whereas higher air temperatures initiated surface melting in parts of East Antarctica that over one to two millennia led to lowering of the ice-sheet surface, flotation of grounded margins in some areas, and retreat of the ice sheet into the Wilkes Subglacial Basin. The results show that regional variations in climate, ice-sheet geometry, and topography produce long-term sea-level contributions that are non-linear with respect to the applied forcings, and which under certain conditions exhibit threshold behaviour associated with behavioural tipping points (emphasis added).
This study began the publication process in 2016 when year-end atmospheric CO2 averages hit around 405 parts per million. By end 2017, those averages will be in the range of 407 parts per million. Even more worrying is the fact that CO2 equivalent forcing from all the various greenhouse gasses that fossil fuel burning and related industrial activity has pumped into the atmosphere (methane, nitrogen oxides, CFCs and others) will, by end 2017 hit around 492 ppm.
As a result, though conditions in Antarctica are presently cooler than during 4.23 million years ago, the considerably higher atmospheric greenhouse gas loading implies that there’s quite a lot more warming in store for both Antarctica and the rest of the world. A warming that, even if atmospheric greenhouse gasses remain at present highly elevated levels and do not continue to rise, could bring about a substantially more significant and rapid melt than during the Pliocene.
Links:
Antarctic Climate and Ice Sheet Configuration During Early Pliocene Interglacial at 4.23 Ma
NOAA ESRL CO2 Trends
NOAA’s Greenhouse Gas Index
East Antarctic Ice Sheet More Vulnerable to Melting than We Thought
Pliocene Climate
antarctica.gov
Hat tip to Spike
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NEW YORK (CNNMoney.com) -- The value of U.S. homes grew on a monthly basis in May for the first time in nearly three years, according to 20-city index released Tuesday.
The month-over-month increase was 0.5%, according to the report from financial data company Standard & Poor's and economists Case-Shiller. It was the first increase in the monthly index since July 2006.
On an annual basis, home prices in the 20 cities fell 17.1%, but it was the second straight month that the year-over-year decline lessened.
"This could be an indication that home price declines are finally stabilizing," said David Blitzer, chairman of the index committee S&P, in a prepared statement.
While acknowledging that the report was good news, Mark Zandi, chief economist for Moody's Economy.com, downplayed the importance of a single month's statistics.
"I think it's a temporary respite," he said. "It reflects the recent decline in foreclosure sales, and prices will continue to fall over the next several months."
Robert Shiller, the Yale economist who co-founded the index and who's famous for warning that the housing boom was, in fact, a bubble, said the decrease in foreclosure sales does show up in the index statistics as a plus for home prices. That's one reason he did not want to sound too optimistic; foreclosures could take off again.
"And we could get more economic bad news, but it does look encouraging," he said.
He added that he thought that Washington's efforts have boosted the nation's spirits, an important factor for the housing market.
"The government has done a lot to support the housing market," he said. "Confidence has improved. People are talking about 'green shoots.' People are thinking it's time the recession came to an end. The stock market is up."
Cleveland gains: The improvement in the index was as broad as it was deep, with 13 metro areas showing gains, compared with eight in April. Two, New York and Tampa, Fla., showed no change.
The biggest winner was long-suffering Cleveland, where prices rose 4.1%. The city still falling the most was Las Vegas, where prices declined 2.6%.
The report added to the list of positive housing market indicators. These include rising new home sales, increased home building and increased pending sales.
Paul Bishop, the managing director of research for the National Association of Realtors, was glad to see the upturn but did not want to overemphasize the results of a single month, saying the economy is not out of the woods yet.
"Job losses could continue after the recession ends," he said. "That's where the economy intersects with consumers in the most tangible way. Until consumers have some level of confidence that the economy is improving, many will be reluctant to buy."
Washington's goal: Stabilizing the housing market has been a primary goal of Washington policy makers. Congress has tried to stimulate homebuying by creating a temporary tax credit of $8,000 for people who have not owned a home for at least three years.
The administration has also tried to tackle the foreclosure problem, creating a program to help mortgage borrowers avoid defaulting on their loan payments and losing their homes.
Zandi added that lenders are still figuring out the administration's foreclosure prevention plan, and have suspended the foreclosure process for many borrowers in default. That means fewer distressed properties, which tend to bring in lower prices, than usual.
One of the most positive things the government has done, according to Shiller, was to take control of the failing mortgage companies Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.
These were government sponsored enterprises that guaranteed a flow of mortgage lending by buying or backing mortgages in the secondary market. Without government backing up these companies, mortgage lending would have dried up, which would have devastated home sales.
Lower prices: Prices have also fallen so far in so many places that it's drawing people back into the market.
In Las Vegas, prices are off about 53% from their peak, set in August 2006. Phoenix prices are down 54%.
Overall, the 20-city index is down more than 32% from its high.
Interest rates were very low in May, which also could have helped the housing market. The rate for a 30-year mortgage was well below 5% during the month, which encouraged buyers and drove up demand.
Zandi is hopeful that the market is stabilizing. "It feels like the cycle is winding down," he said. "I think it depends on how well the mortgage modification plan will work and I'm guessing it will work reasonably well."
One possible scenario, according to Shiller, is that home price declines end and then nothing happens for several years, the "L-shaped" recovery.
"Then, we can stop talking about home prices and get onto more interesting topics," he said. |
The past week all we’ve talked about is Sam Raimi writing Evil Dead 4, but now we’re shifting gears back to the rebooted franchise.
While the TriStar and FilmDistrict remake doesn’t hit theaters until April 5, director Fede Alvarez revealed to a sold out SXSW crowd that he’s already begun writing a sequel to his Evil Dead, starring Jane Levy, Shiloh Fernandez, Lou Taylor Pucci, Elizabeth Blackmore and Jessica Lucas.
The film just World Premiered at the film festival in Austin, Texas, as we’ve been retweeting all of the reactions as they come in. Negative reactions? Don’t see any, yet.
So, with Fede penning an Evil Dead sequel, and Raimi working on Evil Dead 4 with his brother Ivan, could these worlds end up colliding? That thought just blew my mind. |
School district official charged with torching truck on San Antonio highway resigns
Emilio Flores, 22, faces a charge of arson, according to an arrest warrant affidavit. Emilio Flores, 22, faces a charge of arson, according to an arrest warrant affidavit. Photo: Bexar County Sheriff's Office Photo: Bexar County Sheriff's Office Image 1 of / 39 Caption Close School district official charged with torching truck on San Antonio highway resigns 1 / 39 Back to Gallery
SAN ANTONIO — A member of the Natalia Independent School District’s Board of Trustees resigned Thursday following an arrest for allegedly torching his truck because payments were too high, according to an arrest warrant affidavit.
Emilio Flores, 22, was arrested Wednesday and charged with arson.
According to the affidavit, the burnt remains of Flores’ 2014 Chevrolet Silverado was found in a flaming heap in the 600 block on Highway 90 on June 28.
In the past, Flores had complained about the price of his payments and joked that he was going to burn the vehicle, the report said.
Police were able to track Flores down to a Red Roof Inn at W.W. White Road and Interstate 10 after the incident, where he said he had left the truck at a bar from which he was picked up after drinking with a friend.
“He stated he left the bar at approximately 1:15 a.m.,” the affidavit said. “He stated he was not able to drive home because he was drunk and that a friend drove him to the Red Roof Inn.”
A couple of weeks later, Flores went to the San Antonio Police Department’s downtown headquarters to give a statement on the incident, the document said.
The statement he gave at the second interview conflicted with what he said the night of the fire.
“The defendant changed his original statement that he was picked up at 1 a.m. and said that he was picked up around midnight,” the affidavit said, adding he attributed the disagreement to his being drunk.
Other witnesses came forward with differing accounts of the story in the following days, saying Flores was not picked up from a bar, but instead from the Nelson W. Wolff Municipal Stadium parking lot, across the street from where his burning truck was found.
About a month after the fire, a man identified in the document as Mark Othon came forward to tell police that Flores had enlisted his help in torching the truck.
The affidavit said that after a day of drinking at JJ’s Tavern, Othon and Flores drove to Highway 90.
Flores handed Othon a container of gasoline, which he poured inside and outside of the truck.
Othon then used a lighter to ignite the gas, the document said.
The pair then walked off to Wolff Stadium where they were picked up by a friend.
Flores was released from the Bexar County Jail on Wednesday around 7 p.m. according to county records.
Eric Smith, school board president, said Flores handed in a letter of resignation around 10 a.m. Thursday.
According to the website, the district, located in Medina County, is composed of four campuses that serve about 1,100 students.
[email protected]
Twitter: @MDWilsonSA |
“The thing is we don’t have a leader in any of the parties. There is not anybody who we can look up to,” said Milton Cofresi Jr., a retired stockbroker.
So despite the urgency to revamp an economy, which has been contracting for nearly a decade, and resolve the island’s crushing $72 billion public debt, voters don’t see either side offering solutions.
Also unlike the mainland, where Democrats and Republicans vie for voter support, Puerto Rico is divided among the Popular Democratic Party (PDP, or reds, which supports commonwealth status and resembles the Democratic Party, despite the color association), the New Progressive Party (NPP, statehooders or blues, which tends to align with the Republican Party) and the Puerto Rican Independence Party (or greens, which received less than 6 percent of the vote in the last elections). In other words, the question of political status defines Puerto Rico’s political parties.
Puerto Rico has remarkably high voter turnout — much higher than on the mainland — even more exceptional, given that its residents cannot vote for president. In 2012, 78 percent of eligible voters in Puerto Rico turned out on Election Day, compared with 58 percent in the U.S. mainland.
“You can’t promise statehood to a country the United States has turned around and disregarded,” she added.
“I think it’s going to polarize the island,” TV producer, blogger and dating coach Tirzha Alcaide said of the economic crisis. “If the pro-statehood bunch don’t see the United States give us a hand to help us dig out of this hole, they may shift [toward pro-independence].”
However, the only debate that is certain to be sharpened is the 100-year-old one over political status.
There is no shortage of policy items for candidates to tackle: How to create jobs and spur growth in an economy in which unemployment is close to 13 percent and only 40 percent of adults participate in the labor market. What’s on and what’s off the table when it comes to the recent government-commissioned report that recommends eliminating the minimum wage, bringing worker benefits in line with the U.S. mainland and reducing subsidies for the University of Puerto Rico, among other austerity measures. How to stave off a looming health care crisis , stem massive outmigration , fix inefficient public utilities and trim a bloated government bureaucracy.
Specifically, how they think the island’s $72 billion debt crisis — exacerbated on Monday when Puerto Rico’s government defaulted, for the first time in history, on a $58 million bond payment — will affect voters in Puerto Rico’s 2016 elections.
Perhaps it’s the poster of Barack Obama’s surprise visit in 2011 — where he lunched with then-Sen. and now-Gov. Alejandro García Padilla — or the slightly more distant memory of Hillary Clinton greeting patrons in 2008 during her presidential campaign, but it’s easy to get the midday crowd talking politics.
SAN JUAN, Puerto Rico — An engineer, a retired stockbroker, a media personality and a prizewinning bullfighter are among those sitting at Kasalta, a popular Ocean Park spot where regulars gather each day to catch up on life over Cuban sandwiches and cafes con leche (or, at least for the bullfighter, a snifter of brandy).
The Capitol in San Juan, home to Puerto Rico’s Senate and House of Representatives. Christopher Gregory for Al Jazeera America
If that seems like a lot of pessimism for a group of leisurely lunchers, the analysis from political and economic insiders is hardly rosier.
“Everything is too tainted in political parties here,” said economist and lawyer Heidie Calero, the president of H. Calero Consulting Group. “We need to focus on a direction. We can discuss all you want about political parties, whether it’s going to be commonwealth or statehood or independence. That may be just one lane. But let’s agree on [an] economic plan. Unless we do that, the economy is not going to grow.”
Calero wants to see the parties and government branches work together — rather than on separate paths — to devise policies for labor, health care, welfare and education reforms.
“Leadership, leadership, leadership,” she said. “I cannot stress that enough.”
Manolo Cidre, a Cuban-born businessman and the president of Los Cidrines bread and pastry company, is considering a run for governor in 2016 simply to shift the conversation away from political parties and to pressure political leaders to discuss the critical details of management and administration of the island.
“You will see the reds, the blues, the greens telling the same — what and not how,” he said. “Let’s talk about what we’re going to do and how. How do you reduce the shape of government? How do you reduce the benefits to be a legislator or governor of this island?”
“It’s an opportunity to change the message,” he said. “I know I am not going to win. It’s not difficult to understand that. It’s difficult to fight against the parties. It’s difficult to fight against the structure.”
As for who will win and lose in the elections 15 months from now, political analyst Jay Fonseca sees the PDP “losing by a landslide” — a widely held prediction.
“Our last three elections have demonstrated that our people use their vote to punish more than to guide our country,” he explained.
But there are several important variables, he noted. For one, Padilla might not seek re-election. Although it’s unlikely, that could leave the seat up for grabs, especially with the NPP divided among three candidates.
But the biggest unknown, Fonseca said, is how Puerto Rico’s massive outmigration — a net loss of about 50,000 a year from a population of 3.5 million — will affect the elections.
“Our problem is that our island is being emptied. That’s something new,” he said. “Of course, we’ve had many migrations in our history, but this is the first time in a short period of time that [so many] people are fleeing the island.”
He expects polling results in the run-up to the election to fluctuate, depending on the demographics of which residents stay. While older voters tend to vote for the PDP, Fonseca said, the NPP tends to win when its voters show up — much as Democrats’ strong participation in the 2008 elections gave Barack Obama the presidency.
“It’s a tossup right now to make predictions, because we don’t know how many Puerto Ricans are going to leave,” he said.
“I think the mood is about uncertainty,” said Carlos Díaz Olivo, a political analyst, Univision commentator and law professor at the University of Puerto Rico. “No one here is sure about what’s going to happen. There is a lot of doubt about the future of Puerto Rico, what the United States is going to do with us. People are thinking if they are going to stay here on the island or if better … they move to the states.”
As for the political parties, “they are also lost,” he said.
At Kasalta, engineer and lunchtime regular Victor Suarez agreed.
“People are going to vote for a change because you have to vote for a change. But there is no big difference between one [party] and the other,” he said. “It’s like, how do you like your martini?” |
By Cruz Serrano
Back when Barry Bonds’ hat size was still considered human, back when the only interleague series was in October, way back before baseball’s Summer of Love that saw Sosa and McGwire hammer their way past Roger Maris, the team of the 90s was hunting for their second straight World Series title. After winning it all in ‘95, the Atlanta Braves were out to build a dynasty rather than becoming more reminiscent of the Buffalo Bills, whose success paralleled that of the Braves: close but no cigar. The Braves, once again, found themselves as the best team in the National League and were prepared to take on the Yankees, one year removed from the retirement of Don Mattingly. The Braves came out firing, thanks in large part to the heroics of then 19-year-old Andruw Jones. Jones became the youngest player ever to hit a home run in the World Series, and was also only the second player ever to hit a home run in his first two at bats in the fall classic. The Braves high-octane offense along with their incredible starting pitching jumped to a quick two games to none lead in the series. However, the Braves bullpen imploded, and the Yankees would sweep games 3-6 to put an end to the Braves hopes of winning back-to-back championships.
Looking back at that series, it’s hard not to see similarities between the series and the career of Andruw Jones. Much like the Braves in the series, Jones’ career started off fast, and he quickly became regarded as one of the best centerfielders in baseball, if not the best. However, Andruw, like the Braves in ‘96, eventually hit a proverbial wall that cut short what was sure to be a no doubt Hall of Fame career. Even with the parallels, it’s hard to say that Andruw came up short, mostly because of how great he was before his body and bat betrayed him. From a purely subjective standpoint, Andruw Jones was the most exciting player to watch in his mid-twenties: the light tower power, along with his incredible defense and flair for making jaw dropping plays, made every game a must watch. Andruw also played the shallowest center field of any player that I can remember, and I hardly recall any balls landing in the grass over his head. However, in order to argue for his Hall of Fame candidacy, there needs to be an objective look that shows that Andruw was in fact one of the best handful of centerfielders to ever play the game.
For me, the best place to start is taking a look at players in the Hall of Fame that played a majority of their career in center. There are currently 17 centerfielders in the Hall of Fame, with the pinnacle of the position being Willie Mays. Of the 17 in the hall, only 7 of the players were actually voted in by the BBWA, the rest of which were inducted via the veterans committee. The 7 players that were voted in by the BBWA were all, for the most part, offensively driven players. Interestingly enough, of the 17 centerfielders in the Hall of Fame, only 6 have a higher career WAR total than Jones according to Fan Graphs, and there are a few that Jones was significantly better than. There are actually 8 players listed as centerfielders on Fan Graphs ahead of Jones, however, two of them actually went in to the Hall of Fame at different outfield positions. It’s safe to say that at least in terms of WAR, Andruw Jones is worth a serious look for Hall of Fame induction.
As for a specific player to compare with Andruw, Hall of Famer Andre Dawson does the trick. Dawson, otherwise known as “The Hawk”, played a majority of his career games in centerfield and went into the hall as such. The biggest difference between Dawson and Jones is the value they provided on the field. Dawson, like the rest of the center fielders voted in by the BBWA, was a much better offensive player, and was below average defensively over his career. Dawson and Jones offensive stats compare favorably, however, with each players listed here:
HR: Dawson 438, Jones 434.
SLG%: Dawson .482, Jones .486
OBP: Dawson .323, Jones .337
WAR: Dawson 59.5, Jones 67.1.
One important thing to remember here is that Dawson played in an era where offense was less common. Jones played in the middle of the “steroid era”, when the significance of a number like 400 home runs was greatly diminished. However, Jones’ incredible defense makes up for that fact, and that is why, at least I assume why, Jones has a higher career WAR despite playing in a friendly offensive environment. For further comparison between Jones and Dawson, both players Fangraph profiles can be found by clicking their respective name.
Although I pointed out that most of the centerfielders elected by the BBWA were offense-first players, I think the best case to be made for Jones comes from looking at his impeccable defensive statistics. Jones won 10 Gold Gloves in his career, but this is definitely not enough to say that he was great defensively. Gold Glove awards are all too often not given to the best defensive player, and for whatever reason, it seems that good offensive players end up with Gold Gloves. My favorite defensive statistic is, well, it’s called defense, or def for short. Def is a Fan Graphs statistic that quantifies a player’s defensive value using fielding runs and adjusts it for the player’s position. For a deeper understanding of all that goes into Def, please check out the Fan Graphs stat glossary here. So now with the foundation of Def set, we can look into how it plays into this conversation. Andruw Jones has the highest Def total for any center fielder on Fan Graphs. This may come with a grain of salt, however, because prior to 2003, there is not UZR (Ultimate Zone Rating) data available, and UZR happens to be a statistic that is used in the formula for Def. For seasons prior to 2003, Fan Graphs instead uses TZ (Total Zone) in the formula for Def. Even with the difference in formula, no centerfielder even comes close to Jones’ total Def of 281.3 (Willie Mays is second with a total of 170.1). And going beyond just centerfield, Jones ranks 8th all time for Def total, regardless of position. And Jones played at a position that is regarded as a defense-first position, which is one of the reasons I find it so odd that most Hall of Fame centerfielders were known more for their offense.
Overall, I think Jones has a pretty good case for being a Hall of Famer. His defense alone warrants his consideration, much like The Wizard of Oz Ozzie Smith. When adding in the fact that Andruw put up offensive stats that compare well with a Hall of Fame player at his position, I think he becomes a no doubter to be enshrined in Cooperstown. Aside from his contributions on the field, Jones was also the first player to lead a wave of talent that has come over from Curacao, as well as other players from the Kingdom of the Netherlands, such as Andrelton Simmons, who grew up in Curacao idolizing Andruw Jones and hoping to play in the MLB just like him.
So when it’s all said and done, Andruw was an above average offensive centerfielder who revolutionized the position defensively. He can also be given a ton of credit for inspiring the current players from the Kingdom of the Netherlands to reach the major leagues today. However, whether he gets voted into Cooperstown is a completely different conversation. Sadly, the shadow of the “steroid era” looms over his career, even if it may be completely unwarranted. Also, the Hall of Fame voters’ tendency to value offense over defense when regarding centerfielders hurts his cause as well. All I know is that he deserves to be enshrined in the Hall of Fame someday, and if it ever happens, I will be there in Cooperstown to support one of the players that helped me fall in love with the game of baseball.
– Cruz Serrano, @cruzin_USA
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6 reasons there's no such thing as compassionate conservatism Paul Ryan is the latest Republican to feign concern for the less fortunate. Here's why it's always a sham
The word is out that Republicans are attempting to rebrand themselves as compassionate conservatives (again). “Compassionate conservatism” is a term that typically comes up after Republicans have taken things to such an extreme that the country is revolted and tries to push them and their nasty ideology of greed and hate aside. George W. Bush famously resorted to using this term to campaign for president after Republicans disgraced themselves with anti-Clinton conspiracy theories, witch hunts and the unpopular impeachment. Of course, Bush is best known for Iraq and Katrina. And now we have a budget “deal,” courtesy of Paul Ryan, that drops unemployment benefits for 1.3 million long-term unemployed. Earlier in the week, Senator Rand Paul said helping the unemployed does them a “disservice” because it keeps them from getting jobs.
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Yet Paul Ryan still had the gall to claim the mantle of "compassionate conservatism." Paul Ryan? That Paul Ryan? Compassionate?
Last month, a Washington Post fluff piece titled, “Paul Ryan, GOP’s budget architect, sets his sights on fighting poverty and winning minds,” portrays Ryan as trying to steer Republicans away from the angry Tea Party and toward a “more inclusive vision.” Yes, the Paul Ryan of the infamous "Ryan Budget," also called the "Path to Prosperity" and passed by House Republicans, that privatizes Medicare, repeals Wall Street regulation, wipes out student loans, repeals Obamacare, guts Social Security and dramatically reduces taxes for the wealthy and corporations. That Paul Ryan.
Ryan "has been quietly visiting inner-city neighborhoods … to talk to ex-convicts and recovering addicts about the means of their salvation.” But Ryan and Republicans need some salvation of their own. Just one look at their ideology will tell you why. Ryan has said, “[T]he reason I got involved in public service, by and large, if I had to credit one thinker, one person, it would be Ayn Rand.”
Who is Ayn Rand, and what is the philosophy of this person Ryan calls a “thinker? Ayn Rand’s philosophy actually says it is not only bad for society, but morally wrong to help other people because it makes them “dependent.” Rand’s philosophy says that altruism is evil, and that democracy (which they call “collectivism”) is the ultimate expression of this evil because it brings about a society in which government works to make people’s lives better. Rand’s, Ryan’s and current Republican philosophy says that “individualism” — looking out for oneself only—is the moral principle that should rule society, not democracy. Randians envision a "utopia of greed.” (I suppose they can claim it’s compassionate greed.)
Another part of Rand’s philosophy is that that there are a few “producers” or “makers,” and the rest of us are “parasites” or “takers” who live off of the producers. Collectivism, or democracy, is bad because the many underserving takers can vote to do things like make the producers pay taxes so regular people can live better. So let’s see if we can find a few ways Paul Ryan and the Republicans can form a philosophy of “compassionate conservatism” out of their core belief that altruism and democracy are not just wrong for people and society, but are actually evil.
The Post puff-piece says the new “compassionate conservative” Ryan will “advance” an “agenda that combines an overhaul of the tax code and federal health and retirement programs with kinder, gentler policies to encourage work and upward mobility.”
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But here is what compassionate conservatives like Ryan mean when they say they want to “overhaul the tax code”— cut taxes for the really rich and their corporations, and increase taxes for the rest of us to make up the lost revenue. Conservative ideology (compassionate or not) says that giving the wealthy ever more money causes that money to overflow and then “trickle down” to the rest of us. They say that giving the big corporations more tax breaks, subsidies, no-bid contracts, etc. will load them up with so much money that they will just have to use some of it to hire people eventually.
When they say they want to overhaul federal health and retirement programs they mean cut Medicare (healthcare for the elderly), Medicaid (healthcare for the poor), Obamacare (healthcare for the rest of us) and Social Security (retirement).
Another thing Republicans say is that government is too big, so it must be cut. What they mean by this is not cutting the huge, bloated, astronomical, sky-high military budget (we spend more on this than all other countries combined). They mean they want to cut out the things government does to make our lives better, like assistance for the needy, sick, disabled, elderly and unemployed. And get rid of the minimum wage, child labor laws, equal pay for women, workplace safety rules, etc.
Here are six examples that show how the new Ryan/Republican compassionate conservatism campaign is really nothing more than freshly applied, prime-smelling bullpucky.
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1. Food Stamps
Conservatives are especially “compassionate” when it comes to helping the poor. Since many of them hold the moral belief that helping people makes them, as Paul Ryan said, “dependent” and “complacent,” the way these conservatives apply their compassion is to work to cut the poor, hungry, elderly, disabled, ill and others off from any means of assistance.
A month ago on November 1 a temporary “stimulus” boost to food stamps (real name: Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, or SNAP) ran out and the amount desperate people receive was cut back from meager to minuscule. As a result local food banks that try to help the poor are swamped and overwhelmed.
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Even as this tragedy unfolds Republicans are demanding to cut the program by another $39 billion, (and increasing subsidies to giant agricultural corporations) and are backing their effort with claims that people receiving Food Stamps are lazy, won’t work, are “dependent” on the program, etc. Along with these cuts, Republicans are demanding things like drug tests (implying people are on food stamps because they take drugs), increasing “work requirements’ (implying recipients are lazy), and and claiming people use food stampes to buy junk food, soda, liquor and cigarettes.
The Washington Post puff-piece on Ryan contains this amazing quote: “Paul wants people to dream again." Since 76% of SNAP households include a child, an elderly person, or a disabled person, and these households receive 83% of all SNAP benefits, food stamp recipients probably dream of getting enough food to eat.
2. Minimum Wage
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Compassionate conservatives are fighting tooth and nail to stop efforts to bring the minimum wage up. In fact, many of them believe there shouldn’t be a minimum wage at all.
Here is the conservative Heritage Foundation last April:
“The typical minimum-wage employee is a high school or college student with a part-time job, a major reason so many have attended—but not completed—college.
The primary value of these jobs is not the low wages they pay today. It is the on-the-job training they provide. Minimum-wage jobs teach inexperienced workers basic employability skills such as taking directions from a boss and working with co-workers.
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… Upon first thought, raising the minimum wage sounds compassionate. Thinking a second time shows that it would hurt the very workers its supporters want to help.”
According to the Economic Policy Institute (EPI) “only 11 percent of those who would see a raise are younger than age 20, and only 14 percent work less than 20 hours per week. Many are parents; if the minimum wage were increased to $10.10 by 2015, nearly a quarter (23.3 percent) of all kids in this country would see at least one parent get a raise.” In fact, raising the minimum wage helps the economy and helps create jobs. People at the bottom of the income ladder spend their money immediately. This means local businesses need to hire because of increased demand. Their suppliers need to hire as well. A higher minimum wage also reduces the need for — and spending on — assistance programs like food stamps.
Many compassionate conservatives not only oppose paying a decent wage for work, they want the minimum wage repealed. On a website called FEE, from the Foundation for Economic Education, you find the typical conservative argument for getting rid of the minimum wage (with a dose of anti-democracy included for good measure): "Ballot Box Charity: The minimum wage is hurting poor people and minorities one ballot initiative at a time."Starting with the (typical) false premise that raising the minimum wage costs jobs (where and when the minimum wage has been raised, jobs have increased, not decreased), the piece continues,
“These are the people who are deciding the minimum wage that workers must be paid. The vast majority haven’t run a business or made a payroll. They have no desire to grapple with, or experience in grappling with, abstract ideas such as the effect of government force in the labor market. People are kind-hearted when it’s not their work or business future on the line. Their hearts believe in giving everyone a raise: The people will spend more and everyone will benefit.”
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Now there’s your conservative compassion for ya!
3. Unemployment Benefits
Kentucky Senator Rand Paul said recently that extending unemployment benefits for the long term unemployed would be a “disservice” because, he says, unemployment benefits cause unemployment. "When you allow people to be on unemployment insurance for 99 weeks, you're causing them to become part of this perpetual unemployed group in our economy. And it really - while it seems good, it actually does a disservice to the people you're trying to help."
This is the old “dependency” argument again. Supposedly getting a small check keeps people from looking for work. This is in stark contrast to banker bonuses, of course. Banker bonuses are good for the country, especially if they are given with money from the government for bailing out banks.
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Reality: Long-term unemployment benefits run out at the end of December for 1.3 million people who have been unemployed longer and 6 months. Unemployment benefits increase employment because they enable people to continue to … eat and stuff … which means they shop at local stores, which increases the need for those stores to hire. The Congressional Budget Office estimates that cutting long-term unemployment benefits will cause a drop of .2% in GDP next year.
The new “Murray-Ryan budget agreement” negotiated between Paul Ryan and Senator Patty Murray (D-WA) lets long-term unemployment benefits expire at the end of December. This means that 1.3 million people who have been out of work longer than 26 weeks will just go away in about 3 weeks. (There are far more than 1.3 million people who have been out of work longer than 26 weeks but many of these are either not eligible for unemployment benefits or have been out of work longer than the current 73-week limit.)
Apparently “compassion” means to conservatives that the country should make people so poor and desperate they have to take any nasty-ass, low-paying, humiliating and even dangerous job that comes along at any pay rate.
4. Healthcare
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Paul Ryan has called our government safety-net programs “a hammock that lulls able-bodied people to lives of dependency and complacency, that drains them of their will.” It is pretty clear at this point what the rest of the Republicans think of the idea of helping the poor and uninsured get healthcare. They are trying to nullify the existing law (passed by Congress, signed by the President, ruled legal by the courts and confirmed in the 2012 election) and Republican states are practically seceding from the United States to avoid expanding Medicaid to cover more people, even though the federal government is picking up the entire tab.
Here is the Heritage Foundation again:
“We were told that Obamacare was supposed to be compassionate toward the needy in America. … It includes disincentives for individuals to marry and for Americans of low and modest incomes to work.”
5. Immigrants
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As with healthcare, it is pretty clear where Republicans stand on the idea of (non-European, white) people immigrating to the United States. They want them out. In fact, it is pretty clear where they stand on the idea of allowing people to stay even if they were brought to the country as children: they want them out, too.
Republican leaders are blocking the new Senate-passed comprehensive immigration reform bill from even coming to a vote in the House — becauseit will pass. They understand that this will enrage the Republican base and cause many incumbents to face primaries. Displays of compassion are not welcome in the Republican Tea Party base.
In an attempt to provide cover for Republicans in blocking the bill, the Heritage Foundation issued a "study" claiming the bill would cost taxpayers $6.3 trillion because it would cause new spending on social programs. It turned out that the study was co-authored by someone who had previously explained that there is a racial hierarchy of intelligence: “Decades of psychometric testing has indicated that at least in America, you have Jews with the highest average IQ, usually followed by East Asians, then you have non-Jewish whites, Hispanics, and then blacks.” This sounds slightly more racist than compassionate, no?
6. Corporate Taxes
To be fair, there is one group conservatives can be very, very compassionate toward: the wealthy and their corporations. While demanding cuts in food stamps, healthcare, unemployment benefits, etc., they are always, always insistent on cutting taxes for the fortunate few.
So keep your eye out for people claiming to be “compassionate conservatives.” It is an oxymoron, which means it sucks the oxygen out of the meaning of the words and is moronic to boot. In other words, it’s just the same old bullpucky. |
On Nov. 6, 1968, the Black Student Union and a coalition of student groups at San Francisco State University known as the Third World Liberation Front began what would become the longest student strike in U.S. history. They wanted the university to institute an ethnic studies program.
Beyond simply teaching students names like Frederick Douglass and Sacajawea, the program they envisioned would explore race and ethnicity across all disciplines in order to address issues of Eurocentrism, oppression and identity.
Such a field had been proposed since the late 19th century by thinkers like W.E.B. Du Bois and José Martí, but obstinate elites had never formalized it in mainstream academia. At one rally, San Francisco State President S.I. Hayakawa silenced student activists by yanking the wires out of the loudspeakers. But after nearly five months, he capitulated, instituting the first College of Ethnic Studies in the nation.
The movement that started at San Francisco State spread across the state and country. Today, some form of ethnic studies is taught at most American universities. Nine of the 10 University of California campuses (UC San Francisco, the system’s health science campus, is the exception) have various ethnic studies departments and programs, offering courses on Native American literature (UC San Diego), “Gandhi and the Civil Rights Movement in America” (UC Berkeley) and farmworker history (UCLA). {snip}
But ethnic studies remains virtually absent in K-12 public education nationally, and it is rare even in California, where about three-quarters of students are nonwhite.
That could change with Assemblyman Luis Alejo’s (D-Watsonville) recent introduction of AB 1750, a bill requiring California to form a task force that would study how to best implement a standardized ethnic studies program for high school students throughout the state. Such a program would shore up important gaps in students’ knowledge and, coming from one of the most diverse states in the nation, serve as a powerful model for the rest of the country.
{snip}
A report this year by the Southern Poverty Law Center revealed a disturbing abundance of states offering little or no study of the civil rights movement. In a comprehensive analysis of state standards and instructional resources, the center handed out Fs to nearly half of the country based on what teachers were expected to teach about civil rights history. {snip}
{snip}
In 2011, the National Education Assn. published a review of research on ethnic studies that summarized K-12 textbooks this way: “Whites continue to receive the most attention and appear in the widest variety of roles, dominating story lines and lists of accomplishments. African Americans, the next most represented racial group, appear in a more limited range of roles and usually receive only a sketchy account historically, being featured mainly in relationship to slavery. Asian Americans and Latinos appear mainly as figures on the landscape with virtually no history or contemporary ethnic experience. Native Americans appear mainly in the past.”
The problem can’t be solved by lightly interspersing ethnic diversity into the existing curricula–tokenism goes only so far. This is about offering students an education that is not just enriching but empowering.
Indeed, there is a strong body of social science evidence showing that a serious ethnic studies program can pay off in improved student achievement and higher graduation rates.
For example, the NEA review of research cites multiple university studies showing that, for students of color, the more they know about race, racism and cultural identity, the higher their grades and graduation rates, and the more likely they are to go on to college.
Interestingly, the positive impact of such studies is even higher on white students, who gain a much more sophisticated ethnic consciousness as they confront issues of race already familiar to minority students.
{snip}
In a state where minorities are the majority, a dynamic understanding of ethnicity isn’t a luxury or a diversion but a necessity. Such courses would help high school students to grapple with the complex history of oppression and achievement in a truthful–and even liberating–fashion.
Original Article
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QPR boss Harry Redknapp has played down the comments he made following Saturday's defeat at Newcastle.
After suffering his first loss at Rangers boss, Redknapp said some of his players earned "far too much for their ability and what they give".
But speaking before the Boxing Day game against West Brom, he said: "I wasn't being critical of all the players.
"Most of the lads here have been top class and I still feel we can get out of trouble."
Redknapp, whose side lie five points from Premier League safety, added: "It'll be hard but I still believe we can do it."
The former Tottenham, West Ham and Portsmouth boss took over at Loftus Road after Mark Hughes was sacked in November.
Media playback is not supported on this device Redknapp hints at January deals
Redknapp had won one and drawn three of his four games in charge before Saturday's defeat at St James' Park, after which he said: "There are a lot of players at this club who earn far too much money."
But on Monday he played down the remarks, saying: "I wasn't talking about all the players, I was talking about certain players I felt were earning and hadn't given value."
"It's just I feel one or two have let us down in the last couple of weeks. I've seen one or two incidents that have disturbed me. That's why I brought that up. It disturbs me when a player doesn't want to sit on the bench when you're bang in trouble."
Redknapp, 65, was referring to Portuguese full-back Jose Bosingwa, who has been fined two weeks wages for refusing to sit on the bench for the 2-1 victory over Fulham on 15 December.
The 30-year-old, who was part of the Chelsea squad that won the Champions League last season, has started only 12 Premier League matches for Rangers since joining in the summer.
Redknapp continued: "The owners, the fans, the most important people, see their team losing every week and suddenly you get someone who won't sit on the bench.
"He said he doesn't sit on the bench because he thinks he's too good to sit on the bench. That's what disturbs me in this game." |
In this special episode of The Projection Booth, John Sayles talks about his new film Go For Sisters, lessons learned working for Roger Corman, and the state of independent film.In Go For Sisters, Bernice (LisaGay Hamilton) and Fontayne (Yolonda Ross) grew up so close people said they could “go for sisters”, but time sent them down different paths. Twenty years later, those paths cross: Fontayne is a recovering addict fresh out of jail, and Bernice is her new parole officer.When Bernice’s son Rodney goes missing on the Mexican border, his shady associates all in hiding or brutally murdered, Bernice realizes she needs someone with the connections to navigate Rodney's world without involving the police… and turns to her old friend. The pair enlist the services of disgraced ex-LAPD detective Freddy Suárez (Edward James Olmos) and plunge into the dim underbelly of Tijuana, forced to unravel a complex web of human traffickers, smugglers, and corrupt cops before Rodney meets the same fate as his partners.As much a story of relationships as a story of crime, Go For Sisters is a welcome return to the border for master filmmaker and two-time Academy Award nominee John Sayles (Lone Star, Passion Fish).Visit the official Go For Sisters websiteVisit the official John Sayles websiteRead University of Michigan acquires archive of filmmaker John Sayles"Iconocuicati" - Lila Downs"La Frontera" - LhasaBoth songs are from the Women of Latin America by Putumayo |
Share. Naughty Dog delivers a stellar sequel that impresses from start to finish, and that doesn't even include the multiplayer. Naughty Dog delivers a stellar sequel that impresses from start to finish, and that doesn't even include the multiplayer.
More than any other game to date, Uncharted: Drake's Fortune seems to define the PlayStation 3. Naughty Dog's 2007 jungle romp starring the one and only Nathan Drake gave gamers a taste of what it would be like to play as an acrobatically-inclined Indiana Jones. With stunning visuals (that still rank amongst the best in gaming today), a fantastically told story, great puzzles and high-octane gunplay, it's easily one of the best titles of this console generation.
Now Naughty Dog returns to the spotlight with Uncharted 2: Among Thieves. Both expectedly and amazingly, Naughty Dog has indeed bested Nate's first adventure and has created a sequel that is not only bigger and better in practically every way, but also packs a multiplayer component that could be released as its own separate, full-priced game and people would stand in line to hand over their cash.
Yes, Uncharted 2: Among Thieves is fantastic.
Click the image to watch our in-depth video review.
Trying to remain as spoiler-free as possible, I'll just say that the story starts off about a year or so after the events of the first game and begins with Nate and a few fellow thieves working on finding Marco Polo's lost treasure fleet. Of course, things aren't quite that simple and the cast winds up going on a much grander adventure, one that takes them half-way around the world.
That's about as far as I want to go with the storyline, though some of the trailers out there actually reveal a little more than that. The important part here though is that this game doesn't just take place on a single island and instead changes locales a handful of times over the course of the adventure. The result is that the pacing feels better and faster, and even though you're technically doing the same sort of shooting, climbing and puzzle solving throughout the game, the different ways the scenes are presented gives Among Thieves a greater sense of gameplay variety than the original.
The great storytelling extends to the character development, which has been turned up a good notch or two. Almost everyone with more than two lines of dialogue has an interesting reason for doing what they're doing (though the main bad guy is just bad), and the way that everyone interacts with one another is realistic and interesting. Almost every character is unpredictable in some way, but not in a forced or unnatural manner.
The story itself twists and turns throughout the course of the game, as you might expect, and for the most part it's a solid tale. Nate and his pals go through a lot, so it does a good job of reeling you in and keeping you hooked until the end.
While I'd say the story is quite good overall, I wouldn't say that it's perfect. Without giving anything away, while most of the story has solid footing in real-world lore and legend, it does start to veer away from this at some point in a way that could have been handled better. Still, it's told very, very well through the use of fantastic cutscenes and acting, and will keep you guessing at what'll happen until the very end.
The graphics. Holy crap... the graphics.
As for the gameplay itself, Uncharted 2 -- like the original Drake's Fortune -- tasks you with gunfights, environmental navigation or puzzle solving. While a lot of the mechanics are identical to the first title, everything has been blended together a little better, especially the combat and navigation.
This is in large part due to the settings that you'll fight in. Whereas the first game generally had you walk into an area with lots of cover, set up behind a wall and then take guys out as best you could, Uncharted 2 offers a lot more variety and options in how these sequences play out thanks to the fantastic level design. Rather than fighting on flat ground, almost every battle scene features multiple levels and areas to use to your advantage. If you want to stay on the ground and take guys out the old fashioned way, you're more than welcome to. But you can also climb to higher ground and use height to your advantage, or flank the enemy by moving from cover to cover and changing your tactics as the battle unfolds around you. While the game is still very much a linear tale, taking you from point to specific point, you're offered many more options in how you approach and deal with battles. |
Practice brought to light in recent case out of Pierre; AG says it's not illegal
Argus 911 police tile (Photo: Argus 911 / iStockphoto)
Police in South Dakota are collecting urine samples from uncooperative suspects through the use of force and catheters, a procedure the state's top prosecutor says is legal but is criticized by others as unnecessarily invasive and a potential constitutional violation.
The practice isn't new, according to attorneys, but it's been brought to light in a recent case in Pierre. An attorney for a man charged with felony drug ingestion is asking a judge to throw out evidence from an involuntary urine sample, saying it violated his client's constitutional rights.
FOLLOW UP:S.D. chief justice says he can't address forced catheterization
Dirk Landon Sparks was arrested March 14 after a report of a domestic disturbance. While in custody, officers with the Pierre Police Department observed Sparks fidgeting and his mood changing rapidly. A judge signed off on a search warrant for police to obtain blood or urine.
After Sparks refused to cooperate, police transported him to Avera St. Mary's Hospital in Pierre, where he was strapped to a bed while a catheter was forced into his penis so that officers could obtain a urine sample.
Sparks' urine tested positive for THC and methamphetamine. He was charged with obstruction, two counts of felony drug ingestion, and possession of marijuana and drug paraphernalia.
INVESTIGATION:Argus Leader coverage on Human Services Center
Sparks' attorney, Jeremy Lund, declined to comment on the case. In a motion filed May 16 in Hughes County he argued the way in which police obtained the urine sample, through forced catheterization, was never authorized by the judge and violated his client's Fourth Amendment rights against unreasonable searches and seizures.
“Sticking a needle in your arm is very intrusive – I can’t imagine anything more intrusive than this,” said Ryan Kolbeck, a Sioux Falls lawyer and president of the South Dakota Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers.
It's unclear how widespread the practice of forced catheterization is in South Dakota. Attorney General Marty Jackley said in an interview that the practice is permitted with a signed court order under state law, and he cited several cases that supported the legality of the practice.
The attorney general said law enforcement would prefer not to collect urine samples by force, but that ultimately it's up to suspects if they don't want to cooperate.
“I don’t think anyone wants to go through that methodology,” Jackley said.
Urinary catheter (Photo: drawdrawdraw, Getty Images/iStockphoto)
Police always take the person to a hospital if they are going to take a forced urine sample, said Tim Whalen, a Lake Andes attorney who has represented a couple of clients who have had urine samples taken without permission. Health care workers at the Wagner and Platte hospitals conduct the procedure on a regular basis, he said.
“They don’t anesthetize them,” Whalen said. “There’s a lot of screaming and hollering.”
A spokesman for Avera said its employees do not force care or treatments on patients but they do comply with court orders.
"In certain circumstances others may consent for a patient or a court may order care or treatment," Avera spokesman Jay Gravholt said. "In those instances, care and treatment can be provided consistent with state statutes."
Kolbeck said he doesn’t know what state law would allow authorities to use forced catheterization. It's an extreme measure that shouldn’t be used in routine cases such as drunken driving or drug ingestion, he said. Most disturbing, he said, is the fact that it could be happening to women.
“They want someone’s urine that bad?,” Kolbeck said.
The Pierre Police Department declined to comment and deferred all questions to the Hughes County State’s Attorney office. Hughes County State’s Attorney Wendy Kloeppner declined to comment on the case or the practice of forced catheterization.
Pam Hein, a defense attorney in Lake Andes, said the practice of forcing catheters into suspects' urethras "has been going on for years."
Hein has seen the issue from both perspectives. She’s served as Charles Mix County State’s Attorney and Bennett County State’s Attorney.
Often an officer will have suspicion of drug use, request the warrant for testing and get the test before any reports on a drug violation charge lands on a prosecutor’s desk.
“Do I think that it’s being abused? Yeah, I do,” Hein said.
Usually it doesn't come to force, though, Hein said. The threat alone is enough. Officers can hold defendants in a room, sometimes for hours, she said, and then tell them they can offer the urine test voluntarily or face a warrant that would allow the officer to take it by force.
“Most of the time, when they threaten them with catheterization, they said, ‘That’s OK, you can have it,’” Hein said.
“Sticking a needle in your arm is very intrusive – I can’t imagine anything more intrusive then this.” Ryan Kolbeck, a Sioux Falls lawyer
Hein says she’s argued to suppress results based on coercion but hasn’t had a lot of success.
Courtney Bowie, legal director for ACLU South Dakota, said the practice raises serious legal concerns.
“It would be completely improper for people to place a catheter on an individual of the opposite gender,” Bowie said. “That would border on an unlawful assault, battery or rape.”
The use of forced catheterization has been challenged in other parts of the country.
An Indiana man lost a 2011 case against police in Lawrenceburg, Ind., after they handcuffed him to a hospital bed and grabbed his ankles as nurses applied a catheter against his will, according to court records. Jamie Lockhard sued the city, the hospital and others after the experience. The judge ruled against him because the urine sample was court-ordered.
A Utah man filed an $11 million lawsuit against two police officers, against a local sheriff’s deputy and a hospital. Stephan Cook claimed officers and health care workers used “forced catherization” to draw a urine sample after he refused to be tested for marijuana. A federal judge later dismissed Cook’s case.
In 2014, another Indiana man filed a lawsuit against two police officers and a hospital after he was pulled over for drunken driving. Police “undertook an effort to forcibly obtain” a urine sample, according to the complaint filed by William B. Clark in federal court. An officer held Clark to the bed as nurses inserted a catheter into Clark’s penis, according to court records.
Clark asked for roughly $11 million in 2014 and the case is still pending.
Argus Leader Media reporters Dana Ferguson and Megan Raposa contributed to this report.
Read the motion to suppress evidence from involuntary urine sample:
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Sandra Day O'Connor frequently filed concurring opinions that sought to narrow the scope of majority rulings. | AP Photo Senate confirms first female Supreme Court justice, Sept. 21, 1981
On this day in 1981, the Senate unanimously confirmed Sandra Day O'Connor as the nation’s first woman to serve as a U.S. Supreme Court justice. In anticipation of her arrival, the court abandoned its traditional use of “Mr. Justice” as its preferred form of address, opting for the gender-neutral “Justice.”
In nominating O’Connor, President Ronald Reagan made good on a campaign promise to choose a woman as a member of the high court. Early in her tenure, she was widely viewed as a member of the court’s conservative wing.
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She was said to have taken her lead from Justice (later Chief Justice) William Rehnquist, a fellow Arizonan who had been O’Connor’s classmate at Stanford Law School. However, after a few terms, O'Connor established her own “swing” position on the court, eventually emerging as the court’s influential centrist coalition-builder.
Although she commonly sided with the conservatives, she often would rely on her political experience in the Arizona state Senate to help form her views. She frequently filed concurring opinions that sought to narrow the scope of majority rulings.
At a 1985 press dinner, Washington Redskins fullback John Riggins told O'Connor, “Come on, Sandy baby, loosen up. You're too tight,” then passed out drunk on the floor. The next day, the women with whom she shared an early morning exercise class presented her with a T-shirt that read: “Loosen up at the Supreme Court.”
Years later, when Riggins made his acting debut at a Washington theater, she gave him a dozen roses on opening night. O'Connor made her own brief foray into acting in 1996, appearing as Queen Isabel in a Shakespeare Theatre production of Henry V.
In 2000, O'Connor cast the deciding vote in Bush v. Gore. The ruling ended the recount of votes in Florida in the contested outcome of the presidential race. It cleared a path for George W. Bush to enter the White House. O'Connor later said that perhaps the court should not have weighed in, based on the circumstances of the contest.
With Rehnquist and Justice John Paul Stevens (who was senior to her) absent, O'Connor presided on Feb. 22, 2005, over oral arguments in the case of Kelo v. City of New London, becoming the first woman to preside over an oral argument before the tribunal.
On July 1, 2005, O'Connor, at age 75, announced plans to retire from the bench. Shortly thereafter, she became the 23rd chancellor of William and Mary College, in Williamsburg, Virginia, a largely ceremonial post first held by George Washington.
SOURCE: WWW.BIOGRAPHY.COM/PEOPLE/SANDRA-DAY-OCONNOR-9426834#US-SUPREME-COURT-JUSTICE |
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We live in strange Orwellian, Islamophobic, and eco-cidal times. A comrade from the great burning Northwest tells me the following story:
“I had a Sunday dinner a few weeks ago at the house of my dad’s and stepmom’s neighbors. The man and woman of the house are in their 60’s and both proud liberals. The man said he was a ‘Berkley liberal.’ He supports Hillary, she supports Bernie Sanders. Towards the end of the dinner he expressed the opinion that a few nuke bombs on some of the major cities in Iraq would be a good idea. Previous to that, he defended the dropping of nuke bombs on Japan. The guy’s wife, the Bernie supporter, added something about the barbarous tribal nature of Iraqi society. She quoted Deepak Chopra on the [evil] nature of Mohamed. Their son is a fighter pilot who is thinking about joining the top gun program. He is gay but is too scared to come out to his work colleagues.”
“Sometimes,” my correspondent writes, “it’s easy to feel like Winston Smith in this world.” Indeed.
The climate change-driven fires of Washington continued their record-setting ravages not so far from the dinner party while the gathering’s Sixties Age “Berkeley liberal” host called for the nuclear incineration of Baghdad and Fallujah and his Bernie-fan spouse explained that Iraq’s dire straits reflect its primitive and savage nature – not the criminal racist and petro-imperialist destruction of that nation by the America Empire over more than three decades. The destruction has always been driven by Washington’s longstanding compulsion to secure and sustain global dominance by controlling the supply of global oil – the very substance whose over-extraction and burning has most particularly driven the world to the edge of full environmental catastrophe.
No doubt the liberal and progressive couple is more than okay with Sanders’ recent announcement on ABC News last Sunday that if elected president he will not discontinue Barack Obama’s controversial and mass-murderous drone program in the Middle East. Since Obama took office in January of 2009, the Bureau of Investigative Journalism reports, at least 2,464 people and 314 innocent civilians have been killed in drone strikes in Pakistan, Yemen, Afghanistan and Somalia. Nine times more strikes have occurred under Obama than under George W. Bush. Obama’s strikes have killed nearly six times more people and twice as many civilians as Bush’s. At least seven American citizens have been extra-judicially killed by Obama’s drones, including one 16-year-old. Obama directly ordered many if not most of the strikes. A study by the human rights group Reprieve found that as of Nov. 24, 2014, US attempts to liquidate 41 alleged terrorists with drones killed 1,147 civilians, including more than 200 children. The U.S. under Obama has carried out drone attacks on weddings (“for better or worse”) and funerals, along with “double-tap” strikes on rescue workers. A proud record under the winner of the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize! If anything, the nice liberal couple (the husband, quite explicitly) mentioned above would like to see a much higher civilian Muslim body count.
But let’s forget about Bernie, Hillary, and their “liberal” (“Berkeley” and otherwise) supporters for now and keep the focus on the actually in-power fake-progressive Big Brother-in-chief right now. I am referring, of course, to Barack Obama, who’s Kill List seems to include planet Earth – well, livable ecology – beneath recent demonstrations of love for our shared Mother. If my left eco-socialist politics and world view were combined with evangelical Christianity of the sin and damnation sort (I remain, alas, a quiet atheist), I would predict that Barack Obama will have a very long life since it would take Satan’s engineers many decades to construct a dungeon in Hell hot enough for the current U.S. president. Among the many things that stations Obama beneath the lowest snails on Earth is his special, arch-cynical penchant for potently pretending to be something he isn’t: a progressive. He is the ultimate fake-progressive poseur – an unmatched epitome of the nauseating triumph of symbol over substance and of words over deeds.
Take his great show of concern last summer for the appalling national crime and embarrassment that is the United States’ shockingly high rate of racially disparate mass imprisonment and criminal branding (“the New Jim Crow”). Two years and seven months into his second presidential term, Obama walked with great fanfare into a federal lock-up and stood in mock horror before one of its grim solitary confinement cells. He went to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (the NAACP) to proclaim his purported recent discovery that “mass incarceration makes our country worse and [that] we need to do something about it.” Beneath the praise and fanfare his performance evoked, what has the President actually done for the nation’s vast army of Black prisoners and marked-for-life felons? Nothing, or next to it. The president’s sudden late-term “desire to look the Great Emancipator” (Margaret Kimberly) was unaccompanied (as I showed in a recent Counterpunch essay) by any serious policy intervention to reverse the nation’s great, globally unmatched and racist lockdown.
On this issue as on so many others, the president is “a master of appearing to do what he doesn’t do” (Kimberly). (Beneath symbolism – setting foot in a prison, applauding the take-down of the Confederate Flag, public anger at the police treatment of the bourgeois professor Henry Louis Gates, a claim to look like Trayvon Martin – there’s no seriously anti-racist or social justice substance in Obama’s presidency.) :Although Obama is [now] the first serving president to actually set foot in a prison,” Glen Ford notes, there is no reason to “expect anything other than cynical theatricality and double-dealing from this president. When it comes to the criminal justice system, Obama is a consummate trickster.”
The same can be said for Obama on many other issues that rightly concern good-hearted progressives including global warming, the biggest issue of our or any time. Just as Obama is not above standing in front of a prison cell to “burnish his legacy” (the New York Times) near the end of his (thankfully) last term, he is ready to plant himself between photographers and a melting glacier to do the same on the epic problem of climate change. Let’s stop for a moment to recognize the stunning duplicity of the Narcissist-in-Chief’s recent trip to Alaska, replete with heartfelt hiking trips to see firsthand the terrible toll that carbon-driven planet-cooking is taking on Arctic frost. Obama’s faux-green junket North included a speech on climate change that “bordered on the apocalyptic” (New York Times) and argued with seeming passion that “we’re not acting fast enough” to heal the Earth. Obama appeared to be gravely concerned about global warming. But so what? As Slate’s Eric Holthaus noted three days ago in a Slate essay titled “Beneath His Climate Change Promises, Obama is Basically Running a Petrostate”:
“But his words—as powerful and compelling as they are—fall flat, given his record of expanding domestic production of fossil fuels. Lost in the debate over Arctic drilling is the fact that the administration has quietly set in motion a vast expansion of coal mining in Wyoming that could erase the cumulative impact of all his [better] climate policies—three times over….The United States, now planet Earth’s second biggest producer of fossil fuels behind only China, increasingly functions as a petrostate. Some have argued that this is a good thing—better to bring all that coal, oil, and gas out of the ground in a democracy that can apply environmental oversight. But it sends dangerous mixed messages to other countries that are considering whether to increase the ambition of their own climate policies…Since the U.S. has long held a ban on oil exports, the crude we used to buy on the global market is now up for sale elsewhere, and prices have plummeted in response—counterintuitively strengthening the American oil industry. Lawmakers in Alaska, which derives about three-quarters of its tax revenue from oil and gas, are practically begging Obama to keep the tap flowing….Obama mentioned none of this in his speech on Monday. Climate Obama is perfectly happy making grand speeches while Oil Baron Obama gleefully counts the money flowing in from industry. Behind the scenes, senior administration officials have acknowledged that they are trying to have it both ways” (emphasis added).
It’s that old, nasty distinction between words and deeds again.
Speaking of words, Holthaus could have said more. A big missing part of his indictment of “Oil Baron Obama” is the telling fact that last May the Obama administration cleared the way for the giant climate-changing multinational oil corporation Royal Dutch Shell to begin drilling for fossil fuels in the Arctic Ocean this summer. Shell got approval to drill in the U.S. portion of the Chukchi Sea off the coast of Alaska. Shell’s leases are 70 miles out, in a remote, untouched, and pristine area that provides critical habitats for several rare species and large marine mammals. It’s a treacherous area characterized by extreme storms, likely to cause massive oil spills. Environmental groups had long warned against the madness of drilling in the area, which holds 22 billion barrels of oil and 93 trillion cubic feet of natural gas
The New York Times described Obama’s decision as “a devastating blow to environmentalists.” It might have added “and to prospects for a decent future.” According to Times environmental reporter Coral Davenport, speaking on the “P”BS Newshour last May, the Chukchi Sea announcement was “still a very striking piece of this president’s environmental legacy,” one that has “environmental groups…surprised.” But there was no reason for surprise. The decision came just four months after Obama opened up a large portion of the southern U.S. Atlantic coast to new deep-water offshore drilling, the Times notes. The national newspaper of record might have added that it came five and a half years after Obama, elected on a promise (among other things) to reduce climate change, almost singlehandedly undermined desperate international efforts to set binding limits on global carbon emissions in Copenhagen. His environmental record ever since has been calamitous, greasing the eco-cidal skids for the United States’ largely fracking-based emergence as the world’s leading oil and gas producer in the name of an “all-of-the-above” (nuclear included) energy policy and so-called national energy independence.
And the “first green president” is not done contributing to anthropogenic global warming. Obama has been steadily and stealthily pushing the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) through Congress over and against the public’s understandable suspicion of such “free trade” (investor rights) agreements. As Friends of the Earth reminded us last spring, the TPP is “a platform for economic integration and government deregulation for nations surrounding the Pacific…The TPP is a potential danger to the planet, subverting environmental priorities, such as climate change measures and regulation of mining, land use, and bio-technology.”
There are a number of understandable and respectable responses (horror and disgust come to mind) to Obama’s mother-(Earth)-raping Arctic Ocean moves, but surprise is not one of them. Next time you see a liberal Democrat U.S. environmentalist, ask him (to amend the equally Orwellian Alaskan Sarah Palin): “so how’s that hopey-climate-changey thing working out for ya?”
In the meantime it’s almost hard not to admire the sheer eco-Orwellian chutzpah of Obama’s Alaska trip. I am sure that the great British author who invented the phrase “doublespeak” would be more than a little impressed. |
All of this helps explain why internet use can arguably become addictive in the sense that some chemicals are addictive -- that is, we can develop a dysfunctionally strong devotion to the internet, a devotion that leads us to neglect obligations and responsibilities (such as getting a novel written). After all, the internet, like these chemicals, allows us to trigger our neuronal reward mechanisms with much less work, and much more frequently, than was possible in the environment of our evolution.
For example: In that environment, there was no pornography, much less the vast and instantly accessible supply found on the web. Nor was there the nearly infinite supply of gossip that is available now that we can spend our time trolling Facebook or living vicariously among celebrities and following their lives on TMZ. Nor was a robust round of social esteem always, potentially, just a moment away; it wasn't possible, in a very small and technologically primitive social universe, to at any time of day launch an observation or joke and hope for the prompt affirmation of dozens of retweets or Facebook likes. Nor was there a YouTube that permitted the easy indulgence of various natural human visual appetites -- watching endearing infants or two guys fighting or real-life slapstick or whatever.
In other words: the internet, like a pack of cigarettes or lots of cocaine, lets you just sit in a room and repeatedly trigger reward chemicals that, back in the environment of our evolution, you could trigger only with more work and only less frequently. That's why an internet habit, like a cocaine habit, can reach dysfunctional levels.
The above-listed forms of internet dependence -- porn, Facebook, TMZ, Twitter, YouTube -- are just a few of the possible ingredients of any one case of internet "addiction." And each of these ingredients itself involves God-knows-which neurotransmitters and neuronal receptors and, by extension, God-knows-how-many genes. And all of us have lots and lots of these genes--genes that make us susceptible to internet addiction. Because what the internet does is take lots of things that natural selection designed us to find gratifying and make them much easier to get.
Sure, some of these genes may vary from person to person in ways that make some people particularly susceptible to internet addiction (though environmental influences -- e.g. learning self-discipline -- presumably play a very big role). In fact, it will probably turn out that lots of genes vary in this way -- genes that influence impulsiveness or self-discipline generally, or genes that influence the strength of particular drives, like lust or the urge to gossip. In fact, there will turn out to be so many genes which are so modestly correlated with internet addiction that if journalists write stories every time such a gene is found, or is thought to have been found, they will find that they're not shedding much actual light on the situation.
And if they call these genes "internet addiction genes," that will be kind of misleading (which is why I've put that phrase in quotes in the title of this post). These genes are really just genes for being human. That's why using the internet well is a challenge for us all. |
If you're anything like me, when you were a kid, you had trouble getting to sleep without first hearing at least a couple of stories of life, love and learning as told by a former NBA Defensive Player of the Year. In my case, that meant an awful lot of long-distance calls to very understanding Utah Jazz center Mark Eaton. Luckily, today's youth now has a much more cost-effective and handy option — "Metta's Bedtime Stories," the newly released debut children's book from Los Angeles Lakers forward Metta World Peace.
The book, which retails for $12.95, is a short collection of stories aimed at children between the ages of 4 and 10, with titles like "Mud in My Bed" and "I'm Afraid of the Dark." And while the idea of one of the NBA's foremost oddballs and elbow-throwers picking up the pen to reach out to young people is admittedly a bit surprising, it seems like Metta's heart is in the right place:
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Metta's Bedtime Stories was written to help children think about daily events in a positive light. These stories will show everyone that you can always have a better day tomorrow, if you have a hopeful heart and keep positive thoughts.
That's a neat message, and very much of a piece with the youth-focused bent of a lot of his mental health awareness work, from raffling off his championship ring to raise money for more mental health professionals in schools and producing a cartoon public service announcement that was apparently intended to promote mental health awareness by showing the former Ron Artest as a skateboarding super hero named Metta Man. (It wouldn't be Metta if it wasn't at least a little bit weird.)
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And if we can read anything into a title like "Mud in My Bed," it's probably also at least a little bit goofy, like World Peace's visit to "Yo Gabba Gabba!" or his "Sesame Street"-inspired sartorial choices when holding court with the LAPD. That's OK, though. A little bit of whimsy can help make big ideas easier for kids to swallow and maybe even sell a few more copies of the book, which would offer a nice boost to a pair of World Peace-helmed charitable efforts — Xcel University and The Artest Foundation — that will each receive a portion of the proceeds from the book's sales.
World Peace joins the ranks of NBA players past and present who've penned books for kids, a list of notables that includes Chris Paul, Kareem Abdul-Jabbar, Amar'e Stoudemire, Adonal Foyle and Dennis Rodman. If you'll excuse me, I'll be over here daydreaming about what a writer's retreat with those six player/authors aimed at collaborative creation would be like, and what kind of book would result. It'd probably put Matt Christopher's entire oeuvre to shame. |
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