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741,805 |
The illegal market is also a threat to public health—spreads anti-biotic resistant bacteria
|
Kelly 13
|
Kelly 13 Emily Kelly, Executive Comment Editor for the Boston College International & Comparative Law Review. Boston College International and Comparative Law Review Spring, 2013 36 B.C. Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 1317 NOTE: INTERNATIONAL ORGAN TRAFFICKING CRISIS: SOLUTIONS ADDRESSING THE HEART OF THE MATTER lexis
|
Because governmental disease control agencies do not monitor underground organ trafficking, recipients risk contracting infectious diseases like West Nile Virus and HIV Transplant tourism harms global public health policies Additionally, transplant tourism and broader medical tourism facilitate the spread of antibiotic-resistant bacteria. Because such bacteria are frequently found in hospitals, tourists are easily exposed and transmit these unique strains across borders upon returning to their home countries
|
governmental disease control agencies do not monitor underground organ trafficking, recipients risk contracting infectious diseases like West Nile Virus and HIV Transplant tourism harms global public health policies transplant tourism facilitate spread of antibiotic-resistant bacteria bacteria are frequently found in hospitals, tourists are easily exposed and transmit these unique strains across border
|
[*1324] With regard to recipients, the dangers of receiving medical care in developing countries can outweigh the benefits of life-saving transplant tourism. n66 Because governmental disease control agencies do not monitor underground organ trafficking, recipients risk contracting infectious diseases like West Nile Virus and HIV. n67 Tragically, transplant tourists also have "a higher cumulative incidence of acute [organ] rejection in the first year after transplantation." n68 Transplant tourism also harms global public health policies. n69 Most notably, the underground market impedes the success of legal organ donation frameworks. n70 For example, Thai patients have difficulty accessing health care because local doctors are preoccupied with the lucrative practice of treating transplant tourists. n71 In 2007, China banned transplant tourism because wealthy foreigners--rather than the 1.5 million Chinese on the waiting list--received an overwhelming amount of organ transplants. n72 Grisly tales of transplant tourism and conspiracy theories surrounding organ theft may also discourage individuals from agreeing to altruistic donation upon death out of fear that their bodies may be exploited. n73 This further contributes to the global organ shortage and exacerbates the underlying causes of OTC trafficking. n74 Additionally, transplant tourism and broader medical tourism facilitate the spread of antibiotic-resistant bacteria. n75 Because such bacteria are frequently found in hospitals, tourists are easily exposed and transmit these unique strains across borders upon returning to their home countries. n76 As a result of these effects, transplant tourism has drawn increasing attention to the root of the problem: organ shortages. n77
| 1,754 |
<h4><strong>The illegal market is also a threat to public health—spreads <u>anti-biotic resistant </u>bacteria</h4><p>Kelly 13</strong> Emily Kelly, Executive Comment Editor for the Boston College International & Comparative Law Review. Boston College International and Comparative Law Review Spring, 2013 36 B.C. Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 1317 NOTE: INTERNATIONAL ORGAN TRAFFICKING CRISIS: SOLUTIONS ADDRESSING THE HEART OF THE MATTER lexis</p><p> [*1324] With regard to recipients, the dangers of receiving medical care in developing countries can outweigh the benefits of life-saving transplant tourism. n66 <u>Because <mark>governmental disease control agencies do</mark> <mark>not monitor underground organ trafficking, recipients risk contracting infectious diseases</mark> <mark>like West Nile Virus and HIV</u></mark>. n67 Tragically, transplant tourists also have "a higher cumulative incidence of acute [organ] rejection in the first year after transplantation." n68 <u><mark>Transplant tourism</u></mark> also <u><mark>harms</mark> <mark>global public health policies</u></mark>. n69 Most notably, the underground market impedes the success of legal organ donation frameworks. n70 For example, Thai patients have difficulty accessing health care because local doctors are preoccupied with the lucrative practice of treating transplant tourists. n71 In 2007, China banned transplant tourism because wealthy foreigners--rather than the 1.5 million Chinese on the waiting list--received an overwhelming amount of organ transplants. n72 Grisly tales of transplant tourism and conspiracy theories surrounding organ theft may also discourage individuals from agreeing to altruistic donation upon death out of fear that their bodies may be exploited. n73 This further contributes to the global organ shortage and exacerbates the underlying causes of OTC trafficking. n74 <u>Additionally, <mark>transplant tourism</mark> and broader medical tourism <mark>facilitate</mark> the <mark>spread of antibiotic-resistant bacteria</mark>.</u> n75 <u>Because such <mark>bacteria are</mark> <mark>frequently found in hospitals, tourists are easily exposed and transmit these unique</mark> <mark>strains across border</mark>s upon returning to their home countries</u><strong>. n76 As a result of these effects, transplant tourism has drawn increasing attention to the root of the problem: organ shortages. n77</p></strong>
| null | null |
Contention 2 is illegal markets
| 430,429 | 9 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,806 |
Expanding the U.S. lead in material power triggers global resentment and blowback that destroys the effectiveness of U.S. heg in stabilizing every key hotspot
|
Maher, 11
|
Maher, 11 – Postdoctoral Fellow at the European University Institute and Visiting Lecturer in the Political Science Department at Brown University (Richard, Winter 2011, “The Paradox of American Unipolarity: Why the United States May Be Better Off in a Post-Unipolar World”, Orbis, Vol. 55, No. 1, UTD McDermitt Library, KONTOPOULOS)
|
world politics has been unipolar, defined by American preponderance military, economic, and technological material advantage does not translate into America’s preferred political and diplomatic outcomes Other states are challenging U.S. power and authority the U S is finding it increasingly difficult to realize its goals and ambitions decline in the U S s’ relative position is a consequence of the burdens and susceptibilities produced by unipolarity Contrary to the conventional wisdom the U.S. position both internationally and domestically may actually be strengthened once unipolarity has passed The U.S. economy, with a GDP of over $14 trillion, is nearly three times the size of China’s, now the world’s second-largest national economy. The U S accounts for 25 percent of global economic output Among the group of six or seven great powers, this figure approaches 50 percent despite this material preeminence, the U S sees its political and strategic influence diminishing around the world China has adopted a new assertiveness Pakistan one of America’s closest strategic allies, is facing the threat of social and political collapse Russia is using its vast energy resources to reassert its dominance Negotiations with North Korea and Iran have gone nowhere in dismantling their nuclear programs Brazil’s growing economic and political influence offer another option for partnership and investment for countries in the Western Hemisphere relations with Japan are at their frostiest in decades America’s vast power is not translating into America’s preferred outcomes. There are many costs that come with predominance material, political, and reputational Vast imbalances of power create apprehension and anxiety in one’s friends just as much as in one’s rivals it is not American predominance that produces unease but rather American predominance Predominance makes one a tempting target, and scapegoat for other countries’ problems and unrealized ambitions Many a Third World autocrat has blamed his country’s economic and social woes on U.S. conspiracy to keep the country fractured, underdeveloped, and subservient to America’s own interests Predominant power breeds envy, resentment, and alienation How is it possible for one country to be so rich and powerful when so many others are weak, divided, and poor? Legitimacy is indispensable for maintaining power and influence in world politics As we witness the emergence of great powers in other parts of the world the distribution of power and influence will become more balanced in the future the U S will necessarily see its relative power decline. While the U S should avoid hastening the end of this current period of American predominance it should not look upon the next period of global politics and international history with dread or foreboding. It should not seek to maintain its predominance at any cost devoting unlimited ambition, resources, and prestige to the cause America’s position in the world both at home and internationally could very well be strengthened once its era of preeminence is over
|
military, economic, and technological advantage does not translate into America’s preferred outcomes Other states are challenging U.S. power the U S is finding it difficult to realize its goals decline in the U S s’ relative position is a consequence of the burdens produced by unipolarity despite material preeminence, the U S sees influence diminishing China has adopted a new assertiveness Pakistan is facing collapse. Russia is using energy resources to reassert dominance Negotiations with North Korea and Iran have gone nowhere Brazil’s growing economic and political influence Vast imbalances of power create apprehension and anxiety friends just as much as rivals American predominance. makes one a tempting target, and scapegoat for other countries’ problems Predominant power breeds envy, resentment, and alienation
|
Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, world politics has been unipolar, defined by American preponderance in each of the core components of state power—military, economic, and technological. Such an imbalanced distribution of power in favor of a single country is unprecedented in the modern state system. This material advantage does not automatically translate into America’s preferred political and diplomatic outcomes, however. Other states, if now only at the margins, are challenging U.S. power and authority. Additionally, on a range of issues, the United States is finding it increasingly difficult to realize its goals and ambitions. The even bigger challenge for policymakers in Washington is how to respond to signs that America’s unquestioned preeminence in international politics is waning. This decline in the United States’ relative position is in part a consequence of the burdens and susceptibilities produced by unipolarity. Contrary to the conventional wisdom, the U.S. position both internationally and domestically may actually be strengthened once this period of unipolarity has passed. On pure material terms, the gap between the United States and the rest of the world is indeed vast. The U.S. economy, with a GDP of over $14 trillion, is nearly three times the size of China’s, now the world’s second-largest national economy. The United States today accounts for approximately 25 percent of global economic output, a figure that has held relatively stable despite steadily increasing economic growth in China, India, Brazil, and other countries. Among the group of six or seven great powers, this figure approaches 50 percent. When one takes discretionary spending into account, the United States today spends more on its military than the rest of the world combined. This imbalance is even further magnified by the fact that five of the next seven biggest spenders are close U.S. allies. China, the country often seen as America’s next great geopolitical rival, has a defense budget that is one-seventh of what the United States spends on its military. There is also a vast gap in terms of the reach and sophistication of advanced weapons systems. By some measures, the United States spends more on research and development for its military than the rest of the world combined. What is remarkable is that the United States can do all of this without completely breaking the bank. The United States today devotes approximately 4 percent of GDP to defense. As a percentage of GDP, the United States today spends far less on its military than it did during the Cold War, when defense spending hovered around 10 percent of gross economic output. As one would expect, the United States today enjoys unquestioned preeminence in the military realm. No other state comes close to having the capability to project military power like the United States.1 And yet, despite this material preeminence, the United States sees its political and strategic influence diminishing around the world. It is involved in two costly and destructive wars, in Iraq and Afghanistan, where success has been elusive and the end remains out of sight. China has adopted a new assertiveness recently, on everything from U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, currency convertibility, and America’s growing debt (which China largely finances). Pakistan, one of America’s closest strategic allies, is facing the threat of social and political collapse. Russia is using its vast energy resources to reassert its dominance in what it views as its historical sphere of influence. Negotiations with North Korea and Iran have gone nowhere in dismantling their nuclear programs. Brazil’s growing economic and political influence offer another option for partnership and investment for countries in the Western Hemisphere. And relations with Japan, following the election that brought the opposition Democratic Party into power, are at their frostiest in decades. To many observers, it seems that America’s vast power is not translating into America’s preferred outcomes. As the United States has come to learn, raw power does not automatically translate into the realization of one’s preferences, nor is it necessarily easy to maintain one’s predominant position in world politics. There are many costs that come with predominance – material, political, and reputational. Vast imbalances of power create apprehension and anxiety in others, in one’s friends just as much as in one’s rivals. In this view, it is not necessarily American predominance that produces unease but rather American predominance. Predominance also makes one a tempting target, and a scapegoat for other countries’ own problems and unrealized ambitions. Many a Third World autocrat has blamed his country’s economic and social woes on an ostensible U.S. conspiracy to keep the country fractured, underdeveloped, and subservient to America’s own interests. Predominant power likewise breeds envy, resentment, and alienation. How is it possible for one country to be so rich and powerful when so many others are weak, divided, and poor? Legitimacy—the perception that one’s role and purpose is acceptable and one’s power is used justly—is indispensable for maintaining power and influence in world politics. As we witness the emergence (or re-emergence) of great powers in other parts of the world, we realize that American predominance cannot last forever. It is inevitable that the distribution of power and influence will become more balanced in the future, and that the United States will necessarily see its relative power decline. While the United States naturally should avoid hastening the end of this current period of American predominance, it should not look upon the next period of global politics and international history with dread or foreboding. It certainly should not seek to maintain its predominance at any cost, devoting unlimited ambition, resources, and prestige to the cause. In fact, contrary to what many have argued about the importance of maintaining its predominance, America’s position in the world—both at home and internationally—could very well be strengthened once its era of preeminence is over. It is, therefore, necessary for the United States to start thinking about how best to position itself in the ‘‘post-unipolar’’ world.
| 6,345 |
<h4>Expanding the U.S. lead in material power triggers global resentment and blowback that destroys the <u>effectiveness</u> of U.S. heg in stabilizing every key hotspot </h4><p><strong>Maher, 11</strong> – Postdoctoral Fellow at the European University Institute and Visiting Lecturer in the Political Science Department at Brown University (Richard, Winter 2011, “The Paradox of American Unipolarity: Why the United States May Be Better Off in a Post-Unipolar World”, Orbis, Vol. 55, No. 1, UTD McDermitt Library, KONTOPOULOS)</p><p>Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, <u><strong>world politics has been unipolar, defined by American preponderance</u></strong> in each of the core components of state power—<u><strong><mark>military,</u></strong></mark> <u><strong><mark>economic, and technological</u></strong></mark>. Such an imbalanced distribution of power in favor of a single country is unprecedented in the modern state system. This <u><strong>material <mark>advantage</u></strong> <u><strong>does not</u></strong></mark> automatically <u><strong><mark>translate into America’s</u></strong> <u><strong>preferred</mark> political and diplomatic <mark>outcomes</u></strong></mark>, however. <u><strong><mark>Other states</u></strong></mark>, if now only at the margins, <u><strong><mark>are challenging U.S. power</mark> and authority</u></strong>. Additionally, on a range of issues, <u><strong><mark>the U</u></strong></mark>nited <u><strong><mark>S</u></strong></mark>tates <u><strong><mark>is finding it</mark> increasingly <mark>difficult to realize its goals</mark> and ambitions</u></strong>. The even bigger challenge for policymakers in Washington is how to respond to signs that America’s unquestioned preeminence in international politics is waning. This <u><strong><mark>decline in the U</u></strong></mark>nited <u><strong><mark>S</u></strong></mark>tate<u><strong><mark>s’</mark> <mark>relative position is</u></strong></mark> in part <u><strong><mark>a consequence of the</u></strong> <u><strong>burdens</mark> and susceptibilities <mark>produced by unipolarity</u></strong></mark>. <u><strong>Contrary to the conventional wisdom</u></strong>, <u><strong>the U.S. position both internationally and domestically</u></strong> <u><strong>may actually be strengthened</u></strong> <u><strong>once</u></strong> this period of <u><strong>unipolarity has passed</u></strong>. On pure material terms, the gap between the United States and the rest of the world is indeed vast. <u><strong>The U.S. economy, with a GDP of over $14 trillion, is nearly three times the size of China’s, now the world’s second-largest national economy. The U</u></strong>nited <u><strong>S</u></strong>tates today <u><strong>accounts for</u></strong> approximately <u><strong>25 percent of global economic output</u></strong>, a figure that has held relatively stable despite steadily increasing economic growth in China, India, Brazil, and other countries. <u><strong>Among the group of six or seven great powers, this figure approaches 50 percent</u></strong>. When one takes discretionary spending into account, the United States today spends more on its military than the rest of the world combined. This imbalance is even further magnified by the fact that five of the next seven biggest spenders are close U.S. allies. China, the country often seen as America’s next great geopolitical rival, has a defense budget that is one-seventh of what the United States spends on its military. There is also a vast gap in terms of the reach and sophistication of advanced weapons systems. By some measures, the United States spends more on research and development for its military than the rest of the world combined. What is remarkable is that the United States can do all of this without completely breaking the bank. The United States today devotes approximately 4 percent of GDP to defense. As a percentage of GDP, the United States today spends far less on its military than it did during the Cold War, when defense spending hovered around 10 percent of gross economic output. As one would expect, the United States today enjoys unquestioned preeminence in the military realm. No other state comes close to having the capability to project military power like the United States.1 And yet, <u><strong><mark>despite</mark> this <mark>material preeminence, the U</u></strong></mark>nited <u><strong><mark>S</u></strong></mark>tates <u><strong><mark>sees</mark> its political and strategic <mark>influence diminishing</mark> around the world</u></strong>. It is involved in two costly and destructive wars, in Iraq and Afghanistan, where success has been elusive and the end remains out of sight. <u><strong><mark>China has adopted a new assertiveness</u></strong></mark> recently, on everything from U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, currency convertibility, and America’s growing debt (which China largely finances). <u><strong><mark>Pakistan</u></strong></mark>, <u><strong>one of America’s closest strategic allies, <mark>is facing</mark> the threat of social and political <mark>collapse</u></strong>. <u><strong>Russia</u></strong> <u><strong>is using</mark> its vast <mark>energy resources to</u></strong> <u><strong>reassert</mark> its <mark>dominance</u></strong></mark> in what it views as its historical sphere of influence. <u><strong><mark>Negotiations with</u></strong> <u><strong>North Korea and Iran</u></strong> <u><strong>have gone nowhere</mark> in dismantling their nuclear programs</u></strong>. <u><strong><mark>Brazil’s</u></strong> <u><strong>growing economic and political influence</mark> offer another option for partnership and investment for countries in the Western Hemisphere</u></strong>. And <u><strong>relations with Japan</u></strong>, following the election that brought the opposition Democratic Party into power, <u><strong>are at their frostiest in decades</u></strong>. To many observers, it seems that <u><strong>America’s vast power is not translating into America’s preferred outcomes.</u></strong> As the United States has come to learn, raw power does not automatically translate into the realization of one’s preferences, nor is it necessarily easy to maintain one’s predominant position in world politics. <u><strong>There are</u></strong> <u><strong>many costs that come with predominance</u></strong> – <u><strong>material, political, and reputational</u></strong>. <u><strong><mark>Vast imbalances of power</u></strong> <u><strong>create apprehension and anxiety</u></strong> </mark>in others, <u><strong>in one’s <mark>friends just as much as </mark>in one’s <mark>rivals</u></strong></mark>. In this view, <u><strong>it is not</u></strong> necessarily <u><strong>American predominance that produces unease but rather <mark>American predominance</u></strong>.</mark> <u><strong>Predominance</u></strong> also <u><strong><mark>makes one a</u></strong> <u><strong>tempting target, and</u></strong></mark> a <u><strong><mark>scapegoat</u></strong> <u><strong>for other countries’</u></strong></mark> own <u><strong><mark>problems</mark> and unrealized ambitions</u></strong>. <u><strong>Many a Third World autocrat has</u></strong> <u><strong>blamed his country’s economic and social woes on</u></strong> an ostensible <u><strong>U.S. conspiracy to keep the country fractured, underdeveloped, and subservient</u></strong> <u><strong>to America’s own interests</u></strong>. <u><strong><mark>Predominant power</u></strong></mark> likewise <u><strong><mark>breeds</u></strong> <u><strong>envy, resentment, and alienation</u></strong></mark>. <u><strong>How is it possible for one country to be so rich and powerful when so many others are weak, divided, and poor?</u></strong> <u><strong>Legitimacy</u></strong>—the perception that one’s role and purpose is acceptable and one’s power is used justly—<u><strong>is</u></strong> <u><strong>indispensable for maintaining power and influence</u></strong> <u><strong>in world politics</u></strong>. <u><strong>As we witness the emergence</u></strong> (or re-emergence) <u><strong>of great powers in other parts of the world</u></strong>, we realize that American predominance cannot last forever. It is inevitable that <u><strong>the distribution of power and influence will become more balanced in the future</u></strong>, and that <u><strong>the U</u></strong>nited <u><strong>S</u></strong>tates <u><strong>will necessarily see its relative power decline.</u></strong> <u><strong>While the U</u></strong>nited <u><strong>S</u></strong>tates naturally <u><strong>should avoid hastening the end of this current period of American predominance</u></strong>, <u><strong>it should not look upon the next period of global politics and international history with dread or foreboding. It</u></strong> certainly <u><strong>should not seek to maintain its predominance at any cost</u></strong>, <u><strong>devoting unlimited ambition, resources, and prestige to the cause</u></strong>. In fact, contrary to what many have argued about the importance of maintaining its predominance, <u><strong>America’s position in the world</u></strong>—<u><strong>both at home and internationally</u></strong>—<u><strong>could very well be strengthened once its era of preeminence is over</u>. It is, therefore, necessary for the United States to start thinking about how best to position itself in the ‘‘post-unipolar’’ world.</p></strong>
| null |
1nc
|
a1
| 98,367 | 49 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,807 |
Opt-out gets much higher commitment than opt-in
|
O'Sullivan 11
|
O'Sullivan 11 Sophia O'Sullivan, historical contributor 9 August 2011 Heart to Heart- An Investigation of Globalisation and the Illegal Organ Trade http://smartsgroupd.blogspot.com/p/sophia.html
|
Johnson and Goldstein note that when opt-in donation systems are present: donation rates can be as low as 4.25% of the population, conversely donation rates for opt-out systems average around 98%, a trend demonstrated in countries such as France, Austria and Portugal
|
opt-in donation rates can be as low as 4.25% conversel opt-out systems average around 98%, a trend demonstrated in countries such as France, Austria and Portuga
|
The reasons for the lack of organ donors may often be due to the donation system which exists within a country; Johnson and Goldstein note that when opt-in donation systems are present: donation rates can be as low as 4.25% of the population, as in Denmark; conversely donation rates for opt-out systems average around 98%, a trend demonstrated in countries such as France, Austria and Portugal. Cultural differences appear to have an impact on donation, New Mexico Donor Services 2003 report states that the Roma people are opposed to the donation of organs, a tentative link may be made between their high concentration in Eastern Europe and those countries’ low donation rates (New Mexico Donor Services). The Japan Organ Transplant Network argues that the scandal and corruption surrounding the country’s first heart transplant operation has lead to a national mindset of distrust (Japan Organ Transplant Network). This has been substituted for the crippling lifestyle disease rates that have caused organ shortages in the western world.
| 1,041 |
<h4><strong>Opt-out gets much higher commitment than opt-in</h4><p>O'Sullivan 11</strong> Sophia O'Sullivan, historical contributor 9 August 2011 Heart to Heart- An Investigation of Globalisation and the Illegal Organ Trade http://smartsgroupd.blogspot.com/p/sophia.html</p><p>The reasons for the lack of organ donors may often be due to the donation system which exists within a country; <u>Johnson and Goldstein note that when <mark>opt-in donation </mark>systems are present: donation <mark>rates can be as low as 4.25%</mark> of the population,</u> as in Denmark; <u><mark>conversel</mark>y donation rates for <mark>opt-out systems average around 98%, a trend demonstrated in countries such as France, Austria and Portuga</mark>l</u><strong>. Cultural differences appear to have an impact on donation, New Mexico Donor Services 2003 report states that the Roma people are opposed to the donation of organs, a tentative link may be made between their high concentration in Eastern Europe and those countries’ low donation rates (New Mexico Donor Services). The Japan Organ Transplant Network argues that the scandal and corruption surrounding the country’s first heart transplant operation has lead to a national mindset of distrust (Japan Organ Transplant Network). This has been substituted for the crippling lifestyle disease rates that have caused organ shortages in the western world.</p></strong>
| null |
1nc
|
2
| 430,430 | 2 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,808 |
Independetly, Increasing reliance on the illegal market means the threat is serious—specifically causes tropical disease
|
Franco-Paredes 10
|
Franco-Paredes 10 Carlos Franco-Paredes, Jesse T. Jacob. Alicia Hidrona, Alfonso J. Rodriguez-Morales,David Kuhara, and Angela M. Caliendoa all with Division of Infectious Diseases, Emory University School of Medicine except Redriguez-Morales at Division of Immunoparasitology, Tropical Medicine Institute, Universidad Central de Venezuela International Journal of Infectious Diseases Volume 14, Issue 3, March 2010, Pages e189–e196 Transplantation and tropical infectious diseases http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1201971209002045
|
More transplantation procedures are being performed annually, resulting in an increase in the number of immunocompromised hosts in the last decade, there has been a growing identification of tropical infectious diseases occurring in transplant hosts in endemic and non-endemic settings The epidemiologic reasons for the growing number of reports of tropical infections appearing in transplant recipients include increasing numbers of transplantation procedures taking place in tropical countries and ( many individuals traveling overseas for ‘transplant tourism’ in countries with high prevalence of tropical infectious diseases
|
transplantation being performed resulting in an increase in number of immunocompromised hosts there has been a growing identification of tropical infectious diseases occurring in transplant hosts The reasons for the growing number include increasing numbers of transplantation procedures taking place in tropical countries and (4) many individuals traveling overseas for ‘transplant tourism’ in countries with high prevalence of tropical infectious diseases
|
More transplantation procedures are being performed annually, resulting in an increase in the number of immunocompromised hosts.1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7 Most of the literature in infectious diseases in transplantation has focused on common pathogens prevalent in industrialized Western countries, where most transplantation surgeries occur.1, 2, 4, 5, 6 and 7 However, in the last decade, there has been a growing identification of tropical infectious diseases occurring in transplant hosts in endemic and non-endemic settings.3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10 and 11 The epidemiologic reasons for the growing number of reports of tropical infections appearing in transplant recipients include: (1) increasing travel of transplanted patients to the tropics and subtropics;8, 12 and 13 (2) increasing population immigration from endemic areas for tropical infections to non-endemic settings;6, 14 and 15 (3) increasing numbers of transplantation procedures taking place in tropical countries;11, 16, 17, 18 and 19 and (4) many individuals traveling overseas for ‘transplant tourism’ in countries with high prevalence of tropical infectious diseases.20 and 21 In general, transmission of these infections occurs through three main routes: donor-derived infections,3, 4, 6, 15 and 22 reactivation or recrudescence of latent infections,16, 22, 23 and 24 or transmission de novo during the post-transplant period.4 and 16 Infectious pathogens may be carried by the graft or the infection may be acquired through transfusion of blood products during or after the transplantation.3, 4
| 1,559 |
<h4><strong>Independetly, Increasing reliance on the illegal market means the threat is serious—specifically causes tropical disease </h4><p>Franco-Paredes</strong> <strong>10 </strong> Carlos Franco-Paredes, Jesse T. Jacob. Alicia Hidrona, Alfonso J. Rodriguez-Morales,David Kuhara, and Angela M. Caliendoa all with Division of Infectious Diseases, Emory University School of Medicine except Redriguez-Morales at Division of Immunoparasitology, Tropical Medicine Institute, Universidad Central de Venezuela International Journal of Infectious Diseases Volume 14, Issue 3, March 2010, Pages e189–e196 Transplantation and tropical infectious diseases http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S1201971209002045</p><p><u>More <mark>transplantation </mark>procedures are <mark>being performed</mark> annually, <mark>resulting in an increase</mark> <mark>in</mark> the <mark>number of immunocompromised hosts</u></mark>.1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 and 7 Most of the literature in infectious diseases in transplantation has focused on common pathogens prevalent in industrialized Western countries, where most transplantation surgeries occur.1, 2, 4, 5, 6 and 7 However, <u>in the last decade, <mark>there has been</mark> <mark>a growing identification of tropical infectious diseases occurring in transplant hosts</mark> in endemic and non-endemic settings</u>.3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10 and 11 <u><mark>The</mark> epidemiologic <mark>reasons for the</mark> <mark>growing number</mark> of reports of tropical infections appearing in transplant recipients <mark>include</u></mark>: (1) increasing travel of transplanted patients to the tropics and subtropics;8, 12 and 13 (2) increasing population immigration from endemic areas for tropical infections to non-endemic settings;6, 14 and 15 (3) <u><mark>increasing numbers of transplantation procedures taking place in tropical countries</u></mark>;11, 16, 17, 18 and 19 <u><mark>and (</u>4) <u>many individuals traveling overseas for ‘transplant tourism’ in countries with high prevalence of tropical infectious diseases</u><strong></mark>.20 and 21 In general, transmission of these infections occurs through three main routes: donor-derived infections,3, 4, 6, 15 and 22 reactivation or recrudescence of latent infections,16, 22, 23 and 24 or transmission de novo during the post-transplant period.4 and 16 Infectious pathogens may be carried by the graft or the infection may be acquired through transfusion of blood products during or after the transplantation.3, 4</p></strong>
| null | null |
Contention 2 is illegal markets
| 430,431 | 5 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,809 |
Can’t solve- shift and profits in legal economy and gray markets
|
Krache-Morris 2013
|
Krache-Morris 2013 (Evelyn, International Secretary Program Fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International affairs at Harvard University, “Think Again: Mexican Drug Cartels”, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/12/03/think_again_mexican_drug_cartels)
|
Legalization has become an increasingly popular proposal But because DTOs are dealing in far more than just illegal drugs, the disappearance of one revenue stream would not eradicate the cartels or decisively erode their power. Even if the cartels were dependent on drug money, which they aren't, the idea that legalization is a binary switch that would cut off profits from the drug trade is fundamentally flawed In marijuana, "legalization" implies wide availability and fairly easy access, but it is highly unlikely that the U.S. government would remove restrictions on drugs like ecstasy or heroin, leaving the cartels' business in those narcotics intact even legitimate drugs can spur illicit trade if they are in high demand but the supply is tightly controlled restrictions gave rise to a thriving black market Licit drugs can also create highly profitable arbitrage opportunities for enterprising criminals if the laws that govern their distribution differ from state to state, as would likely be the case if marijuana or other drugs were widely legalized because of differing state tax rates, the opportunity for profit is substantial
|
DTOs are in far more than illegal drugs, one revenue stream would not erode their power. Even if the cartels were dependent it is unlikely the U.S. would remove restrictions on ecstasy or heroin, leaving business intact even legitimate drugs spur illicit trade if supply is controlled Licit drugs can also create arbitrage opportunities if the laws differ state to state, as would be the case opportunity for profit is substantial
|
Hardly. Legalization has become an increasingly popular, if still controversial, proposal among those who think that the costs of the war on drugs have overwhelmed the benefits, including some Central and South American leaders, like Guatemalan President Otto Pérez Molina. But because DTOs are dealing in far more than just illegal drugs, the disappearance of one revenue stream would not eradicate the cartels or decisively erode their power. Even if the cartels were dependent on drug money, which they aren't, the idea that legalization is a binary switch that would cut off profits from the drug trade is fundamentally flawed. In the context of drugs like marijuana, "legalization" implies wide availability and fairly easy access, but it is highly unlikely that the U.S. government would remove all, or even many, restrictions on drugs like ecstasy or heroin, leaving the cartels' business in those narcotics intact. What's more, even legitimate drugs can spur illicit trade if they are in high demand but the supply is tightly controlled. Drugs like oxycodone, a highly addictive painkiller, are legally manufactured and sold in the United States, but "oxy" is strictly regulated under Schedule II of the 1970 Controlled Substances Act. Those restrictions gave rise to a thriving black market in the drug, with prices reaching as high as $150 per pill. Licit drugs can also create highly profitable arbitrage opportunities for enterprising criminals if the laws that govern their distribution differ from state to state, as would likely be the case if marijuana or other drugs were widely legalized. Cigarettes are legal, yet interstate cigarette smuggling makes a great deal of money for organized crime; because of differing state tax rates, the opportunity for profit is substantial. Virginia, for example, which has among the lowest cigarette taxes in the nation, is grappling with increased criminal activity, because of trafficking to high-tax states like New York and New Jersey. (And Virginia's hardly the only one; other states, like Texas, have even seen armed hijackings of cigarette trucks.)
| 2,110 |
<h4><strong>Can’t solve- shift and profits in legal economy and gray markets</h4><p>Krache-Morris 2013</strong> (Evelyn, International Secretary Program Fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International affairs at Harvard University, “Think Again: Mexican Drug Cartels”, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/12/03/think_again_mexican_drug_cartels)</p><p>Hardly. <u>Legalization has become an increasingly popular</u>, if still controversial, <u>proposal</u> among those who think that the costs of the war on drugs have overwhelmed the benefits, including some Central and South American leaders, like Guatemalan President Otto Pérez Molina. <u>But because <mark>DTOs are </mark>dealing <mark>in far more than </mark>just <mark>illegal drugs, </mark>the disappearance of <strong><mark>one revenue stream</strong> would not </mark>eradicate the cartels or decisively <mark>erode their power.</u></mark> <u><strong><mark>Even if</strong> the cartels were dependent </mark>on drug money, which they aren't, the idea that legalization is a binary switch that would cut off profits from the drug trade is fundamentally flawed</u>. <u>In</u> the context of drugs like <u>marijuana, "legalization" implies wide availability and fairly easy access, but <mark>it is</mark> highly <mark>unlikely </mark>that <mark>the U.S.</mark> government <mark>would remove</u></mark> all, or even many, <u><mark>restrictions on </mark>drugs like <mark>ecstasy or heroin, leaving </mark>the cartels' <mark>business </mark>in those narcotics <mark>intact</u></mark>. What's more, <u><strong><mark>even legitimate drugs</strong> </mark>can <mark>spur illicit trade if </mark>they are in high demand but the <mark>supply is </mark>tightly <mark>controlled</u></mark>. Drugs like oxycodone, a highly addictive painkiller, are legally manufactured and sold in the United States, but "oxy" is strictly regulated under Schedule II of the 1970 Controlled Substances Act. Those <u>restrictions gave rise to a thriving black market</u> in the drug, with prices reaching as high as $150 per pill. <u><mark>Licit drugs can also create </mark>highly profitable <mark>arbitrage opportunities</mark> for enterprising criminals <mark>if the laws </mark>that govern their distribution <mark>differ </mark>from <mark>state to state, as would </mark>likely <mark>be the case </mark>if marijuana or other drugs were widely legalized</u>. Cigarettes are legal, yet interstate cigarette smuggling makes a great deal of money for organized crime; <u>because of differing state tax rates, <strong>the <mark>opportunity for profit is substantial</u></strong></mark>. Virginia, for example, which has among the lowest cigarette taxes in the nation, is grappling with increased criminal activity, because of trafficking to high-tax states like New York and New Jersey. (And Virginia's hardly the only one; other states, like Texas, have even seen armed hijackings of cigarette trucks.)</p>
| null |
1nc
|
a1
| 45,890 | 62 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,810 |
Educating and training health professionals could solve shortage
|
Schwark 11
|
Schwark 11 DAVID SCHWARK, J.D. expected 2011, Cleveland State University, Cleveland-Marshall College of Law. Journal of Law and Health 2011 24 J.L. & Health 323 NOTE: ORGAN CONSCRIPTION: HOW THE DEAD CAN SAVE THE LIVING lexis
|
One commentator proposes that the solution to the organ shortage lies in addressing the psychological issues involved in procurement rather than adopting more restrictive legal regimes, This solution could be accomplished by educating health providers about the need to ask families for consent and by providing training that allows them to do so in a manner that respects the family's grieving, These measures alone, he argues, would significantly increase the number of organ donors.
|
the solution to the organ shortage lies in addressing the psychological issues involved in procurement could be accomplished by educating health providers about the need to ask families for consent and by providing training that allows them to do so in a manner that respects the family's grieving would significantly increase the number of organ donors
|
There have been several attempts to explain why this occurs. One commentator has suggested that this outcome is a result of psychological factors. n150 He suggests that individuals may have negative feelings towards organ procurement because of its relationship with death and that these feelings impact the legal systems designed to encourage donation. n151 Emotional issues involved may deter the decedent's family from agreeing to donation, as well as prevent health care professionals from feeling comfortable enough to sensitively request donation from the family. n152 Therefore, he proposes that the solution to the organ shortage lies in addressing the psychological issues involved in procurement rather than adopting more restrictive legal regimes, like presumed consent. n153 This solution could be accomplished by educating health providers about the need to ask families for consent and by providing training that allows them to do so in a manner that respects the family's grieving, n154 These measures alone, he argues, would significantly increase the number of organ donors.
| 1,096 |
<h4><strong>Educating and training health professionals could solve shortage</h4><p>Schwark 11<u></strong> DAVID SCHWARK, J.D. expected 2011, Cleveland State University, Cleveland-Marshall College of Law. Journal of Law and Health 2011 24 J.L. & Health 323 NOTE: ORGAN CONSCRIPTION: HOW THE DEAD CAN SAVE THE LIVING lexis</p><p></u>There have been several attempts to explain why this occurs. <u>One commentator</u> has suggested that this outcome is a result of psychological factors. n150 He suggests that individuals may have negative feelings towards organ procurement because of its relationship with death and that these feelings impact the legal systems designed to encourage donation. n151 Emotional issues involved may deter the decedent's family from agreeing to donation, as well as prevent health care professionals from feeling comfortable enough to sensitively request donation from the family. n152 Therefore, he <u>proposes that <mark>the solution to the organ shortage lies in addressing the psychological issues involved in procurement</mark> rather than adopting more restrictive legal regimes,</u> like presumed consent. n153 <u>This solution <mark>could be accomplished by educating health providers about the need to ask families for consent and by providing training that allows them to do so in a manner that respects the family's grieving</mark>,</u> n154 <u>These measures alone, he argues, <mark>would significantly increase the number of organ donors<strong></mark>.</p></u></strong>
| null |
1nc
|
2
| 430,432 | 2 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,811 |
Tropical disease are uniquely likely to spread globally—they’re resistant to immunization
|
Franca et al. 13 (R. Franca, Department of Pharmacology, School of Medicine of Ribeirao Preto, University of Sao Paulo, Brazil, C. C. de Silva, Department of General Biology, Federal University of Vicosa, Brazil, S.O. De Paula, Laboratory of Molecular Immunovirology, Federal University of Vicosa, Brazil, “Recent Advances in Molecular Medicine Techniques for the Diagnosis, Prevention, and Control of Infectious Diseases,” Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg, submitted November 26, 2012, published January 22, 2013, pg. 1)
|
Franca et al. 13 (R. Franca, Department of Pharmacology, School of Medicine of Ribeirao Preto, University of Sao Paulo, Brazil, C. C. de Silva, Department of General Biology, Federal University of Vicosa, Brazil, S.O. De Paula, Laboratory of Molecular Immunovirology, Federal University of Vicosa, Brazil, “Recent Advances in Molecular Medicine Techniques for the Diagnosis, Prevention, and Control of Infectious Diseases,” Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg, submitted November 26, 2012, published January 22, 2013, pg. 1)
|
the list of pathogenic microorganisms is extensive despite considerable progress, infectious diseases remain a strong challenge to human survival. Despite the great advances in medicine, particularly in new therapeutic drugs, diagnostic tools, and even ways to prevent diseases, the human species still faces serious health problems. Among these problems, those that draw the most attention are infectious diseases, especially in poor regions An important feature of infectious disease is its potential to arise globally, exemplified by known devastating past and present pandemics such as the bubonic–pneumonic plague, Spanish flu (1918 influenza pandemic), and the present pandemic of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) other non-viral diseases are significant public health problems as exemplified by tuberculosis (TB). In recent years, new forms of infectious diseases have become significantly important these forms are now widely known as emergent and re-emergent infectious diseases. With the appearance of new transmissible diseases, such as West Nile , in addition to reemerging diseases the concerns about a global epidemic are not unfounded Moreover, in the tropical and subtropical regions of the world, parasitic infections are a common cause of deat infectious diseases is of crucial importance to humankind.
|
despite progress, infectious diseases remain a strong challenge to human survival Despite advances in medicine the human species still faces serious health problems Among those that draw the most attention are infectious diseases, especially in poor regions. An important of infectious disease is its potential to arise globally exemplified by known devastating past and present pandemics new forms of infectious diseases have become significantly important With the appearance of new transmissible diseases, such as West Nile in addition to reemerging diseases the concerns about a global epidemic are not unfounded the tropical and subtropical regions of the world, parasitic infections are a common cause of death infectious diseases is of crucial importance to humankind.
|
Abstract In recent years we have observed great advances in our ability to combat infectious diseases. Through the development of novel genetic methodologies, including a better understanding of pathogen biology, pathogenic mechanisms, advances in vaccine development, designing new therapeutic drugs, and optimization of diagnostic tools, significant infectious diseases are now better controlled. Here, we briefly describe recent reports in the literature concentrating on infectious disease control. The focus of this review is to describe the molecular methods widely used in the diagnosis, prevention, and control of infectious diseases with regard to the innovation of molecular techniques. Since the list of pathogenic microorganisms is extensive, we emphasize some of the major human infectious diseases (AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria, rotavirus, herpes virus, viral hepatitis, and dengue fever). As a consequence of these developments, infectious diseases will be more accurately and effectively treated; safe and effective vaccines are being developed and rapid detection of infectious agents now permits countermeasures to avoid potential outbreaks and epidemics. But, despite considerable progress, infectious diseases remain a strong challenge to human survival. Introduction Despite the great advances in medicine, particularly in new therapeutic drugs, diagnostic tools, and even ways to prevent diseases, the human species still faces serious health problems. Among these problems, those that draw the most attention are infectious diseases, especially in poor regions. An important feature of infectious disease is its potential to arise globally, as exemplified by known devastating past and present pandemics such as the bubonic–pneumonic plague, Spanish flu (1918 influenza pandemic), and the present pandemic of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), in which an estimated 33.3 million persons were living with the HIV infection worldwide at the end of 2009 [1–3]. In addition, other non-viral diseases are significant public health problems, as exemplified by tuberculosis (TB). This infectious disease accounts for one third of the world’s bacterial infections (TB infected), and in 2010 a total of 8.8 million people worldwide became sick with TB [1, 4]. In recent years, new forms of infectious diseases have become significantly important to medical and scientific communities; these forms are now widely known as emergent and re-emergent infectious diseases. With the appearance of new transmissible diseases, such as SARS, West Nile and H5N1/H1N1 Influenza viruses, in addition to reemerging diseases like dengue fever, the concerns about a global epidemic are not unfounded [5]. Moreover, in the tropical and subtropical regions of the world, parasitic infections are a common cause of death. Since one of the major characteristics of infectious diseases is its inter-individual transmission, advances in personal protection, effective public policy, and immunological procedures are efficient means of controlling the spread of these diseases. Thus, improvement of pre-existing technologies commonly used to monitor, prevent, and treat infectious diseases is of crucial importance not only to the medical community, but also to humankind.
| 3,263 |
<h4><strong>Tropical disease are uniquely likely to spread globally—they’re resistant to immunization</h4><p>Franca et al. 13<u> (R. Franca, Department of Pharmacology, School of Medicine of Ribeirao Preto, University of Sao Paulo, Brazil, C. C. de Silva, Department of General Biology, Federal University of Vicosa, Brazil, S.O. De Paula, Laboratory of Molecular Immunovirology, Federal University of Vicosa, Brazil, “Recent Advances in Molecular Medicine Techniques for the Diagnosis, Prevention, and Control of Infectious Diseases,” Springer-Verlag Berlin Heidelberg, submitted November 26, 2012, published January 22, 2013, pg. 1)</p><p></u></strong>Abstract In recent years we have observed great advances in our ability to combat infectious diseases. Through the development of novel genetic methodologies, including a better understanding of pathogen biology, pathogenic mechanisms, advances in vaccine development, designing new therapeutic drugs, and optimization of diagnostic tools, significant infectious diseases are now better controlled. Here, we briefly describe recent reports in the literature concentrating on infectious disease control. The focus of this review is to describe the molecular methods widely used in the diagnosis, prevention, and control of infectious diseases with regard to the innovation of molecular techniques. Since <u>the list of pathogenic microorganisms is extensive</u>, we emphasize some of the major human infectious diseases (AIDS, tuberculosis, malaria, rotavirus, herpes virus, viral hepatitis, and dengue fever). As a consequence of these developments, infectious diseases will be more accurately and effectively treated; safe and effective vaccines are being developed and rapid detection of infectious agents now permits countermeasures to avoid potential outbreaks and epidemics. But, <u><mark>despite</mark> considerable <mark>progress, infectious diseases remain a</mark> <mark>strong challenge to human survival</mark>. </u>Introduction <u><mark>Despite</mark> the great <mark>advances in medicine</mark>, particularly in new therapeutic drugs, diagnostic tools, and even ways to prevent diseases, <mark>the</mark> <mark>human species still faces serious health problems</mark>. <mark>Among</mark> these problems, <mark>those that draw the most attention are infectious diseases, especially in poor regions</u>. <u>An important</mark> feature <mark>of infectious disease is its <strong>potential to arise globally</strong></mark>,</u> as <u><mark>exemplified by known</mark> <mark>devastating past and present pandemics</mark> such as the bubonic–pneumonic plague, Spanish flu (1918 influenza pandemic), and the present pandemic of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV)</u>, in which an estimated 33.3 million persons were living with the HIV infection worldwide at the end of 2009 [1–3]. In addition, <u>other non-viral diseases are significant public health problems</u>, <u>as exemplified by tuberculosis (TB). </u>This infectious disease accounts for one third of the world’s bacterial infections (TB infected), and in 2010 a total of 8.8 million people worldwide became sick with TB [1, 4]. <u>In recent years, <mark>new forms of infectious diseases have become significantly important</u></mark> to medical and scientific communities; <u>these forms are now widely known as emergent and re-emergent infectious diseases. <mark>With the appearance of new transmissible diseases, such as</u></mark> SARS, <u><mark>West</mark> <mark>Nile</mark> </u>and H5N1/H1N1 Influenza viruses<u>, <mark>in addition to reemerging diseases</u></mark> like dengue fever, <u><mark>the concerns about a <strong>global epidemic</strong> are not unfounded</u></mark> [5]. <u>Moreover, in <mark>the tropical and subtropical regions of the world, parasitic infections are a common cause of deat</u><strong>h</mark>.</strong> Since one of the major characteristics of infectious diseases is its inter-individual transmission, advances in personal protection, effective public policy, and immunological procedures are efficient means of controlling the spread of these diseases. Thus, improvement of pre-existing technologies commonly used to monitor, prevent, and treat <u><mark>infectious diseases is of crucial importance</mark> </u>not only to the medical community, but also <u><strong><mark>to humankind.</p></u></strong></mark>
| null | null |
Contention 2 is illegal markets
| 109,170 | 32 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,812 |
Other drugs outweigh marijuana
|
Rico 2014
|
Rico 2014 (Bernardo, international banker and Central America development specialist, INROADS OR DETOURS in the Drug Debate?, Americas Quarterly8.1 (Winter 2014): 40-45, proquest)
|
marijuana legalization is irrelevant to curbing drug violence in transit countries They have the highest murder rates not because they consume marijuana or hard drugs, but because they form an integral part of the trafficking machine for cocaine heroin and meth In Mexico, marijuana trafficking generates just 17 percent of cartel revenue, compared to 68 percent from hard drugs-slightly more than the estimated revenue earned from nondrug activities like human trafficking
| null |
The growing marijuana legalization movement may have reframed the overall debate about drug reform, but it is irrelevant to the goal of curbing drug violence in transit countries, such as Honduras and Guatemala. They have the first and fourth highest murder rates, respectively, in the world-not because they consume marijuana or hard drugs, but because they form an integral part of the trafficking machine for cocaine and, increasingly, heroin and methamphetamine. In Mexico, marijuana trafficking generates just 17 percent of cartel revenue, compared to 68 percent from hard drugs-slightly more than the estimated revenue earned from nondrug activities like human trafficking (15 percent).
| 692 |
<h4>Other drugs outweigh marijuana</h4><p><strong>Rico 2014</strong> (Bernardo, international banker and Central America development specialist, INROADS OR DETOURS in the Drug Debate?, Americas Quarterly8.1 (Winter 2014): 40-45, proquest)</p><p>The growing <u>marijuana legalization</u> movement may have reframed the overall debate about drug reform, but it <u>is irrelevant to</u> the goal of <u>curbing drug violence</u> <u>in transit countries</u>, such as Honduras and Guatemala. <u>They have the</u> first and fourth <u>highest murder rates</u>, respectively, in the world-<u>not because they consume marijuana or hard drugs, but because they form an integral part of the trafficking machine for cocaine</u> and, increasingly, <u>heroin and meth</u>amphetamine. <u>In Mexico, marijuana trafficking generates just 17 percent of cartel revenue, compared to 68 percent from hard drugs-slightly more than the estimated revenue earned from nondrug activities like human trafficking</u> (15 percent).</p>
| null |
1nc
|
a1
| 430,433 | 1 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,813 |
Plan solves 2 internal links--
| null | null | null | null | null | null |
<h4><strong>Plan solves 2 internal links--</h4></strong>
| null | null |
Contention 2 is illegal markets
| 430,434 | 1 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,814 |
The courts have denied property rights to body parts because it’s illegal to sell organs, the aff necessarily reverses this and causes a recognition of property rights
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Thompson 13 AND EGG DONATION SYSTEMS, Janelle E. Thompson Valparaiso University Law Review Fall, 2013 Valparaiso University Law Review 48 Val. U.L. Rev. 469, J.D. Candidate, Valparaiso University Law School (2014); B.A., Political Science, Business, Elmhurst College (2011), lexis)
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Thompson 13 (THE EGGSPLOITATION OF THE UNITED STATES' ORGAN AND EGG DONATION SYSTEMS, Janelle E. Thompson Valparaiso University Law Review Fall, 2013 Valparaiso University Law Review 48 Val. U.L. Rev. 469, J.D. Candidate, Valparaiso University Law School (2014); B.A., Political Science, Business, Elmhurst College (2011), lexis)
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State and federal jurisdictions have consistently rejected the argument that a person has an absolute property interest in a living or deceased human body Property is commonly referred to as a bundle of rights. This includes the right to possess, use, exclude, sell, and dispose of the property. Currently, the court system does not acknowledge an absolute property interest in the human body. Arguably, it is difficulty to recognize the body as property because there is not a general right to sell the human body or its subparts; thus, it lacks an essential quality of property The right to sell is so essential to a property interest that the lack of this attribute disqualifies the human body from classification as property ] Congress's decision to criminalize the sale of organs stripped a living person of the ability to claim a property interest in his bodily organs under the legal definition of the term Moore v. Regents of the University of California is a prime example of the judiciary's refusal to recognize the living body as property If courts recognized the human body as property, individuals could buy and sell organs
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This includes the right to possess, use, , sell, and dispose of the property. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n197" n197 Currently, the court system does not acknowledge an ] absolute property interest in the human body. , it is difficulty to recognize the body as property because there is not a general right to sell thus, it lacks an essential quality of property Congress's decision to criminalize the sale of organs stripped a living person of the ability to claim a property interest in his bodily organs under the legal definition . If courts recognized the human body as property, individuals could buy and sell organs
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Although some courts recognize a quasi-property right in a decedent's remains and a privacy right in a living person's bodily organs, the Supreme Court has not addressed this issue. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n193" n193 State and federal jurisdictions have consistently rejected the argument that a person has an absolute property interest in a living or deceased human body. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n194" n194 This Part considers the reasons most courts have failed to classify the human body as property in the fullest sense of the term. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n195" n195 Property is commonly referred to as a bundle of rights. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n196" n196 This includes the right to possess, use, exclude, sell, and dispose of the property. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n197" n197 Currently, the court system does not acknowledge an [*501] absolute property interest in the human body. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n198" n198 Arguably, it is difficulty to recognize the body as property because there is not a general right to sell the human body or its subparts; thus, it lacks an essential quality of property. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n199" n199 The right to sell is so essential to a property interest that the lack of this attribute disqualifies the human body from classification as property. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n200" n200 Justice Frankfurter stated that one of the distinguishing characteristics of property is that it is "capable of transfer from owner to owner and thus of exchange for some equivalent." HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n201" n201 Through the organ procurement process, human organs and tissues are capable of transfer from owner to owner. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n202" n202 However, Congress established a system, under NOTA, that disallows the exchange for some equivalent. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n203" n203 Thus, [*502] Congress's decision to criminalize the sale of organs stripped a living person of the ability to claim a property interest in his bodily organs under the legal definition of the term. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n204" n204 Moore v. Regents of the University of California is a prime example of the judiciary's refusal to recognize the living body as property. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n205" n205 In Moore, the California Appellate Court properly identified a lack of public policy and statutory authority against realizing an absolute property interest in one's body. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n206" n206 However, the Supreme Court of California expressly denied the conversion of property claim, explaining that public policy implications balanced in favor of not allowing Moore to retain ownership rights in his own cells. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n207" n207 Undoubtedly, the court feared that the creation of such rights would discourage the exchange of biological materials and impede on the biotechnology industry. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n208" n208 Yet, it seems that the opposite result has since occurred, and the court's failure to recognize a property right in the human body instead has inhibited the exchange of human biological materials and contributed to the shortage of transplantable organs. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n209" n209 [*503] The Supreme Court of California failed to consider that recognizing the human body as property would allow for the implementation of a market system for organ donation and would enhance the supply of organs. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n210" n210 Arguably, "courts are likely to award property rights if to do so will enhance such trade." HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n211" n211 Yet, "[i]f . . . the allocation of property rights . . . hinder[s] trade in the good, the court is unlikely to award a property right." HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n212" n212 Recognizing a property interest in humanorgans would enhance the availability of organs. If courts recognized the human body as property, individuals could buy and sell organs
| 7,681 |
<h4><strong>The courts have denied property rights to body parts because it’s illegal to sell organs, the aff necessarily reverses this and causes a recognition of property rights </h4><p>Thompson 13</strong> (THE EGGSPLOITATION OF THE UNITED STATES' ORGAN<u><strong> AND EGG DONATION SYSTEMS, Janelle E. Thompson Valparaiso University Law Review Fall, 2013 Valparaiso University Law Review 48 Val. U.L. Rev. 469, J.D. Candidate, Valparaiso University Law School (2014); B.A., Political Science, Business, Elmhurst College (2011), lexis)</p><p></u></strong>Although some courts recognize a quasi-property right in a decedent's remains and a privacy right in a living person's bodily organs, the Supreme Court has not addressed this issue. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n193" n193 <u><strong>State and federal jurisdictions have consistently rejected the argument that a person has an absolute property interest in a living or deceased human body</u></strong>. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n194" n194 This Part considers the reasons most courts have failed to classify the human body as property in the fullest sense of the term. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n195" n195 <u>Property is commonly referred to as a bundle of rights. </u> HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n196" n196<u> <mark>This includes the right to possess, use, </mark>exclude<mark>, sell, and dispose of the property. </u> HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n197" n197<u> Currently, the court system does not acknowledge an</u></mark> [*501<mark>] <u>absolute property interest in the human body.</u></mark> HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n198" n198 <u>Arguably<mark>, <strong>it is difficulty to recognize the body as property because there is not a general right to sell</strong></mark> the human body or its subparts; <mark>thus, it lacks an essential quality of property</u></mark>. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n199" n199 <u>The right to sell is so essential to a property interest that the lack of this attribute disqualifies the human body from classification as property</u>. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n200" n200 Justice Frankfurter stated that one of the distinguishing characteristics of property is that it is "capable of transfer from owner to owner and thus of exchange for some equivalent." HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n201" n201 Through the organ procurement process, human organs and tissues are capable of transfer from owner to owner. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n202" n202 However, Congress established a system, under NOTA, that disallows the exchange for some equivalent. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n203" n203 Thus, [*502<u>] <strong><mark>Congress's decision to criminalize the sale of organs stripped a living person of the ability to claim a property interest in his bodily organs under the legal definition</strong></mark> of the term</u>. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n204" n204 <u>Moore v. Regents of the University of California is a prime example of the judiciary's refusal to recognize the living body as property</u>. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n205" n205 In Moore, the California Appellate Court properly identified a lack of public policy and statutory authority against realizing an absolute property interest in one's body. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n206" n206 However, the Supreme Court of California expressly denied the conversion of property claim, explaining that public policy implications balanced in favor of not allowing Moore to retain ownership rights in his own cells. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n207" n207 Undoubtedly, the court feared that the creation of such rights would discourage the exchange of biological materials and impede on the biotechnology industry. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n208" n208 Yet, it seems that the opposite result has since occurred, and the court's failure to recognize a property right in the human body instead has inhibited the exchange of human biological materials and contributed to the shortage of transplantable organs. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n209" n209 [*503] The Supreme Court of California failed to consider that recognizing the human body as property would allow for the implementation of a market system for organ donation and would enhance the supply of organs. HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n210" n210 Arguably, "courts are likely to award property rights if to do so will enhance such trade." HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n211" n211 Yet, "[i]f . . . the allocation of property rights . . . hinder[s] trade in the good, the court is unlikely to award a property right." HYPERLINK "http://www.lexisnexis.com/lnacui2api/frame.do?tokenKey=rsh-20.161206.05767865482&target=results_DocumentContent&returnToKey=20_T20623618145&parent=docview&rand=1411864199286&reloadEntirePage=true" \l "n212" n212 Recognizing a property interest in humanorgans would enhance the availability of organs<mark>. <u><strong>If courts recognized the human body as property, individuals could buy and sell organs</mark> </p></u></strong>
| null |
1nc
|
3
| 430,435 | 2 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,815 |
Mexico stabilizing.
|
Ainslie 12
|
Ainslie 12 [Ricardo Ainslie, a professor at the University of Texas at Austin’s College of Education, is the author of the forthcoming book “The Savior of Juarez: Life in the Heart of Mexico’s Drug War.” Mexico rises from the drug ravages August 10, 2012 http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/mexico-rises-from-the-drug-ravages/2012/08/10/f4639336-dbf6-11e1-8e43-4a3c4375504a_story.html]
|
Mexico is showing signs that its spasmodic violence is beginning to recede. numbers are encouraging Homicide rates have fallen tax revenue was up a sign that people are going out to restaurants and purchasing in stores. Building permits and real estate sales were also up
| null |
For the first time in more than five years, Mexico is showing signs that its spasmodic violence is beginning to recede. National statistics comparing January to May 2012 with the same period in 2011 indicate an 8 percent drop in homicides, the most troubling symptom of violence related to drug cartels. For a country buffeted by levels of brutality that climbed ever higher each successive year since Mexican President Felipe Calderón launched an offensive against the cartels in 2007, this is indeed welcome news. The numbers are encouraging on the local level, too. Homicide rates in Tijuana, once a major site of drug-related violence, have fallen 42 percent from their peak in 2008 after federal forces dismantled and replaced the municipal police — greatly improving the city’s security situation. And Ciudad Juarez, long the epicenter of Mexico’s drug war and until recently regarded as the most violent city in the Americas — if not the world — experienced a stunning 60 percent decrease in the number of violent deaths in the first six months of 2012, compared with a year earlier. (More than 10,500 people have been killed in the city since the Sinaloa and Juarez cartels began battling each other in 2008 for control of the lucrative gateway into U.S. markets.) In Juarez, too, local tax revenue was up for the first half of 2012, a sign that people are going out to restaurants and purchasing in stores. Building permits and real estate sales were also up, indicators that Mexico’s most brutalized city may have come through the worst of it. The improvement in Juarez could have many causes: the purported victory of the Sinaloa cartel over its Juarez rival; the success of Mexican law enforcement strategies; the rebounding of the maquiladora (export assembly plant) industry, which had been eviscerated by the U.S. recession, leaving thousands unemployed; the unprecedented federal investment in the city’s social fabric begun in 2010; or, most likely, a mix of all those things. For ordinary citizens, what counts is the glimmer of hope that Juarez will again become a livable city.
| 2,101 |
<h4>Mexico stabilizing.</h4><p><u><strong>Ainslie 12</u></strong> [Ricardo Ainslie, a professor at the University of Texas at Austin’s College of Education, is the author of the forthcoming book “The Savior of Juarez: Life in the Heart of Mexico’s Drug War.” Mexico rises from the drug ravages August 10, 2012 http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/mexico-rises-from-the-drug-ravages/2012/08/10/f4639336-dbf6-11e1-8e43-4a3c4375504a_story.html]</p><p>For the first time in more than five years, <u>Mexico is showing signs that its spasmodic violence is beginning to recede. </u> National statistics comparing January to May 2012 with the same period in 2011 indicate an 8 percent drop in homicides, the most troubling symptom of violence related to drug cartels. For a country buffeted by levels of brutality that climbed ever higher each successive year since Mexican President Felipe Calderón launched an offensive against the cartels in 2007, this is indeed welcome news. The <u>numbers are encouraging</u> on the local level, too. <u>Homicide rates</u> in Tijuana, once a major site of drug-related violence, <u>have fallen</u> 42 percent from their peak in 2008 after federal forces dismantled and replaced the municipal police — greatly improving the city’s security situation. And Ciudad Juarez, long the epicenter of Mexico’s drug war and until recently regarded as the most violent city in the Americas — if not the world — experienced a stunning 60 percent decrease in the number of violent deaths in the first six months of 2012, compared with a year earlier. (More than 10,500 people have been killed in the city since the Sinaloa and Juarez cartels began battling each other in 2008 for control of the lucrative gateway into U.S. markets.) In Juarez, too, local <u>tax revenue was up</u> for the first half of 2012, <u>a sign that people are going out to restaurants and purchasing in stores. Building permits and real estate sales were also up</u>, indicators that Mexico’s most brutalized city may have come through the worst of it. The improvement in Juarez could have many causes: the purported victory of the Sinaloa cartel over its Juarez rival; the success of Mexican law enforcement strategies; the rebounding of the maquiladora (export assembly plant) industry, which had been eviscerated by the U.S. recession, leaving thousands unemployed; the unprecedented federal investment in the city’s social fabric begun in 2010; or, most likely, a mix of all those things. For ordinary citizens, what counts is the glimmer of hope that Juarez will again become a livable city.</p>
| null |
1nc
|
a1
| 430,436 | 1 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,816 |
Property rights destroy biotech industry through prohibitive transaction costs that undermine research and commercialization
|
Harrison 2
|
Harrison 2 (Charlotte H., Fellow in Medical Ethics, Harvard Medical School; J.D. 1984, Harvard Law School; M.P.H. 2000, Harvard School of Public Health, “ARTICLE: Neither Moore nor the Market: Alternative Models for Compensating Contributors of Human Tissue,” 28 Am. J. L. and Med. 77, lexis)
|
people should be deemed the legal owners of their body parts, and compensation should be determined through a "direct market between buyer and seller This alternative entails serious ethical complications of its own, including risks to the doctor-patient or researcher-subject relationship and other negative consequences for larger society. If one accepts the Moore court's assumption that the progress of biotechnology research is highly beneficial to society, it follows that the economic efficiency of such research should be carefully protected. Not only the Moore court, but other jurists and commentators have argued that the recognition of property rights in every potentially useful tissue sample would present the biotechnology industry with an unacceptable choice: either become mired in costly and time-consuming transactions with numerous individual tissue sources, n53 or risk failing to secure clear title to the tissue samples on which patents and products may be based. In an analogous context--involving intangible or intellectual property rather than tangible, personal property--Heller and Eisenberg have detailed the inefficiencies that can result from what they regard as excessive protection of individual property rights in biomedical research they have argued that progress in biotechnology is unduly burdened by the existence of too many intellectual property rights in basic research tools. serves to highlight , problems that are likely to be exacerbated if individual tissue contributors are deemed to hold personal property rights in their blood and body parts similar tragedy of the "anti-commons" occurs when people hold too little in common--that is, when too many people have a private right to prevent others from using property of mutual interes In the biotechnology industry, companies must strike a separate bargain with every party whose intellectual or tangible property might be needed to produce a commercial product. It would be better, if fewer such property rights were recognized. Often the rights-bearing parties are academic researchers as inefficient bargainers with limited competence in the field, cognitive biases that lead them to overvalue their assets and different strategic objectives from their industrial negotiating partner . Heller and Eisenberg contend that negotiating with such parties absorbs undue time and resources from industry. These commitments can take time to negotiate and can conflict with companies' natural preference to control proprietary rights The conflict is rooted in a difference between public and private objectives rather than in mere inefficiency If individuals sought to negotiate the terms under which their body parts were made available for research, inefficiencies could result from several factors It is likely that the majority of such materials would never be used commercially in such a way as to warrant a significant royalty these circumstances, transaction costs for securing the rights to all samples from their individual contributors could be prohibitive. This would likely be true whether contributors negotiated directly with companies or with intermediaries such as academic medical centers or private physician practices.
|
: people deemed the legal owners of their body parts entails serious complications including risks to researcher-subject relationship and other negative consequences for larger society recognition of property rights would present the biotechnology industry with an unacceptable choice: either become mired in costly and time-consuming transactions with numerous individual tissue sources, or risk failing to secure clear title progress in biotechnology is unduly burdened by the existence of too many intellectual property rights . In the biotech industry, companies must strike a separate bargain with every party whose intellectual or tangible property might be needed to produce a commercial product Often the rights-bearing parties are academic researchers as inefficient bargainers with limited competence , cognitive biases that lead them to overvalue their assets . negotiating with such parties absorbs undue time and resources from industry commitments can take time to negotiate and can conflict with companies' If individuals sought to negotiate the terms under which their body parts were made available for research, inefficiencies could result from several factors. transaction costs for securing the rights to all samples from their individual contributors could be prohibitive.
|
To the American mind, one obvious solution to the ethical inadequacies of the current system is market-based: people should be deemed the legal owners of their body parts, and compensation should be determined through a "direct market between buyer and seller with prices based on what people are willing to pay and accept." n51 This alternative, already implemented in occasional individual negotiations, n52 directly addresses some of the ethical problems just surveyed. It also entails serious ethical complications of its own, including risks to the doctor-patient or researcher-subject relationship and other negative consequences for larger society. Examination of four major objections to the property-rights approach begins to suggest the parameters of a more satisfactory alternative.¶ [*86] ¶ A. Economic Inefficiency¶ If one accepts the Moore court's assumption that the progress of biotechnology research is highly beneficial to society, it follows that the economic efficiency of such research should be carefully protected. Not only the Moore court, but other jurists and commentators have argued that the recognition of property rights in every potentially useful tissue sample would present the biotechnology industry with an unacceptable choice: either become mired in costly and time-consuming transactions with numerous individual tissue sources, n53 or risk failing to secure clear title to the tissue samples on which patents and products may be based. n54¶ In an analogous context--involving intangible or intellectual property rather than tangible, personal property--Heller and Eisenberg have detailed the inefficiencies that can result from what they regard as excessive protection of individual property rights in biomedical research. n55 In particular, they have argued that progress in biotechnology is unduly burdened by the existence of too many intellectual property rights in basic research tools. Heller and Eisenberg's analysis of this intellectual property market serves to highlight, by analogy, problems that are likely to be exacerbated if individual tissue contributors are deemed to hold personal property rights in their blood and body parts.¶ Heller and Eisenberg's argument takes its cue from Garrett Hardin's classic analysis of the problems that arise when people hold property in common. n56 Hardin concluded that people tend to overuse such "commons property" (e.g., air or water) in a way that is ultimately tragic. Without the incentives of private property or the limits of other social arrangements, each person's rational pursuit of self-interest leads to greater and greater exploitation of a common resource until the whole is exhausted or ruined. This, in Hardin's terms, is "the tragedy of the commons." n57¶ According to Heller and Eisenberg, an opposite but similar tragedy of the "anti-commons" occurs when people hold too little in common--that is, when too many people have a private right to prevent others from using property of mutual interest. n58 In the biotechnology industry, companies must strike a separate bargain with every party whose intellectual or tangible property might be needed to produce a commercial product. It would be better, Heller and Eisenberg suggest, if fewer such property rights were recognized. Often the rights-bearing parties are academic researchers, whom Heller and Eisenberg characterize as inefficient bargainers with limited competence in the field, cognitive biases that lead them to overvalue their assets and different strategic objectives from their industrial negotiating partners. Heller and Eisenberg contend that negotiating with such parties absorbs undue time and resources from industry. n59¶ In understanding the implications of this view for human tissue transactions, it is important to separate concerns about efficiency from differences in strategic or policy goals. The time-consuming nature of academic/industrial negotiations is often due, in part, to the substantive social values expressed in public technology policy. [*87] For example, existing federal policy seeks to ensure that academic inventions made under federal grants and licensed exclusively to industry are actually used in the development of products. The rights are not merely to be held defensively (i.e., to prevent competitors from marketing a similar product) or allowed to languish for too long in a company's portfolio if other projects take on greater commercial priority. n60 To implement this policy, universities commonly require their exclusive licensees to agree to "due diligence" commitments for the development and marketing of products. These commitments can take time to negotiate and can conflict with companies' natural preference to control proprietary rights. n61 The conflict is rooted in a difference between public and private objectives rather than in mere inefficiency. In addition, each party has a strategic interest in obtaining what it deems to be an acceptable financial return. Of course, both public and private parties may share a larger aim to promote the development of new and better healthcare products, and it is reasonable to consider how the allocation of property rights affects that long-term goal.¶ Individual tissue contributors may have interests analogous to those of government-funded researchers and licensors. In addition to financial considerations, these interests may include the promotion of research on a disease or condition of concern to the contributor. In a market that serves the dual purposes of medical care and entrepreneurship, the extent of protection afforded to a tissue contributor's non-economic interests is a public policy question that goes beyond the scope of this article. It should be considered in conjunction with, but not subsumed by, concerns about financial returns and efficiency.¶ On grounds of economic efficiency alone, however, criticism like Heller and Eisenberg's would likely be warranted if property rights were extended to individual tissue contributors. If individuals sought to negotiate the terms under which their body parts were made available for research, inefficiencies could result from several factors. Many tissue samples would be acquired either in clinical situations, in which research uses might not yet have been considered, or in research projects at an early stage of development, in which the eventual commercial utility of such materials could be hard to predict. n62 It is likely that the majority of such materials would never be used commercially in such a way as to warrant a significant royalty. n63 In these circumstances, transaction costs for securing the rights to all samples from their individual contributors could be prohibitive. This would likely be true whether contributors negotiated directly with companies or with intermediaries such as academic medical centers or private physician practices.
| 6,908 |
<h4><strong>Property rights destroy biotech industry through prohibitive transaction costs that undermine research and commercialization</h4><p>Harrison 2<u></strong> (Charlotte H., Fellow in Medical Ethics, Harvard Medical School; J.D. 1984, Harvard Law School; M.P.H. 2000, Harvard School of Public Health, “ARTICLE: Neither Moore nor the Market: Alternative Models for Compensating Contributors of Human Tissue,” 28 Am. J. L. and Med. 77, lexis)</p><p></u>To the American mind, one obvious solution to the ethical inadequacies of the current system is market-based<mark>: <u>people</mark> should be <mark>deemed the legal owners of their body parts</mark>, and compensation should be determined through a "direct market between buyer and seller</u> with prices based on what people are willing to pay and accept." n51 <u>This alternative</u>, already implemented in occasional individual negotiations, n52 directly addresses some of the ethical problems just surveyed. It also <u><mark>entails serious</mark> ethical <mark>complications</mark> of its own, <mark>including risks to</mark> the doctor-patient or <mark>researcher-subject relationship and other negative consequences for larger society</mark>. </u>Examination of four major objections to the property-rights approach begins to suggest the parameters of a more satisfactory alternative.¶ [*86] ¶ A. Economic Inefficiency¶ <u>If one accepts the Moore court's assumption that the progress of biotechnology research is highly beneficial to society, it follows that the economic efficiency of such research should be carefully protected. Not only the Moore court, but other jurists and commentators have argued that the <mark>recognition of property rights </mark>in every potentially useful tissue sample <mark>would present the biotechnology industry with an unacceptable choice: either become mired in costly and time-consuming transactions with numerous individual tissue sources, </mark>n53 <mark>or risk failing to secure clear title </mark>to the tissue samples on which patents and products may be based.</u> n54¶ <u>In an analogous context--involving intangible or intellectual property rather than tangible, personal property--Heller and Eisenberg have detailed the inefficiencies that can result from what they regard as excessive protection of individual property rights in biomedical research</u>. n55 In particular, <u>they have argued that <mark>progress in biotechnology is unduly burdened by the existence of too many intellectual property rights </mark>in basic research tools<mark>.</u></mark> Heller and Eisenberg's analysis of this intellectual property market <u>serves to highlight</u>, by analogy<u>, problems that are likely to be exacerbated if individual tissue contributors are deemed to hold personal property rights in their blood and body parts</u>.¶ Heller and Eisenberg's argument takes its cue from Garrett Hardin's classic analysis of the problems that arise when people hold property in common. n56 Hardin concluded that people tend to overuse such "commons property" (e.g., air or water) in a way that is ultimately tragic. Without the incentives of private property or the limits of other social arrangements, each person's rational pursuit of self-interest leads to greater and greater exploitation of a common resource until the whole is exhausted or ruined. This, in Hardin's terms, is "the tragedy of the commons." n57¶ According to Heller and Eisenberg, an opposite but <u>similar tragedy of the "anti-commons" occurs when people hold too little in common--that is, when too many people have a private right to prevent others from using property of mutual interes</u>t. n58 <u><mark>In the biotech</mark>nology <mark>industry, companies must strike a separate bargain with every party whose intellectual or tangible property might be needed to produce a commercial product</mark>. It would be better,</u> Heller and Eisenberg suggest, <u>if fewer such property rights were recognized. <mark>Often the rights-bearing parties are academic researchers</u></mark>, whom Heller and Eisenberg characterize <u><mark>as inefficient bargainers with limited competence </mark>in the field<mark>, cognitive biases that lead them to overvalue their assets </mark>and different strategic objectives from their industrial negotiating partner</u>s<u><mark>. </mark>Heller and Eisenberg contend that <mark>negotiating with such parties absorbs undue time and resources from industry</mark>.</u> n59¶ In understanding the implications of this view for human tissue transactions, it is important to separate concerns about efficiency from differences in strategic or policy goals. The time-consuming nature of academic/industrial negotiations is often due, in part, to the substantive social values expressed in public technology policy. [*87] For example, existing federal policy seeks to ensure that academic inventions made under federal grants and licensed exclusively to industry are actually used in the development of products. The rights are not merely to be held defensively (i.e., to prevent competitors from marketing a similar product) or allowed to languish for too long in a company's portfolio if other projects take on greater commercial priority. n60 To implement this policy, universities commonly require their exclusive licensees to agree to "due diligence" commitments for the development and marketing of products. <u>These <mark>commitments can take time to negotiate and can conflict with companies'</mark> natural preference to control proprietary rights</u>. n61 <u>The conflict is rooted in a difference between public and private objectives rather than in mere inefficiency</u>. In addition, each party has a strategic interest in obtaining what it deems to be an acceptable financial return. Of course, both public and private parties may share a larger aim to promote the development of new and better healthcare products, and it is reasonable to consider how the allocation of property rights affects that long-term goal.¶ Individual tissue contributors may have interests analogous to those of government-funded researchers and licensors. In addition to financial considerations, these interests may include the promotion of research on a disease or condition of concern to the contributor. In a market that serves the dual purposes of medical care and entrepreneurship, the extent of protection afforded to a tissue contributor's non-economic interests is a public policy question that goes beyond the scope of this article. It should be considered in conjunction with, but not subsumed by, concerns about financial returns and efficiency.¶ On grounds of economic efficiency alone, however, criticism like Heller and Eisenberg's would likely be warranted if property rights were extended to individual tissue contributors. <u><mark>If individuals sought to negotiate the terms under which their body parts were made available for research, inefficiencies could result from several factors</u>.</mark> Many tissue samples would be acquired either in clinical situations, in which research uses might not yet have been considered, or in research projects at an early stage of development, in which the eventual commercial utility of such materials could be hard to predict. n62 <u>It is likely that the majority of such materials would never be used commercially in such a way as to warrant a significant royalty</u>. n63 In <u>these circumstances, <mark>transaction costs for securing the rights to all samples from their individual contributors could be prohibitive.</mark> This would likely be true whether contributors negotiated directly with companies or with intermediaries such as academic medical centers or private physician practices.</p></u>
| null |
1nc
|
3
| 430,437 | 17 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,817 |
First, It dries up the demand for illegal organs
|
Upchurch 12
|
Upchurch 12 Ryan Upchurch, Seton Hall Law 1-1-12 Seton Hall Law eRepository "The Man who Removes a Mountain Begins by Carrying Away Small Stones: Flynn v. Holder and a Re-Examination of The National Organ Transplantation Act of 1984" (2012). http://erepository.law.shu.edu/student_scholarship/18
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By increasing the supply of available organs in the U S through compensation, citizens would have less reason to travel elsewhere to pay for an organ If demand dried up transplant tourism in these countries would take a major hit presumably American citizens make up a substantial percentage of the tourist patients seeking a new organ they cannot attain domestically. As one report stated, “Most of those organs ended up transplanted into American citizens If those American citizens with the means to purchase were not forced abroad to find an organ, it is very possible that stories like this would become much less commonplace.
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By increasing the supply of organs in the U S through compensation, citizens would have less reason to travel elsewhere to pay for an organ If demand dried up transplant tourism would take a major hit merican citizens make up a substantial percentage of the tourist patients Most organs ended up transplanted into American citizens If those American citizens were not forced abroad to find an organ, this would become much less commonplace.
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By increasing the supply of available organs in the United States through compensation, American citizens would have less reason to travel elsewhere to pay for an organ. For example, Aadil Hospital in Lahore, Pakistan advertises two transplant packages catered towards foreign patients: $14,000 for the first transplant and $16,000 for the second if the first organ fails.118 If demand dried up from foreign citizens, transplant tourism in these countries would take a major hit because brokers would fetch lower sums for organs they procure. Statistical information is difficult to come by for obvious reasons, but presumably American citizens make up a substantial percentage of the tourist patients seeking a new organ they cannot attain domestically. As one report about impoverished Bangladeshi villagers taken advantage of for their organs succinctly stated, “Most of those organs ended up transplanted into American citizens.”119 The black market for organs in other countries is not fueled by local patients. Rather, it is driven upwards and out of control by those American as well as European citizens who cannot acquire what they need domestically.120 One estimate is that the black market accounts for as high as twenty percent of all kidney transplants worldwide.121 Nadley Hakim, transplant surgeon for St. Mary’s Hospital in London, offered an interesting take on this problem of the black market when he said, “this trade is going on anyway, why not have a controlled trade where if someone wants to donate a kidney for a particular price, that would be acceptable? If it is done safely, the donor will not suffer.”122 Within the past month, an indigent Chinese teenager sold his kidney so that he could purchase an iPad and iPhone.123 The unnamed teenager now suffers from renal deficiency.124 Sadly, the boy received roughly ten percent of what the buyer paid, with the rest going to the surgeon and others involved in coordinating the operation.125 If those American citizens with the means to purchase were not forced abroad to find an organ, it is very possible that stories like this would become much less commonplace.
| 2,141 |
<h4><strong>First, It dries up the<u> demand</u> for illegal organs </h4><p>Upchurch 12<u></strong> Ryan Upchurch, Seton Hall Law 1-1-12 Seton Hall Law eRepository "The Man who Removes a Mountain Begins by Carrying Away Small Stones: Flynn v. Holder and a Re-Examination of The National Organ Transplantation Act of 1984" (2012). http://erepository.law.shu.edu/student_scholarship/18</p><p><mark>By increasing the supply of</mark> available <mark>organs in the U</u></mark>nited<u> <mark>S</u></mark>tates<u> <mark>through compensation,</mark> </u>American<u> <mark>citizens would have less reason to travel elsewhere to pay for an organ</u></mark>. For example, Aadil Hospital in Lahore, Pakistan advertises two transplant packages catered towards foreign patients: $14,000 for the first transplant and $16,000 for the second if the first organ fails.118 <u><mark>If demand dried up</u></mark> from foreign citizens, <u><mark>transplant tourism</mark> in these countries <mark>would take a major hit</u></mark> because brokers would fetch lower sums for organs they procure. Statistical information is difficult to come by for obvious reasons, but <u>presumably A<mark>merican citizens make up a substantial percentage of the tourist patients</mark> seeking a new organ they cannot attain domestically. As one report </u>about impoverished Bangladeshi villagers taken advantage of for their organs<u> </u>succinctly <u>stated, “<mark>Most </mark>of those <mark>organs ended up transplanted into American citizens</u></mark>.”119 The<u> </u>black market for organs in other countries is not fueled by local patients. Rather, it is driven<u> </u>upwards and out of control by those American as well as European citizens who cannot acquire<u> </u>what they need domestically.120 One estimate is that the black market accounts for as high as twenty percent of all kidney transplants worldwide.121 Nadley Hakim, transplant surgeon for St. Mary’s Hospital in London, offered an interesting take on this problem of the black market when he said, “this trade is going on anyway, why not have a controlled trade where if someone wants to donate a kidney for a particular price, that would be acceptable? If it is done safely, the donor will not suffer.”122 Within the past month, an indigent Chinese teenager sold his kidney so that he could purchase an iPad and iPhone.123 The unnamed teenager now suffers from renal deficiency.124 Sadly, the boy received roughly ten percent of what the buyer paid, with the rest going to the surgeon and others involved in coordinating the operation.125 <u><mark>If those American citizens </mark>with the means to purchase <mark>were not forced abroad to find an organ,</mark> it is very possible that stories like <strong><mark>this would become much less commonplace.</p></u></strong></mark>
| null | null |
Contention 2 is illegal markets
| 430,262 | 14 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,818 |
Legalization destabilizes Mexico- rapid drops in cartel funding force them to turn to violence
|
Jackson et al 2011
|
Jackson et al 2011 (Ashlee Jackson, Chad Murray, Amanda C. Miralrío, Nicolas Eiden, Second-year Master’s students at the George Washington University Elliott School of International Affairs, Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission: Capstone Report, Mexican Drug Trafficking Organizations and Marijuana: The Potential Effects of U.S. Legalization, https://elliott.gwu.edu/sites/elliott.gwu.edu/files/downloads/acad/lahs/mexico-marijuana-071111.pdf)
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Mexican DTOs would likely branch into other avenues of crime. the most obvious short-term effect of marijuana legalization is that this would rob the Sinaloa and Tijuana cartels of up to half of their total revenue. The short-term effects of legalization could very well create chaos for Mexico The cartels compensate for their loss of drug revenue by branching out into other criminal activities--kidnapping, murder-for-hire extortion, theft of oil and other items they are not going to return to the licit world If the Sinaloa cartel and the Tijuana cartel turn towards activities like kidnapping, human trafficking and extortion it could lead to a spike in violence that would prove to be destabilizing employees will likely be shed to maintain profitability former DTO operatives will likely not return to earning a legitimate income, but rather will independently find new revenue sources in a manner similar to their employers it is possible that the legalization of marijuana in the United States could cause territories currently under the control of the Sinaloa cartel and Tijuana cartel to become more violent than they are today. This is troubling, as Sinaloa, Baja California, Sonora, and Chihuahua states are already among the most violent areas of Mexico
|
Mexican DTOs would likely branch into other avenues of crime the most obvious short-term effect of marijuana legalization is that this would rob the Sinaloa and Tijuana cartels of up to half of their total revenue The short-term effects of legalization could very well create chaos for Mexico If the Sinaloa cartel and the Tijuana cartel turn towards activities like kidnapping, human trafficking and extortion, it could lead to a spike in violence that would prove to be destabilizin former DTO operatives will likely not return to earning a legitimate income, but rather will independently find new revenue sources in a manner similar to their employers cartel become more violent than they are today.
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Short-term Effects on Mexican DTOs and Security Implications Mexican DTOs would likely branch into other avenues of crime. Perhaps the most obvious short-term effect of marijuana legalization is that this would rob the Sinaloa and Tijuana cartels of up to half of their total revenue.117 The economic strain placed on the Sinaloa cartel and Tijuana cartel may not necessarily help Mexico in the short term. The short-term effects of legalization could very well create chaos for Mexico. “The cartels compensate for their loss of drug revenue by branching out into other criminal activities--kidnapping, murder-for-hire, contraband, illegal 29 immigrant smuggling, extortion, theft of oil and other items, loan-sharking, prostitution, selling protection, etc.”118 This means that if the social and economic environment remains the same then “they are not going to return to the licit world.”119 If the Sinaloa cartel and the Tijuana cartel turn towards activities like kidnapping, human trafficking and extortion, it could lead to a spike in violence that would prove to be destabilizing in those organizations‟ areas of operation. The Sinaloa cartel and Tijuana cartel might splinter into smaller groups. In addition, the loss of more than 40% of revenue would probably force them to downsize their operations. Like any large business going through downsizing, employees will likely be shed first in order to maintain profitability.120 These former DTO operatives will likely not return to earning a legitimate income, but rather will independently find new revenue sources in a manner similar to their employers. Therefore it is possible that the legalization of marijuana in the United States could cause territories currently under the control of the Sinaloa cartel and Tijuana cartel to become more violent than they are today. This is troubling, as Sinaloa, Baja California, Sonora, and Chihuahua states are already among the most violent areas of Mexico.121
| 1,967 |
<h4>Legalization destabilizes Mexico- rapid drops in cartel funding force them to turn to violence</h4><p><strong>Jackson et al 2011</strong> (Ashlee Jackson, Chad Murray, Amanda C. Miralrío, Nicolas Eiden, Second-year Master’s students at the George Washington University Elliott School of International Affairs, Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission: Capstone Report, Mexican Drug Trafficking Organizations and Marijuana: The Potential Effects of U.S. Legalization, https://elliott.gwu.edu/sites/elliott.gwu.edu/files/downloads/acad/lahs/mexico-marijuana-071111.pdf)</p><p>Short-term Effects on Mexican DTOs and Security Implications <u><mark>Mexican DTOs would likely branch into other avenues of crime</mark>.</u> Perhaps <u><mark>the most obvious short-term effect of marijuana legalization is that this would rob the Sinaloa and Tijuana cartels of up to half of their total revenue</mark>.</u>117 The economic strain placed on the Sinaloa cartel and Tijuana cartel may not necessarily help Mexico in the short term. <u><mark>The short-term effects of legalization could very well create chaos for Mexico</u></mark>. “<u>The cartels compensate for their loss of drug revenue by branching out into other criminal activities--kidnapping, murder-for-hire</u>, contraband, illegal 29 immigrant smuggling, <u>extortion, theft of oil and other items</u>, loan-sharking, prostitution, selling protection, etc.”118 This means that if the social and economic environment remains the same then “<u>they are not going to return to the licit world</u>.”119 <u><mark>If the Sinaloa cartel and the Tijuana cartel turn towards activities like kidnapping, human trafficking and extortion</u>, <u><strong>it could lead to a spike in violence that would prove to be destabilizin</mark>g</u></strong> in those organizations‟ areas of operation. The Sinaloa cartel and Tijuana cartel might splinter into smaller groups. In addition, the loss of more than 40% of revenue would probably force them to downsize their operations. Like any large business going through downsizing, <u>employees will likely be shed</u> first in order <u>to maintain profitability</u>.120 These <u><mark>former DTO operatives will likely not return to earning a legitimate income, but rather will independently find new revenue sources in a manner similar to their employers</u></mark>. Therefore <u>it is possible that the legalization of marijuana in the United States could cause territories currently under the control of the Sinaloa <mark>cartel</mark> and Tijuana cartel to <mark>become <strong>more violent than they are today.</u></strong></mark> <u>This is troubling, as Sinaloa, Baja California, Sonora, and Chihuahua states are already among the most violent areas of Mexico</u>.121</p>
| null |
1nc
|
a1
| 56,591 | 113 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,819 |
Biotech solves economic competitiveness
|
Chase-Dunn and Reifer 2
|
Chase-Dunn and Reifer 2 (professor at University of California Riverside, and Reifer, professor University of California Riverside, 2002, Chris and Thomas, The Institute for Research on World-Systems, “U.S. Hegemony and Biotechnology: The geopolitics of new lead technology,” http://repositories.cdlib.org/irows/irows9/)
|
*also solves disease
Biotechnology has been heralded as the potential basis for a new round of U.S. economic hegemony Agricultural biotechnology is intended to improve the human food supply by lowering the costs of production and by improving the products. Medical biotechnology is intended to improve human health by developing new techniques for preventing diseases biotechnology might function as the basis of a new round of U.S. economic hegemony Investments in biotechnology would have to produce products that can be profitably sold, and these would need to be purchased within the U S and in the world market. the research and development costs of the biotech industry make it difficult for new centers to emerge, and this has been alleged to be part of the basis for the U.S. lead in biotechnology The allegedly high start-up costs should prevent the early emergence of competitors, and this has been claimed to account for how biotechnology research and development and commercialization in Europe and Japan have lagged behind the U.S.
|
Biotechnology has been heralded as the potential basis for a new round of U.S. economic hegemony Agricultural biotechnology is intended to improve the human food supply by lowering the costs of production and by improving the products. Medical biotechnology is intended to improve human health by developing new techniques for preventing diseases Investments in biotechnology would have to produce products that can be profitably sold, and these would need to be purchased within the U S and in the world market The allegedly high start-up costs should prevent the early emergence of competitors, and this has been claimed to account for how biotechnology research and development and commercialization in Europe and Japan have lagged behind
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*also solves disease
Biotechnology has been heralded as the potential basis for a new round of U.S. economic hegemony. In this discussion we will need to use a distinction between medical biotechnology and agricultural biotechnology because of the somewhat different ways in which these branches of the application of applied biology are related to factors that may influence the economic potential of these technologies. Agricultural biotechnology is the application of genomics to create new crops, new sources of animal protein, and to protect crops and domesticated animals from pests. Agricultural biotechnology is intended to improve the human food supply by lowering the costs of production and by improving the products. Medical biotechnology is intended to improve human health by developing new techniques for preventing diseases, curing ailments, producing products for transplants and improving the genetic makeup of individuals. An important literature has emerged that discusses the ethical dimensions and political implications of biotechnology (e.g. Shiva 1997; Rifkin 1998) . Extremely fundamental issues are becoming important in public discourse, and the governance of biotechnology research and applications will be an increasingly central part of politics in the twenty-first century (e.g. Fukuyama 2002). In this paper we will discuss the politics of biotechnology only insofar as it is likely to be an important influence on the potential role of biotechnology as a new lead industry that might function as the basis of a new round of U.S. economic hegemony. In order for biotechnology to function as a new lead industry that could serve as a basis for a new round of U.S. economic hegemony several conditions would have to be met. Investments in biotechnology would have to produce products that can be profitably sold, and these would need to be purchased within the United States and in the world market. Firms producing these biotechnology products would need to be able to obtain technological rents over a period of time long enough to recoup the costs of research and development. And the biotechnology industry would need to serve as a source of spin-offs for the rest of the U.S. economy to a degree greater than in the national economies of contending core powers. Figure 4 illustrates our contentions about factors that will reduce the likelihood of the biotechnology industry serving as a basis for a new round of U.S. hegemony. We note that the huge decreases in transportation costs and communications costs in the most recent wave of globalization have increased the rate at which technologies and new industries can spread to competing regions. It has been thought that the research and development costs of the biotech industry make it difficult for new centers to emerge, and this has been alleged to be part of the basis for the U.S. lead in biotechnology. It is true that the U.S. research universities and publicly funded research have been important sources of both medical and agricultural biotechnological advances. The U.S. Department of Agriculture and federal agricultural policies played a central role in the development of agricultural biotechnology (Kloppenburg 1988a, 1988b; Pistorius and van Wijk1999). And the United States has taken the lead in the creation of an international patent regime to protect “intellectual property”(the so-called TRIPS agreement) that should, in principle, allow firms to recoup research and development costs through technological rents. The allegedly high start-up costs should prevent the early emergence of competitors, and this has been claimed to account for how biotechnology research and development and commercialization in Europe and Japan have lagged behind the U.S.
| 3,777 |
<h4><strong>Biotech solves economic competitiveness</h4><p>Chase-Dunn and Reifer 2</strong> (professor at University of California Riverside, and Reifer, professor University of California Riverside, 2002, Chris and Thomas, The Institute for Research on World-Systems, “U.S. Hegemony and Biotechnology: The geopolitics of new lead technology,” http://repositories.cdlib.org/irows/irows9/)</p><p><u><strong>*also solves disease</p><p><mark>Biotechnology has been heralded as the potential basis for a new round of U.S. economic hegemony</u></strong></mark>. In this discussion we will need to use a distinction between medical biotechnology and agricultural biotechnology because of the somewhat different ways in which these branches of the application of applied biology are related to factors that may influence the economic potential of these technologies. Agricultural biotechnology is the application of genomics to create new crops, new sources of animal protein, and to protect crops and domesticated animals from pests. <u><strong><mark>Agricultural biotechnology is intended to improve the human food supply by lowering the costs of production and by improving the products. Medical biotechnology is intended to improve human health by developing new techniques for preventing diseases</u></strong></mark>, curing ailments, producing products for transplants and improving the genetic makeup of individuals. An important literature has emerged that discusses the ethical dimensions and political implications of biotechnology (e.g. Shiva 1997; Rifkin 1998) . Extremely fundamental issues are becoming important in public discourse, and the governance of biotechnology research and applications will be an increasingly central part of politics in the twenty-first century (e.g. Fukuyama 2002). In this paper we will discuss the politics of biotechnology only insofar as it is likely to be an important influence on the potential role of <u><strong>biotechnology </u></strong>as a new lead industry that <u><strong>might function as the basis of a new round of U.S. economic hegemony</u></strong>. In order for biotechnology to function as a new lead industry that could serve as a basis for a new round of U.S. economic hegemony several conditions would have to be met. <u><strong><mark>Investments in biotechnology would have to produce products that can be profitably sold, and these would need to be purchased within the U</u></strong></mark>nited <u><strong><mark>S</u></strong></mark>tates <u><strong><mark>and in the world market</mark>.</u></strong> Firms producing these biotechnology products would need to be able to obtain technological rents over a period of time long enough to recoup the costs of research and development. And the biotechnology industry would need to serve as a source of spin-offs for the rest of the U.S. economy to a degree greater than in the national economies of contending core powers. Figure 4 illustrates our contentions about factors that will reduce the likelihood of the biotechnology industry serving as a basis for a new round of U.S. hegemony. We note that the huge decreases in transportation costs and communications costs in the most recent wave of globalization have increased the rate at which technologies and new industries can spread to competing regions. It has been thought that <u><strong>the research and development costs of the biotech industry make it difficult for new centers to emerge, and this has been alleged to be part of the basis for the U.S. lead in biotechnology</u></strong>. It is true that the U.S. research universities and publicly funded research have been important sources of both medical and agricultural biotechnological advances. The U.S. Department of Agriculture and federal agricultural policies played a central role in the development of agricultural biotechnology (Kloppenburg 1988a, 1988b; Pistorius and van Wijk1999). And the United States has taken the lead in the creation of an international patent regime to protect “intellectual property”(the so-called TRIPS agreement) that should, in principle, allow firms to recoup research and development costs through technological rents. <u><strong><mark>The allegedly high start-up costs should prevent the early emergence of competitors, and this has been claimed to account for how biotechnology research and development and commercialization in Europe and Japan have lagged behind</mark> the U.S.</p></u></strong>
| null |
1nc
|
3
| 224,736 | 4 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,820 |
Second, Legalizing organ sales in the US spills over globally
|
Calandrillo 4
|
Calandrillo 4 Steve P. Calandrillo, Associate Professor, Univ. of Washington School of Law. J.D., Harvard Law School. B.A. in Economics, Univ. of California at Berkeley. George Mason Law Review Fall, 2004 13 Geo. Mason L. Rev. 69 ARTICLE: Cash for Kidneys? Utilizing Incentives to End America's Organ Shortage lexis
|
if we cannot prevent the black markets in human organs that continue to thrive worldwide today, a thoughtful and responsible regulatory solution in America might be the best response a well-regulated legalized market in the U.S. However, it is reasonable to suspect that an American market would significantly reduce the demand for black market organs, especially given the ability of a regulated market to better ensure the quality of its product. Furthermore, a legalized market in the U.S. (with appropriate safeguards to prevent abuse of sellers) may lead to similar structures abroad. On the other hand, one might argue that competing markets might lead to a "race to the bottom" in terms of regulatory standards, as each country tries to gain more market share.
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if we cannot prevent the black markets in human organs America might be the best response a well-regulated legalized market in the U.S. would significantly reduce the demand for black market organs, especially given the ability of a regulated market to better ensure the quality of its product a legalized market U.S. may lead to similar structures abroad
|
Moreover, if we cannot prevent the black markets in human organs that continue to thrive worldwide today, a thoughtful and responsible regulatory solution in America might be the best response. Many scholars have chronicled the reality that today's black markets lead to a host of abuses, provide for no follow-up health care, and generally exploit the poor to the wealthy's advantage. n180 Stephen Spurr details the potential for misrepresentation and fraud against both buyers and sellers today, as prices spiral out of control for organs that are of dubious quality. n181 Gloria Banks decries the exploitation of society's most vulnerable individuals in the organ sale trade, and urges legal and ethical safeguards for their protection. n182 Susan Hankin Denise adds that a properly regulated organ market may therefore be a better solution to the problem of scarcity than the outright ban we witness today. n183 FOOTNOTE ATTACHED n183 See Denise, supra note 72, at 1035-36 (arguing that regulated markets are superior to the existing ban on organ sales in the U.S.). Of course, even a well-regulated legalized market in the U.S. may not completely eliminate black markets worldwide if patients can still find organs more cheaply abroad. However, it is reasonable to suspect that an American market would significantly reduce the demand for black market organs, especially given the ability of a regulated market to better ensure the quality of its product. Furthermore, a legalized market in the U.S. (with appropriate safeguards to prevent abuse of sellers) may lead to similar structures abroad. On the other hand, one might argue that competing markets might lead to a "race to the bottom" in terms of regulatory standards, as each country tries to gain more market share.
| 1,779 |
<h4><strong>Second, Legalizing organ sales in the US spills over globally </h4><p>Calandrillo 4</strong> Steve P. Calandrillo, Associate Professor, Univ. of Washington School of Law. J.D., Harvard Law School. B.A. in Economics, Univ. of California at Berkeley. George Mason Law Review Fall, 2004 13 Geo. Mason L. Rev. 69 ARTICLE: Cash for Kidneys? Utilizing Incentives to End America's Organ Shortage lexis</p><p> Moreover, <u><mark>if we cannot prevent the black markets in human organs</mark> that continue to thrive worldwide today, a thoughtful and responsible regulatory solution in <mark>America might be the best response</u></mark>. Many scholars have chronicled the reality that today's black markets lead to a host of abuses, provide for no follow-up health care, and generally exploit the poor to the wealthy's advantage. n180 Stephen Spurr details the potential for misrepresentation and fraud against both buyers and sellers today, as prices spiral out of control for organs that are of dubious quality. n181 Gloria Banks decries the exploitation of society's most vulnerable individuals in the organ sale trade, and urges legal and ethical safeguards for their protection. n182 Susan Hankin Denise adds that a properly regulated organ market may therefore be a better solution to the problem of scarcity than the outright ban we witness today. n183 FOOTNOTE ATTACHED n183 See Denise, supra note 72, at 1035-36 (arguing that regulated markets are superior to the existing ban on organ sales in the U.S.). Of course, even <u><mark>a well-regulated legalized market in the U.S.</mark> </u>may not completely eliminate black markets worldwide<u> </u>if patients can still find organs more cheaply abroad. <u>However, it is reasonable to suspect that an American market <mark>would <strong>significantly reduce the demand for black market organs</strong>, especially given the ability of a regulated market to better ensure <strong>the quality of its product</strong></mark>. Furthermore, <mark>a legalized market</mark> in the <mark>U.S.</mark> (with appropriate safeguards to prevent abuse of sellers) <strong><mark>may lead to similar structures abroad</strong></mark>.<strong> On the other hand, one might argue that competing markets might lead to a "race to the bottom" in terms of regulatory standards, as each country tries to gain more market share. </p></u></strong>
| null | null |
Contention 2 is illegal markets
| 430,264 | 17 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,821 |
Forward deployment doesn’t solve conflict.
|
Fettweis, Political Science – Tulane, 10
|
Fettweis, Political Science – Tulane, 10 [Christopher J., fifth year doctoral student in the University of Maryland's Department of Government and Politics. His primary interests include US foreign and national security policies. His dissertation, currently titled The Geopolitics of Energy and the Obsolescence of Major War, focuses on the relationship between oil and conflict. Mr. Fettweis has a BA in History from the University of Notre Dame, Threat and Anxiety in US Foreign Policy, April 2010 Survival, 52:2, 59 - 82]
|
evidence suggests there is little reason to believe in the stabilising power of the US hegemon, and no relation between American activism and international stability. the verdict from the 90s world grew more peaceful while the U S cut its forces. No state seemed to believe its security was endangered No militaries were enhanced to address power vacuums; no security dilemmas drove insecurity or arms races; no regional balancing occurred once the stabilis-ing presence of the US military was diminished. the U S was no less safe.
|
evidence suggests there is little reason to believe in the stabilising power of the US hegemon, and no relation between American activism and international stability the verdict from the 90s world grew more peaceful while the U S cut its forces. No state seemed to believe its security was endangered No militaries were enhanced to address power vacuums; no security dilemmas drove insecurity or arms races; no regional balancing occurred once the stabilis-ing presence of the US military was diminished. the U S was no less safe.
|
One potential explanation for the growth of global peace can be dismissed fairly quickly: US actions do not seem to have contributed much. The limited evidence suggests that there is little reason to believe in the stabilising power of the US hegemon, and that there is no relation between the relative level of American activism and international stability. During the 1990s, the United States cut back on its defence spending fairly substantially. By 1998, the United States was spending $100 billion less on defence in real terms than it had in 1990, a 25% reduction.29 To internationalists, defence hawks and other believers in hegemonic stability, this irresponsible 'peace dividend' endangered both national and global security. 'No serious analyst of American military capabilities', argued neo-conservatives William Kristol and Robert Kagan in 1996, 'doubts that the defense budget has been cut much too far to meet America's responsibilities to itself and to world peace'.30 And yet the verdict from the 1990s is fairly plain: the world grew more peaceful while the United States cut its forces. No state seemed to believe that its security was endangered by a less-capable US military, or at least none took any action that would suggest such a belief. No militaries were enhanced to address power vacuums; no security dilemmas drove insecurity or arms races; no regional balancing occurred once the stabilis-ing presence of the US military was diminished. The rest of the world acted as if the threat of international war was not a pressing concern, despite the reduction in US military capabilities. Most of all, the United States was no less safe. The incidence and magnitude of global conflict declined while the United States cut its military spending under President Bill Clinton, and kept declining as the George W. Bush administration ramped the spending back up. Complex statistical analysis is unnecessary to reach the conclusion that world peace and US military expenditure are unrelated.
| 2,009 |
<h4>Forward deployment doesn’t solve conflict.</h4><p><u><strong>Fettweis, Political Science – Tulane, 10 </u></strong>[Christopher J., fifth year doctoral student in the University of Maryland's Department of Government and Politics. His primary interests include US foreign and national security policies. His dissertation, currently titled The Geopolitics of Energy and the Obsolescence of Major War, focuses on the relationship between oil and conflict. Mr. Fettweis has a BA in History from the University of Notre Dame, Threat and Anxiety in US Foreign Policy, April 2010 Survival, 52:2, 59 - 82]</p><p>One potential explanation for the growth of global peace can be dismissed fairly quickly: US actions do not seem to have contributed much. The limited <u><mark>evidence suggests</u></mark> that <u><mark>there is little reason to believe in the stabilising power of the US hegemon, and</u></mark> that there is <u><strong><mark>no relation</strong> between</u></mark> the relative level of <u><mark>American activism and international stability</mark>.</u> During the 1990s, the United States cut back on its defence spending fairly substantially. By 1998, the United States was spending $100 billion less on defence in real terms than it had in 1990, a 25% reduction.29 To internationalists, defence hawks and other believers in hegemonic stability, this irresponsible 'peace dividend' endangered both national and global security. 'No serious analyst of American military capabilities', argued neo-conservatives William Kristol and Robert Kagan in 1996, 'doubts that the defense budget has been cut much too far to meet America's responsibilities to itself and to world peace'.30 And yet <u><mark>the verdict from the</u></mark> 19<u><mark>90s</u></mark> is fairly plain: the <u><mark>world grew <strong>more peaceful</strong> while the U</u></mark>nited <u><mark>S</u></mark>tates <u><mark>cut its forces. No state seemed to believe</u></mark> that <u><mark>its security was endangered</u></mark> by a less-capable US military, or at least none took any action that would suggest such a belief. <u><strong><mark>No militaries were enhanced to address power vacuums; no security dilemmas drove insecurity or arms races; no regional balancing occurred</strong> once the stabilis-ing presence of the US military was diminished.</u></mark> The rest of the world acted as if the threat of international war was not a pressing concern, despite the reduction in US military capabilities. Most of all, <u><mark>the U</u></mark>nited <u><mark>S</u></mark>tates <u><mark>was no less safe.</u></mark> The incidence and magnitude of global conflict declined while the United States cut its military spending under President Bill Clinton, and kept declining as the George W. Bush administration ramped the spending back up. Complex statistical analysis is unnecessary to reach the conclusion that world peace and US military expenditure are unrelated.</p>
| null |
1nc
|
a1
| 67,081 | 49 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,822 |
Great power war
|
Baru 9 –
|
Baru 9 – Sanjaya Baru is a Professor at the Lee Kuan Yew School in Singapore Geopolitical Implications of the Current Global Financial Crisis, Strategic Analysis, Volume 33, Issue 2 March 2009 , pages 163 – 168
|
strong economic performance is the foundation of power Drawing attention to interrelationships between wealth, technological innovation, and the ability of states to efficiently mobilize economic and technological resources for power projection major shifts in military-power balance followed alterations in productive balances the rising and falling of the various empires has been confirmed by major Great Power wars geopolitical consequences of decline, would be inability to sustain military power, the classic 'guns versus butter' dilemma.
|
strong economic performance is the Drawing attention to interrelationships between wealth, tech innovation, and ability of states to mobilize economic and tech resources for power projection
|
Hence, economic policies and performance do have strategic consequences.2 In the modern era, the idea that strong economic performance is the foundation of power was argued most persuasively by historian Paul Kennedy. 'Victory (in war)', Kennedy claimed, 'has repeatedly gone to the side with more flourishing productive base'.3 Drawing attention to the interrelationships between economic wealth, technological innovation, and the ability of states to efficiently mobilize economic and technological resources for power projection and national defence, Kennedy argued that nations that were able to better combine military and economic strength scored over others. 'The fact remains', Kennedy argued, 'that all of the major shifts in the world's military-power balance have followed alterations in the productive balances; and further, that the rising and falling of the various empires and states in the international system has been confirmed by the outcomes of the major Great Power wars, where victory has always gone to the side with the greatest material resources'.4 In Kennedy's view, the geopolitical consequences of an economic crisis, or even decline, would be transmitted through a nation's inability to find adequate financial resources to simultaneously sustain economic growth and military power, the classic 'guns versus butter' dilemma.
| 1,354 |
<h4><strong>Great power war</h4><p>Baru 9 – </strong>Sanjaya Baru is a Professor at the Lee Kuan Yew School in Singapore Geopolitical Implications of the Current Global Financial Crisis, Strategic Analysis, Volume 33, Issue 2 March 2009 , pages 163 – 168</p><p>Hence, economic policies and performance do have strategic consequences.2 In the modern era, the idea that <u><strong><mark>strong economic performance is the </mark>foundation of power</u></strong> was argued most persuasively by historian Paul Kennedy. 'Victory (in war)', Kennedy claimed, 'has repeatedly gone to the side with more flourishing productive base'.3 <u><strong><mark>Drawing attention to</mark> </u></strong>the <u><strong><mark>interrelationships between</mark> </u></strong>economic <u><strong><mark>wealth, tech</mark>nological <mark>innovation, and</mark> the <mark>ability of states to</mark> efficiently <mark>mobilize economic and tech</mark>nological<mark> resources for power projection</mark> </u></strong>and national defence, Kennedy argued that nations that were able to better combine military and economic strength scored over others. 'The fact remains', Kennedy argued, 'that all of the <u><strong>major shifts in</u></strong> the world's <u><strong>military-power balance</u></strong> have <u><strong>followed alterations in</u></strong> the <u><strong>productive balances</u></strong>; and further, that <u><strong>the rising and falling of the various empires</strong> </u>and states in the international system <u><strong>has been confirmed by</u></strong> the outcomes of the <u><strong>major Great Power wars</u></strong>, where victory has always gone to the side with the greatest material resources'.4 In Kennedy's view, the <u><strong>geopolitical consequences of</u></strong> an economic crisis, or even <u><strong>decline, would be</u></strong> transmitted through a nation's <u><strong>inability to</u></strong> find adequate financial resources to simultaneously <u><strong>sustain</strong> </u>economic growth and <u><strong>military power, the classic 'guns versus butter' dilemma. </p></u></strong>
| null |
1nc
|
3
| 1,240,559 | 117 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,823 |
A program with a government intermediary is viable means for "organ sales"
|
Wilkinson 11
|
Wilkinson 11 Stephen Wilkinson, Professor of Bioethics, Lancaster University (UK) 10-17-11 Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, "The Sale of Human Organs" http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/organs-sale/
|
The expression ‘organ sale’ covers a wide range of different practices. People most readily associate it with the case in which one individual sells to another But there are other possibilities too One noteworthy policy proposal comes from Erin and Harris who suggest that a market in human organs should have a central public body responsible for making (and funding) all purchases and for allocating organs fairly in accordance with clinical criteria. Prices are set at a reasonably generous level to attract people voluntarily into the market.
|
organ sale’ covers a wide range of different practices Erin and Harris suggest that a market in human organs should have a central public body responsible for making (and funding) all purchases and for allocating organs fairly in accordance with clinical criteria Prices are set at a reasonably generous level to attract people voluntarily into the market.
|
1. Different Kinds of Organ Sale System The expression ‘organ sale’ covers a wide range of different practices. People most readily associate it with the case in which one individual (who needs or wants money) sells his or her kidney to another (who needs a kidney). But there are other possibilities too. One (in countries where the prior consent of the deceased is required for cadaveric organ donation) is to pay people living now for rights over their body after death. Another (in countries where the consent of relatives is required for cadaveric organ donation) is to pay relatives for transplant rights over their recently deceased loved ones' bodies. Since the kidney is the most commonly transplanted organ and since the ethics literature on organ sale is mainly about kidney sale from live donors, that is the practice on which this entry will focus. ‘Organ sale’ as the term is used here does not include the sale of body products (a category which includes blood, eggs, hair, and sperm) since this is different in some important respects. For example, the risk of permanent harm is generally much less in the case of blood and hair donation; while, the donation of eggs and sperm raises additional issues relating to the creation and parenting of additional future people. That said, many of the fundamental issues are similar and the very same concerns about (for example) exploitation and consent arise in both cases. An important preliminary point is that almost all serious advocates of allowing payment for human organs argue not for an unfettered ‘free market’ but for a regulated one. Radcliffe Richards et al. (1998, 1950) for example, in their paper “The Case for Allowing Kidney Sales” say: It must be stressed that we are not arguing for the positive conclusion that organ sales must always be acceptable, let alone that there should be an unfettered market. While Wilkinson (2003, 132) is typical of organ sale defenders in wishing to distance himself from today's (largely ‘underground’) organ trade: … far from being a reason to continue the ban on sale, the dreadfulness of present practice may be a reason to discontinue prohibition, so that the organ trade can be brought ‘overground’ and properly regulated. Different scholars have different views about the precise scope and extent of the regulation required, but most support the requirements that organ sellers give valid consent, are paid a reasonable fee, and are provided with adequate medical care. Taylor (2005, 110) for example, says that: At minimum … a market should require that vendors give their informed consent to the sale of their kidneys, that they not be coerced into selling their kidneys by a third party and that they receive adequate post-operative care. One noteworthy policy proposal comes from Erin and Harris (1994; 2003) who suggest that a market in human organs should have the following features: It is limited to a particular geopolitical area, such as a state or the European Union, with only citizens or residents of that area being allowed to sell or to receive organs. There is a central public body responsible for making (and funding) all purchases and for allocating organs fairly in accordance with clinical criteria. Direct sales are banned. Prices are set at a reasonably generous level to attract people voluntarily into the market.
| 3,355 |
<h4><strong>A program with a government intermediary is viable means for "organ sales"</h4><p>Wilkinson 11</strong> Stephen Wilkinson, Professor of Bioethics, Lancaster University (UK) 10-17-11 Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, "The Sale of Human Organs" <u><mark>http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/organs-sale/</p><p></u></mark>1. Different Kinds of Organ Sale System <u>The expression ‘<mark>organ sale’ covers a wide range of different practices</mark>. People most readily associate it with the case in which one individual</u> (who needs or wants money) <u>sells </u>his or her kidney <u>to another</u> (who needs a kidney). <u>But there are other possibilities too</u>. One (in countries where the prior consent of the deceased is required for cadaveric organ donation) is to pay people living now for rights over their body after death. Another (in countries where the consent of relatives is required for cadaveric organ donation) is to pay relatives for transplant rights over their recently deceased loved ones' bodies. Since the kidney is the most commonly transplanted organ and since the ethics literature on organ sale is mainly about kidney sale from live donors, that is the practice on which this entry will focus. ‘Organ sale’ as the term is used here does not include the sale of body products (a category which includes blood, eggs, hair, and sperm) since this is different in some important respects. For example, the risk of permanent harm is generally much less in the case of blood and hair donation; while, the donation of eggs and sperm raises additional issues relating to the creation and parenting of additional future people. That said, many of the fundamental issues are similar and the very same concerns about (for example) exploitation and consent arise in both cases. An important preliminary point is that almost all serious advocates of allowing payment for human organs argue not for an unfettered ‘free market’ but for a regulated one. Radcliffe Richards et al. (1998, 1950) for example, in their paper “The Case for Allowing Kidney Sales” say: It must be stressed that we are not arguing for the positive conclusion that organ sales must always be acceptable, let alone that there should be an unfettered market. While Wilkinson (2003, 132) is typical of organ sale defenders in wishing to distance himself from today's (largely ‘underground’) organ trade: … far from being a reason to continue the ban on sale, the dreadfulness of present practice may be a reason to discontinue prohibition, so that the organ trade can be brought ‘overground’ and properly regulated. Different scholars have different views about the precise scope and extent of the regulation required, but most support the requirements that organ sellers give valid consent, are paid a reasonable fee, and are provided with adequate medical care. Taylor (2005, 110) for example, says that: At minimum … a market should require that vendors give their informed consent to the sale of their kidneys, that they not be coerced into selling their kidneys by a third party and that they receive adequate post-operative care. <u>One noteworthy policy proposal comes from <mark>Erin and Harris</u></mark> (1994; 2003) <u>who <mark>suggest</mark> <mark>that a market in human organs should have</mark> </u>the following features: It is limited to a particular geopolitical area, such as a state or the European Union, with only citizens or residents of that area being allowed to sell or to receive organs. There is <u><mark>a central public body responsible for making (and funding) all purchases and for allocating organs fairly in accordance with clinical criteria</mark>. </u>Direct sales are banned. <u><strong><mark>Prices are set at a reasonably generous level to attract people voluntarily into the market.</p></u></strong></mark>
| null | null |
Contention 3 Solvency
| 429,540 | 21 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,824 |
Marijuana doesn’t bring in much cartel money- their cards are based on total fabrications
|
Bond et al 2010
|
Bond et al 2010 (Brittany M., economist at the U.S. Department of Commerce; Jonathan Caulkins, H. Guyford Stever Professorship of Operations Research and Public Policy at Carnegie Mellon; Beau Kilmer and Peter Reuter, Reducing Drug Trafficking Revenues and Violence in Mexico, http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/occasional_papers/2010/RAND_OP325.pdf)
|
violence in Mexico plays a prominent role in debates about marijuana legalization in the United States. Often, big numbers of dubious origin are tossed around with little thought one analysis estimated that 60 percent of all Mexican DTO drug revenue comes from exporting marijuana the figures have been repeated in the popular press The figure appears to come from multiplying a $525-per-pound2 markup by an estimate from the Mexican government that 35 million pounds were produced in Mexico and then rounding up. no data support the claim that U.S. users consume 35 million pounds let alone that they consume this much marijuana from Mexico. This is three times the UNODC upper bound for total U.S. consumption
|
violence in Mexico plays a prominent role in debates about marijuana legalization in the United States. Often, big numbers of dubious origin are tossed around with little thought figure appears to come from multiplying a $525-per-pound2 markup by an estimate from the Mexican government that 35 million pounds were produced in Mexico and then rounding up no data support the claim that U.S. users consume 35 million pounds let alone that they consume this much marijuana from Mexico. This is three times the UNODC upper bound for total U.S. consumption
|
Not surprisingly, violence in Mexico plays a prominent role in debates about marijuana legalization in the United States. Often, big numbers of dubious origin are tossed around in drug policy discussions with little thought and, frankly, little consequence. Some U.S. government reports suggest that Mexican and Colombian DTOs combined earn $18 billion–$39 billion annually in wholesale drug proceeds (NDIC, 2008d), and one analysis even estimated that 60 percent of all Mexican DTO drug revenue comes from exporting marijuana (ONDCP, 2006). Legalization advocates seize on such figures to supplement their traditional arguments, and the figures have been repeated in the popular press, with even respectable news sources claiming that “the Mexican cartels could be selling $20 billion worth of marijuana in the U.S. market each year” (Fainaru and Booth, 2009). The $20 billion figure appears to come from multiplying a $525-per-pound2 markup by an estimate from the Mexican government that 35 million pounds were produced in Mexico and then rounding up. However, no data support the claim that U.S. users consume 35 million pounds (~16,000 metric tons [MT]) per year, let alone that they consume this much marijuana from Mexico. (This point is addressed in detail in Chapter Three.) This is three times the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime’s (UNODC) (2009) upper bound for total U.S. consumption and nearly four times the amount estimated by the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) (DASC, 2002).
| 1,506 |
<h4>Marijuana doesn’t bring in much cartel money- their cards are based on total fabrications</h4><p><strong>Bond et al 2010</strong> (Brittany M., economist at the U.S. Department of Commerce; Jonathan Caulkins, H. Guyford Stever Professorship of Operations Research and Public Policy at Carnegie Mellon; Beau Kilmer and Peter Reuter, Reducing Drug Trafficking Revenues and Violence in Mexico, http://www.rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/occasional_papers/2010/RAND_OP325.pdf)</p><p>Not surprisingly, <u><mark>violence in Mexico plays a prominent role in debates about marijuana legalization in the United States. Often, big numbers of dubious origin are tossed around</u></mark> in drug policy discussions <u><mark>with little thought</u></mark> and, frankly, little consequence. Some U.S. government reports suggest that Mexican and Colombian DTOs combined earn $18 billion–$39 billion annually in wholesale drug proceeds (NDIC, 2008d), and <u>one analysis</u> even <u>estimated that 60 percent of all Mexican DTO drug revenue comes from exporting marijuana</u> (ONDCP, 2006). Legalization advocates seize on such figures to supplement their traditional arguments, and <u>the figures have been repeated in the popular press</u>, with even respectable news sources claiming that “the Mexican cartels could be selling $20 billion worth of marijuana in the U.S. market each year” (Fainaru and Booth, 2009). <u>The</u> $20 billion <u><mark>figure appears to come from multiplying a $525-per-pound2 markup by an estimate from the Mexican government that 35 million pounds were produced in Mexico and then rounding up</mark>.</u> However, <u><strong><mark>no data support the claim</u></strong> <u>that U.S. users consume 35 million pounds</u></mark> (~16,000 metric tons [MT]) per year, <u><mark>let alone that they consume this much marijuana from Mexico.</u></mark> (This point is addressed in detail in Chapter Three.) <u><strong><mark>This is three times</u></strong> <u><strong>the</u></strong></mark> United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime’s (<u><strong><mark>UNODC</u></strong></mark>) (2009) <u><strong><mark>upper bound for total U.S. consumption</u></strong></mark> and nearly four times the amount estimated by the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) (DASC, 2002).</p>
| null |
1nc
|
a1
| 55,187 | 7 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,825 |
No Indo-Pak escalation – nuclear deterrence and communication channels
|
Singh 3
|
Singh 3 (Rahul, “Pak's N-threat exaggerated: Parthasarthy,” The Times of India, 9/29/3, http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2003-09-29/india/27199111_1_pakistani-army-national-security-nuclear-threat)//SJF
|
The Pakistani military establishment became a virtual punching bag for security experts The strategic challenge we face from Pakistan is that they want to weaken India. Pakistan is not the battle of Army alone but every Indian has a role to play." Parthasarthy further said that Pakistan would use nuclear weapons against India only as the last resort – either when the Pakistani army had collapsed or they had drained their resources. the nuclear threat from Pakistan was exaggerated and there was no harm in calling their bluff. people to people contact cultivated and channels of communication not closed The country would be safe in real terms only when the common man feels secure. Nobody can dare to touch us if we are strong internally. The genesis of most of our problems lies in our internal differences." India must evolve a vision document for national security on the lines of the US. this was crucial because conventional wars were passé and future conflicts would be limited in nature with limited objectives. although the US had attempted to manipulate India into sending troops to Iraq, the government did the right thing by turning down the proposal.
|
Pakistan would use nuclear weapons only as the last resort – when the army collapsed or drained resources the nuclear threat was exaggerated people to people contact cultivated and channels of communication not closed Nobody can touch us if we are strong internally. genesis of problems lies in internal differences future conflicts would be limited
|
CHANDIGARH: The Pakistani military establishment became a virtual punching bag for security experts on Sunday as they blasted the 'rogue' army for making militant Islam a vital instrument for foreign policy. The experts, who were here for a conclave on Integrated Management of National Security held at Panjab University, said Pakistani military regimes were clear in their mind that the Indian threat had to be kept alive if they were to stay in power. G Parthasarthy, a former Indian high commissioner to Pakistan, said after the 1971 war the Pakistani objective was not to take away Kashmir from India but to destroy its fibre of unity "as they viewed our existence as an ideological threat to theirs." Underlining that it was not possible to deal with Pakistan in a compartmentalised manner, he said, "The strategic challenge we face from Pakistan is that they want to weaken India. Pakistan is not the battle of Army alone but every Indian has a role to play." He said that Kargil was the product of Pakistani impression that Indians were tired after a decade of low-intensity conflict. Parthasarthy further said that Pakistan would use nuclear weapons against India only as the last resort – either when the Pakistani army had collapsed or they had drained their resources. He added that the nuclear threat from Pakistan was exaggerated and there was no harm in calling their bluff. Although Parthasarthy said that India should attempt to isolate Pakistan at every international forum, he said people to people contact should be cultivated and channels of communication should not be closed. Some experts, however, offered divergent views on the Pakistani role vis-à-vis national security and said more emphasis should be placed on "setting our own house in order." Lt Gen D B Shekatkar (retd), a security expert from Pune, said instead of blaming Pakistan for every ill afflicting the country, the need of the hour was to provide security to the common man and strengthen India at the grassroot level. Delivering a talk on "Changing perspective of national security, challenges and responses," Shekatkar said, "The country would be safe in real terms only when the common man feels secure. Nobody can dare to touch us if we are strong internally. The genesis of most of our problems lies in our internal differences." He added that the supreme tragedy of the country was that the common man's faith had been eroded not only in the government setup but in every possible sense. Air Vice Marshal Kapil Kak (retd), additional director, Centre for Strategic and International Studies, said India must evolve a vision document for national security on the lines of the US. He said that this was crucial because conventional wars were passé and future conflicts would be limited in nature with limited objectives. Kak also called for greater interaction between the armed forces and the ministry of defence to evolve higher defence control organisations. Gen V N Sharma, a former Army chief, underscored the need for better coordination between Army and intelligence agencies for optimum results in counter-insurgency operations. In the concluding session, RSS national chief K S Sudershan said although the US had attempted to manipulate India into sending troops to Iraq, the government did the right thing by turning down the proposal.
| 3,340 |
<h4><strong>No Indo-Pak escalation – nuclear deterrence and communication channels</h4><p>Singh 3 <u></strong>(Rahul, “Pak's N-threat exaggerated: Parthasarthy,” The Times of India, 9/29/3, http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2003-09-29/india/27199111_1_pakistani-army-national-security-nuclear-threat)//SJF</p><p></u>CHANDIGARH: <u>The Pakistani military establishment became a virtual punching bag for security experts</u> on Sunday as they blasted the 'rogue' army for making militant Islam a vital instrument for foreign policy. The experts, who were here for a conclave on Integrated Management of National Security held at Panjab University, said Pakistani military regimes were clear in their mind that the Indian threat had to be kept alive if they were to stay in power. G Parthasarthy, a former Indian high commissioner to Pakistan, said after the 1971 war the Pakistani objective was not to take away Kashmir from India but to destroy its fibre of unity "as they viewed our existence as an ideological threat to theirs." Underlining that it was not possible to deal with Pakistan in a compartmentalised manner, he said, "<u>The strategic challenge we face from Pakistan is that they want to weaken India. Pakistan is not the battle of Army alone but every Indian has a role to play." </u>He said that Kargil was the product of Pakistani impression that Indians were tired after a decade of low-intensity conflict. <u>Parthasarthy further said that <mark>Pakistan would use nuclear weapons </mark>against India <mark>only as the last resort – </mark>either <mark>when the</mark> Pakistani <mark>army</mark> had <mark>collapsed or </mark>they had <mark>drained</mark> their <mark>resources</mark>. </u>He added that <u><mark>the nuclear threat</mark> from Pakistan <mark>was exaggerated</mark> and there was no harm in calling their bluff. </u>Although Parthasarthy said that India should attempt to isolate Pakistan at every international forum, he said <u><mark>people to people contact</mark> </u>should be<u> <mark>cultivated and channels of communication</mark> </u>should<u> <mark>not</mark> </u>be<u> <mark>closed</u></mark>. Some experts, however, offered divergent views on the Pakistani role vis-à-vis national security and said more emphasis should be placed on "setting our own house in order." Lt Gen D B Shekatkar (retd), a security expert from Pune, said instead of blaming Pakistan for every ill afflicting the country, the need of the hour was to provide security to the common man and strengthen India at the grassroot level. Delivering a talk on "Changing perspective of national security, challenges and responses," Shekatkar said, "<u>The country would be safe in real terms only when the common man feels secure. <mark>Nobody can </mark>dare to <mark>touch us if we are strong internally.</mark> The <mark>genesis of</mark> most of our <mark>problems lies in</mark> our <mark>internal differences</mark>." </u>He added that the supreme tragedy of the country was that the common man's faith had been eroded not only in the government setup but in every possible sense. Air Vice Marshal Kapil Kak (retd), additional director, Centre for Strategic and International Studies, said <u>India must evolve a vision document for national security on the lines of the US. </u>He said that <u>this was crucial because conventional wars were passé and <mark>future conflicts would be limited </mark>in nature with limited objectives.</u> Kak also called for greater interaction between the armed forces and the ministry of defence to evolve higher defence control organisations. Gen V N Sharma, a former Army chief, underscored the need for better coordination between Army and intelligence agencies for optimum results in counter-insurgency operations. In the concluding session, RSS national chief K S Sudershan said <u><strong>although the US had attempted to manipulate India into sending troops to Iraq, the government did the right thing by turning down the proposal.</p></u></strong>
| null |
1nc
|
Tourism
| 296,321 | 3 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,826 |
Plan forces cartels to switch to other drugs- causes more violence
|
Jackson et al 2011
|
Jackson et al 2011 (Ashlee Jackson, Chad Murray, Amanda C. Miralrío, Nicolas Eiden, Second-year Master’s students at the George Washington University Elliott School of International Affairs, Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission: Capstone Report, Mexican Drug Trafficking Organizations and Marijuana: The Potential Effects of U.S. Legalization, https://elliott.gwu.edu/sites/elliott.gwu.edu/files/downloads/acad/lahs/mexico-marijuana-071111.pdf)
|
The Sinaloa cartel and Tijuana cartel would likely expand into the cocaine, heroin, and methamphetamine networks the Gulf Cartel, La Familia, and the Juarez cartel are already heavily committed to cocaine, heroin, and methamphetamine These other DTOs might respond violently to any attempts by the Sinaloa cartel or Tijuana cartel to take any of their shares of the trafficking market there is also the possibility that the Sinaloa cartel would make a deal with its allies rather than fight them The implications of this are unclear If this occurs then the legalization of marijuana will have brought few security dividends.
|
The Sinaloa cartel and Tijuana cartel would likely expand into the cocaine, heroin, and methamphetamine networks These other DTOs might respond violently to any attempts by the Sinaloa cartel or Tijuana cartel to take any of their shares of the trafficking market If this occurs then the legalization of marijuana will have brought few security dividends.
|
The Sinaloa cartel and Tijuana cartel would likely expand into the cocaine, heroin, and methamphetamine networks. Several experts agree that if marijuana were no longer a profitable enterprise for the Sinaloa cartel and Tijuana cartel they would shift towards trafficking in other profitable drugs.126 What is less clear, however, is how this type of transition would affect violence. As mentioned earlier in this paper, the Gulf Cartel, La Familia, and the Juarez cartel are already heavily committed to the cocaine, heroin, and methamphetamine industries to various extents. These other DTOs might respond violently to any attempts by the Sinaloa cartel or Tijuana cartel to take any of their shares of the trafficking market. Given that its revenue streams were disrupted, there is also the possibility that the Sinaloa cartel would make a deal with its allies, the Gulf Cartel and La Familia, rather than fight them. The implications of this are unclear. If this occurs then the legalization of marijuana will have brought few security dividends.
| 1,050 |
<h4>Plan forces cartels to switch to other drugs- causes more violence</h4><p><strong>Jackson et al 2011</strong> (Ashlee Jackson, Chad Murray, Amanda C. Miralrío, Nicolas Eiden, Second-year Master’s students at the George Washington University Elliott School of International Affairs, Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission: Capstone Report, Mexican Drug Trafficking Organizations and Marijuana: The Potential Effects of U.S. Legalization, https://elliott.gwu.edu/sites/elliott.gwu.edu/files/downloads/acad/lahs/mexico-marijuana-071111.pdf<u>)</p><p><mark>The Sinaloa cartel and Tijuana cartel would likely expand into the cocaine, heroin, and methamphetamine networks</u></mark>. Several experts agree that if marijuana were no longer a profitable enterprise for the Sinaloa cartel and Tijuana cartel they would shift towards trafficking in other profitable drugs.126 What is less clear, however, is how this type of transition would affect violence. As mentioned earlier in this paper, <u>the Gulf Cartel, La Familia, and the Juarez cartel are already heavily committed to </u>the<u> cocaine, heroin, and methamphetamine</u> industries to various extents. <u><mark>These other DTOs might respond violently to any attempts by the Sinaloa cartel or Tijuana cartel to take any of their shares of the trafficking market</u></mark>. Given that its revenue streams were disrupted, <u>there is also the possibility that the Sinaloa cartel would make a deal with its allies</u>, the Gulf Cartel and La Familia, <u>rather than fight them</u>. <u>The implications of this are unclear</u>. <u><mark>If this occurs then the legalization of marijuana will have brought few security dividends.</p></u></mark>
| null |
1nc
|
a1
| 56,591 | 113 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,827 |
This would maximize organ sales
|
Erin and Harris 3
|
Erin and Harris 3 Charles A Erin and John Harris, Institute of Medicine, Law and Bioethics, School of Law, University of Manchester J Med Ethics 2003; 29 :141 Janet Radcliffe Richards on our modest proposal
http://jme.bmj.com/content/29/3/138.full.pdf+html
|
We have proposed a scheme that would maximise organ sales by meeting the most common and persistent objections to commerce in body parts.
|
2 We have proposed a scheme that would maximise organ sales by meeting the most common and persistent objections to commerce in body parts
|
Thus when Radcliffe Richards says: “Of course there is something undesirable about a one way international traffic from poor to rich; but that is not enough to settle the all things considered question of whether it should be allowed” she is again right. It is not enough to settle that question. Our paper was not trying to settle that question. 2 We have proposed a scheme that would maximise organ sales by meeting the most common and persistent objections to commerce in body parts. In our paper we note that:“In 1994, we made a proposal in which we outlined possibly the only circumstances in which a market in donor organs could be achieved ethically, and in a way that minimises the dangers normally envisaged for such a scheme” and this is the proposal that we repeat in abbreviated form. The claim we make, which it seems Radcliffe Richards judges tobe too strong, is that our proposal outlines “possibly the only circumstances in which a market in donor organs could be achieved ethically”; but note that there is a qualification to this claim, namely that if the first part of our claim is true it is so because it defends organ sales “in a way that minimises the dangers normally envisaged for such a scheme”. It may be that organ sales could be defended (possibly by Janet Radcliffe Richards and for that matter by the present authors) in a way that does not minimise such dangers. But that is not what we were trying to do in our paper.
| 1,450 |
<h4><strong>This would maximize organ sales</h4><p>Erin and Harris 3 </strong>Charles A Erin and John Harris, Institute of Medicine, Law and Bioethics, School of Law, University of Manchester J Med Ethics 2003; 29 :141<strong> </strong>Janet Radcliffe Richards on our modest<strong> </strong>proposal</p><p>http://jme.bmj.com/content/29/3/138.full.pdf+html</p><p>Thus when Radcliffe Richards says: “Of course there is something undesirable about a one way international traffic from poor to rich; but that is not enough to settle the all things considered question of whether it should be allowed” she is again right. It is not enough to settle that question. Our paper was not trying to settle that question. <mark>2 <u>We have proposed a scheme that would <strong>maximise organ sales</strong> by meeting the most common and persistent objections to commerce in body parts</mark>.</u><strong> In our paper we note that:“In 1994, we made a proposal in which we outlined possibly the only circumstances in which a market in donor organs could be achieved ethically, and in a way that minimises the dangers normally envisaged for such a scheme” and this is the proposal that we repeat in abbreviated form. The claim we make, which it seems Radcliffe Richards judges tobe too strong, is that our proposal outlines “possibly the only circumstances in which a market in donor organs could be achieved ethically”; but note that there is a qualification to this claim, namely that if the first part of our claim is true it is so because it defends organ sales “in a way that minimises the dangers normally envisaged for such a scheme”. It may be that organ sales could be defended (possibly by Janet Radcliffe Richards and for that matter by the present authors) in a way that does not minimise such dangers. But that is not what we were trying to do in our paper.</p></strong>
| null | null |
Contention 3 Solvency
| 430,338 | 11 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,828 |
No nuclear terror.
|
Chapman 12
|
Chapman 12 [Stephen, columnist and editorial writer for the Chicago Tribune, CHAPMAN: Nuclear terrorism unlikely May 22, 2012 6:00 AM http://www.oaoa.com/articles/chapman-87719-nuclear-terrorism.html]
|
Given their inability to do something simple Ohio State University professor John Mueller “the likelihood a terrorist group will come up with an atomic bomb seems vanishingly small.” Russia’s devices are no longer a danger, since weapons that are not maintained quickly become what one expert calls “radioactive scrap metal.” If terrorists were able to steal a Pakistani bomb, they would still have to defeat the arming codes and other safeguards building a bomb requires millions a safe haven and advanced equipment — plus specialized skills Assuming jihadists vault over those Himalayas, they would have to deliver the weapon onto American soil. every step means expanding the circle of people who know what’s going on, multiplying the chance someone will blab, back out or screw up. al-Qaida has only a minuscule chance Given the formidable odds, it won’t bother.
|
Given their inability to do something simple “the likelihood a terrorist group will come up with an atomic bomb seems vanishingly small.” building a bomb requires millions a safe haven and advanced equipment — plus specialized skills Assuming jihadists vault over those Himalayas, they would have to deliver the weapon onto American soil. every step means expanding the circle of people who know what’s going on, multiplying the chance someone will blab, back out or screw up. al-Qaida has only a minuscule chance Given the formidable odds, it won’t bother.
|
Given their inability to do something simple — say, shoot up a shopping mall or set off a truck bomb — it’s reasonable to ask whether they have a chance at something much more ambitious. Far from being plausible, argued Ohio State University professor John Mueller in a presentation at the University of Chicago, “the likelihood that a terrorist group will come up with an atomic bomb seems to be vanishingly small.” The events required to make that happen comprise a multitude of Herculean tasks. First, a terrorist group has to get a bomb or fissile material, perhaps from Russia’s inventory of decommissioned warheads. If that were easy, one would have already gone missing. Besides, those devices are probably no longer a danger, since weapons that are not maintained quickly become what one expert calls “radioactive scrap metal.” If terrorists were able to steal a Pakistani bomb, they would still have to defeat the arming codes and other safeguards designed to prevent unauthorized use. As for Iran, no nuclear state has ever given a bomb to an ally — for reasons even the Iranians can grasp. Stealing some 100 pounds of bomb fuel would require help from rogue individuals inside some government who are prepared to jeopardize their own lives. Then comes the task of building a bomb. It’s not something you can gin up with spare parts and power tools in your garage. It requires millions of dollars, a safe haven and advanced equipment — plus people with specialized skills, lots of time and a willingness to die for the cause. Assuming the jihadists vault over those Himalayas, they would have to deliver the weapon onto American soil. Sure, drug smugglers bring in contraband all the time — but seeking their help would confront the plotters with possible exposure or extortion. This, like every other step in the entire process, means expanding the circle of people who know what’s going on, multiplying the chance someone will blab, back out or screw up. That has heartening implications. If al-Qaida embarks on the project, it has only a minuscule chance of seeing it bear fruit. Given the formidable odds, it probably won’t bother.
| 2,150 |
<h4><strong>No nuclear terror.</h4><p><u>Chapman 12</strong><mark> [Stephen, columnist and editorial writer for the Chicago Tribune, CHAPMAN: Nuclear terrorism unlikely May 22, 2012 6:00 AM http://www.oaoa.com/articles/chapman-87719-nuclear-terrorism.html]</p><p>Given their inability to do something simple</u></mark> — say, shoot up a shopping mall or set off a truck bomb — it’s reasonable to ask whether they have a chance at something much more ambitious. Far from being plausible, argued <u>Ohio State University professor John Mueller</u> in a presentation at the University of Chicago, <u><mark>“the likelihood</u></mark> that <u><mark>a terrorist group will come up with an atomic bomb seems</u></mark> to be <u><strong><mark>vanishingly small.”</u></strong></mark> The events required to make that happen comprise a multitude of Herculean tasks. First, a terrorist group has to get a bomb or fissile material, perhaps from <u>Russia’s</u> inventory of decommissioned warheads. If that were easy, one would have already gone missing. Besides, those <u>devices are</u> probably <u>no longer a danger, since weapons that are not maintained quickly become what one expert calls “radioactive scrap metal.” If terrorists were able to steal a Pakistani bomb, they would still have to defeat the arming codes and other safeguards</u> designed to prevent unauthorized use. As for Iran, no nuclear state has ever given a bomb to an ally — for reasons even the Iranians can grasp. Stealing some 100 pounds of bomb fuel would require help from rogue individuals inside some government who are prepared to jeopardize their own lives. Then comes the task of <u><mark>building a bomb</u></mark>. It’s not something you can gin up with spare parts and power tools in your garage. It <u><mark>requires millions </u></mark>of dollars, <u><mark>a safe haven and advanced equipment — plus</u></mark> people with <u><mark>specialized skills</u></mark>, lots of time and a willingness to die for the cause. <u><mark>Assuming</u></mark> the <u><mark>jihadists vault over those Himalayas, they would have to deliver the weapon onto American soil.</u></mark> Sure, drug smugglers bring in contraband all the time — but seeking their help would confront the plotters with possible exposure or extortion. This, like <u><mark>every</u></mark> other <u><mark>step</u></mark> in the entire process, <u><mark>means expanding the circle of people who know what’s going on, multiplying the chance someone will blab, back out or screw up.</u></mark> That has heartening implications. If <u><mark>al-Qaida </u></mark>embarks on the project, it <u><mark>has <strong>only a minuscule chance</u></strong></mark> of seeing it bear fruit. <u><mark>Given the formidable odds, <strong>it</u></strong></mark> probably <u><strong><mark>won’t bother.</p></u></strong></mark>
| null |
1nc
|
Tourism
| 18,931 | 81 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,829 |
Live donations are key--Cadaver donations will never be enough
|
Satel 12
|
Satel 12 Sally L. Satel, a physician, is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute
4 May 7, 2012 Bloomberg View Facebook’s Organ Donation Success Needs Follow-Up http://www.bloombergview.com/articles/2012-05-07/facebook-s-organ-donation-success-needs-follow-up
|
Even if every American agreed to be an organ donor, there still wouldn’t be enough kidneys for transplantation.
I specify kidneys because people with renal failure represent about 80 percent of those on the national organ waiting list. Last year, roughly 91,000 people needed a renal transplant, but only one fifth of them received one.
Of the roughly 2 million Americans who die annually, it has been estimated that only 10,500 to 13,000 possess organs healthy enough for transplanting. So, if every eligible person donated his organs at death, surgeons might be able to double the number of transplant surgeries. (Last year, 7,433 deceased donors yielded an average of 1.5 kidneys each, for a total of 11,043 operations
|
Even if every American agreed to be an organ donor, there still wouldn’t be enough kidneys for transplantation
people with renal failure represent 80 percent roughly 91,000 people only one fifth of them received one.
Of the 2 million only 10,500 possess organs healthy for transplantin
|
Organ-donation groups are rightly thrilled with Facebook’s initiative. Yet it’s important to keep the larger picture in mind. Even if every American agreed to be an organ donor, there still wouldn’t be enough kidneys for transplantation.
I specify kidneys because people with renal failure represent about 80 percent of those on the national organ waiting list. Last year, roughly 91,000 people needed a renal transplant, but only one fifth of them received one.
Transplant Math
Now look more closely at the donor math: Of the roughly 2 million Americans who die annually, it has been estimated that only 10,500 to 13,000 possess organs healthy enough for transplanting. So, if every eligible person donated his organs at death, surgeons might be able to double the number of transplant surgeries. (Last year, 7,433 deceased donors yielded an average of 1.5 kidneys each, for a total of 11,043 operations; the rest were done with organs supplied by living relatives and friends.)
| 979 |
<h4><strong>Live donations are key--Cadaver donations will never be enough</h4><p>Satel 12</strong> Sally L. Satel, a physician, is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute</p><p>4 May 7, 2012 Bloomberg View Facebook’s Organ Donation Success Needs Follow-Up <u>http://www.bloombergview.com/articles/2012-05-07/facebook-s-organ-donation-success-needs-follow-up</p><p></u>Organ-donation groups are rightly thrilled with Facebook’s initiative. Yet it’s important to keep the larger picture in mind. <u><mark>Even if every American agreed to be an organ donor, there still wouldn’t be enough kidneys for transplantation</mark>.</p><p>I specify kidneys because <mark>people with renal failure represent</mark> about <mark>80 percent</mark> of those on the national organ waiting list. Last year, <mark>roughly 91,000 people</mark> needed a renal transplant, but <mark>only one fifth of them received one.</p><p></u></mark>Transplant Math</p><p>Now look more closely at the donor math: <u><mark>Of the</mark> roughly <mark>2 million</mark> Americans who die annually, it has been estimated that <mark>only 10,500</mark> to 13,000 <mark>possess organs healthy</mark> enough <mark>for transplantin</mark>g. So, if every eligible person donated his organs at death, surgeons might be able to double the number of transplant surgeries. (Last year, 7,433 deceased donors yielded an average of 1.5 kidneys each, for a total of 11,043 operations</u><strong>; the rest were done with organs supplied by living relatives and friends.)</p></strong>
| null | null |
Contention 3 Solvency
| 430,439 | 4 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,830 |
No impact to Afghan instability — it’s inevitable but empirically doesn’t escalate
|
Finel, 9
|
Finel, 9 (Dr. Bernard I. Finel, Atlantic Council contributing editor, is a senior fellow at the American Security Project, “Afghanistan is Irrelevant,” Apr 27 http://www.acus.org/new_atlanticist/afghanistan-irrelevant)
|
war This narrative about instability in Afghanistan is wrong. Abandonment did not collapse Failed states are not a threat to security the collapse of the Afghan state after the Soviet withdrawal had little to do with Western abandonment. Afghanistan has always been beset by centrifugal forces. The country is poor, the terrain rough, the population divided into several ethnic groups the country has rarely been unified and never had strong government It is a function of geography, economics, and demography the problem with Afghanistan was not that it failed but rather that it “unfailed” and becameruled by the Taliban There are many parts that are ungoverned the notion that ungoverned space represents a national security threat is unsustainable Their failure to turn over bin Laden immediately after 9/11 does not necessarily imply an absolute inability to drive a wedge between the Taliban and al Qaeda over time. Fourth, we are now told that defeating the Taliban in Afghanistan is imperative in order to help stabilize Pakistan. But, most observers seem to think that Pakistan is in worse shape now — with the Taliban out of power and American forces in Afghanistan — than it was when the Taliban was dominant in Afghanistan The number of insurgencies that sponsor insurgencies elsewhere is surprising low. The domino theory is dubious
|
This narrative about instability in Afghanistan is wrong. Abandonment did not collapse Failed states are not a threat to security Afghanistan has always been beset by centrifugal forces the country has rarely been unified and never had strong government It is a function of geography, economics, and demography There are many parts that are ungoverned the notion that ungoverned space represents a national security threat is unsustainable The number of insurgencies that sponsor insurgencies elsewhere is surprising low. The domino theory is dubious
|
It is now a deeply entrenched conventional wisdom that the decision to “abandon” Afghanistan after the Cold War was a tragic mistake. In the oft-told story, our “abandonment” led to civil war, state collapse, the rise of the Taliban, and inevitably terrorist attacks on American soil. This narrative is now reinforced by dire warnings about the risks to Pakistan from instability in Afghanistan. Taken all together, critics of the Afghan commitment now find themselves facing a nearly unshakable consensus in continuing and deepen our involvement in Afghanistan. The problem with the consensus is that virtually every part of it is wrong. Abandonment did not cause the collapse of the state. Failed states are not always a threat to U.S. national security. And Pakistan’s problems have little to do with the situation across the border. First, the collapse of the Afghan state after the Soviet withdrawal had little to do with Western abandonment. Afghanistan has always been beset by powerful centrifugal forces. The country is poor, the terrain rough, the population divided into several ethnic groups. Because of this, the country has rarely been unified even nominally and has never really had a strong central government. The dominant historical political system in Afghan is warlordism. This is not a consequence of Western involvement or lack thereof. It is a function of geography, economics, and demography. Second, there is no straight-line between state failure and threats to the United States. Indeed, the problem with Afghanistan was not that it failed but rather that it “unfailed” and becameruled by the Taliban. Congo/Zaire is a failed state. Somalia is a failed state. There are many parts of the globe that are essentially ungoverned. Clearly criminality, human rights abuses, and other global ills flourish in these spaces. But the notion that any and all ungoverned space represents a core national security threat to the United States is simply unsustainable. Third, the problem was the Taliban regime was not that it existed. It was that it was allowed to fester without any significant response or intervention. We largely sought to ignore the regime — refusing to recognize it despite its control of 90% of Afghan territory. Aside from occasional tut-tutting about human rights violations and destruction of cultural sites, the only real interaction the United States sought with the regime was in trying to control drugs. Counter-drug initiatives are not a sound foundation for a productive relationship for reasons too numerous to enumerate here. Had we recognized the Taliban and sought to engage the regime, it is possible that we could have managed to communicate red lines to them over a period of years. Their failure to turn over bin Laden immediately after 9/11 does not necessarily imply an absolute inability to drive a wedge between the Taliban and al Qaeda over time. Fourth, we are now told that defeating the Taliban in Afghanistan is imperative in order to help stabilize Pakistan. But, most observers seem to think that Pakistan is in worse shape now — with the Taliban out of power and American forces in Afghanistan — than it was when the Taliban was dominant in Afghanistan. For five years from 1996 to 2001, the Taliban ruled Afghanistan and the Islamist threat to Pakistan then was unquestionably lower. This is not surprising actually. Insurgencies are at their most dangerous — in terms of threat of contagion — when they are fighting for power. The number of insurgencies that actually manage to sponsor insurgencies elsewhere after taking power is surprising low. The domino theory is as dubious in the case of Islamist movements as it was in the case of Communist expansion. There is a notion that “everything changed on 9/11.” We are backing away as a nation from that concept in the case of torture. Perhaps we should also come to realize that our pre-9/11 assessment of the strategic value and importance of Afghanistan was closer to the mark that our current obsession with it. We clearly made some mistakes in dealing with the Taliban regime. But addressing those mistakes through better intelligence, use of special forces raids, and, yes, diplomacy is likely a better solution than trying to build and sustain a reliable, pro-Western government in Kabul with control over the entire country.
| 4,350 |
<h4>No impact to Afghan instability — it’s inevitable but empirically doesn’t escalate </h4><p><strong>Finel, 9</strong> (Dr. Bernard I. Finel, Atlantic Council contributing editor, is a senior fellow at the American Security Project, “Afghanistan is Irrelevant,” Apr 27 http://www.acus.org/new_atlanticist/afghanistan-irrelevant)</p><p>It is now a deeply entrenched conventional wisdom that the decision to “abandon” Afghanistan after the Cold War was a tragic mistake. In the oft-told story, our “abandonment” led to civil <u>war</u>, state collapse, the rise of the Taliban, and inevitably terrorist attacks on American soil. <u><mark>This narrative</u></mark> is now reinforced by dire warnings <u><mark>about</u></mark> the risks to Pakistan from <u><mark>instability in Afghanistan</u></mark>. Taken all together, critics of the Afghan commitment now find themselves facing a nearly unshakable consensus in continuing and deepen our involvement in Afghanistan. The problem with the consensus is that virtually every part of it <u><mark>is wrong. Abandonment did not</u></mark> cause the <u><mark>collapse</u></mark> of the state. <u><mark>Failed states are not</u></mark> always <u><mark>a threat to</u></mark> U.S. national <u><mark>security</u></mark>. And Pakistan’s problems have little to do with the situation across the border. First, <u>the collapse of the Afghan state after the Soviet withdrawal had little to do with Western abandonment. <mark>Afghanistan has always been beset by</u></mark> powerful <u><mark>centrifugal forces</mark>. The country is poor, the terrain rough, the population divided into several ethnic groups</u>. Because of this, <u><mark>the country has rarely been unified</u></mark> even nominally <u><mark>and</u></mark> has <u><mark>never</u></mark> really <u><mark>had</u></mark> a <u><mark>strong</u></mark> central <u><mark>government</u></mark>. The dominant historical political system in Afghan is warlordism. This is not a consequence of Western involvement or lack thereof. <u><mark>It is a function of geography, economics, and demography</u></mark>. Second, there is no straight-line between state failure and threats to the United States. Indeed, <u>the problem with Afghanistan was not that it failed but rather that it “unfailed” and becameruled by the Taliban</u>. Congo/Zaire is a failed state. Somalia is a failed state. <u><mark>There are many parts</u></mark> of the globe <u><mark>that are</u></mark> essentially <u><mark>ungoverned</u></mark>. Clearly criminality, human rights abuses, and other global ills flourish in these spaces. But <u><mark>the notion that</u></mark> any and all <u><mark>ungoverned space represents a</u></mark> core <u><mark>national security threat</u></mark> to the United States <u><mark>is</u> </mark>simply <u><mark>unsustainable</u></mark>. Third, the problem was the Taliban regime was not that it existed. It was that it was allowed to fester without any significant response or intervention. We largely sought to ignore the regime — refusing to recognize it despite its control of 90% of Afghan territory. Aside from occasional tut-tutting about human rights violations and destruction of cultural sites, the only real interaction the United States sought with the regime was in trying to control drugs. Counter-drug initiatives are not a sound foundation for a productive relationship for reasons too numerous to enumerate here. Had we recognized the Taliban and sought to engage the regime, it is possible that we could have managed to communicate red lines to them over a period of years. <u>Their failure to turn over bin Laden immediately after 9/11 does not necessarily imply an absolute inability to drive a wedge between the Taliban and al Qaeda over time. Fourth, we are now told that defeating the Taliban in Afghanistan is imperative in order to help stabilize Pakistan. But, most observers seem to think that Pakistan is in worse shape now — with the Taliban out of power and American forces in Afghanistan — than it was when the Taliban was dominant in Afghanistan</u>. For five years from 1996 to 2001, the Taliban ruled Afghanistan and the Islamist threat to Pakistan then was unquestionably lower. This is not surprising actually. Insurgencies are at their most dangerous — in terms of threat of contagion — when they are fighting for power. <u><mark>The number of insurgencies that</u></mark> actually manage to <u><mark>sponsor insurgencies elsewhere</u></mark> after taking power <u><mark>is surprising low. The domino theory is</u></mark> as <u><mark>dubious</u></mark> in the case of Islamist movements as it was in the case of Communist expansion. There is a notion that “everything changed on 9/11.” We are backing away as a nation from that concept in the case of torture. Perhaps we should also come to realize that our pre-9/11 assessment of the strategic value and importance of Afghanistan was closer to the mark that our current obsession with it. We clearly made some mistakes in dealing with the Taliban regime. But addressing those mistakes through better intelligence, use of special forces raids, and, yes, diplomacy is likely a better solution than trying to build and sustain a reliable, pro-Western government in Kabul with control over the entire country.</p>
| null |
1nc
|
a2
| 73,425 | 29 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,831 |
Maximizing all lives is the only way to affirm equality
|
Cummiskey 90
|
Cummiskey 90 – Professor of Philosophy, Bates (David, Kantian Consequentialism, Ethics 100.3, p 601-2, p 606, jstor,)
|
It is not a question of some persons having to bear the cost for some elusive "overall social good By emphasizing solely the one who must bear the cost if we act, one fails to sufficiently respect and take account of the many other separate persons, each with only one life, who will bear the cost of our inaction In such a situation, what would an agent motivated by the unconditional value of beings, choose? We have a duty to promote the conditions necessary for the existence of beings, If I sacrifice some for the sake of other beings, I do not use them arbitrarily and I do not deny the unconditional value of beings. Persons have "dignity but also a fundamental equality which dictates that some must sometimes give way for the sake of others. equal consideration dictates that one sacrifice some to save many Respect requires that, in deciding what to do, one give appropriate practical consideration to the unconditional value of beings the demand that one give equal respect to all beings lead to a consequentialist theory it does not involve doing evil so that good may come of it. It simply requires an commitment to the equal value of all beings and a recognition that moral subjective concerns do not have overriding importance.
|
We have a duty to promote existence Persons have "dignity but also equality which dictates that some must give way for the sake of others Respect requires that, one give consideration to the unconditional value of beings that one give equal respect to all beings does not involve doing evil so that good may come It requires commitment to the equal value of all beings and a recognition that moral subjective concerns do not have overriding importance.
|
We must not obscure the issue by characterizing this type of case as the sacrifice of individuals for some abstract "social entity." It is not a question of some persons having to bear the cost for some elusive "overall social good." Instead, the question is whether some persons must bear the inescapable cost for the sake of other persons. Nozick, for example, argues that "to use a person in this way does not sufficiently respect and take account of the fact that he is a separate person, that his is the only life he has."30 Why, however, is this not equally true of all those that we do not save through our failure to act? By emphasizing solely the one who must bear the cost if we act, one fails to sufficiently respect and take account of the many other separate persons, each with only one life, who will bear the cost of our inaction. In such a situation, what would a conscientious Kantian agent, an agent motivated by the unconditional value of rational beings, choose? We have a duty to promote the conditions necessary for the existence of rational beings, but both choosing to act and choosing not to act will cost the life of a rational being. Since the basis of Kant's principle is "rational nature exists as an end-in-itself' (GMM, p. 429), the reasonable solution to such a dilemma involves promoting, insofar as one can, the conditions necessary for rational beings. If I sacrifice some for the sake of other rational beings, I do not use them arbitrarily and I do not deny the unconditional value of rational beings. Persons may have "dignity, an unconditional and incomparable value" that transcends any market value (GMM, p. 436), but, as rational beings, persons also have a fundamental equality which dictates that some must sometimes give way for the sake of others. The formula of the end-in-itself thus does not support the view that we may never force another to bear some cost in order to benefit others. If one focuses on the equal value of all rational beings, then equal consideration dictates that one sacrifice some to save many. [continues] According to Kant, the objective end of moral action is the existence of rational beings. Respect for rational beings requires that, in deciding what to do, one give appropriate practical consideration to the unconditional value of rational beings and to the conditional value of happiness. Since agent-centered constraints require a non-value-based rationale, the most natural interpretation of the demand that one give equal respect to all rational beings lead to a consequentialist normative theory. We have seen that there is no sound Kantian reason for abandoning this natural consequentialist interpretation. In particular, a consequentialist interpretation does not require sacrifices which a Kantian ought to consider unreasonable, and it does not involve doing evil so that good may come of it. It simply requires an uncompromising commitment to the equal value and equal claims of all rational beings and a recognition that, in the moral consideration of conduct, one's own subjective concerns do not have overriding importance.
| 3,116 |
<h4><strong>Maximizing all lives is the only way to affirm equality </h4><p>Cummiskey 90<u></strong> – Professor of Philosophy, Bates (David, Kantian Consequentialism, Ethics 100.3, p 601-2, p 606, jstor,)</p><p></u>We must not obscure the issue by characterizing this type of case as the sacrifice of individuals for some abstract "social entity." <u>It is not a question of some persons having to bear the cost for some elusive "overall social good</u>." Instead, the question is whether some persons must bear the inescapable cost for the sake of other persons. Nozick, for example, argues that "to use a person in this way does not sufficiently respect and take account of the fact that he is a separate person, that his is the only life he has."30 Why, however, is this not equally true of all those that we do not save through our failure to act? <u>By emphasizing solely the one who must bear the cost if we act, one fails to sufficiently respect and take account of the many other separate persons, each with only one life, who will bear the cost of our inaction</u>. <u>In such a situation, what would</u> a conscientious Kantian agent, <u>an agent motivated by the unconditional value of </u>rational <u>beings, choose? <mark>We</mark> <mark>have a duty to promote</mark> the conditions necessary for the <mark>existence </mark>of </u>rational <u>beings,</u> but both choosing to act and choosing not to act will cost the life of a rational being. Since the basis of Kant's principle is "rational nature exists as an end-in-itself' (GMM, p. 429), the reasonable solution to such a dilemma involves promoting, insofar as one can, the conditions necessary for rational beings. <u>If I sacrifice some for the sake of other </u>rational <u>beings, I do not use them arbitrarily</u> <u>and I do not deny the unconditional value of </u>rational <u>beings.</u> <u><strong><mark>Persons</u></strong></mark> may <u><strong><mark>have "dignity</u></strong></mark>, an unconditional and incomparable value" that transcends any market value (GMM, p. 436), <u><strong><mark>but</u></strong></mark>, as rational beings, persons <u><strong><mark>also</u></strong></mark> have <u><strong>a fundamental <mark>equality</u> <u>which dictates that some must</strong></mark> sometimes <strong><mark>give way for the sake of others</mark>.</strong> </u>The formula of the end-in-itself thus does not support the view that we may never force another to bear some cost in order to benefit others. If one focuses on the equal value of all rational beings, then <u>equal consideration dictates that one sacrifice some to save many</u>. [continues] According to Kant, the objective end of moral action is the existence of rational beings. <u><mark>Respect</mark> </u>for rational beings <u><mark>requires that,</mark> in deciding what to do, <mark>one</mark> <mark>give</mark> appropriate practical <mark>consideration to the unconditional value of</mark> </u>rational <u><mark>beings</u></mark> and to the conditional value of happiness. Since agent-centered constraints require a non-value-based rationale, the most natural interpretation of <u>the demand <mark>that one give equal respect to all </u></mark>rational <u><mark>beings</mark> lead to a consequentialist</u> normative <u>theory</u>. We have seen that there is no sound Kantian reason for abandoning this natural consequentialist interpretation. In particular, a consequentialist interpretation does not require sacrifices which a Kantian ought to consider unreasonable, and <u>it <mark>does not involve doing evil so that good may come </mark>of it. <mark>It </mark>simply <mark>requires</mark> an</u> uncompromising <u><mark>commitment to the equal value</u></mark> and equal claims <u><mark>of all</mark> </u>rational <u><mark>beings and a recognition that</u></mark>, in the <u><mark>moral</u></mark> consideration of conduct, one's own <u><strong><mark>subjective concerns do not have overriding importance.</p></u></strong></mark>
| null |
1nc
|
Tourism
| 46,747 | 295 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,832 |
government purchaser avoids exploitation
|
Erin and Harris 3
|
Erin and Harris 3 Charles A Erin and John Harris, Institute of Medicine, Law and Bioethics, School of Law, University of Manchester, J Med Ethics 2003;29:137-138 An ethical market in human organs
http://jme.bmj.com/content/29/3/137.full
|
While people’s lives continue to be put at risk by the dearth of organs available for transplantation, we must give urgent consideration to any option that may make up the shortfall. The market should be ethically supportable, and have built into it, for example, safeguards against wrongful exploitation. This can be accomplished by establishing a single purchaser system within a confined marketplace.
|
organs available for transplantation, we must give ration to any option that may make up the shortfal The market should be ethically supportable, and have built into it, , safeguards against wrongful exploitation. This can be accomplished by establishing a single purchaser system within a confined marketplace.
|
While people’s lives continue to be put at risk by the dearth of organs available for transplantation, we must give urgent consideration to any option that may make up the shortfall. A market in organs from living donors is one such option. The market should be ethically supportable, and have built into it, for example, safeguards against wrongful exploitation. This can be accomplished by establishing a single purchaser system within a confined marketplace.
| 461 |
<h4><strong>government purchaser avoids exploitation</h4><p>Erin and Harris 3</strong> Charles A Erin and John Harris, Institute of Medicine, Law and Bioethics, School of Law, University of Manchester, <strong> </strong>J Med Ethics 2003;29:137-138 An ethical market in human organs</p><p><u>http://jme.bmj.com/content/29/3/137.full</p><p>While people’s lives continue to be put at risk by the dearth of <mark>organs available for transplantation, we must give</mark> urgent conside<mark>ration to any option that may make up the shortfal</mark>l. </u>A market in organs from living donors is one such option.<u> <mark>The market should be ethically supportable, and have built into it, </mark>for example<strong><mark>, safeguards against wrongful exploitation. This can be accomplished by establishing a single purchaser system within a confined marketplace.</p></u></strong></mark>
| null | null |
Contention 3 Solvency
| 430,342 | 13 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,833 |
Here are seven alt causes to Afghani stability
|
Kjærnet and Torjesen, 8
|
Kjærnet and Torjesen, 8 (Heidi, Department of Russian and Eurasian Studies @ Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, *AND Stina, Senior Research Fellow at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, 2008, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, “Afghanistan and regional instability: A risk assessment,” http://www.nupi.no/content/download/3781/57112/version/2/file/Report-Kj%C3%A6rnet-Torjesen.pdf)
|
The context of Afghanistan poses a range of challenges for stabilisation Pakistan Pakistan’s central government has lacked control of developments in the areas bordering Afghanistan Pakistani border areas become a key source of weapons, equipment and new recruits for anti-government militant groups in Afghanistan Iran–US tensions The standoff between Iran and the USA over Iran’s nuclear programme has introduced difficulties in Iran–Afghan relations Iran is beginning to demonstrate, according to some reports, its ability to destabilise Afghanistan and derail Washington’s Afghan campaign Geopolitical rivalries preclude co-ordination of support to Afghanistan by neighbours and great powers Regional trade difficulties Security concerns prevent Afghanistan’s northern neighbours from fully endorsing the vision of Afghanistan’s economic recovery Uzbekistan Uzbekistan is highly authoritarian Large-scale political and social upheaval remains one likely future scenario for the country. Upheaval in Uzbekistan would pose a serious challenge to the stability of Afghanistan Drugs production constitute one of Afghanistan’s central challenges The large-scale criminal activities and incomes associated with regional drug flows are undermining the states of the region Water Afghanistan’s neighbours have a lengthy history of water disputes watersharing in the region will become even more difficult. Bilateral and multilateral relations between the Central Asian states have been severely strained
|
The context of Afghanistan poses a range of challenges for stabilisation Pakistan Iran–US tensions Geopolitical rivalries preclude co-ordination of support to Afghanistan by neighbours and great powers Regional trade difficulties Uzbekistan is highly authoritarian Water Afghanistan’s neighbours have a lengthy history of water disputes relations between the Central Asian states have been severely strained
|
The regional context of Afghanistan poses a range of challenges for the country’s stabilisation process: Pakistan Pakistan’s central government has lacked control of developments in the areas bordering Afghanistan (Baluchistan, the Federally Administered Tribal Areas and the North-West Frontier Province), making President Musharraf unable to implement the US-encouraged crackdown on Pakistani Taleban supporters. The Pakistani border areas have become a key source of weapons, equipment and new recruits for anti-government militant groups in Afghanistan, while Pakistan–Afghanistan bilateral relations remain, as so often before, strained. The Pakistani election results from February 18 2008 give grounds for cautious optimism. Nevertheless, the serious challenges stemming from Pakistan will continue in the short to medium term for Afghanistan. Iran–US tensions The standoff between Iran and the USA over Iran’s nuclear programme has introduced difficulties in Iran–Afghan relations. Iran remains an important supporter of the Westernbacked Hamid Karzai government. Nevertheless, in the face of US pressure, Iran is beginning to demonstrate, according to some reports, its ability to destabilise Afghanistan and derail Washington’s Afghan campaign, as a means of enhancing its overall leverage regarding the USA.1 Geopolitical rivalries Geopolitical rivalries in the region preclude any optimal co-ordination of support to Afghanistan by neighbours and great powers. These tensions include the long-standing conflict between India and Pakistan as well as the serious Russian and Chinese unease over the US and NATO military presence in the region. Regional trade difficulties Security concerns and post-Soviet bureaucratic inertia prevent Afghanistan’s northern neighbours from fully endorsing the vision, promoted by the USA and other nations, of Afghanistan’s economic recovery being facilitated by denser integration into regional trade and communication links. Uzbekistan The government of Uzbekistan is highly authoritarian and deeply unpopular. Large-scale political and social upheaval remains one likely future scenario for the country. Upheaval in Uzbekistan would pose a serious challenge to the stability of Afghanistan’s northern and western territories, including Mazar-e-sharif and possibly Meymaneh, where Norwegian troops are stationed. The German-run ISAF base located in Termez in Uzbekistan near the Uzbekistan–Afghanistan border, and Mazar-e-sharif would be particularly vulnerable in case of upheaval in Uzbekistan. Drugs Drugs production and trafficking constitute one of Afghanistan’s central domestic challenges, but drugs trafficking can also be seen as a regional problem. The large-scale criminal activities and incomes associated with regional drug flows are undermining the states of the region: in this way Afghanistan’s neighbours – Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan in particular – are becoming weaker, more criminalised, more unstable and less able to act as constructive partners for Afghanistan. Water Afghanistan’s northern neighbours have a lengthy history of water disputes. If Afghanistan in the medium or long term decides to claim its legitimate share of the region’s water resources – as it may well do in order to further its economic development – then watersharing in the region will become even more difficult. Bilateral and multilateral relations between and among the Central Asian states have been severely strained at times, although fully fledged ‘water wars’ have remained a remote prospect.
| 3,541 |
<h4>Here are seven alt causes to Afghani stability</h4><p><strong>Kjærnet and Torjesen, 8 </strong>(Heidi, Department of Russian and Eurasian Studies @ Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, *AND Stina, Senior Research Fellow at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, 2008, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, “Afghanistan and regional instability: A risk assessment,” http://www.nupi.no/content/download/3781/57112/version/2/file/Report-Kj%C3%A6rnet-Torjesen.pdf)</p><p><u><mark>The</u></mark> regional <u><mark>context of Afghanistan poses a range of challenges for</u></mark> the country’s <u><mark>stabilisation</u></mark> process: <u><mark>Pakistan</mark> Pakistan’s central government has lacked control of developments in the areas bordering Afghanistan</u> (Baluchistan, the Federally Administered Tribal Areas and the North-West Frontier Province), making President Musharraf unable to implement the US-encouraged crackdown on Pakistani Taleban supporters. The <u>Pakistani border areas</u> have <u>become a key source of weapons, equipment and new recruits for anti-government militant groups in Afghanistan</u>, while Pakistan–Afghanistan bilateral relations remain, as so often before, strained. The Pakistani election results from February 18 2008 give grounds for cautious optimism. Nevertheless, the serious challenges stemming from Pakistan will continue in the short to medium term for Afghanistan. <u><mark>Iran–US tensions</mark> The standoff between Iran and the USA over Iran’s nuclear programme has introduced difficulties in Iran–Afghan relations</u>. Iran remains an important supporter of the Westernbacked Hamid Karzai government. Nevertheless, in the face of US pressure, <u>Iran is beginning to demonstrate, according to some reports, its ability to destabilise Afghanistan and derail Washington’s Afghan campaign</u>, as a means of enhancing its overall leverage regarding the USA.1 <u><mark>Geopolitical rivalries</u></mark> Geopolitical rivalries in the region <u><mark>preclude</u></mark> any optimal <u><mark>co-ordination of support to Afghanistan by neighbours and great powers</u></mark>. These tensions include the long-standing conflict between India and Pakistan as well as the serious Russian and Chinese unease over the US and NATO military presence in the region. <u><mark>Regional trade difficulties</mark> Security concerns</u> and post-Soviet bureaucratic inertia <u>prevent Afghanistan’s northern neighbours from fully endorsing the vision</u>, promoted by the USA and other nations, <u>of Afghanistan’s economic recovery</u> being facilitated by denser integration into regional trade and communication links. <u><mark>Uzbekistan</u></mark> The government of <u>Uzbekistan <mark>is highly authoritarian</u></mark> and deeply unpopular. <u>Large-scale political and social upheaval remains one likely future scenario for the country. Upheaval in Uzbekistan would pose a serious challenge to the stability of Afghanistan</u>’s northern and western territories, including Mazar-e-sharif and possibly Meymaneh, where Norwegian troops are stationed. The German-run ISAF base located in Termez in Uzbekistan near the Uzbekistan–Afghanistan border, and Mazar-e-sharif would be particularly vulnerable in case of upheaval in Uzbekistan. Drugs <u>Drugs production</u> and trafficking <u>constitute one of Afghanistan’s central</u> domestic <u>challenges</u>, but drugs trafficking can also be seen as a regional problem. <u>The large-scale criminal activities and incomes associated with regional drug flows are undermining the states of the region</u>: in this way Afghanistan’s neighbours – Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan in particular – are becoming weaker, more criminalised, more unstable and less able to act as constructive partners for Afghanistan. <u><mark>Water Afghanistan’s</u></mark> northern <u><mark>neighbours have a lengthy history of water disputes</u></mark>. If Afghanistan in the medium or long term decides to claim its legitimate share of the region’s water resources – as it may well do in order to further its economic development – then <u>watersharing in the region will become even more difficult. Bilateral and multilateral <mark>relations between</u></mark> and among <u><mark>the Central Asian states have been severely strained</u></mark> at times, although fully fledged ‘water wars’ have remained a remote prospect. </p>
| null |
1nc
|
a2
| 430,440 | 3 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,834 |
Regulated market could minimize exploitation
|
Crane 12
|
Crane 12 Andrew Crane, George R. Gardiner Professor of Business Ethics and Dirk Matten, the Hewlett Packard Chair in Corporate Social Responsibility, Schulich School of Business in Toronto Posted June 1, 2012 Is Selling Human Organs Really So Unethical? http://sustainablebusinessforum.com/craneandmatten/58240/selling-human-organs-really-so-unethical
|
it is possible to conceive of a tightly regulated system that could eliminate most if not all of the worst forms of exploitation. Price controls for organ donations, strict rules for participation as donors and recipients, mandatory counseling for prospective donors, enforcement of medical follow-up, quality control checks, a transparent system to ensure clear organ provenance - these are the kind of arrangements that a serious regulator might want to put in place.
|
tightly regulated system could eliminate all of the worst forms of exploitatio . Price controls strict rules for participation mandatory counseling enforcement of medical follow-up, quality control checks, a transparent system ensure clear organ provenance are the kind of arrangements that a serious regulator might want to put in place.
|
There's no easy answer to this, but it is possible to conceive of a tightly regulated system that could eliminate most if not all of the worst forms of exploitation. Price controls for organ donations, strict rules for participation as donors and recipients, mandatory counseling for prospective donors, enforcement of medical follow-up, quality control checks, a transparent system to ensure clear organ provenance - these are the kind of arrangements that a serious regulator might want to put in place.
| 505 |
<h4><strong>Regulated market could minimize exploitation</h4><p>Crane 12<u></strong> Andrew Crane, George R. Gardiner Professor of Business Ethics and Dirk Matten, the Hewlett Packard Chair in Corporate Social Responsibility, Schulich School of Business in Toronto Posted June 1, 2012 Is Selling Human Organs Really So Unethical? http://sustainablebusinessforum.com/craneandmatten/58240/selling-human-organs-really-so-unethical</p><p></u>There's no easy answer to this, but <u>it is possible to conceive of a <mark>tightly regulated system</mark> that <mark>could eliminate</mark> most if not <mark>all of the worst forms of exploitatio</mark>n<mark>. Price controls</mark> for organ donations, <mark>strict rules for participation</mark> as donors and recipients, <mark>mandatory counseling</mark> for prospective donors, <mark>enforcement of medical follow-up, quality control checks, a transparent system</mark> to <mark>ensure clear organ provenance</mark> - these <strong><mark>are the kind of arrangements that a serious regulator might want to put in place.</p></u></strong></mark>
| null | null |
Contention 3 Solvency
| 430,441 | 2 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,835 |
Selling organs would dehumanizes donors through mental and physical degradation-they legalize this process
|
Watter 14
|
Watter 14 (Ethan, is a contributing editor at Pacific Standard and the author of Crazy Like Us: The Globalization of the American Psyche, July 07, 2014, Pacific Standard, “The Organ Detective: A Career Spent Uncovering a Hidden Global Market in Human Flesh”, http://www.psmag.com/navigation/business-economics/nancy-scheper-hughes-black-market-trade-organ-detective-84351/)
|
kidneys were being shipped from country to country inside the living bodies of sentient individuals kidney sellers she interviewed often pulled up their shirts, displaying their nephrectomy scars with evident pride. They spoke of the surgery as a sacrifice made for their families, and members of their community sometimes compared their abdominal incisions to the lance wounds Christ received on the cross she reported in a 2003 people who had sold their kidneys were considered so morally and physically compromised that they were treated as social pariahs. “That son of a left me an invalid one Moldovan paid donor said of his surgeon. “They treated me OK until they got what they wanted,” another seller told her. “Then I was thrown away like garbage They began to drop the price they offered to donors from $10,000 to $6,000 and then to $3,000, Scheper-Hughes reported in a 2007 profile portrayals of organ donors, recipients, and even brokers show a great deal of nuance and empathy. At other times, however her writing turns markedly more strident. “Transplant surgeons vie only with the Vatican and its cardinals with respect to their assumption of privilege, Like child-molesting priests among Catholic clergy, these outlaw surgeons are protected by the corporate transplant professionals hierarchy
|
kidney sellers she interviewed often pulled up their shirts, displaying their nephrectomy scars with evident pride. members of their community sometimes compared their abdominal incisions to the lance wounds Christ received on the cross people who had sold their kidneys were considered so morally and physically compromised that they were treated as social pariahs. “They treated me OK until they got what they wanted,” another seller told her. “Then I was thrown away like garbage They began to drop the price they offered to donors from $10,000 to $6,000 and then to $3,000 Transplant surgeons vie only with the Vatican and its cardinals with respect to their assumption of privilege Like child-molesting priests among Catholic clergy, these outlaw surgeons are protected by the corporate transplant professionals hierarchy.”
|
Her research during this period yielded a wealth of information and insight into the illicit networks of organ brokers. The trade in kidneys particularly fascinated her. Unlike the trade in cadaveric heart valves or corneas, kidneys were being shipped from country to country inside the living bodies of sentient individuals. In the Philippines, kidney sellers she interviewed often pulled up their shirts, displaying their nephrectomy scars with evident pride. They spoke of the surgery as a sacrifice made for their families, and members of their community sometimes compared their abdominal incisions to the lance wounds Christ received on the cross. In Moldova, as she reported in a 2003 paper published in the Journal of Human Rights, people who had sold their kidneys were considered so morally and physically compromised that they were treated as social pariahs. “That son of a bitch left me an invalid,” one Moldovan paid donor said of his surgeon. Young Brazilian men who had been flown to South Africa to sell their kidneys described to Scheper-Hughes how the experience had gained them a pass into the world of tourism and medical marvels. One told her that his main regret was not having spent more time in the hospital. “There were clean sheets, hot showers, lots of food,” he recalled. As he recovered, he went down to the hospital courtyard and bought himself his first cappuccino. “It was like ambrosia,” he said. “I really felt like a big tourist.” In the end, some attested that they would make the deal again, and some regretted the decision. “They treated me OK until they got what they wanted,” another seller told her. “Then I was thrown away like garbage.” In her travels, Scheper-Hughes was also able to develop some relationships with kidney brokers, the middlemen who sought out donors in poor countries and neighborhoods. One convicted broker, Gadalya “Gaddy” Tauber, gave her lengthy interviews while serving out his sentence in Henrique Dias military prison in Recife, Brazil. Tauber, she learned, had facilitated a trafficking scheme that sent poor Brazilians to a private medical center in South Africa to supply kidneys for Israeli transplant tourists. He employed a number of “kidney hunters,” some of whom were young men who had already donated their kidneys, to find new recruits. In the end, it wasn’t difficult. Once the first young men came back from surgery centers in South Africa showing off their thick rolls of cash, Tauber and his associates had more willing donors than they needed. They began to drop the price they offered to donors from $10,000 to $6,000 and then to $3,000, Scheper-Hughes reported in a 2007 profile of Tauber. Scheper-Hughes’ portrayals of organ donors, recipients, and even brokers like Tauber show a great deal of nuance and empathy. At other times, however—particularly when she writes about transplant doctors, bioethicists, or members of the “transplant establishment”—her writing turns markedly more strident. “Transplant surgeons vie only with the Vatican and its cardinals with respect to their assumption of privilege, irrefutability and of a kind of ‘divine election’ that seems to place them above (or outside) the mundane laws that govern ordinary mortals,” she wrote in one article. “Like child-molesting priests among Catholic clergy, these outlaw surgeons are protected by the corporate transplant professionals hierarchy.”
| 3,404 |
<h4><strong>Selling organs would dehumanizes donors through mental and physical degradation-they legalize this process</h4><p>Watter 14</strong> (Ethan, is a contributing editor at Pacific Standard and the author of Crazy Like Us: The Globalization of the American Psyche, July 07, 2014, Pacific Standard, “The Organ Detective: A Career Spent Uncovering a Hidden Global Market in Human Flesh”, http://www.psmag.com/navigation/business-economics/nancy-scheper-hughes-black-market-trade-organ-detective-84351/) </p><p>Her research during this period yielded a wealth of information and insight into the illicit networks of organ brokers. The trade in kidneys particularly fascinated her. Unlike the trade in cadaveric heart valves or corneas, <u>kidneys were being shipped from country to country inside the living bodies of sentient individuals</u>. In the Philippines, <u><mark>kidney sellers she interviewed often pulled up their shirts, displaying their nephrectomy scars with evident pride.</mark> They spoke of the surgery as a sacrifice made for their families, and <mark>members of their community sometimes compared their abdominal incisions to the lance wounds Christ received on the cross</u></mark>. In Moldova, as <u>she reported in a 2003</u> paper published in the Journal of Human Rights, <u><mark>people who had sold their kidneys were considered so morally and physically compromised that they were treated as social pariahs.</mark> “That son of a </u>bitch <u>left me an invalid</u>,” <u>one Moldovan paid donor said of his surgeon. </u>Young Brazilian men who had been flown to South Africa to sell their kidneys described to Scheper-Hughes how the experience had gained them a pass into the world of tourism and medical marvels. One told her that his main regret was not having spent more time in the hospital. “There were clean sheets, hot showers, lots of food,” he recalled. As he recovered, he went down to the hospital courtyard and bought himself his first cappuccino. “It was like ambrosia,” he said. “I really felt like a big tourist.” In the end, some attested that they would make the deal again, and some regretted the decision. <u><mark>“They treated me OK until they got what they wanted,” another seller told her. “Then I was thrown away like garbage</u></mark>.” In her travels, Scheper-Hughes was also able to develop some relationships with kidney brokers, the middlemen who sought out donors in poor countries and neighborhoods. One convicted broker, Gadalya “Gaddy” Tauber, gave her lengthy interviews while serving out his sentence in Henrique Dias military prison in Recife, Brazil. Tauber, she learned, had facilitated a trafficking scheme that sent poor Brazilians to a private medical center in South Africa to supply kidneys for Israeli transplant tourists. He employed a number of “kidney hunters,” some of whom were young men who had already donated their kidneys, to find new recruits. In the end, it wasn’t difficult. Once the first young men came back from surgery centers in South Africa showing off their thick rolls of cash, Tauber and his associates had more willing donors than they needed. <u><mark>They began to drop the price they offered to donors from $10,000 to $6,000 and then to $3,000</mark>, Scheper-Hughes reported in a 2007 profile</u> of Tauber. Scheper-Hughes’ <u>portrayals of organ donors, recipients, and even brokers</u> like Tauber <u>show a great deal of nuance and empathy. At other times, however</u>—particularly when she writes about transplant doctors, bioethicists, or members of the “transplant establishment”—<u>her writing turns markedly more strident. “<mark>Transplant surgeons vie only with the Vatican and its cardinals with respect to their assumption of privilege</mark>,</u> irrefutability and of a kind of ‘divine election’ that seems to place them above (or outside) the mundane laws that govern ordinary mortals,” she wrote in one article. “<u><mark>Like child-molesting priests among Catholic clergy, these outlaw surgeons are protected by the corporate transplant professionals hierarchy</u><strong>.”</p></strong></mark>
| null |
1nc
|
Tourism
| 430,442 | 2 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,836 |
Inequality in ability to purchase is avoided with central purchasing
|
Radcliffe-Richards et al 98
|
Radcliffe-Richards et al 98 J. Radcliffe-Richards, Department of Philosophy, the Open University, Milton Keynes et al J; Daar, A S; Guttmann, R D; Hoffenberg, R; Kennedy, I; Lock, M; Sells, R A;
|
Tilney, N The Lancet Volume 351(9120) 27 June 1998 pp 1950-1952 The case for allowing kidney sales
Another familiar objection is that it is unfair for the rich to have privileges not available to the poor. all purchasing could be done by a central organization responsible for fair distribution
|
Another familiar objection is that it is unfair for the rich to have privileges not available to the poor. purchasing could be done by a central organization responsible for fair distribution. [12]
|
Tilney, N The Lancet Volume 351(9120) 27 June 1998 pp 1950-1952 The case for allowing kidney sales
http://elsa.berkeley.edu/pub/users/webfac/held/157_VIII.pdf
Another familiar objection is that it is unfair for the rich to have privileges not available to the poor. This argument, however, is irrelevant to the issue of organ selling as such. If organ selling is wrong for this reason, so are all benefits available to the rich, including all private medicine, and, for that matter, all public provision of medicine in rich countries (including transplantation of donated organs) that is unavailable in poor ones. Furthermore, all purchasing could be done by a central organization responsible for fair distribution. [12]
| 727 |
<h4><strong>Inequality in ability to purchase is avoided with central purchasing</h4><p>Radcliffe-Richards et al 98</strong> J. Radcliffe-Richards, Department of Philosophy, the Open University, Milton Keynes et al J; Daar, A S; Guttmann, R D; Hoffenberg, R; Kennedy, I; Lock, M; Sells, R A;</p><p><u>Tilney, N The Lancet Volume 351(9120) 27 June 1998 pp 1950-1952 The case for allowing kidney sales</p><p></u>http://elsa.berkeley.edu/pub/users/webfac/held/157_VIII.pdf</p><p><u><mark>Another familiar objection is that it is unfair for the rich to have privileges not available to the poor.</mark> </u>This argument, however, is irrelevant to the issue of organ selling as such. If organ selling is wrong for this reason, so are all benefits available to the rich, including all private medicine, and, for that matter, all public provision of medicine in rich countries (including transplantation of donated organs) that is unavailable in poor ones. Furthermore, <u>all <mark>purchasing could be done by a central organization responsible for fair distribution</u><strong>. [12]</p></strong></mark>
| null | null |
Contention 3 Solvency
| 430,346 | 7 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,837 |
No risk of Asian war
|
Acharya 12
|
Acharya 12 [Amitav Acharya is Professor of International Relations at American University, Washington, DC. This article is from East Asia Forum (www.eastasiaforum.org) at the Crawford School, ANU. China’s rise and security in the Asian century May 6th, 2012 Author: Amitav Acharya, AU http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2012/05/06/china-s-rise-and-security-in-the-asian-century/]//NR
|
scenarios ignore significant changes Asia has seen a major growth in economic internationalism production networks straddle national boundaries, making them especially costly to break institutions have proliferated; and cooperative institutions now outnumber formal military alliances groups like the ASEAN Regional Forum or the East Asian Summit facilitate the peaceful engagement of great powers China supports and sustains Asian economic interdependence and institutions, as do the US, Japan and India. there are multiple mechanisms of stability: economic interdependence raises the stakes of mutual survival and well-being; US-centred alliances preserve the balance of power; and cooperative institutions develop a habit of dialogue and moderate extreme, unilateral behaviour.
|
cooperative institutions outnumber military alliances groups like ASEAN facilitate peaceful engagement China supports Asian economic interdependence and institutions, as do the US, and India multiple mechanisms of stability: economic interdependence US-centred alliances and cooperative institutions
|
The problem with these scenarios is that they ignore significant changes that have taken place in Asia in recent decades. Asian security in the aftermath of World War II was shaped by three forces: economic nationalism, security bilateralism (anchored on the US’s ‘hub-and-spoke’ alliances), and political authoritarianism. Over the decades, Asia has seen a major growth in economic internationalism, multilateral institutions and democratisation. Since the mid-1950s, intra-Asian trade has nearly doubled to over 50 per cent of the region’s total trade. The effect of economic interdependence and multilateral institutions in promoting peace has been well documented by international relations scholars. In Asia today, production networks straddle national boundaries, making them especially costly to break; multipurpose regional institutions have proliferated; and cooperative institutions now outnumber formal military alliances, thus reversing the Cold War pattern. Democracies in Asia today outnumber autocracies and, despite fears that democratic transitions might produce aggressively nationalistic regimes, no newly democratic regime in Asia has behaved this way. The Asian regional order today resembles neither the 19th century Concert of Europe, nor the EU of today. The EU model is implausible in a highly sovereignty-conscious Asia. An Asian concert of powers is unrealistic and dangerous. The two most important pitfalls of this idea are long-known. First, for a concert to function successfully it requires a degree of ideological convergence among the major powers. Such a convergence does not exist pending China’s democratisation. On the other hand, a concert based on current ideological conditions would be a welcome gift to China’s authoritarian rulers, as it would preserve a conservative status quo that would arrest China’s democratisation. A concert of this type would also necessarily marginalise weaker states. The Concert of Europe, as historian Richard Elrod points out, ensured a degree of self-restraint among the great powers toward each other, but also brought about ‘great power tutelage over the rest of Europe’ before collapsing over ideological divergence. An Asian concert would imply de facto Sino–US joint rule, but will the rest of Asia really want to live under Chinese or US tutelage? In contrast, Asia’s regional groups like the ASEAN Regional Forum or the East Asian Summit facilitate the peaceful engagement of great powers with each other and with the region, without reducing weaker states to the status of vassals and pawns. The rise of China requires adjustments and strengthening of the current order — not reinventing an outdated model. Asia’s future need not resemble Europe’s past or present. Nor will it resemble past US foreign policy. The revival of a tributary order would be similarly countered by the economic, strategic and cultural influence of the US, Japan, India and Russia. Moreover, a concert model may not serve Australia’s security interests because it will almost certainly be excluded from it. Asia and Australia are better served by a model based on the kind of ‘entrepreneurial’ and ‘intellectual’ leadership to which Japan, Australia and ASEAN (now South Korea, Indonesia and India) have made a contribution, and which has brought about the simultaneous engagement of China and the US. For all its recent diplomatic assertiveness, China supports and sustains Asian economic interdependence and institutions, as do the US, Japan and India. At the same time, US alliances and security ties with India offer a hedge against any future uncertainty in Chinese behaviour. In Asia today there are multiple mechanisms of stability: economic interdependence raises the stakes of mutual survival and well-being; US-centred alliances preserve the balance of power; and cooperative institutions develop a habit of dialogue and thereby moderate extreme, unilateral behaviour. None of these is sufficient by itself to guarantee order, but together they create the conditions for stability.
| 4,058 |
<h4>No risk of Asian war</h4><p><strong>Acharya 12 </strong>[Amitav Acharya is Professor of International Relations at American University, Washington, DC. This article is from East Asia Forum (www.eastasiaforum.org) at the Crawford School, ANU. China’s rise and security in the Asian century May 6th, 2012 Author: Amitav Acharya, AU http://www.eastasiaforum.org/2012/05/06/china-s-rise-and-security-in-the-asian-century/]//NR</p><p>The problem with these <u>scenarios</u> is that they <u>ignore significant changes</u> that have taken place in Asia in recent decades. Asian security in the aftermath of World War II was shaped by three forces: economic nationalism, security bilateralism (anchored on the US’s ‘hub-and-spoke’ alliances), and political authoritarianism. Over the decades, <u>Asia has seen a major growth in economic internationalism</u>, multilateral institutions and democratisation. Since the mid-1950s, intra-Asian trade has nearly doubled to over 50 per cent of the region’s total trade. The effect of economic interdependence and multilateral institutions in promoting peace has been well documented by international relations scholars. In Asia today, <u>production networks straddle national boundaries, making them especially costly to break</u>; multipurpose regional <u>institutions have proliferated; and <mark>cooperative institutions</mark> now <mark>outnumber</mark> formal <mark>military alliances</u></mark>, thus reversing the Cold War pattern. Democracies in Asia today outnumber autocracies and, despite fears that democratic transitions might produce aggressively nationalistic regimes, no newly democratic regime in Asia has behaved this way. The Asian regional order today resembles neither the 19th century Concert of Europe, nor the EU of today. The EU model is implausible in a highly sovereignty-conscious Asia. An Asian concert of powers is unrealistic and dangerous. The two most important pitfalls of this idea are long-known. First, for a concert to function successfully it requires a degree of ideological convergence among the major powers. Such a convergence does not exist pending China’s democratisation. On the other hand, a concert based on current ideological conditions would be a welcome gift to China’s authoritarian rulers, as it would preserve a conservative status quo that would arrest China’s democratisation. A concert of this type would also necessarily marginalise weaker states. The Concert of Europe, as historian Richard Elrod points out, ensured a degree of self-restraint among the great powers toward each other, but also brought about ‘great power tutelage over the rest of Europe’ before collapsing over ideological divergence. An Asian concert would imply de facto Sino–US joint rule, but will the rest of Asia really want to live under Chinese or US tutelage? In contrast, Asia’s regional <u><mark>groups like</mark> the <mark>ASEAN</mark> Regional Forum or the East Asian Summit <mark>facilitate</mark> the <mark>peaceful engagement</mark> of great powers</u> with each other and with the region, without reducing weaker states to the status of vassals and pawns. The rise of China requires adjustments and strengthening of the current order — not reinventing an outdated model. Asia’s future need not resemble Europe’s past or present. Nor will it resemble past US foreign policy. The revival of a tributary order would be similarly countered by the economic, strategic and cultural influence of the US, Japan, India and Russia. Moreover, a concert model may not serve Australia’s security interests because it will almost certainly be excluded from it. Asia and Australia are better served by a model based on the kind of ‘entrepreneurial’ and ‘intellectual’ leadership to which Japan, Australia and ASEAN (now South Korea, Indonesia and India) have made a contribution, and which has brought about the simultaneous engagement of China and the US. For all its recent diplomatic assertiveness, <u><mark>China supports</mark> and sustains <mark>Asian economic interdependence and institutions, as do the US,</mark> Japan <mark>and India</mark>.</u> At the same time, US alliances and security ties with India offer a hedge against any future uncertainty in Chinese behaviour. In Asia today <u>there are <mark>multiple mechanisms of stability: economic interdependence</mark> raises the stakes of mutual survival and well-being; <mark>US-centred alliances</mark> preserve the balance of power; <mark>and cooperative institutions</mark> develop a habit of dialogue and</u> thereby <u>moderate extreme, unilateral behaviour.</u> None of these is sufficient by itself to guarantee order, but together they create the conditions for stability.</p>
| null |
1nc
|
a2
| 97,821 | 6 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,838 |
Commodification Impact is empirically denied – people distinguish
|
Boyer 12
|
Boyer 12 J. Randall Boyer, J.D. candidate, April 2012, J. Reuben Clark Law School, Brigham Young University. 2012 Brigham Young University Law Review 2012 B.Y.U.L. Rev. 313 COMMENT: Gifts of the Heart ... and Other Tissues: Legalizing the Sale of Human Organs and Tissues lexis
|
that the current commoditization of the human body has not led to degradation of the term "human." individuals are able to distinguish between a person, individual, or soul and the parts, organs, and tissues that comprise the physical body. The fear that the value of human life would be reduced to the sum of the value of the body's parts has, in large part, not proven true, even in the face of extreme increases in the monetary value of human parts.
|
that the current commoditization of the human body has not led to degradation of the term "human individuals are able to distinguish between a person, individual, or soul and the parts, organs that comprise the physical body. The fear that the value of human life would be reduced to the sum of the value of the body's parts has, in large part, not proven true, even in the face of extreme increases in the monetary value of human parts.
|
Analyzing societal concerns in this context shows that the current commoditization of the human body has not led to degradation of the term "human." Rather, both the increase in the number of transplantations performed, n151 and the social acceptance of organ transplantation, n152 seem to indicate that individuals are able to distinguish between a person, individual, or soul and the parts, organs, and tissues that comprise the physical body. The fear that the value of human life would be reduced to the sum of the value of the body's parts has, in large part, not proven true, even in the face of extreme increases in the monetary value of human parts. Worldwide, society remains disgusted and shocked with the small subset of people who do, in fact, view humanity in such base terms. n153
| 794 |
<h4><strong>Commodification Impact is empirically denied – people distinguish </h4><p>Boyer 12</strong> J. Randall Boyer, J.D. candidate, April 2012, J. Reuben Clark Law School, Brigham Young University. 2012 Brigham Young University Law Review 2012 B.Y.U.L. Rev. 313 COMMENT: Gifts of the Heart ... and Other Tissues: Legalizing the Sale of Human Organs and Tissues lexis</p><p>Analyzing societal concerns in this context shows <u><mark>that the current commoditization of the human body has not led to degradation of the term "human</mark>." </u>Rather, both the increase in the number of transplantations performed, n151 and the social acceptance of organ transplantation, n152 seem to indicate that<u> <mark>individuals are able to distinguish between a person, individual, or soul and the parts, organs</mark>, and tissues <mark>that comprise the physical body. The fear that the value of human life would be reduced to the sum of the value of the body's parts has, in large part, not proven true, even in the face of extreme increases in the monetary value of human parts.</u><strong></mark> Worldwide, society remains disgusted and shocked with the small subset of people who do, in fact, view humanity in such base terms. n153</p></strong>
| null | null |
Contention 3 Solvency
| 430,444 | 2 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,839 |
Squo solves organs-constant innovation in bioprinting means it will be capable in less than a decade
|
*momentum/new tech answers solvency deficits
|
*momentum/new tech answers solvency deficits
|
Bio-artificial and 3D-printed organs are critical for overcoming this challenge. Bio-artificial organs are the products of tissue engineering. Scientists explain that tissue engineering uses the concepts and tools of biotechnology, molecular and cell biology, material science and engineering Between March 2004 and July 2007, the research team at Wake Forest University led by Dr Atala built artificial urethras for five boys using the patients' own cells. Tests measuring urine flow and tube diameter confirmed that the engineered tissue remained functional throughout the six-year follow-up period Anthony Atala also reported the successful transplantation of laboratory-grown urinary bladders into beagles in 1999. Less than 10 years later the same procedure was repeated in humans suffering from end-stage bladder disease Although the task is indeed challenging, scientists continue to make advances – Doris Taylor created a beating rat heart the University of Michigan David Humes created a cell-phone-size artificial kidney that has passed tests on sheep The bioprinting trend is being driven by three factors - more sophisticated printers, refined CAD software and advances in regenerative medicine. Scientists are becoming increasingly interested in the field Diego-based company Organovo successfully prints small pieces of blood vessel or liver tissue. Although the mini-livers are half a millimetre deep and 4 millimetres across, they can perform most functions of the real organ executive and scientific director of the Cardiovascular Innovation Institute (US), suggests that scientists will be able to print fully functional hearts from a patient’s own cells within 10 years. First steps have already been made Given the progress to date, further advances in bioprinting might even enable bionic organs – body parts that restore and extend human ability
|
Bio-artificial organs are the products of tissue engineering. Scientists explain that tissue engineering uses the concepts and tools of biotechnology, molecular and cell biology, material science and engineering Although the task is indeed challenging, scientists continue to make advances David Humes created a cell-phone-size artificial kidney that has passed tests on sheep The bioprinting trend is being driven by three factors - more sophisticated printers, refined CAD software and advances in regenerative medicine. Scientists are becoming increasingly interested in the field executive and scientific director of the Cardiovascular Innovation Institute (US), suggests that scientists will be able to print fully functional hearts from a patient’s own cells within 10 years. First steps have already been made
|
DAEF 14 (An online platform launched by the Directorate General for Communications Networks, Content and Technology of the European Commission to facilitate a broad reflection on future European policies, “Advances in bio-artificial and 3D-printed organs” [http://ec.europa.eu/digital-agenda/futurium/en/content/advances-bio-artificial-and-3d-printed-organs)
Organs such as kidneys, livers and lungs have always been in high demand by patients with severe illnesses. In 2008, 56 000 people were waiting for a suitable organ within the European Union. The demand exceeds the number of available organs in Member States and is increasing faster than organ donation rates. Bio-artificial and 3D-printed organs are critical for overcoming this challenge.¶ Advances in bio-artificial organs¶ Bio-artificial organs are the products of tissue engineering. Scientists explain that tissue engineering uses the concepts and tools of biotechnology, molecular and cell biology, material science and engineering to understand the structure-function relationships in mammalian tissues and to develop biological substitutes for the repair or replacement of tissue or organ functions (Bioartificial Organs as Outcomes of Tissue Engineering).¶ The generation of bio-artificial organs takes part in 3 steps:¶ Obtaining the patient’s autologous cells with the help of biopsy procedure, isolating the cells from the tissue biopsy and increasing their number in the cell culture (outside the human).¶ Transferring the cells onto a carrier structure (matrix) which is usually generated from animal tissue or from synthetic components. In the lab cells sprout on the matrix, dissolve it and replace it by private proteins.¶ After reaching a level of maturation in the laboratory, the bio-artificial tissue is transplanted as replacement tissue into the patient.¶ Dr Anthony Atala, director of the Institute for Regenerative Medicine at the Wake Forest Baptist Medical Center in North Carolina (US) breaks tissue engineering into four levels of complexity:¶ Flat structures that are made up of just one type of cells are the simplest to engineer. Skin is an example.¶ Tubes like blood vessels and urethras which have two types of cells and act as a conduit.¶ Hollow non-tubular organs like the bladder and the stomach. These have more complex structures and functions.¶ Solid organs like the kidney, hearth and liver are the most complex to engineer because they have many different cell types and also require blood supply.¶ German researchers are already mass producing swatches of real human skin. As of 2009, the price per unit was 34 Euros. The skin produced by Fraunhofer-Gesellschaft is exactly like the skin on human bodies – made up of different cell types whereas skin manufactured previously used to be one thin layer made up of only one type of cell.¶ Between March 2004 and July 2007, the research team at Wake Forest University led by Dr Atala built artificial urethras for five boys using the patients' own cells. Tests measuring urine flow and tube diameter confirmed that the engineered tissue remained functional throughout the six-year follow-up period. Scientists say that bio-artificial urethras can be used successfully in patients and could be an alternative to the current treatment, which has a high failure rate.¶ Anthony Atala also reported the successful transplantation of laboratory-grown urinary bladders into beagles in 1999. Less than 10 years later the same procedure was repeated in humans suffering from end-stage bladder disease - functional bioartificial bladders were successfully implanted into patients.¶ Growing solid organs in the lab is however is much more complex. Organs like kidneys, lungs or hearts requires putting a number of different cell types into the right positions and simultaneously growing complete networks of blood vessels to keep them alive. Although the task is indeed challenging, scientists continue to make advances – Doris Taylor created a beating rat heart at the Texas Heart Institute in Houston. At the University of Michigan David Humes created a cell-phone-size artificial kidney that has passed tests on sheep.¶ Some scientists believe that implanting bio-artificial solid organs into humans is achievable, other remain more sceptical.¶ Advances in 3D-printed organs¶ The bioprinting trend is being driven by three factors - more sophisticated printers, refined CAD software and advances in regenerative medicine. Scientists are becoming increasingly interested in the field – from 2008 to 2011, the number of scientific papers referencing bioprinting almost tripled.¶ Bio 3D printers function in the same way as traditional 3D printers – tissue is printed layer by layer. Once a layer of cells is laid down by the printer, a layer of hydrogel that operates as a scaffold material follows and the process repeats. When the cells fuse, the hydrogel is removed to create material made entirely of human cells. The material is then moved to a bioreactor where the tissue continues to grow into its final form.¶ 3D printing has already been used to create personalised prosthetics, human bones and human tissue. For example, LayerWise, a Belgian metal parts manufacturer successfully printed a jaw bone in 2012. The artificial jaw was implanted into a 83-year old patient. San Diego-based company Organovo successfully prints small pieces of blood vessel or liver tissue. Although the mini-livers are half a millimetre deep and 4 millimetres across, they can perform most functions of the real organ. The ultimate goal of Organovo is to create human-sized structures suitable for transplantation.¶ Currently, the biggest challenge in 3D bioprinting is producing larger branched networks of blood vessels to nourish complex organs. Stuart William, executive and scientific director of the Cardiovascular Innovation Institute (US), suggests that scientists will be able to print fully functional hearts from a patient’s own cells within 10 years. First steps have already been made – in the first half of 2013 researchers printed and implanted a portion of a heart and blood vessels in mice.¶ Given the progress to date, further advances in bioprinting might even enable bionic organs – body parts that restore and extend human ability. Scientists at Princeton University have conducted experiments aiming to integrate electronics into bioprinting. Earlier in 2013 they created an ear that receives a wide range of frequencies using a coiled antenna printed with silver nanoparticles. The artificial ear can pick up frequencies beyond the range of normal human hearing.¶ Bio-artificial and 3D-printed organs can not only alleviate the shortage of donor organs. Artificially created organs can also be used to test the impact of new drugs, thus eliminating the need to test new drugs on humans. 3D models of organs could also be used for educational and research purposes.
| 6,916 |
<h4><strong>Squo solves organs-constant innovation in bioprinting means it will be capable in less than a decade</h4><p><u>*momentum/new tech answers solvency deficits </p><p></u>DAEF 14<u> </u></strong>(An online platform launched by the Directorate General for Communications Networks, Content and Technology of the European Commission to facilitate a broad reflection on future European policies, “Advances in bio-artificial and 3D-printed organs” [http://ec.europa.eu/digital-agenda/futurium/en/content/advances-bio-artificial-and-3d-printed-organs)</p><p>Organs such as kidneys, livers and lungs have always been in high demand by patients with severe illnesses. In 2008, 56 000 people were waiting for a suitable organ within the European Union. The demand exceeds the number of available organs in Member States and is increasing faster than organ donation rates. <u>Bio-artificial and 3D-printed organs are critical for overcoming this challenge.</u>¶ Advances in bio-artificial organs¶ <u><mark>Bio-artificial organs are the products of tissue engineering. Scientists explain that tissue engineering uses the concepts and tools of biotechnology, molecular and cell biology, material science and engineering</mark> </u>to understand the structure-function relationships in mammalian tissues and to develop biological substitutes for the repair or replacement of tissue or organ functions (Bioartificial Organs as Outcomes of Tissue Engineering).¶ The generation of bio-artificial organs takes part in 3 steps:¶ Obtaining the patient’s autologous cells with the help of biopsy procedure, isolating the cells from the tissue biopsy and increasing their number in the cell culture (outside the human).¶ Transferring the cells onto a carrier structure (matrix) which is usually generated from animal tissue or from synthetic components. In the lab cells sprout on the matrix, dissolve it and replace it by private proteins.¶ After reaching a level of maturation in the laboratory, the bio-artificial tissue is transplanted as replacement tissue into the patient.¶ Dr Anthony Atala, director of the Institute for Regenerative Medicine at the Wake Forest Baptist Medical Center in North Carolina (US) breaks tissue engineering into four levels of complexity:¶ Flat structures that are made up of just one type of cells are the simplest to engineer. Skin is an example.¶ Tubes like blood vessels and urethras which have two types of cells and act as a conduit.¶ Hollow non-tubular organs like the bladder and the stomach. These have more complex structures and functions.¶ Solid organs like the kidney, hearth and liver are the most complex to engineer because they have many different cell types and also require blood supply.¶ German researchers are already mass producing swatches of real human skin. As of 2009, the price per unit was 34 Euros. The skin produced by Fraunhofer-Gesellschaft is exactly like the skin on human bodies – made up of different cell types whereas skin manufactured previously used to be one thin layer made up of only one type of cell.¶ <u>Between March 2004 and July 2007, the research team at Wake Forest University led by Dr Atala built artificial urethras for five boys using the patients' own cells. Tests measuring urine flow and tube diameter confirmed that the engineered tissue remained functional throughout the six-year follow-up period</u>. Scientists say that bio-artificial urethras can be used successfully in patients and could be an alternative to the current treatment, which has a high failure rate.¶ <u>Anthony Atala also reported the successful transplantation of laboratory-grown urinary bladders into beagles in 1999. Less than 10 years later the same procedure was repeated in humans suffering from end-stage bladder disease</u> - functional bioartificial bladders were successfully implanted into patients.¶ Growing solid organs in the lab is however is much more complex. Organs like kidneys, lungs or hearts requires putting a number of different cell types into the right positions and simultaneously growing complete networks of blood vessels to keep them alive. <u><mark>Although the task is indeed challenging, scientists continue to make advances</mark> – Doris Taylor created a beating rat heart</u> at the Texas Heart Institute in Houston. At <u>the University of Michigan <mark>David Humes created a cell-phone-size artificial kidney that has passed tests on sheep</u></mark>.¶ Some scientists believe that implanting bio-artificial solid organs into humans is achievable, other remain more sceptical.¶ Advances in 3D-printed organs¶ <u><mark>The bioprinting trend is being driven by three factors - more sophisticated printers, refined CAD software and advances in regenerative medicine. Scientists are becoming increasingly interested in the field</u></mark> – from 2008 to 2011, the number of scientific papers referencing bioprinting almost tripled.¶ Bio 3D printers function in the same way as traditional 3D printers – tissue is printed layer by layer. Once a layer of cells is laid down by the printer, a layer of hydrogel that operates as a scaffold material follows and the process repeats. When the cells fuse, the hydrogel is removed to create material made entirely of human cells. The material is then moved to a bioreactor where the tissue continues to grow into its final form.¶ 3D printing has already been used to create personalised prosthetics, human bones and human tissue. For example, LayerWise, a Belgian metal parts manufacturer successfully printed a jaw bone in 2012. The artificial jaw was implanted into a 83-year old patient. San <u>Diego-based company Organovo successfully prints small pieces of blood vessel or liver tissue. Although the mini-livers are half a millimetre deep and 4 millimetres across, they can perform most functions of the real organ</u>. The ultimate goal of Organovo is to create human-sized structures suitable for transplantation.¶ Currently, the biggest challenge in 3D bioprinting is producing larger branched networks of blood vessels to nourish complex organs. Stuart William, <u><mark>executive and scientific director of the Cardiovascular Innovation Institute (US), suggests that scientists will be able to print fully functional hearts from a patient’s own cells within 10 years. First steps have already been made</u></mark> – in the first half of 2013 researchers printed and implanted a portion of a heart and blood vessels in mice.¶ <u>Given the progress to date, further advances in bioprinting might even enable bionic organs – body parts that restore and extend human ability</u>. Scientists at Princeton University have conducted experiments aiming to integrate electronics into bioprinting. Earlier in 2013 they created an ear that receives a wide range of frequencies using a coiled antenna printed with silver nanoparticles. The artificial ear can pick up frequencies beyond the range of normal human hearing.¶<strong> Bio-artificial and 3D-printed organs can not only alleviate the shortage of donor organs. Artificially created organs can also be used to test the impact of new drugs, thus eliminating the need to test new drugs on humans. 3D models of organs could also be used for educational and research purposes.</p></strong>
| null |
1nc
|
Tourism
| 430,443 | 11 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,840 |
No Indo-Pak escalation – nuclear deterrence and communication channels
|
Singh 3
|
Singh 3 (Rahul, “Pak's N-threat exaggerated: Parthasarthy,” The Times of India, 9/29/3, http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2003-09-29/india/27199111_1_pakistani-army-national-security-nuclear-threat)//SJF
|
The Pakistani military establishment became a virtual punching bag for security experts The strategic challenge we face from Pakistan is that they want to weaken India. Pakistan is not the battle of Army alone but every Indian has a role to play." Parthasarthy further said that Pakistan would use nuclear weapons against India only as the last resort – either when the Pakistani army had collapsed or they had drained their resources. the nuclear threat from Pakistan was exaggerated and there was no harm in calling their bluff. people to people contact cultivated and channels of communication not closed The country would be safe in real terms only when the common man feels secure. Nobody can dare to touch us if we are strong internally. The genesis of most of our problems lies in our internal differences." India must evolve a vision document for national security on the lines of the US. this was crucial because conventional wars were passé and future conflicts would be limited in nature with limited objectives. although the US had attempted to manipulate India into sending troops to Iraq, the government did the right thing by turning down the proposal.
|
Pakistan would use nuclear weapons only as the last resort – when the army collapsed or drained resources the nuclear threat was exaggerated people to people contact cultivated and channels of communication not closed Nobody can touch us if we are strong internally. genesis of problems lies in internal differences future conflicts would be limited
|
CHANDIGARH: The Pakistani military establishment became a virtual punching bag for security experts on Sunday as they blasted the 'rogue' army for making militant Islam a vital instrument for foreign policy. The experts, who were here for a conclave on Integrated Management of National Security held at Panjab University, said Pakistani military regimes were clear in their mind that the Indian threat had to be kept alive if they were to stay in power. G Parthasarthy, a former Indian high commissioner to Pakistan, said after the 1971 war the Pakistani objective was not to take away Kashmir from India but to destroy its fibre of unity "as they viewed our existence as an ideological threat to theirs." Underlining that it was not possible to deal with Pakistan in a compartmentalised manner, he said, "The strategic challenge we face from Pakistan is that they want to weaken India. Pakistan is not the battle of Army alone but every Indian has a role to play." He said that Kargil was the product of Pakistani impression that Indians were tired after a decade of low-intensity conflict. Parthasarthy further said that Pakistan would use nuclear weapons against India only as the last resort – either when the Pakistani army had collapsed or they had drained their resources. He added that the nuclear threat from Pakistan was exaggerated and there was no harm in calling their bluff. Although Parthasarthy said that India should attempt to isolate Pakistan at every international forum, he said people to people contact should be cultivated and channels of communication should not be closed. Some experts, however, offered divergent views on the Pakistani role vis-à-vis national security and said more emphasis should be placed on "setting our own house in order." Lt Gen D B Shekatkar (retd), a security expert from Pune, said instead of blaming Pakistan for every ill afflicting the country, the need of the hour was to provide security to the common man and strengthen India at the grassroot level. Delivering a talk on "Changing perspective of national security, challenges and responses," Shekatkar said, "The country would be safe in real terms only when the common man feels secure. Nobody can dare to touch us if we are strong internally. The genesis of most of our problems lies in our internal differences." He added that the supreme tragedy of the country was that the common man's faith had been eroded not only in the government setup but in every possible sense. Air Vice Marshal Kapil Kak (retd), additional director, Centre for Strategic and International Studies, said India must evolve a vision document for national security on the lines of the US. He said that this was crucial because conventional wars were passé and future conflicts would be limited in nature with limited objectives. Kak also called for greater interaction between the armed forces and the ministry of defence to evolve higher defence control organisations. Gen V N Sharma, a former Army chief, underscored the need for better coordination between Army and intelligence agencies for optimum results in counter-insurgency operations. In the concluding session, RSS national chief K S Sudershan said although the US had attempted to manipulate India into sending troops to Iraq, the government did the right thing by turning down the proposal.
| 3,340 |
<h4>No Indo-Pak escalation – nuclear deterrence and communication channels</h4><p><strong>Singh 3 <u></strong>(Rahul, “Pak's N-threat exaggerated: Parthasarthy,” The Times of India, 9/29/3, http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2003-09-29/india/27199111_1_pakistani-army-national-security-nuclear-threat)//SJF</p><p></u>CHANDIGARH: <u>The Pakistani military establishment became a virtual punching bag for security experts</u> on Sunday as they blasted the 'rogue' army for making militant Islam a vital instrument for foreign policy. The experts, who were here for a conclave on Integrated Management of National Security held at Panjab University, said Pakistani military regimes were clear in their mind that the Indian threat had to be kept alive if they were to stay in power. G Parthasarthy, a former Indian high commissioner to Pakistan, said after the 1971 war the Pakistani objective was not to take away Kashmir from India but to destroy its fibre of unity "as they viewed our existence as an ideological threat to theirs." Underlining that it was not possible to deal with Pakistan in a compartmentalised manner, he said, "<u>The strategic challenge we face from Pakistan is that they want to weaken India. Pakistan is not the battle of Army alone but every Indian has a role to play." </u>He said that Kargil was the product of Pakistani impression that Indians were tired after a decade of low-intensity conflict. <u>Parthasarthy further said that <mark>Pakistan would use nuclear weapons </mark>against India <mark>only as the last resort – </mark>either <mark>when the</mark> Pakistani <mark>army</mark> had <mark>collapsed or </mark>they had <mark>drained</mark> their <mark>resources</mark>. </u>He added that <u><mark>the nuclear threat</mark> from Pakistan <mark>was exaggerated</mark> and there was no harm in calling their bluff. </u>Although Parthasarthy said that India should attempt to isolate Pakistan at every international forum, he said <u><mark>people to people contact</mark> </u>should be<u> <mark>cultivated and channels of communication</mark> </u>should<u> <mark>not</mark> </u>be<u> <mark>closed</u></mark>. Some experts, however, offered divergent views on the Pakistani role vis-à-vis national security and said more emphasis should be placed on "setting our own house in order." Lt Gen D B Shekatkar (retd), a security expert from Pune, said instead of blaming Pakistan for every ill afflicting the country, the need of the hour was to provide security to the common man and strengthen India at the grassroot level. Delivering a talk on "Changing perspective of national security, challenges and responses," Shekatkar said, "<u>The country would be safe in real terms only when the common man feels secure. <mark>Nobody can </mark>dare to <mark>touch us if we are strong internally.</mark> The <mark>genesis of</mark> most of our <mark>problems lies in</mark> our <mark>internal differences</mark>." </u>He added that the supreme tragedy of the country was that the common man's faith had been eroded not only in the government setup but in every possible sense. Air Vice Marshal Kapil Kak (retd), additional director, Centre for Strategic and International Studies, said <u>India must evolve a vision document for national security on the lines of the US. </u>He said that <u>this was crucial because conventional wars were passé and <mark>future conflicts would be limited </mark>in nature with limited objectives.</u> Kak also called for greater interaction between the armed forces and the ministry of defence to evolve higher defence control organisations. Gen V N Sharma, a former Army chief, underscored the need for better coordination between Army and intelligence agencies for optimum results in counter-insurgency operations. In the concluding session, RSS national chief K S Sudershan said <u>although the US had attempted to manipulate India into sending troops to Iraq, the government did the right thing by turning down the proposal.</p></u>
| null |
1nc
|
a2
| 296,321 | 3 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,841 |
Squo will solve - new European taskforce and information sharing
Murati 13( Erl Murati is writer for SE European Times in Tinrana, "Albania working with Europol against organised crime", SE times, Dec. 31, 13, http://www.setimes.com/cocoon/setimes/xhtml/en_GB/features/setimes/features/2013/12/31/feature-02)Albania is steadily deepening relations with EU law enforcement agencies in an effort to stop organized crime and consolidate the rule of law on its path to EU membership. The country signed a co-operation agreement with Europol, EU's main law enforcement agency, in The Hague earlier this month. The purpose of the agreement is to enhance co-operation EU member states acting through Europol and Albania in preventing, investigating and suppressing serious forms of international crime, according to Saimir Tahiri, interior minister of Albania. "The agreement is historical because it recognizes the achievements of the state police, but above all, [provides a] boost for the on-going reforms and the results already achieved in the fight against organized crime and corruption," Tahiri told SETimes. Albanian police will now be able to access Europol's database to co-ordinate activities with police in EU member states in cases against trafficking of narcotics, people, human organs and tissues, motor vehicles, works of art as well as historical artefacts. Europol officials said Albania's greater inclusion in the work of EU's law enforcement is mutually beneficial. "Through the signing of this agreement, we confirm our joint commitment and solidarity in the fight against serious organized crime and all forms of terrorist activity," Rob Wainwright, director of Europol, said. Officials said they expect a better information exchange and police activity co-ordination to strengthen Albanian police's efforts directed against money-laundering, counterfeit money and computer crime.
|
Murati 13( to strengthen Albanian police's efforts directed against money-laundering, counterfeit money and computer crime.
| null | null | null | null | null |
<h4><strong>Squo will solve - new European taskforce and information sharing</h4><p>Murati 13(</strong> Erl Murati is writer for SE European Times in Tinrana, "Albania working with Europol against organised crime", SE times, Dec. 31, 13, http://www.setimes.com/cocoon/setimes/xhtml/en_GB/features/setimes/features/2013/12/31/feature-02)Albania is steadily deepening relations with EU law enforcement agencies in an effort to stop organized crime and consolidate the rule of law on its path to EU membership. The country signed a co-operation agreement with Europol, EU's main law enforcement agency, in The Hague earlier this month. <u><mark>The</mark> purpose of the <mark>agreement is to enhance co-operation EU member states acting through Europol and Albania in preventing, investigating and suppressing serious forms of international crime</u></mark>, according to Saimir Tahiri, interior minister of Albania. "<u>The agreement is historical because it recognizes the achievements of the state police, but above all, [provides a] boost for the on-going reforms and the results already achieved in the fight against organized crime and corruption</u>," Tahiri told SETimes. <u>Albanian police will now be able to access <mark>Europol's database to co-ordinate activities with police in EU member states in cases against trafficking of</mark> narcotics, <mark>people, human organs and tissues</mark>, motor vehicles, works of art as well as historical artefacts.</u> Europol officials said Albania's greater inclusion in the work of EU's law enforcement is mutually beneficial<u>. "Through the signing of this agreement, we confirm our joint commitment and solidarity in the fight against serious organized crime and all forms of terrorist activity</u>," Rob Wainwright, director of Europol, said. <u><mark>Officials said they expect a better information exchange and police activity co-ordination</u><strong></mark> to strengthen Albanian police's efforts directed against money-laundering, counterfeit money and computer crime.</p></strong>
| null |
1nc
|
Tourism
| 430,445 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,842 |
Allowing organ sales is necessary for respecting self-ownership—we solve commodification better
|
Dworkin 94—
|
Dworkin 94—Gerald, professor of moral, political and legal philosophy. He is currently Distinguished Professor of Philosophy at the University of California, Davis
|
We currently accept the legitimacy of noncommercial solid-organ donations.¶ We also accept the legitimacy of the sale of blood, semen, ova, hair, and¶ tissue By doing so we accept the idea that individuals have the right to dispose¶ of their organs and other bodily parts if they so choose By recognizing¶ such a right we respect the bodily autonomy of individuals By¶ recognizing such a right we also produce good consequences for others the primary good achieved by such a right is the¶ recognition of the individual as sovereign over his own body. Allowing¶ people to sell things is one way of recognizing their sphere of contro by allowing individuals to either barter or sell something, we increase¶ their level of well-being , they¶ are presumably only engaged in when the individual believes himself or herself¶ better off without the good and with the cash (or an alternative good in¶ the case of barter) than without the cash and with the good.¶ So markets can increase both autonomy and well-being.¶
|
We currently accept the legitimacy of solid-organ donations so we accept the idea that individuals have the right to dispose¶ of their organs parts if they so choose By recognizing¶ such a right we respect the bodily autonomy of individuals we also produce good consequences for others Allowing¶ people to sell things is one way of recognizing their sphere of control they¶ are presumably only engaged in when the individual believes himself or herself¶ better off without the good and with the cash than without the cash and with the good.¶ So markets can increase both autonomy and well-being.¶
|
[Morality, Harm, And The Law]ab
We currently accept the legitimacy of noncommercial solid-organ donations.¶ We also accept the legitimacy of the sale of blood, semen, ova, hair, and¶ tissue. By doing so we accept the idea that individuals have the right to dispose¶ of their organs and other bodily parts if they so choose. By recognizing¶ such a right we respect the bodily autonomy of individuals, that is, their¶ capacity to make choices about how their body is to be treated by others. By¶ recognizing such a right we also produce good consequences for others,¶ that is, save lives, allow infertile couples to have children, further medical¶ research, and so on. But the primary good achieved by such a right is the¶ recognition of the individual as sovereign over his own body. A market¶ transaction is one species of the larger class of voluntary transactions. Allowing¶ people to sell things is one way of recognizing their sphere of control.¶ Finally, by allowing individuals to either barter or sell something, we increase¶ their level of well-being. Since such transactions are voluntary, they¶ are presumably only engaged in when the individual believes himself or herself¶ better off without the good and with the cash (or an alternative good in¶ the case of barter) than without the cash and with the good.¶ So markets can increase both autonomy and well-being.¶
| 1,375 |
<h4><strong>Allowing organ sales is necessary for respecting self-ownership—we solve commodification better </h4><p>Dworkin 94—</strong>Gerald,<strong> </strong>professor of moral, political and legal philosophy. He is currently Distinguished Professor of Philosophy at the University of California, Davis</p><p>[Morality, Harm, And The Law]ab</p><p><u><mark>We currently accept the legitimacy of</mark> noncommercial <mark>solid-organ donations</mark>.¶ We also accept the legitimacy of the sale of blood, semen, ova, hair,</u> <u>and¶ tissue</u>. <u>By doing <mark>so we accept the idea that individuals have the right to dispose¶ of their organs</mark> and other bodily <mark>parts if they so choose</u></mark>. <u><mark>By recognizing¶ such a right we respect the bodily autonomy of individuals</u></mark>, that is, their¶ capacity to make choices about how their body is to be treated by others. <u>By¶ recognizing such a right <mark>we also produce good consequences for others</u></mark>,¶ that is, save lives, allow infertile couples to have children, further medical¶ research, and so on. But <u>the primary good achieved by such a right is the¶ recognition of the individual as sovereign over his own body.</u> A market¶ transaction is one species of the larger class of voluntary transactions. <u><mark>Allowing¶ people to sell things is one way of recognizing their sphere of contro</u>l</mark>.¶ Finally, <u>by allowing individuals to either barter or sell something, we increase¶ their level of well-being</u>. Since such transactions are voluntary<u>, <mark>they¶ are presumably only engaged in when the individual believes himself or herself¶ better off without the good and with the cash</mark> (or an alternative good in¶ the case of barter) <mark>than without the cash and with the good.¶ So markets can increase both autonomy and well-being.¶</u><strong></mark> </p></strong>
| null | null |
Contention 3 Solvency
| 430,446 | 1 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,843 |
No risk of nuclear terror – assumes every warrant—ALSO—takes out Taliban strength b/c their impact evidence is in the context of a nuclear taliban
|
Mueller 10
|
Mueller 10 (John, professor of political science at Ohio State, Calming Our Nuclear Jitters, Issues in Science and Technology, Winter, http://www.issues.org/26.2/mueller.html)
|
Politicians preach . This was dramatic risk inflation , terrorist groups have exhibited only limited desire and progress armed theft of fissile material is unlikely chase would be immediate terrorists have to transport it over unfamiliar terrain Once outside terrorists would need a well-equipped machine shop and skilled scientists technical requirements verge on the unfeasible Adopting bias in the terrorists’ favor the cumulative odds drop to one in three billion They are unlikely to be sold a bomb The terrorist group might steal a “loose nuke none exist. bombs have devices that destroy the bomb if tampered with. codes are required if a state were to collapse weapons remain under heavy guard al Qaeda’s bomb efforts never went beyond the Internet
|
Politicians preach This was dramatic risk inflation terrorist groups have exhibited only limited desire and progress armed theft of fissile material is unlikely chase would be immediate terrorists have to transport it over unfamiliar terrain Once outside terrorists would need a well-equipped machine shop and skilled scientists technical requirements verge on the unfeasible Adopting bias in the terrorists’ favor the cumulative odds drop to one in three billion They are unlikely to be sold a bomb The terrorist group might steal a “loose nuke none exist bombs have devices that destroy the bomb if tampered with. codes are required if a state were to collapse weapons remain under heavy guard al Qaeda’s bomb efforts never went beyond the Internet.
|
Politicians of all stripes preach to an anxious, appreciative, and very numerous choir when they, like President Obama, proclaim atomic terrorism to be “the most immediate and extreme threat to global security.” It is the problem that, according to Defense Secretary Robert Gates, currently keeps every senior leader awake at night. This is hardly a new anxiety. In 1946, atomic bomb maker J. Robert Oppenheimer ominously warned that if three or four men could smuggle in units for an atomic bomb, they could blow up New York. This was an early expression of a pattern of dramatic risk inflation that has persisted throughout the nuclear age. In fact, although expanding fires and fallout might increase the effective destructive radius, the blast of a Hiroshima-size device would “blow up” about 1% of the city’s area—a tragedy, of course, but not the same as one 100 times greater. In the early 1970s, nuclear physicist Theodore Taylor proclaimed the atomic terrorist problem to be “immediate,” explaining at length “how comparatively easy it would be to steal nuclear material and step by step make it into a bomb.” At the time he thought it was already too late to “prevent the making of a few bombs, here and there, now and then,” or “in another ten or fifteen years, it will be too late.” Three decades after Taylor, we continue to wait for terrorists to carry out their “easy” task. In contrast to these predictions, terrorist groups seem to have exhibited only limited desire and even less progress in going atomic. This may be because, after brief exploration of the possible routes, they, unlike generations of alarmists, have discovered that the tremendous effort required is scarcely likely to be successful. The most plausible route for terrorists, according to most experts, would be to manufacture an atomic device themselves from purloined fissile material (plutonium or, more likely, highly enriched uranium). This task, however, remains a daunting one, requiring that a considerable series of difficult hurdles be conquered and in sequence. Outright armed theft of fissile material is exceedingly unlikely not only because of the resistance of guards, but because chase would be immediate. A more promising approach would be to corrupt insiders to smuggle out the required substances. However, this requires the terrorists to pay off a host of greedy confederates, including brokers and money-transmitters, any one of whom could turn on them or, either out of guile or incompetence, furnish them with stuff that is useless. Insiders might also consider the possibility that once the heist was accomplished, the terrorists would, as analyst Brian Jenkins none too delicately puts it, “have every incentive to cover their trail, beginning with eliminating their confederates.” If terrorists were somehow successful at obtaining a sufficient mass of relevant material, they would then probably have to transport it a long distance over unfamiliar terrain and probably while being pursued by security forces. Crossing international borders would be facilitated by following established smuggling routes, but these are not as chaotic as they appear and are often under the watch of suspicious and careful criminal regulators. If border personnel became suspicious of the commodity being smuggled, some of them might find it in their interest to disrupt passage, perhaps to collect the bounteous reward money that would probably be offered by alarmed governments once the uranium theft had been discovered. Once outside the country with their precious booty, terrorists would need to set up a large and well-equipped machine shop to manufacture a bomb and then to populate it with a very select team of highly skilled scientists, technicians, machinists, and administrators. The group would have to be assembled and retained for the monumental task while no consequential suspicions were generated among friends, family, and police about their curious and sudden absence from normal pursuits back home. Members of the bomb-building team would also have to be utterly devoted to the cause, of course, and they would have to be willing to put their lives and certainly their careers at high risk, because after their bomb was discovered or exploded they would probably become the targets of an intense worldwide dragnet operation. Some observers have insisted that it would be easy for terrorists to assemble a crude bomb if they could get enough fissile material. But Christoph Wirz and Emmanuel Egger, two senior physicists in charge of nuclear issues at Switzerland‘s Spiez Laboratory, bluntly conclude that the task “could hardly be accomplished by a subnational group.” They point out that precise blueprints are required, not just sketches and general ideas, and that even with a good blueprint the terrorist group would most certainly be forced to redesign. They also stress that the work is difficult, dangerous, and extremely exacting, and that the technical requirements in several fields verge on the unfeasible. Stephen Younger, former director of nuclear weapons research at Los Alamos Laboratories, has made a similar argument, pointing out that uranium is “exceptionally difficult to machine” whereas “plutonium is one of the most complex metals ever discovered, a material whose basic properties are sensitive to exactly how it is processed.“ Stressing the “daunting problems associated with material purity, machining, and a host of other issues,” Younger concludes, “to think that a terrorist group, working in isolation with an unreliable supply of electricity and little access to tools and supplies” could fabricate a bomb “is farfetched at best.” Under the best circumstances, the process of making a bomb could take months or even a year or more, which would, of course, have to be carried out in utter secrecy. In addition, people in the area, including criminals, may observe with increasing curiosity and puzzlement the constant coming and going of technicians unlikely to be locals. If the effort to build a bomb was successful, the finished product, weighing a ton or more, would then have to be transported to and smuggled into the relevant target country where it would have to be received by collaborators who are at once totally dedicated and technically proficient at handling, maintaining, detonating, and perhaps assembling the weapon after it arrives. The financial costs of this extensive and extended operation could easily become monumental. There would be expensive equipment to buy, smuggle, and set up and people to pay or pay off. Some operatives might work for free out of utter dedication to the cause, but the vast conspiracy also requires the subversion of a considerable array of criminals and opportunists, each of whom has every incentive to push the price for cooperation as high as possible. Any criminals competent and capable enough to be effective allies are also likely to be both smart enough to see boundless opportunities for extortion and psychologically equipped by their profession to be willing to exploit them. Those who warn about the likelihood of a terrorist bomb contend that a terrorist group could, if with great difficulty, overcome each obstacle and that doing so in each case is “not impossible.” But although it may not be impossible to surmount each individual step, the likelihood that a group could surmount a series of them quickly becomes vanishingly small. Table 1 attempts to catalogue the barriers that must be overcome under the scenario considered most likely to be successful. In contemplating the task before them, would-be atomic terrorists would effectively be required to go though an exercise that looks much like this. If and when they do, they will undoubtedly conclude that their prospects are daunting and accordingly uninspiring or even terminally dispiriting. It is possible to calculate the chances for success. Adopting probability estimates that purposely and heavily bias the case in the terrorists’ favor—for example, assuming the terrorists have a 50% chance of overcoming each of the 20 obstacles—the chances that a concerted effort would be successful comes out to be less than one in a million. If one assumes, somewhat more realistically, that their chances at each barrier are one in three, the cumulative odds that they will be able to pull off the deed drop to one in well over three billion. Other routes would-be terrorists might take to acquire a bomb are even more problematic. They are unlikely to be given or sold a bomb by a generous like-minded nuclear state for delivery abroad because the risk would be high, even for a country led by extremists, that the bomb (and its source) would be discovered even before delivery or that it would be exploded in a manner and on a target the donor would not approve, including on the donor itself. Another concern would be that the terrorist group might be infiltrated by foreign intelligence. The terrorist group might also seek to steal or illicitly purchase a “loose nuke“ somewhere. However, it seems probable that none exist. All governments have an intense interest in controlling any weapons on their territory because of fears that they might become the primary target. Moreover, as technology has developed, finished bombs have been out-fitted with devices that trigger a non-nuclear explosion that destroys the bomb if it is tampered with. And there are other security techniques: Bombs can be kept disassembled with the component parts stored in separate high-security vaults, and a process can be set up in which two people and multiple codes are required not only to use the bomb but to store, maintain, and deploy it. As Younger points out, “only a few people in the world have the knowledge to cause an unauthorized detonation of a nuclear weapon.” There could be dangers in the chaos that would emerge if a nuclear state were to utterly collapse; Pakistan is frequently cited in this context and sometimes North Korea as well. However, even under such conditions, nuclear weapons would probably remain under heavy guard by people who know that a purloined bomb might be used in their own territory. They would still have locks and, in the case of Pakistan, the weapons would be disassembled. The al Qaeda factor The degree to which al Qaeda, the only terrorist group that seems to want to target the United States, has pursued or even has much interest in a nuclear weapon may have been exaggerated. The 9/11 Commission stated that “al Qaeda has tried to acquire or make nuclear weapons for at least ten years,” but the only substantial evidence it supplies comes from an episode that is supposed to have taken place about 1993 in Sudan, when al Qaeda members may have sought to purchase some uranium that turned out to be bogus. Information about this supposed venture apparently comes entirely from Jamal al Fadl, who defected from al Qaeda in 1996 after being caught stealing $110,000 from the organization. Others, including the man who allegedly purchased the uranium, assert that although there were various other scams taking place at the time that may have served as grist for Fadl, the uranium episode never happened. As a key indication of al Qaeda’s desire to obtain atomic weapons, many have focused on a set of conversations in Afghanistan in August 2001 that two Pakistani nuclear scientists reportedly had with Osama bin Laden and three other al Qaeda officials. Pakistani intelligence officers characterize the discussions as “academic” in nature. It seems that the discussion was wide-ranging and rudimentary and that the scientists provided no material or specific plans. Moreover, the scientists probably were incapable of providing truly helpful information because their expertise was not in bomb design but in the processing of fissile material, which is almost certainly beyond the capacities of a nonstate group. Kalid Sheikh Mohammed, the apparent planner of the 9/11 attacks, reportedly says that al Qaeda’s bomb efforts never went beyond searching the Internet. After the fall of the Taliban in 2001, technical experts from the CIA and the Department of Energy examined documents and other information that were uncovered by intelligence agencies and the media in Afghanistan. They uncovered no credible information that al Qaeda had obtained fissile material or acquired a nuclear weapon. Moreover, they found no evidence of any radioactive material suitable for weapons. They did uncover, however, a “nuclear-related” document discussing “openly available concepts about the nuclear fuel cycle and some weapons-related issues.” Just a day or two before al Qaeda was to flee from Afghanistan in 2001, bin Laden supposedly told a Pakistani journalist, “If the United States uses chemical or nuclear weapons against us, we might respond with chemical and nuclear weapons. We possess these weapons as a deterrent.” Given the military pressure that they were then under and taking into account the evidence of the primitive or more probably nonexistent nature of al Qaeda’s nuclear program, the reported assertions, although unsettling, appear at best to be a desperate bluff. Bin Laden has made statements about nuclear weapons a few other times. Some of these pronouncements can be seen to be threatening, but they are rather coy and indirect, indicating perhaps something of an interest, but not acknowledging a capability. And as terrorism specialist Louise Richardson observes, “Statements claiming a right to possess nuclear weapons have been misinterpreted as expressing a determination to use them. This in turn has fed the exaggeration of the threat we face.” Norwegian researcher Anne Stenersen concluded after an exhaustive study of available materials that, although “it is likely that al Qaeda central has considered the option of using non-conventional weapons,” there is “little evidence that such ideas ever developed into actual plans, or that they were given any kind of priority at the expense of more traditional types of terrorist attacks.” She also notes that information on an al Qaeda computer left behind in Afghanistan in 2001 indicates that only $2,000 to $4,000 was earmarked for weapons of mass destruction research and that the money was mainly for very crude work on chemical weapons. Today, the key portions of al Qaeda central may well total only a few hundred people, apparently assisting the Taliban’s distinctly separate, far larger, and very troublesome insurgency in Afghanistan. Beyond this tiny band, there are thousands of sympathizers and would-be jihadists spread around the globe. They mainly connect in Internet chat rooms, engage in radicalizing conversations, and variously dare each other to actually do something. Any “threat,” particularly to the West, appears, then, principally to derive from self-selected people, often isolated from each other, who fantasize about performing dire deeds. From time to time some of these people, or ones closer to al Qaeda central, actually manage to do some harm. And occasionally, they may even be able to pull off something large, such as 9/11. But in most cases, their capacities and schemes, or alleged schemes, seem to be far less dangerous than initial press reports vividly, even hysterically, suggest. Most important for present purposes, however, is that any notion that al Qaeda has the capacity to acquire nuclear weapons, even if it wanted to, looks farfetched in the extreme. It is also noteworthy that, although there have been plenty of terrorist attacks in the world since 2001, all have relied on conventional destructive methods. For the most part, terrorists seem to be heeding the advice found in a memo on an al Qaeda laptop seized in Pakistan in 2004: “Make use of that which is available … rather than waste valuable time becoming despondent over that which is not within your reach.” In fact, history consistently demonstrates that terrorists prefer weapons that they know and understand, not new, exotic ones. Glenn Carle, a 23-year CIA veteran and once its deputy intelligence officer for transnational threats, warns, “We must not take fright at the specter our leaders have exaggerated. In fact, we must see jihadists for the small, lethal, disjointed, and miserable opponents that they are.” al Qaeda, he says, has only a handful of individuals capable of planning, organizing, and leading a terrorist organization, and although the group has threatened attacks with nuclear weapons, “its capabilities are far inferior to its desires.” Policy alternatives The purpose here has not been to argue that policies designed to inconvenience the atomic terrorist are necessarily unneeded or unwise. Rather, in contrast with the many who insist that atomic terrorism under current conditions is rather likely— indeed, exceedingly likely—to come about, I have contended that it is hugely unlikely. However, it is important to consider not only the likelihood that an event will take place, but also its consequences. Therefore, one must be concerned about catastrophic events even if their probability is small, and efforts to reduce that likelihood even further may well be justified. At some point, however, probabilities become so low that, even for catastrophic events, it may make sense to ignore them or at least put them on the back burner; in short, the risk becomes acceptable. For example, the British could at any time attack the United States with their submarine-launched missiles and kill millions of Americans, far more than even the most monumentally gifted and lucky terrorist group. Yet the risk that this potential calamity might take place evokes little concern; essentially it is an acceptable risk. Meanwhile, Russia, with whom the United States has a rather strained relationship, could at any time do vastly more damage with its nuclear weapons, a fully imaginable calamity that is substantially ignored. In constructing what he calls “a case for fear,” Cass Sunstein, a scholar and current Obama administration official, has pointed out that if there is a yearly probability of 1 in 100,000 that terrorists could launch a nuclear or massive biological attack, the risk would cumulate to 1 in 10,000 over 10 years and to 1 in 5,000 over 20. These odds, he suggests, are “not the most comforting.” Comfort, of course, lies in the viscera of those to be comforted, and, as he suggests, many would probably have difficulty settling down with odds like that. But there must be some point at which the concerns even of these people would ease. Just perhaps it is at one of the levels suggested above: one in a million or one in three billion per attempt.
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<h4>No risk of nuclear terror – assumes every warrant—ALSO—takes out Taliban strength b/c their impact evidence is in the context of a nuclear taliban</h4><p><u><strong>Mueller 10</u></strong> (John, professor of political science at Ohio State, Calming Our Nuclear Jitters, Issues in Science and Technology, Winter, http://www.issues.org/26.2/mueller.html)</p><p><u><mark>Politicians</mark> </u>of all stripes<u> <mark>preach</mark> </u>to an anxious, appreciative, and very numerous choir when they, like President Obama, proclaim atomic terrorism to be “the most immediate and extreme threat to global security.” It is the problem that, according to Defense Secretary Robert Gates, currently keeps every senior leader awake at night. This is hardly a new anxiety. In 1946, atomic bomb maker J. Robert Oppenheimer ominously warned that if three or four men could smuggle in units for an atomic bomb, they could blow up New York<u>. <mark>This</u> <u>was</mark> </u>an early expression of a pattern of<u> <mark>dramatic risk inflation</u></mark> that has persisted throughout the nuclear age. In fact, although expanding fires and fallout might increase the effective destructive radius, the blast of a Hiroshima-size device would “blow up” about 1% of the city’s area—a tragedy, of course, but not the same as one 100 times greater. In the early 1970s, nuclear physicist Theodore Taylor proclaimed the atomic terrorist problem to be “immediate,” explaining at length “how comparatively easy it would be to steal nuclear material and step by step make it into a bomb.” At the time he thought it was already too late to “prevent the making of a few bombs, here and there, now and then,” or “in another ten or fifteen years, it will be too late.” Three decades after Taylor, we continue to wait for terrorists to carry out their “easy” task. In contrast to these predictions<u>, <mark>terrorist groups</u></mark> seem to <u><mark>have exhibited only limited desire and</mark> </u>even less<u> <mark>progress</mark> </u>in going atomic. This may be because, after brief exploration of the possible routes, they, unlike generations of alarmists, have discovered that the tremendous effort required is scarcely likely to be successful. The most plausible route for terrorists, according to most experts, would be to manufacture an atomic device themselves from purloined fissile material (plutonium or, more likely, highly enriched uranium). This task, however, remains a daunting one, requiring that a considerable series of difficult hurdles be conquered and in sequence. Outright <u><mark>armed theft of fissile material is</u></mark> exceedingly<u><mark> unlikely</mark> </u>not only because of the resistance of guards, but because <u><mark>chase would be immediate</u></mark>. A more promising approach would be to corrupt insiders to smuggle out the required substances. However, this requires the terrorists to pay off a host of greedy confederates, including brokers and money-transmitters, any one of whom could turn on them or, either out of guile or incompetence, furnish them with stuff that is useless. Insiders might also consider the possibility that once the heist was accomplished, the terrorists would, as analyst Brian Jenkins none too delicately puts it, “have every incentive to cover their trail, beginning with eliminating their confederates.” If<u> <mark>terrorists</mark> </u>were somehow successful at obtaining a sufficient mass of relevant material,<u> </u>they would then probably <u><mark>have to transport it</u></mark> a long distance<u><mark> over unfamiliar terrain</u></mark> and probably while being pursued by security forces. Crossing international borders would be facilitated by following established smuggling routes, but these are not as chaotic as they appear and are often under the watch of suspicious and careful criminal regulators. If border personnel became suspicious of the commodity being smuggled, some of them might find it in their interest to disrupt passage, perhaps to collect the bounteous reward money that would probably be offered by alarmed governments once the uranium theft had been discovered. <u><mark>Once outside</mark> </u>the country with their precious booty, <u><mark>terrorists would need</mark> </u>to set up<u> <mark>a </u></mark>large and<u><mark> well-equipped machine shop</mark> </u>to manufacture a bomb<u> <mark>and</mark> </u>then to populate it with a very select team of highly<u><mark> skilled scientists</u></mark>, technicians, machinists, and administrators. The group would have to be assembled and retained for the monumental task while no consequential suspicions were generated among friends, family, and police about their curious and sudden absence from normal pursuits back home. Members of the bomb-building team would also have to be utterly devoted to the cause, of course, and they would have to be willing to put their lives and certainly their careers at high risk, because after their bomb was discovered or exploded they would probably become the targets of an intense worldwide dragnet operation. Some observers have insisted that it would be easy for terrorists to assemble a crude bomb if they could get enough fissile material. But Christoph Wirz and Emmanuel Egger, two senior physicists in charge of nuclear issues at Switzerland‘s Spiez Laboratory, bluntly conclude that the task “could hardly be accomplished by a subnational group.” They point out that precise blueprints are required, not just sketches and general ideas, and that even with a good blueprint the terrorist group would most certainly be forced to redesign. They also stress that the work is difficult, dangerous, and extremely exacting, and that the <u><mark>technical requirements</u></mark> in several fields <u><mark>verge on the unfeasible</u></mark>. Stephen Younger, former director of nuclear weapons research at Los Alamos Laboratories, has made a similar argument, pointing out that uranium is “exceptionally difficult to machine” whereas “plutonium is one of the most complex metals ever discovered, a material whose basic properties are sensitive to exactly how it is processed.“ Stressing the “daunting problems associated with material purity, machining, and a host of other issues,” Younger concludes, “to think that a terrorist group, working in isolation with an unreliable supply of electricity and little access to tools and supplies” could fabricate a bomb “is farfetched at best.” Under the best circumstances, the process of making a bomb could take months or even a year or more, which would, of course, have to be carried out in utter secrecy. In addition, people in the area, including criminals, may observe with increasing curiosity and puzzlement the constant coming and going of technicians unlikely to be locals. If the effort to build a bomb was successful, the finished product, weighing a ton or more, would then have to be transported to and smuggled into the relevant target country where it would have to be received by collaborators who are at once totally dedicated and technically proficient at handling, maintaining, detonating, and perhaps assembling the weapon after it arrives. The financial costs of this extensive and extended operation could easily become monumental. There would be expensive equipment to buy, smuggle, and set up and people to pay or pay off. Some operatives might work for free out of utter dedication to the cause, but the vast conspiracy also requires the subversion of a considerable array of criminals and opportunists, each of whom has every incentive to push the price for cooperation as high as possible. Any criminals competent and capable enough to be effective allies are also likely to be both smart enough to see boundless opportunities for extortion and psychologically equipped by their profession to be willing to exploit them. Those who warn about the likelihood of a terrorist bomb contend that a terrorist group could, if with great difficulty, overcome each obstacle and that doing so in each case is “not impossible.” But although it may not be impossible to surmount each individual step, the likelihood that a group could surmount a series of them quickly becomes vanishingly small. Table 1 attempts to catalogue the barriers that must be overcome under the scenario considered most likely to be successful. In contemplating the task before them, would-be atomic terrorists would effectively be required to go though an exercise that looks much like this. If and when they do, they will undoubtedly conclude that their prospects are daunting and accordingly uninspiring or even terminally dispiriting. It is possible to calculate the chances for success. <u><mark>Adopting</mark> </u>probability estimates that purposely and heavily<u> <mark>bias </u></mark>the case <u><mark>in the terrorists’ favor</u></mark>—for example, assuming the terrorists have a 50% chance of overcoming each of the 20 obstacles—the chances that a concerted effort would be successful comes out to be less than one in a million. If one assumes, somewhat more realistically, that their chances at each barrier are one in three, <u><mark>the cumulative odds</mark> </u>that they will be able to pull off the deed <u><mark>drop to one in</mark> </u>well over<u> <mark>three billion</u></mark>. Other routes would-be terrorists might take to acquire a bomb are even more problematic. <u><mark>They are unlikely to be</mark> </u>given or<u> <mark>sold a bomb</u></mark> by a generous like-minded nuclear state for delivery abroad because the risk would be high, even for a country led by extremists, that the bomb (and its source) would be discovered even before delivery or that it would be exploded in a manner and on a target the donor would not approve, including on the donor itself. Another concern would be that the terrorist group might be infiltrated by foreign intelligence. <u><mark>The terrorist group might</u></mark> also seek to <u><mark>steal</mark> </u>or illicitly purchase<u> <mark>a “loose nuke</u></mark>“ somewhere. However, it seems probable that <u><strong><mark>none exist</strong></mark>. </u>All governments have an intense interest in controlling any weapons on their territory because of fears that they might become the primary target. Moreover, as technology has developed, finished <u><mark>bombs have</mark> </u>been out-fitted with <u><mark>devices that</u></mark> trigger a non-nuclear explosion that <u><mark>destroy</u></mark>s <u><mark>the bomb if </u></mark>it is<u><mark> tampered with.</mark> </u>And there are other security techniques: Bombs can be kept disassembled with the component parts stored in separate high-security vaults, and a process can be set up in which two people and multiple<u><mark> codes are required</mark> </u>not only to use the bomb but to store, maintain, and deploy it. As Younger points out, “only a few people in the world have the knowledge to cause an unauthorized detonation of a nuclear weapon.” There could be dangers in the chaos that would emerge <u><mark>if a </u></mark>nuclear<u><mark> state were to</mark> </u>utterly<u> <mark>collapse</u></mark>; Pakistan is frequently cited in this context and sometimes North Korea as well. However, even under such conditions, nuclear<u> <mark>weapons </u></mark>would probably <u><mark>remain under heavy guard</u></mark> by people who know that a purloined bomb might be used in their own territory. They would still have locks and, in the case of Pakistan, the weapons would be disassembled. The al Qaeda factor The degree to which al Qaeda, the only terrorist group that seems to want to target the United States, has pursued or even has much interest in a nuclear weapon may have been exaggerated. The 9/11 Commission stated that “al Qaeda has tried to acquire or make nuclear weapons for at least ten years,” but the only substantial evidence it supplies comes from an episode that is supposed to have taken place about 1993 in Sudan, when al Qaeda members may have sought to purchase some uranium that turned out to be bogus. Information about this supposed venture apparently comes entirely from Jamal al Fadl, who defected from al Qaeda in 1996 after being caught stealing $110,000 from the organization. Others, including the man who allegedly purchased the uranium, assert that although there were various other scams taking place at the time that may have served as grist for Fadl, the uranium episode never happened. As a key indication of al Qaeda’s desire to obtain atomic weapons, many have focused on a set of conversations in Afghanistan in August 2001 that two Pakistani nuclear scientists reportedly had with Osama bin Laden and three other al Qaeda officials. Pakistani intelligence officers characterize the discussions as “academic” in nature. It seems that the discussion was wide-ranging and rudimentary and that the scientists provided no material or specific plans. Moreover, the scientists probably were incapable of providing truly helpful information because their expertise was not in bomb design but in the processing of fissile material, which is almost certainly beyond the capacities of a nonstate group. Kalid Sheikh Mohammed, the apparent planner of the 9/11 attacks, reportedly says that <u><mark>al Qaeda’s bomb efforts never went beyond</mark> </u>searching<u> <mark>the Internet</u>.</mark> After the fall of the Taliban in 2001, technical experts from the CIA and the Department of Energy examined documents and other information that were uncovered by intelligence agencies and the media in Afghanistan. They uncovered no credible information that al Qaeda had obtained fissile material or acquired a nuclear weapon. Moreover, they found no evidence of any radioactive material suitable for weapons. They did uncover, however, a “nuclear-related” document discussing “openly available concepts about the nuclear fuel cycle and some weapons-related issues.” Just a day or two before al Qaeda was to flee from Afghanistan in 2001, bin Laden supposedly told a Pakistani journalist, “If the United States uses chemical or nuclear weapons against us, we might respond with chemical and nuclear weapons. We possess these weapons as a deterrent.” Given the military pressure that they were then under and taking into account the evidence of the primitive or more probably nonexistent nature of al Qaeda’s nuclear program, the reported assertions, although unsettling, appear at best to be a desperate bluff. Bin Laden has made statements about nuclear weapons a few other times. Some of these pronouncements can be seen to be threatening, but they are rather coy and indirect, indicating perhaps something of an interest, but not acknowledging a capability. And as terrorism specialist Louise Richardson observes, “Statements claiming a right to possess nuclear weapons have been misinterpreted as expressing a determination to use them. This in turn has fed the exaggeration of the threat we face.” Norwegian researcher Anne Stenersen concluded after an exhaustive study of available materials that, although “it is likely that al Qaeda central has considered the option of using non-conventional weapons,” there is “little evidence that such ideas ever developed into actual plans, or that they were given any kind of priority at the expense of more traditional types of terrorist attacks.” She also notes that information on an al Qaeda computer left behind in Afghanistan in 2001 indicates that only $2,000 to $4,000 was earmarked for weapons of mass destruction research and that the money was mainly for very crude work on chemical weapons. Today, the key portions of al Qaeda central may well total only a few hundred people, apparently assisting the Taliban’s distinctly separate, far larger, and very troublesome insurgency in Afghanistan. Beyond this tiny band, there are thousands of sympathizers and would-be jihadists spread around the globe. They mainly connect in Internet chat rooms, engage in radicalizing conversations, and variously dare each other to actually do something. Any “threat,” particularly to the West, appears, then, principally to derive from self-selected people, often isolated from each other, who fantasize about performing dire deeds. From time to time some of these people, or ones closer to al Qaeda central, actually manage to do some harm. And occasionally, they may even be able to pull off something large, such as 9/11. But in most cases, their capacities and schemes, or alleged schemes, seem to be far less dangerous than initial press reports vividly, even hysterically, suggest. Most important for present purposes, however, is that any notion that al Qaeda has the capacity to acquire nuclear weapons, even if it wanted to, looks farfetched in the extreme. It is also noteworthy that, although there have been plenty of terrorist attacks in the world since 2001, all have relied on conventional destructive methods. For the most part, terrorists seem to be heeding the advice found in a memo on an al Qaeda laptop seized in Pakistan in 2004: “Make use of that which is available … rather than waste valuable time becoming despondent over that which is not within your reach.” In fact, history consistently demonstrates that terrorists prefer weapons that they know and understand, not new, exotic ones. Glenn Carle, a 23-year CIA veteran and once its deputy intelligence officer for transnational threats, warns, “We must not take fright at the specter our leaders have exaggerated. In fact, we must see jihadists for the small, lethal, disjointed, and miserable opponents that they are.” al Qaeda, he says, has only a handful of individuals capable of planning, organizing, and leading a terrorist organization, and although the group has threatened attacks with nuclear weapons, “its capabilities are far inferior to its desires.” Policy alternatives The purpose here has not been to argue that policies designed to inconvenience the atomic terrorist are necessarily unneeded or unwise. Rather, in contrast with the many who insist that atomic terrorism under current conditions is rather likely— indeed, exceedingly likely—to come about, I have contended that it is hugely unlikely. However, it is important to consider not only the likelihood that an event will take place, but also its consequences. Therefore, one must be concerned about catastrophic events even if their probability is small, and efforts to reduce that likelihood even further may well be justified. At some point, however, probabilities become so low that, even for catastrophic events, it may make sense to ignore them or at least put them on the back burner; in short, the risk becomes acceptable. For example, the British could at any time attack the United States with their submarine-launched missiles and kill millions of Americans, far more than even the most monumentally gifted and lucky terrorist group. Yet the risk that this potential calamity might take place evokes little concern; essentially it is an acceptable risk. Meanwhile, Russia, with whom the United States has a rather strained relationship, could at any time do vastly more damage with its nuclear weapons, a fully imaginable calamity that is substantially ignored. In constructing what he calls “a case for fear,” Cass Sunstein, a scholar and current Obama administration official, has pointed out that if there is a yearly probability of 1 in 100,000 that terrorists could launch a nuclear or massive biological attack, the risk would cumulate to 1 in 10,000 over 10 years and to 1 in 5,000 over 20. These odds, he suggests, are “not the most comforting.” Comfort, of course, lies in the viscera of those to be comforted, and, as he suggests, many would probably have difficulty settling down with odds like that. But there must be some point at which the concerns even of these people would ease. Just perhaps it is at one of the levels suggested above: one in a million or one in three billion per attempt.</p>
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a2
| 47,970 | 226 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,844 |
CROWD OUT: Sales cause a net reduction in supply – the reduction in voluntary donations is larger than the increase from sales.
|
Rippon 12
|
Rippon 12 Dr Simon Rippon, Oxford Uehiro Centre for Practical Ethics, University of Oxford,
Published Online First 28 June 2012 J Med Ethics doi:10.1136/medethics-2011-100318 I
|
http://jme.bmj.com/content/early/2012/06/27/medethics-2011-100318.full
When Richard Titmuss comparatively examined blood donation systems he concluded that introducing a market in blood has the paradoxical effect of reducing overall supply by ‘crowding out’ altruistic motivations for donating , the crowding out can plausibly be explained by the fact that the introduction of the new option of selling blood changes the nature of the old option of giving it away, : If blood can be bought and sold as a commodity, then providing it as a gift in effect just saves the recipient the financial cost of purchasing the same. Such a gift has a much lesser significance than would a life-saving gift that cannot be bought or sold at any price. It should therefore be no surprise that commodifying blood might reduce the altruistic motivation for providing it, rather than merely supplementing people's altruistic motivations with additional financial ones. social scientists have convincingly demonstrated similar crowding out effects across a broad range of contexts that cash incentives can crowd out blood donors has also been recently confirmed experimentally Crowding out of altruistic organ donations might well occur if a parallel market in organs were introduced; a plausible explanation for this is that the existence of the market would change the character of the potential gift that is available to be given.
|
introducing a market in blood has the paradoxical effect of reducing overall supply by ‘crowding out’ altruistic motivations for donating the crowding out can be explained by the fact that the introduction of the new option of selling blood changes the nature of the old option of giving it away If blood can be bought and sold as a commodity then providing it as a gift in effect just saves the recipient the financial cost of purchasing the same uch a gift has a much lesser significance than would a life-saving gift that cannot be bought or sold at any price commodifying might reduce the altruistic motivation social scientists have convincingly demonstrated similar crowding out effects across a broad range of contexts that cash incentives can crowd out blood donors has also been recently confirmed experimentally Crowding out altruistic organ donations might well occur if a parallel market in organs were introduced; a plausible explanation for this is that the existence of the market would change the character of the potential gift that is available to be given.
|
mposing options on people in poverty: the harm of a live donor organ market
http://jme.bmj.com/content/early/2012/06/27/medethics-2011-100318.full
Here is a second example of this kind, which is related by Dworkin.5 When Richard Titmuss comparatively examined blood donation systems in his groundbreaking work The Gift Relationship, he concluded that introducing a market in blood has the paradoxical effect of reducing overall supply by ‘crowding out’ altruistic motivations for donating.10 We might wonder why this occurs, if the changes merely permit the selling of blood in a market, and do nothing to prevent others from giving it away, just as they had done before. It may seem that a market in blood just provides people with an additional option of being rewarded financially for blood, and leaves the situation of those who do not wish to participate in it unchanged, apart from the availability of a new option that they can choose not to take. But this view ignores the way in which additional options may change the character of the options you already have. As Dworkin points out, the crowding out that Titmuss observed can plausibly be explained by the fact that the introduction of the new option of selling blood changes the nature of the old option of giving it away, in the following manner: If blood can be bought and sold as a commodity, then providing it as a gift in effect just saves the recipient the financial cost of purchasing the same. Such a gift has a much lesser significance than would a life-saving gift that cannot be bought or sold at any price. It should therefore be no surprise that commodifying blood might reduce the altruistic motivation for providing it, rather than merely supplementing people's altruistic motivations with additional financial ones. While Titmuss's claims have been critiqued and questioned by a number of authors over the past 40 years, social scientists have convincingly demonstrated similar crowding out effects across a broad range of contexts both by observational studies and experimentally (for a survey of these results, see Frey and Jegen11). Titmuss's hypothesis that cash incentives can crowd out blood donors has also been recently confirmed experimentally.12 Defending a kidney market, Benjamin Hippen has claimed: ‘If an organ market does not prevent supererogatory action, and altruistic donation is supererogatory, donors whose dominant motive is altruism should not be dissuaded from donating.’13 The foregoing discussion about blood procurement shows this to be a non-sequitur. Crowding out of altruistic organ donations might well occur if a parallel market in organs were introduced; a plausible explanation for this is that the existence of the market would change the character of the potential gift that is available to be given.
| 2,814 |
<h4><strong>CROWD OUT: Sales cause a net reduction in supply – the reduction in voluntary donations is larger than the increase from sales.</h4><p>Rippon 12</strong> Dr Simon Rippon, Oxford Uehiro Centre for Practical Ethics, University of Oxford, </p><p>Published Online First 28 June 2012 J Med Ethics doi:10.1136/medethics-2011-100318 I</p><p>mposing options on people in poverty: the harm of a live donor organ market </p><p><u>http://jme.bmj.com/content/early/2012/06/27/medethics-2011-100318.full</p><p></u>Here is a second example of this kind, which is related by Dworkin.5 <u>When Richard Titmuss comparatively examined blood donation systems </u>in his groundbreaking work The Gift Relationship,<u> he concluded that <mark>introducing a market in blood has the paradoxical effect of <strong>reducing overall supply</strong> by ‘crowding out’ altruistic motivations for donating</u></mark>.10 We might wonder why this occurs, if the changes merely permit the selling of blood in a market, and do nothing to prevent others from giving it away, just as they had done before. It may seem that a market in blood just provides people with an additional option of being rewarded financially for blood, and leaves the situation of those who do not wish to participate in it unchanged, apart from the availability of a new option that they can choose not to take. But this view ignores the way in which additional options may change the character of the options you already have. As Dworkin points out<u>, <mark>the crowding out</mark> </u>that Titmuss observed<u> <mark>can</mark> plausibly <mark>be explained by the fact that the introduction of the new option of selling blood changes the nature of the old option of giving it away</mark>, </u>in the following manner<u>: <mark>If blood can be bought and sold as a commodity</mark>, <mark>then providing it as a gift in effect just saves the recipient the financial cost of purchasing the same</mark>. S<mark>uch a gift has a much lesser significance than would a life-saving gift that cannot be bought or sold at any price</mark>. It should therefore be no surprise that <mark>commodifying</mark> blood <mark>might reduce the altruistic motivation</mark> for providing it, rather than merely supplementing people's altruistic motivations with additional financial ones.</u> While Titmuss's claims have been critiqued and questioned by a number of authors over the past 40 years, <u><mark>social scientists have convincingly demonstrated similar crowding out effects across a broad range of contexts</u></mark> both by observational studies and experimentally (for a survey of these results, see Frey and Jegen11). Titmuss's hypothesis<u> <mark>that cash incentives can crowd out blood donors has also been recently confirmed experimentally</u></mark>.12 Defending a kidney market, Benjamin Hippen has claimed: ‘If an organ market does not prevent supererogatory action, and altruistic donation is supererogatory, donors whose dominant motive is altruism should not be dissuaded from donating.’13 The foregoing discussion about blood procurement shows this to be a non-sequitur. <u><mark>Crowding out</mark> of <strong><mark>altruistic organ donations might well occur if a parallel market in organs were introduced; a plausible explanation for this is that the existence of the market would change the character of the potential gift that is available to be given.</p></u></strong></mark>
| null |
1nc
|
Tourism
| 430,447 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,845 |
Iran Proves success; recent problems have been because of budget cuts
|
Beard et al 13
|
Beard et al 13 T. Randolph "Randy" Beard, Professor of Economics at Auburn University.; Rigmar Osterkamp, Fellow at the School for Political Studies at University of Munich.; And David L. Kaserman, Torchmark Professor of Economics at Auburn University.2013 The Global Organ Shortage: Economic Causes, Human Consequences, Policy Responses
|
The Iranian system has been successful historically, increasing the numbers of transplants performed by 577 percent
However, a recent lack of public funding seems to have undermined the past successes Zargooshi (2008a, b) reports that the recent annual kidney transplant figure has decreased and now amounts to about one-tenth of the annual number of new ESRD patients. Obviously, the official public payment to donors of Tolman Imio (around U.S.$1,000) has been eroded by inflation. Kidney vendors seem to ask for increasing private copayments from the re¬cipients. The "market price" for a donation is now likely to be around three times the official public payment. During certain periods, it is reported that the public system was unable to pay any compensation to donors. Lack of public funds seems to have also eroded the formerly strictly regulated donor system, and today there is a tolerated "free market" in which recipient income status has become a major determinant in the acquisition of a kidney. Thus, although the Iranian experience strongly suggested the viability of compensated living-donor kidney supply in some settings, it also provides a cautionary tale regarding the consequences of underfunding for such systems.
sales
the best alternative to organ transplantation appears to be the artificial growth of organs in a laboratory. The Human Genome Project reports that this is still a science in its early stages It is likely that this will not become as widespread as transplantation for at least a decade ethical, legal and clinical concerns must be addressed before such a treatment is perfected and offered to the public. It is interesting to note that, at present, these organs are grown from embryonic stem cells, a process which many consider unethical. It is for this reason that this science has stalled; conservative legislators refuse to allocate government funding to the development of embryonic technology The impact that this “organ growing” has on the illegal organ trade will undoubtedly be determined by the cost to the party in need of an organ; if the international response is to be truly successful in ceasing the exploitation of such desperate people, all nations must look inwards
|
Iranian system has been successful historically, increasing transplants performed by 577 percent
However, a recent lack of public funding seems to have undermined the past successes.
artificial growth of organs is still a in its early stages this will not becom widespread ethical, legal and clinical concerns must be addressed before such a treatment is perfected and offered to the public. science has stalled; conservative legislators refuse to allocate funding The impact that this “organ growing” has on the illegal organ trade will undoubtedly be determined by the cost to the party in need of an organ if the international response is to be truly successful in ceasing the exploitation of such desperate people, all nations must look inwards
|
The Iranian system has, by most accounts, been successful historically, increasing the numbers of transplants performed by 577 percent between 1988 and 2003. This result has been obtained within a bureaucratized framework in which religious judges examine potential living donors, looking for signs of coercion or mixed motivations. Great emphasis has been placed on continuing care for donors, with medical follow-up, insurance benefits, and so on made widely available, at least in principle. Foreigners may not donate or receive a transplant in Iran, except under special, rare circumstances. This latter practice has apparently gone some distance in allowing Iran to avoid the sorts of com¬mercialization that would offend ethical sensibilities.
However, a recent lack of public funding seems to have undermined the past successes. Zargooshi (2008a, b) reports that the recent annual kidney transplant figure has decreased and now amounts to about one-tenth of the annual number of new ESRD patients. Obviously, the official public payment to donors of Tolman Imio (around U.S.$1,000) has been eroded by inflation. Kidney vendors seem to ask for increasing private copayments from the re¬cipients. The "market price" for a donation is now likely to be around three times the official public payment. During certain periods, it is reported that the public system was unable to pay any compensation to donors. Lack of public funds seems to have also eroded the formerly strictly regulated donor system, and today there is a tolerated "free market" in which recipient income status has become a major determinant in the acquisition of a kidney. Thus, although the Iranian experience strongly suggested the viability of compensated living-donor kidney supply in some settings, it also provides a cautionary tale regarding the consequences of underfunding for such systems.
Organ sales are key—artificial organs can’t solve
O'Sullivan 11 Sophia O'Sullivan, historical contributor 9 August 2011 Heart to Heart- An Investigation of Globalisation and the Illegal Organ Trade http://smartsgroupd.blogspot.com/p/sophia.html
As the demand for organs rises, and waiting list times stretch out by years, it seems logical that the illegal organ trade will grow. A significant improvement in the lifestyles of first world countries and new cures for organ-destroying disease may reduce the demand for organs. However, the best alternative to organ transplantation appears to be the artificial growth of organs in a laboratory. The Human Genome Project reports that while this is still a science in its early stages, these organs would be a healthy clone of the organ in need of replacing and would contain the patient’s DNA, thus reducing the risk of rejection. It is likely that this will not become as widespread as transplantation for at least a decade; ethical, legal and clinical concerns must be addressed before such a treatment is perfected and offered to the public. It is interesting to note that, at present, these organs are grown from embryonic stem cells, a process which many consider unethical. It is for this reason that this science has stalled; conservative legislators refuse to allocate government funding to the development of embryonic technology. In the face of a possible solution to the exploitative organ trade, is it morally better to allow the destruction of embryos or to allow the organ trade, which harms donors and recipients, to continue? These are questions which those in government and medical technology sectors must address. The impact that this “organ growing” has on the illegal organ trade will undoubtedly be determined by the cost to the party in need of an organ; it is safer and preferable than travelling overseas for a transplant but if it is significantly more expensive the organ trade may still thrive. Another possibility is that the organ trade will be opened to classes in the donor country; relatively wealthy residents in a poor country may be able to buy organs from those who would have previously sold organs to foreigners. There is an increased international awareness of the epidemic of the organ trade, and legislation of both vendors and recipients is becoming tougher. However, if the international response is to be truly successful in ceasing the exploitation of such desperate people, all nations must look inwards to solve the problems of inescapable poverty and inadequate healthcare systems.
| 4,461 |
<h4><strong>Iran Proves success; recent problems have been because of budget cuts</h4><p>Beard et al 13</strong> T. Randolph "Randy" Beard, Professor of Economics at Auburn University.; Rigmar Osterkamp, Fellow at the School for Political Studies at University of Munich.; And David L. Kaserman, Torchmark Professor of Economics at Auburn University.2013 The Global Organ Shortage: Economic Causes, Human Consequences, Policy Responses</p><p><u>The <mark>Iranian system has</u></mark>, by most accounts, <u><mark>been successful historically, increasing</mark> the numbers of <mark>transplants performed by 577 percent</u></mark> between 1988 and 2003. This result has been obtained within a bureaucratized framework in which religious judges examine potential living donors, looking for signs of coercion or mixed motivations. Great emphasis has been placed on continuing care for donors, with medical follow-up, insurance benefits, and so on made widely available, at least in principle. Foreigners may not donate or receive a transplant in Iran, except under special, rare circumstances. This latter practice has apparently gone some distance in allowing Iran to avoid the sorts of com¬mercialization that would offend ethical sensibilities.</p><p><u><mark>However, a recent lack of public funding seems to have undermined the past successes</u>.<u></mark> Zargooshi (2008a, b) reports that the recent annual kidney transplant figure has decreased and now amounts to about one-tenth of the annual number of new ESRD patients. Obviously, the official public payment to donors of Tolman Imio (around U.S.$1,000) has been eroded by inflation. Kidney vendors seem to ask for increasing private copayments from the re¬cipients. The "market price" for a donation is now likely to be around three times the official public payment. During certain periods, it is reported that the public system was unable to pay any compensation to donors. Lack of public funds seems to have also eroded the formerly strictly regulated donor system, and today there is a tolerated "free market" in which recipient income status has become a major determinant in the acquisition of a kidney. Thus, although the Iranian experience strongly suggested the viability of compensated living-donor kidney supply in some settings, it also provides a cautionary tale regarding the consequences of underfunding for such systems.</p><p><strong> </p><p></u>Organ <u>sales </u>are key—artificial organs can’t solve </p><p>O'Sullivan 11</strong> Sophia O'Sullivan, historical contributor 9 August 2011 Heart to Heart- An Investigation of Globalisation and the Illegal Organ Trade http://smartsgroupd.blogspot.com/p/sophia.html</p><p>As the demand for organs rises, and waiting list times stretch out by years, it seems logical that the illegal organ trade will grow. A significant improvement in the lifestyles of first world countries and new cures for organ-destroying disease may reduce the demand for organs. However, <u>the best alternative to organ transplantation appears to be the <mark>artificial growth of organs</mark> in a laboratory. The Human Genome Project reports that </u>while <u>this <mark>is still a</mark> science <mark>in its early stages</u></mark>, these organs would be a healthy clone of the organ in need of replacing and would contain the patient’s DNA, thus reducing the risk of rejection. <u>It is likely that <mark>this will not becom</mark>e as <mark>widespread</mark> as transplantation for at least a decade</u>; <u><mark>ethical, legal and clinical concerns must be addressed before such a treatment is perfected and offered to the public.</mark> It is interesting to note that, at present, these organs are grown from embryonic stem cells, a process which many consider unethical. It is for this reason that this <mark>science has stalled; conservative legislators refuse to</mark> <mark>allocate</mark> government <mark>funding</mark> to the development of embryonic technology</u>. In the face of a possible solution to the exploitative organ trade, is it morally better to allow the destruction of embryos or to allow the organ trade, which harms donors and recipients, to continue? These are questions which those in government and medical technology sectors must address.<u> <mark>The impact that this “organ growing” has on the illegal organ trade will undoubtedly be determined by the cost to the party in need of an organ</mark>;</u> it is safer and preferable than travelling overseas for a transplant but if it is significantly more expensive the organ trade may still thrive. Another possibility is that the organ trade will be opened to classes in the donor country; relatively wealthy residents in a poor country may be able to buy organs from those who would have previously sold organs to foreigners. There is an increased international awareness of the epidemic of the organ trade, and legislation of both vendors and recipients is becoming tougher. However, <u><mark>if the international response is to be truly successful in ceasing the exploitation of such desperate people, all nations must look inwards</u><strong></mark> to solve the problems of inescapable poverty and inadequate healthcare systems. </p></strong>
| null | null |
Contention 3 Solvency
| 430,448 | 7 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,846 |
No Central Asia war --- the West frequently misrepresents the region as a source of great power conflict with little real knowledge.
|
Heathershaw and Megoran 2011
|
John Heathershaw and Nick Megoran, 6/16/2011. Lecturer in International Relations at the University of Exeter, working on the politics of aid and conflict resolution in Central Asia; and political geography lecturer at Newcastle Univerity, in the school of Geography, Politics and Sociology. “Central Asia: the discourse of danger,” http://www.opendemocracy.net/od-russia/john-heathershaw-nick-megoran/central-asia-discourse-of-danger.
|
What do a recently-released International Crisis Group report and the latest Red River computer game have in common? Answer: They both feature Islamist insurgents infiltrating Tajikistan and posing a threat to Western security such portrayals of Central Asia are commonplace in the West from popular culture to the quasi-academic work of policy analysts In research conducted since the 1990s, we have charted how UK and US representations of Central Asia routinely present it as especially dangerous, fusing the traditional insecurities of the Orient to dysfunctional post-Soviet authoritarianism ethnic conflict is misread and great power conflict is assumed where in fact it may not exist the dearth of knowledge on the region amongst so-called experts means that popular culture and quasi-academic studies have greater significance Misguided applications of the ‘great game’ or the idea of Muslim radicalisation are frequently left unchallenged even powerful Western governments have relatively few people with knowledge of the region and its languages Area studies has been in decline for decades and nowhere is the phenomenon more acute than Central Asia where there was very little knowledge of the region even during the Cold War knowledge is produced interpretatively where ideas about the region emerge that associate it with conflict, Islamism and great power conflict they are often difficult to shift even when academic knowledge seems to refute these claims
|
What do a recently-released I C G report and the latest Red River computer game have in common? Answer: They both feature Islamist insurgents infiltrating Tajikistan and posing a threat to Western security portrayals of Central Asia are commonplace in the West, from pop culture to quasi-academic work of policy analysts US representations of Central Asia routinely present it as dangerous ethnic conflict is misread and great power conflict is assumed where in fact it may not exist , the dearth of knowledge on the region amongst so-called experts means that studies have greater significance Misguided applications of the ‘great game’ are left unchallenged even powerful Western governments have relatively few people with knowledge of the region Area studies has been in decline and nowhere is the more acute than Central Asia where there was very little knowledge of the region
|
Question: What do a recently-released International Crisis Group report (‘Tajikistan: the changing insurgent threats’) and the latest Red River computer game (‘Operation Flashpoint’) have in common? Answer: They both feature Islamist insurgents infiltrating Tajikistan and posing a threat to Western security. In fact such portrayals of Central Asia are commonplace in the West, from popular culture to the quasi-academic work of policy analysts. In research conducted since the 1990s, we have charted how UK and US representations of Central Asia routinely present it as especially dangerous, fusing the traditional insecurities of the Orient to dysfunctional post-Soviet authoritarianism. This has elicited a small debate on the margins of Central Asian studies about the significance of the discourse of danger. In response, we wrote a paper on the subject that was presented at Chatham House and recently published in the journal International Affairs (‘Contesting danger: a new agenda for policy and scholarship on Central Asia’), outlining three features of the Western discourse of danger on Central Asia. By ‘Western discourse of danger on Central Asia’ we mean how Western policy, popular and even academic accounts identify Central Asia as obscure, ethnically and politically fractious, essentially Oriental and—for these reasons—dangerous. Typically, Central Asia is spuriously identified as a source of a considerable Islamic terrorist threat as in the recent International Crisis Group report on Tajikistan. It can also mean that ethnic conflict is misread and great power conflict is assumed where in fact it may not exist. Why does the overlap between popular culture and policy analysis matter? The link we make between computer games and policy reports may seem trite. Surely these are incommensurable genres of discourse for quite diverse audiences and with wholly different intentions? Surely one is primarily for the entertainment of adolescent males, and the other seeks serious understanding in order to change policy? We should not be too quick to dismiss the effect of popular culture on policy making. Many of the Western military misadventures which have been undertaken since the end of the Cold War may have been made more likely by the feeling of interconnectedness generated by new technologies and cultural forms such as the internet. The portrayal of the military and intelligence services in the era of the ‘war on terror’ are often critical, but most ascribe to governments an ability to get things done which far exceeds what is practically possible in a globalised world. There are three reasons why popular culture matters in policymaking, and which justify the making of links between forms of representations from quite different genres. Firstly, there is the basic point that in Western democracies government are more or less responsive to public opinion. If citizens feel Afghanistan is an essentially dangerous place then they are more likely to accept the problematic argument of their governments that threats to the West will continue to come from that country unless we offer military support to a government we have placed in power. On the other hand, public interest in Central Asia is so limited that few votes are cast and few letters are sent to MPs on the basis of concern about the region. Public opinion only indirectly affects foreign policy and we should not overstate the link between the two. In many respects it is the effect of popular culture on those that do research and make decisions, in governments and non-governmental organisations, that is most significant. Secondly, the dearth of knowledge on the region amongst so-called experts means that popular culture and quasi-academic studies have greater significance. Misguided applications of the ‘great game’ or the idea of Muslim radicalisation are frequently left unchallenged. Moreover, even powerful Western governments have relatively few people with knowledge of the region and its languages. Area studies has been in decline for decades and nowhere is the phenomenon more acute than Central Asia where there was very little knowledge of the region even during the Cold War when funding was poured into the development of Sovietology. Finally, and most importantly, knowledge is produced interpretatively. This means that where ideas about the region emerge that associate it with conflict, Islamism and great power conflict they are often difficult to shift even when academic knowledge seems to refute these claims.
| 4,553 |
<h4>No Central Asia war --- the West frequently misrepresents the region as a source of great power conflict with little real knowledge. </h4><p>John <strong>Heathershaw and</strong> Nick <strong>Megoran</strong>, 6/16/<strong>2011</strong>. Lecturer in International Relations at the University of Exeter, working on the politics of aid and conflict resolution in Central Asia; and political geography lecturer at Newcastle Univerity, in the school of Geography, Politics and Sociology. “Central Asia: the discourse of danger,” http://www.opendemocracy.net/od-russia/john-heathershaw-nick-megoran/central-asia-discourse-of-danger.</p><p>Question: <u><strong><mark>What do a recently-released I</mark>nternational <mark>C</mark>risis <mark>G</mark>roup <mark>report</u></strong></mark> (‘Tajikistan: the changing insurgent threats’) <u><strong><mark>and</mark> <mark>the latest Red River computer game</u></strong></mark> (‘Operation Flashpoint’) <u><strong><mark>have in common? Answer: They both feature Islamist insurgents infiltrating Tajikistan and posing a threat to Western security</u></strong></mark>. In fact <u><strong>such <mark>portrayals</mark> <mark>of</mark> <mark>Central Asia are commonplace in the West</u></strong>, <u><strong>from pop</mark>ular <mark>culture</mark> <mark>to</mark> the <mark>quasi-academic</mark> <mark>work</mark> <mark>of policy analysts</u></strong></mark>. <u><strong>In research conducted since the 1990s, we have charted how UK and <mark>US representations</mark> <mark>of Central Asia routinely present it as </mark>especially <mark>dangerous</mark>, fusing the traditional insecurities of the Orient to dysfunctional post-Soviet authoritarianism</u></strong>. This has elicited a small debate on the margins of Central Asian studies about the significance of the discourse of danger. In response, we wrote a paper on the subject that was presented at Chatham House and recently published in the journal International Affairs (‘Contesting danger: a new agenda for policy and scholarship on Central Asia’), outlining three features of the Western discourse of danger on Central Asia. By ‘Western discourse of danger on Central Asia’ we mean how Western policy, popular and even academic accounts identify Central Asia as obscure, ethnically and politically fractious, essentially Oriental and—for these reasons—dangerous. Typically, Central Asia is spuriously identified as a source of a considerable Islamic terrorist threat as in the recent International Crisis Group report on Tajikistan. It can also mean that <u><strong><mark>ethnic conflict is misread and great power conflict is assumed where in fact it may not exist</u></strong></mark>. Why does the overlap between popular culture and policy analysis matter? The link we make between computer games and policy reports may seem trite. Surely these are incommensurable genres of discourse for quite diverse audiences and with wholly different intentions? Surely one is primarily for the entertainment of adolescent males, and the other seeks serious understanding in order to change policy? We should not be too quick to dismiss the effect of popular culture on policy making. Many of the Western military misadventures which have been undertaken since the end of the Cold War may have been made more likely by the feeling of interconnectedness generated by new technologies and cultural forms such as the internet. The portrayal of the military and intelligence services in the era of the ‘war on terror’ are often critical, but most ascribe to governments an ability to get things done which far exceeds what is practically possible in a globalised world. There are three reasons why popular culture matters in policymaking, and which justify the making of links between forms of representations from quite different genres. Firstly, there is the basic point that in Western democracies government are more or less responsive to public opinion. If citizens feel Afghanistan is an essentially dangerous place then they are more likely to accept the problematic argument of their governments that threats to the West will continue to come from that country unless we offer military support to a government we have placed in power. On the other hand, public interest in Central Asia is so limited that few votes are cast and few letters are sent to MPs on the basis of concern about the region. Public opinion only indirectly affects foreign policy and we should not overstate the link between the two. In many respects it is the effect of popular culture on those that do research and make decisions, in governments and non-governmental organisations, that is most significant. Secondly<mark>, <u><strong>the dearth of knowledge on the region amongst so-called experts</mark> <mark>means</mark> <mark>that</mark> popular culture and quasi-academic <mark>studies have greater significance</u></strong></mark>. <u><strong><mark>Misguided applications of</mark> <mark>the ‘great game’</mark> or the idea of Muslim radicalisation <mark>are </mark>frequently <mark>left unchallenged</u></strong></mark>. Moreover, <u><strong><mark>even powerful Western governments have relatively few people with knowledge of the region</mark> and its languages</u></strong>. <u><strong><mark>Area studies has been in decline</mark> for decades <mark>and nowhere is the</mark> phenomenon <mark>more acute than Central</mark> <mark>Asia</mark> <mark>where there was very little knowledge of the region</mark> even during the Cold War</u></strong> when funding was poured into the development of Sovietology. Finally, and most importantly, <u><strong>knowledge is produced interpretatively</u></strong>. This means that <u><strong>where ideas about the region emerge that associate it with conflict, Islamism and great power conflict they are often difficult to shift even when academic knowledge seems to refute these claims</u></strong>. </p>
| null |
1nc
|
a2
| 430,449 | 1 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,847 |
Very few transplant tourists are from the US – worldwide the illegal market involves about 5000 transplants annually. 300 are from the US
|
Calandrillo 4
|
Calandrillo 4 Steve P. Calandrillo, Associate Professor, Univ. of Washington School of Law. J.D., Harvard Law School. B.A. in Economics, Univ. of California at Berkeley. George Mason Law Review Fall, 2004 13 Geo. Mason L. Rev. 69 ARTICLE: Cash for Kidneys? Utilizing Incentives to End America's Organ Shortage lexis
|
O'Neill detailing the various illegal markets for kidneys abroad, and noting that 300 Americans travel to foreign countries each year in a last ditch effort to save their lives
|
detailing the various illegal markets for kidneys abroad, and noting that 300 Americans travel to foreign countries each year in a last ditch effort to save their lives
|
n7 See Eamonn O'Neill, The Cost of Living, THE SCOTSMAN, Mar. 10, 2001, at 14, available at 2001 WL 14095051 (detailing the various illegal markets for kidneys abroad, and noting that 300 Americans travel to foreign countries each year in a last ditch effort to save their lives).
n5
| 284 |
<h4><strong>Very few transplant tourists are from the US – worldwide the illegal market involves about 5000 transplants annually. 300 are from the US</h4><p>Calandrillo 4</strong> Steve P. Calandrillo, Associate Professor, Univ. of Washington School of Law. J.D., Harvard Law School. B.A. in Economics, Univ. of California at Berkeley. George Mason Law Review Fall, 2004 13 Geo. Mason L. Rev. 69 ARTICLE: Cash for Kidneys? Utilizing Incentives to End America's Organ Shortage lexis</p><p>n7 See Eamonn<u> O'Neill</u>, The Cost of Living, THE SCOTSMAN, Mar. 10, 2001, at 14, available at 2001 WL 14095051 (<u><mark>detailing the various illegal markets for kidneys abroad, and noting that 300 Americans travel to foreign countries each year in a last ditch effort to save their lives</u></mark>). </p><p><strong>n5</p></strong>
| null |
1nc
|
Tourism
| 430,450 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,848 |
Crowd out would not be a net reduction
|
Erin and Harris 94
|
Erin and Harris 94 Charles A Erin and John Harris, Institute of Medicine, Law and Bioethics, School of Law, University of Manchester 1994 A monopsonistic market: or how to buy and sell human organs, tissues and cells ethically in Life and Death Under High Technology Medicin, edited by Ian Robinson
|
policies could include offering prospective payments for organs retrieved post mortem, It has been argued that this would lead to a fall in the numbers of organs donated on purely humanitarian or altruistic groundsf but nevertheless it seems probable that the introduction of such a commercial interest would lead to an overall increase in organ yield
|
has been argued that this would lead to a fall in organs donated on altruistic groundsf but nevertheless the introduction a commercial interest would lead to an overall increase
|
Arguing for commerce in the context of organs obtained from cadavers is less morally problematic than in the case of the living. For a start, a cadaver cannot be argued, reasonably, to be a person and thus considerations of personal autonomy do not enter the picture: to talk of the autonomy of the dead is absurd. Each year several thousands of persons die prematurely from the lack of donated organs. Certain organs, hearts for example, can only be obtained from cadavers? Whilst this shortfall of cadaver organs for transplantation persists it seems morally insupportable to ignore policies which would likely save lives unless they are counterbalanced by arguments of comparable moral force. Such policies could include offering prospective payments for organs retrieved post mortem, Such prospective payments, whether in money or present medical care, are currently offered in some American states in return for the delivery of one’s body at death (Munzer 1990 p. 52). It has been argued that this would lead to a fall in the numbers of organs donated on purely humanitarian or altruistic groundsf but nevertheless it seems probable that the introduction of such a commercial interest would lead to an overall increase in organ yield (Brams 1977; Buc and Bernstein 1984).
| 1,276 |
<h4><strong>Crowd out would not be a net reduction</h4><p>Erin and Harris 94</strong> Charles A Erin and John Harris, Institute of Medicine, Law and Bioethics, School of Law, University of Manchester 1994 A monopsonistic market: or how to buy and sell human organs, tissues and cells ethically in Life and Death Under High Technology Medicin, edited by Ian Robinson </p><p>Arguing for commerce in the context of organs obtained from cadavers is less morally problematic than in the case of the living. For a start, a cadaver cannot be argued, reasonably, to be a person and thus considerations of personal autonomy do not enter the picture: to talk of the autonomy of the dead is absurd. Each year several thousands of persons die prematurely from the lack of donated organs. Certain organs, hearts for example, can only be obtained from cadavers? Whilst this shortfall of cadaver organs for transplantation persists it seems morally insupportable to ignore policies which would likely save lives unless they are counterbalanced by arguments of comparable moral force. Such <u>policies could include offering prospective payments for organs retrieved post mortem,</u> Such prospective payments, whether in money or present medical care, are currently offered in some American states in return for the delivery of one’s body at death (Munzer 1990 p. 52). <u>It <mark>has been argued that this would lead to a fall in</mark> the numbers of <mark>organs donated on </mark>purely humanitarian or<mark> altruistic groundsf but nevertheless </mark>it seems probable that <mark>the introduction </mark>of such <mark>a commercial interest would lead to an <strong>overall increase</strong> </mark>in organ yield</u><strong> (Brams 1977; Buc and Bernstein 1984).</p></strong>
| null | null |
Contention 3 Solvency
| 430,451 | 5 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,849 |
heir ONLY fed key warrant on War on Drugs is the Wild ev- it advocates federal legalization but there’s NO REASON that’s KEY- just says the US needs to adopt a less repressive policy on marijuana and the plan is an example of that- things like the CP and harm reduction policy would ALSO be sufficient- we’ve highlighted the ACTUAL warrants
|
Wild, 13
|
Wild, 13 [Joshua, JD, Suffolk University, EPIC FAILURE: THE UNCOMFORTABLE TRUTH ABOUT THE UNITED STATES' ROLE IN THE FAILURE OF THE GLOBAL WAR ON DRUGS AND HOW IT IS GOING TO FIX IT, Suffolk University Suffolk Transnational Law Review Summer, 2013, 36 Suffolk Transnat'l L. Rev. 423, p. lexis]
|
The U.S. wields considerable influence over the rest of the world so it is no surprise that its call for the development and maintenance of prohibitive, punitive drug policies resulted in a majority of the international community following. Conversely, if the U.S. leads the call for the development and maintenance of more tolerant drug policies grounded in health a majority of the international community will also follow. until there is reform and supporting other countries to develop drug policies that suit their context there is still an abdication of policy responsibility. If marijuana was legal it would function similarly to the market of legal substances the U.S., law enforcement could refocus their efforts away from reducing the marijuana marke and instead towards reducing harm to individuals communities and national Marijuana is an actionable, evidence based mechanism for constructive legal and policy reform that through a domino effect can transform the global drug prohibition regime
|
The U.S. wields considerable influence so it is no surprise that punitive drug policies resulted in the community following Conversely, if the U.S. leads the call for tolerant drug policies a majority will also follow until there is reform supporting other countries to develop drug policies that suit their context there is still an abdication of responsibility enforcement could refocus away from marijuana and instead towards reducing harm Marijuana is an actionable, mechanism for constructive reform that through a domino effect can transform the global drug regime
|
C. Step 2: Real Reform - the U.S. Needs to Stand at the Forefront of Drug Policy Reformation The U.S. wields considerable influence over the rest of the world, so it is no surprise that its call for the development and maintenance of prohibitive, punitive drug policies resulted in a majority of the international community following. n105 Conversely, if the U.S. leads the call for the development and maintenance of more tolerant drug policies grounded in health, humanity and science, a majority of the international community will also follow. n106 Cultural shifts do not take place overnight, and the idea of complete U.S. drug policy reformation is too aggressive and stark in contrast to succeed against modern bureaucracy and political alliances. n107 On the other hand, a more moderate, piecemeal approach could effectively act as a catalyst for this transformation while simultaneously serving as a case study for opponents of legal regulation. n108 [*442] If the U.S. is serious about addressing the ineffectiveness of the War on Drugs, then the federal government must remove marijuana from its list of criminally banned substances. n109 The tone of the Obama administration is a significant step in this direction. n110 President Obama has explicitly acknowledged the need to treat drugs as more of a public health problem, as well as the validity of debate on alternatives, but he does not favor drug legalization. n111 This progressive rhetoric is a significant step in the right direction, but until there is some real reform confronting the issue, reducing punitive measures and supporting other countries to develop drug policies that suit their context, there is still an abdication of policy responsibility. n112 1. Starting Small - Potential Positive Effects of Regulation and Taxation of Marijuana in the U.S. If marijuana was legal in the U.S., it would function similarly to the market of legal substances such as liquor, coffee and tobacco. n113 Individual and corporate participants in the market would pay taxes, increasing revenues and saving the government from the exorbitant cost of trying to enforce prohibition laws. n114 Consumers' human rights would be promoted through self-determination, autonomy and access to more accurate information about the product they are consuming. n115 Additionally, case studies and research suggest that the decriminalization or legalization [*443] of marijuana reduces the drugs' consumption and does not necessarily result in a more favorable attitude towards it. n116 The legal regulation of marijuana would relieve the current displaced burden the drug places on law enforcement, domestically and internationally. n117 In the U.S., law enforcement could refocus their efforts away from reducing the marijuana market per se and instead towards reducing harm to individuals, communities and national security. n118 Abroad, U.S. international relations would improve because of the reduced levels of corruption and violence at home and afar. n119 The precarious position repressive policies place on foreign governments when they have to destroy the livelihoods of agricultural workers would be reduced. n120 Additionally, legalization and regulation would provide assistance to governments in regaining some degree of control over the regions dominated by drug dealers and terrorist groups because those groups would lose a major source of funding for their organizations. n121 2. Health Concerns? - Marijuana in Comparison to Other Similar Legal Substances The federal government, acknowledging the risks inherent in alcohol and tobacco, argues that adding a third substance to that mix cannot be beneficial. n122 Adding anything to a class of [*444] dangerous substances is likely never going to be beneficial; however marijuana would be incorrectly classified if it was equated with those two substances. n123 Marijuana is far less toxic and addictive than alcohol and tobacco. n124 Long term use of marijuana is far less damaging than long term alcohol or tobacco use. n125 Alcohol use contributes to aggressive and reckless behavior, acts of violence and serious injuries while marijuana actually reduces likelihood of aggressive behavior or violence during intoxication and is seldom associated with emergency room visits. n126 As with most things in life, there can be no guarantee that the legalization or decriminalization of marijuana would lead the U.S. to a better socio-economical position in the future. n127 Two things however, are certain: that the legalization of marijuana in the U.S. would dramatically reduce most of the costs associated with the current drug policies, domestically and internationally, and [*445] if the U.S. is serious about its objective of considering the costs of drug control measures, then it is vital and rational for the legalization option is considered. n128 D. Why the Time is Ripe for U.S. Drug Policy Reformation The political atmosphere at the end of World War I and II was leverage for the U.S., emerging as the dominant political, economic and military power. n129 This leverage allowed it to shape a prohibitive drug control regime that until now has remained in perpetuity. n130 Today, we stand in a unique moment inside of U.S. history. n131 The generational, political and cultural shifts that accompanied the U.S. emergence from the "Great Recession" resulted in a sociopolitical climate that may be what is necessary for real reform. n132 Politically, marijuana has become a hot issue; economically, the marijuana industry is bolstering a faltering economy and socially, marijuana is poised to transform the way we live and view medicine. n133 The public disdain for the widespread problems prohibition caused in the early 20th century resulted in the end of alcohol prohibition during the Great Depression. n134 If history does actually repeat itself than the Great recession may have been much more telling than expected. n135 V. Conclusion The U.S. and its prohibitionist ideals exacerbated the failure of both the international and its own domestic drug policies. n136 As a result, the U.S. should accept accountability for its mistakes by reforming its drug policies in a way that will help [*446] place the global drug market back into a manageable position. n137 Marijuana is an actionable, evidence based mechanism for constructive legal and policy reform that through a domino effect can transform the global drug prohibition regime. n138 The generational, political and cultural shifts that accompanied the U.S. emergence from the "Great Recession" have resulted in a sociopolitical climate ready for real reform. n139 The U.S. will capitalize on this unique moment by removing marijuana from the list of federally banned substances, setting the stage for future international and domestic drug policies that are actually effective. n140
| 6,875 |
<h4>heir ONLY fed key warrant on War on Drugs is the Wild ev- it advocates federal legalization but there’s NO REASON that’s KEY- just says the US needs to adopt a less repressive policy on marijuana and the plan is an example of that- things like the CP and harm reduction policy would ALSO be sufficient- we’ve highlighted the ACTUAL warrants</h4><p><strong>Wild, 13</strong> [Joshua, JD, Suffolk University, EPIC FAILURE: THE UNCOMFORTABLE TRUTH ABOUT THE UNITED STATES' ROLE IN THE FAILURE OF THE GLOBAL WAR ON DRUGS AND HOW IT IS GOING TO FIX IT, Suffolk University Suffolk Transnational Law Review Summer, 2013, 36 Suffolk Transnat'l L. Rev. 423, p. lexis] </p><p>C. Step 2: Real Reform - the U.S. Needs to Stand at the Forefront of Drug Policy Reformation <u><mark>The U.S. wields considerable influence</mark> over the rest of the world</u>, <u><mark>so it is no surprise that </mark>its call for the development and maintenance of</u> <u>prohibitive, <mark>punitive drug policies resulted in</mark> a majority of <mark>the</mark> international <mark>community following</mark>.</u> n105 <u><mark>Conversely, <strong>if the U.S. leads the call for</mark> the development and maintenance of more <mark>tolerant drug policies</u></strong></mark> <u>grounded in health</u>, humanity and science, <u><mark>a majority</mark> of the international community <strong><mark>will also follow</mark>.</strong> </u>n106 Cultural shifts do not take place overnight, and the idea of complete U.S. drug policy reformation is too aggressive and stark in contrast to succeed against modern bureaucracy and political alliances. n107 On the other hand, a more moderate, piecemeal approach could effectively act as a catalyst for this transformation while simultaneously serving as a case study for opponents of legal regulation. n108 [*442] If the U.S. is serious about addressing the ineffectiveness of the War on Drugs, then the federal government must remove marijuana from its list of criminally banned substances. n109 The tone of the Obama administration is a significant step in this direction. n110 President Obama has explicitly acknowledged the need to treat drugs as more of a public health problem, as well as the validity of debate on alternatives, but he does not favor drug legalization. n111 This progressive rhetoric is a significant step in the right direction, but <u><mark>until there is</u></mark> some real <u><mark>reform</u></mark> confronting the issue, reducing punitive measures <u>and</u> <u><strong><mark>supporting other countries to develop drug policies that suit their context</u></strong></mark>, <u><strong><mark>there is still an abdication of</strong></mark> policy <strong><mark>responsibility</strong></mark>. </u>n112<u> </u>1. Starting Small - Potential Positive Effects of Regulation and Taxation of Marijuana in the U.S. <u><strong>If marijuana</strong> <strong>was legal</u></strong> in the U.S., <u><strong>it would function similarly to the market of legal substances</u></strong> such as liquor, coffee and tobacco. n113 Individual and corporate participants in the market would pay taxes, increasing revenues and saving the government from the exorbitant cost of trying to enforce prohibition laws. n114 Consumers' human rights would be promoted through self-determination, autonomy and access to more accurate information about the product they are consuming. n115 Additionally, case studies and research suggest that the decriminalization or legalization [*443] of marijuana reduces the drugs' consumption and does not necessarily result in a more favorable attitude towards it. n116 The legal regulation of marijuana would relieve the current displaced burden the drug places on law enforcement, domestically and internationally. n117 In <u>the U.S., law <mark>enforcement could refocus</mark> their efforts <mark>away from</mark> reducing the <mark>marijuana</mark> marke</u>t per se <u><mark>and instead</u> <u>towards <strong>reducing harm</u></strong></mark> <u>to individuals</u>, <u>communities and national </u>security. n118 Abroad, U.S. international relations would improve because of the reduced levels of corruption and violence at home and afar. n119 The precarious position repressive policies place on foreign governments when they have to destroy the livelihoods of agricultural workers would be reduced. n120 Additionally, legalization and regulation would provide assistance to governments in regaining some degree of control over the regions dominated by drug dealers and terrorist groups because those groups would lose a major source of funding for their organizations. n121 2. Health Concerns? - Marijuana in Comparison to Other Similar Legal Substances The federal government, acknowledging the risks inherent in alcohol and tobacco, argues that adding a third substance to that mix cannot be beneficial. n122 Adding anything to a class of [*444] dangerous substances is likely never going to be beneficial; however marijuana would be incorrectly classified if it was equated with those two substances. n123 Marijuana is far less toxic and addictive than alcohol and tobacco. n124 Long term use of marijuana is far less damaging than long term alcohol or tobacco use. n125 Alcohol use contributes to aggressive and reckless behavior, acts of violence and serious injuries while marijuana actually reduces likelihood of aggressive behavior or violence during intoxication and is seldom associated with emergency room visits. n126 As with most things in life, there can be no guarantee that the legalization or decriminalization of marijuana would lead the U.S. to a better socio-economical position in the future. n127 Two things however, are certain: that the legalization of marijuana in the U.S. would dramatically reduce most of the costs associated with the current drug policies, domestically and internationally, and [*445] if the U.S. is serious about its objective of considering the costs of drug control measures, then it is vital and rational for the legalization option is considered. n128 D. Why the Time is Ripe for U.S. Drug Policy Reformation The political atmosphere at the end of World War I and II was leverage for the U.S., emerging as the dominant political, economic and military power. n129 This leverage allowed it to shape a prohibitive drug control regime that until now has remained in perpetuity. n130 Today, we stand in a unique moment inside of U.S. history. n131 The generational, political and cultural shifts that accompanied the U.S. emergence from the "Great Recession" resulted in a sociopolitical climate that may be what is necessary for real reform. n132 Politically, marijuana has become a hot issue; economically, the marijuana industry is bolstering a faltering economy and socially, marijuana is poised to transform the way we live and view medicine. n133 The public disdain for the widespread problems prohibition caused in the early 20th century resulted in the end of alcohol prohibition during the Great Depression. n134 If history does actually repeat itself than the Great recession may have been much more telling than expected. n135 V. Conclusion The U.S. and its prohibitionist ideals exacerbated the failure of both the international and its own domestic drug policies. n136 As a result, the U.S. should accept accountability for its mistakes by reforming its drug policies in a way that will help [*446] place the global drug market back into a manageable position. n137 <u><mark>Marijuana is an actionable,</mark> evidence based <mark>mechanism for constructive</mark> legal and</u> <u>policy <mark>reform that <strong>through a domino effect can transform the global drug </mark>prohibition <mark>regime</u></strong></mark>. n138 The generational, political and cultural shifts that accompanied the U.S. emergence from the "Great Recession" have resulted in a sociopolitical climate ready for real reform. n139 The U.S. will capitalize on this unique moment by removing marijuana from the list of federally banned substances, setting the stage for future international and domestic drug policies that are actually effective. n140</p>
| null |
1nc
|
a2
| 46,065 | 168 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,850 |
The plan would just legalize the evil underground market – all the bad things it does would be encouraged by the possibility of legal sales.
| null | null | null | null | null | null |
<h4><strong>The plan would just legalize the evil underground market – all the bad things it does would be encouraged by the possibility of legal sales.</h4></strong>
| null |
1nc
|
Tourism
| 430,452 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,851 |
Market clearing prices would avoid shortage—ensures solvency
|
Watkins 5
|
Watkins 5 Christy M. Watkins, University of Tulsa Journal of International and Comparative Law Spring, 2005 5 JICL 1 ARTICLE: A Deadly Dilemma: The Failure of Nations' Organ Procurement Systems and Potential Reform Alternatives n1 lexis
|
the organ supplier (potential donor or his or her surviving relatives) would be offered a market-determined price, which would fluctuate depending on supply and demand. Price flexibility would eliminate surpluses or shortages automatically.
|
the organ supplier (potential donor or his or her surviving relatives) would be offered a market-determined price, which would fluctuate depending on supply and demand Price flexibility would eliminate shortages automatically. n
|
2. The Market Process
A minimum of five groups would be seriously affected by an organ market: (1) current and potential transplant candidates; (2) actual and potential organ donors and their families; (3) hospitals, physicians, and other transplant caregivers; (4) The United Network for Organ Sharing, the Organ Procurement and Transplantation Network, and other organ procurement [*27] organizations; and (5) taxpayers and those who finance patient care. n214 First, the organ supplier (potential donor or his or her surviving relatives) would be offered a market-determined price, which would fluctuate depending on supply and demand. n215 Price flexibility would eliminate surpluses or shortages automatically. n216 Organ procurement firms would then remove the organs at death and sell them to transplant centers that have put in an organ order. n217 In turn, the centers would include the price paid to the firm in the operation bill, with the resale price being the price paid to the donor plus the firm's collection and distribution cost. n218 From here, the center could allocate the organs in "precisely the same fashion they are allocated today" under the guidelines of the UNOS. n219 The firms acquiring the organs for sale would presumably operate competitively on a for-profit basis, resulting in powerful market incentives to create and use the best strategies in finding potential donors and encouraging them to donate. n220 Procurement agencies currently operate on a nonprofit basis, and while they may work diligently, it is doubtful they could match the performance of the competitive for-profit firms. n221
| 1,638 |
<h4><strong>Market clearing prices would avoid shortage—ensures solvency </h4><p>Watkins 5</strong> Christy M. Watkins, University of Tulsa Journal of International and Comparative Law Spring, 2005 5 JICL 1 ARTICLE: A Deadly Dilemma: The Failure of Nations' Organ Procurement Systems and Potential Reform Alternatives n1 lexis</p><p>2. The Market Process</p><p>A minimum of five groups would be seriously affected by an organ market: (1) current and potential transplant candidates; (2) actual and potential organ donors and their families; (3) hospitals, physicians, and other transplant caregivers; (4) The United Network for Organ Sharing, the Organ Procurement and Transplantation Network, and other organ procurement [*27] organizations; and (5) taxpayers and those who finance patient care. n214 First, <u><mark>the organ supplier (potential donor or his or her surviving relatives) would be offered a market-determined price, which would fluctuate depending on supply and demand</mark>. </u> n215 <u><mark>Price flexibility would eliminate</mark> surpluses or <mark>shortages automatically. </u> n</mark>216 Organ procurement firms would then remove the organs at death and sell them to transplant centers that have put in an organ order. n217 In turn, the centers would include the price paid to the firm in the operation bill, with the resale price being the price paid to the donor plus the firm's collection and distribution cost. n218 From here, the center could allocate the organs in "precisely the same fashion they are allocated today" under the guidelines of the UNOS. n219 The firms acquiring the organs for sale would presumably operate competitively on a for-profit basis, resulting in powerful market incentives to create and use the best strategies in finding potential donors and encouraging them to donate. n220 Procurement agencies currently operate on a nonprofit basis, and while they may work diligently, it is doubtful they could match the performance of the competitive for-profit firms. n221</p><p><strong> </p></strong>
| null | null |
Contention 3 Solvency
| 430,257 | 4 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,852 |
State action ALONE is sufficient to shut out cartel marijuana- EVEN IF the feds don’t shift
|
Jackson et al 2011
|
Jackson et al 2011 (Ashlee Jackson, Chad Murray, Amanda C. Miralrío, Nicolas Eiden, Second-year Master’s students at the George Washington University Elliott School of International Affairs, Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission: Capstone Report, Mexican Drug Trafficking Organizations and Marijuana: The Potential Effects of U.S. Legalization, https://elliott.gwu.edu/sites/elliott.gwu.edu/files/downloads/acad/lahs/mexico-marijuana-071111.pdf)
|
A weak federal response would be enough to shut Mexican DTOs out of the U.S. market If California alone legalized marijuana, and the federal government increased enforcement there is reason to believe the effects on a national level would be stunted. However if other states followed suit, or the federal government maintained or decreased current enforcement levels, the effects would certainly be more widespread there are two primary drug transportation corridors through which Mexican marijuana enters the United States Six states located along these corridors have already legalized medicinal marijuana; three of them are along the southwest border. Legalization of recreational marijuana in any of these states would likely have a significant effect states along these drug corridors often contain distribution centers, and they represent the areas where Mexican DTO influence over the wholesale marijuana market is most concentrated
|
A weak federal response would be enough to shut Mexican DTOs out of the U.S. market If California alone legalized marijuana there is reason to believe the effects on a national level would be stunted. However, if other states followed suit, or the federal government maintained or decreased current enforcement levels, the effects would certainly be more widespread. Six states located along the southwest border. Legalization of recreational marijuana in any of these states would likely have a significant effect they represent the areas where Mexican DTO influence over the wholesale marijuana market is most concentrated
|
A weak federal response would be enough to shut Mexican DTOs out of the U.S. market. If California alone legalized marijuana, and the federal government increased enforcement efforts against domestic interstate trafficking, there is reason to believe the effects on a national level would be stunted. However, if other states followed suit, or the federal government maintained or decreased current enforcement levels, the effects would certainly be more widespread. According to the National Drug Intelligence Center, there are two primary drug transportation corridors through which Mexican marijuana enters the United States and is trafficked to the rest of the country (see Corridors A and B in Figure 3). 96 Six states located along these corridors have already legalized medicinal marijuana; three of them are along the southwest border. Legalization of recreational marijuana in any of these states would likely have a significant effect. This is because states along these drug corridors often contain distribution centers, and they represent the areas where Mexican DTO influence over the wholesale marijuana market is most concentrated.97
| 1,148 |
<h4>State action ALONE is sufficient to shut out cartel marijuana- EVEN IF the feds don’t shift</h4><p><strong>Jackson et al 2011</strong> (Ashlee Jackson, Chad Murray, Amanda C. Miralrío, Nicolas Eiden, Second-year Master’s students at the George Washington University Elliott School of International Affairs, Inter-American Drug Abuse Control Commission: Capstone Report, Mexican Drug Trafficking Organizations and Marijuana: The Potential Effects of U.S. Legalization, https://elliott.gwu.edu/sites/elliott.gwu.edu/files/downloads/acad/lahs/mexico-marijuana-071111.pdf)</p><p><u><strong><mark>A weak federal response would be enough to shut Mexican DTOs out of the U.S. market</u></strong></mark>. <u><mark>If California alone legalized marijuana</mark>, and the federal government increased enforcement</u> efforts against domestic interstate trafficking, <u><mark>there is reason to believe the effects on a national level would be stunted. However</u>, <u>if other states followed suit, or the federal government maintained or decreased current enforcement levels, the effects would certainly be more widespread</u>.</mark> According to the National Drug Intelligence Center, <u>there are two primary drug transportation corridors through which Mexican marijuana enters the United States</u> and is trafficked to the rest of the country (see Corridors A and B in Figure 3). 96 <u><mark>Six states located along</mark> these corridors have already legalized medicinal marijuana; three of them are along <mark>the southwest border. Legalization of recreational marijuana in any of these states would likely have a significant effect</u></mark>. This is because <u>states along these drug corridors often contain distribution centers, and <mark>they represent the areas where Mexican DTO influence over the wholesale marijuana market is most concentrated</u></mark>.97</p>
| null |
2nc
|
a2
| 430,453 | 8 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,853 |
Legalization makes tourism worse—legalized organ sales in the US cause every buyer elsewhere to come here and every broker elsewhere to rip out organs and bring them to the US to sell.
|
Jaycox 12
|
Jaycox 12 Michael P. Jaycox, teaching fellow and Ph.D. candidate in theological ethics at Boston College,
Developing World Bioethics Volume 12 Number 3 2012 pp 135–147 COERCION, AUTONOMY, AND THE PREFERENTIAL OPTION FOR THE POOR IN THE ETHICS OF ORGAN TRANSPLANTATION
|
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1471-8847.2012.00327.x/pdf
Delmonico and Budiani-Saberi question whether the proposed changes to the current system will positively or negatively affect those who are poor. To the extent that the current market system ‘targets the poor, , it is unlikely that legalizing this market and attempting to regulate it would help alleviate the suffering of poor organ vendors living in unregulated jurisdictions Indeed, it is more likely to reinforce the exploitation and poverty to which they are already subject. Mendoza’s recent study concludes that transactions involving a transplantable kidney do not generally depend on supply and demand, but upon third party brokerage.’ Because these brokers effectively control the market worldwide, they would always be able to set their prices low enough so as to undercut the price set by any government-regulated national system.
|
To the extent that the current market system ‘targets the poor it is unlikely that legalizing this market and attempting to regulate it would help alleviate the suffering of poor organ vendors living in unregulated jurisdictions Indeed, it is more likely to reinforce the exploitation and poverty to which they are already subject. transactions involving a transplantable kidney do not generally depend on supply and demand, but upon third party brokerage.’ Because these brokers effectively control the market worldwide, they would always be able to set their prices low enough so as to undercut the price set by any government-regulated national system.
|
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1471-8847.2012.00327.x/pdf
Delmonico and Budiani-Saberi endorse a position similar to the one defended by Zutlevics. They argue that those who favor a market approach are primarily motivated by the desire to alleviate the suffering of organ recipients, with only a superficial desire to alleviate the suffering of the predominantly poor population of organ donors and vendors. 63 Thus they effectively shift the locus of moral inquiry from the question of whether the organ market should be legalized and regulated to the question of whether the proposed changes to the current system will positively or negatively affect those who are poor. To the extent that the current black market system ‘targets the poor, privileges those who can afford the purchase, undermines altruistic donation and...has escaped governmental regulation’, it is unlikely that legalizing this market and attempting to(unsuccessfully) regulate it would help alleviate the suffering of poor organ vendors living in unregulated jurisdictions. 64 Indeed, it is more likely to reinforce the exploitation and poverty to which they are already subject. Moreover, Delmonico and others argue that the financial incentive of a government-regulated system with fixed prices for organs would fail to eliminate both the black market and the organ shortage: There would be little legal or ethical justification for preventing persons from bypassing the regulated system and using other means to obtain a better price for an organ ....A federally regulated system would have to outlaw Internet bidding and set a controlled price for certain types of donors or continuously modify the price. 65 The arguments of Delmonico et al. find support in economist Roger Lee Mendoza’s recent study of 121 Filipino kidney vendors. He concludes that ‘pricing and transactions involving a transplantable kidney do not generally depend on the relatively unfettered forces of supply and demand, but upon third party brokerage.’ 66 Because these brokers effectively control the black market worldwide, they would always be able to set their prices low enough so as to undercut the price set by any government-regulated national system.
| 2,224 |
<h4><strong>Legalization makes tourism <u>worse</u>—legalized organ sales in the US cause every buyer elsewhere to come here and every <u>broker</u> elsewhere to rip out organs and bring them to the US to sell.</h4><p>Jaycox 12</strong> Michael P. Jaycox, teaching fellow and Ph.D. candidate in theological ethics at Boston College,</p><p>Developing World Bioethics Volume 12 Number 3 2012 pp 135–147 COERCION, AUTONOMY, AND THE PREFERENTIAL OPTION FOR THE POOR IN THE ETHICS OF ORGAN TRANSPLANTATION</p><p><u>http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1471-8847.2012.00327.x/pdf</p><p>Delmonico and Budiani-Saberi</u> endorse a position similar to the one defended by Zutlevics. They argue that those who favor a market approach are primarily motivated by the desire to alleviate the suffering of organ recipients, with only a superficial desire to alleviate the suffering of the predominantly poor population of organ donors and vendors. 63 Thus they effectively shift the locus of moral inquiry from the question of whether the organ market should be legalized and regulated to the <u>question</u> of <u>whether the proposed changes to the current system will positively or negatively affect those who are poor.</u> <u><mark>To the extent that the current</mark> </u>black <u><mark>market system ‘targets the poor</mark>, </u>privileges those who can afford the purchase, undermines altruistic donation and...has escaped governmental regulation’<u>, <mark>it is unlikely that legalizing this market and attempting to</u></mark>(unsuccessfully)<u> <mark>regulate it would help alleviate the suffering of poor organ vendors living in unregulated jurisdictions</u></mark>. 64 <u><strong><mark>Indeed, it is more likely to reinforce the exploitation and poverty to which they are already subject.</strong></mark> </u>Moreover, Delmonico and others argue that the financial incentive of a government-regulated system with fixed prices for organs would fail to eliminate both the black market and the organ shortage: There would be little legal or ethical justification for preventing persons from bypassing the regulated system and using other means to obtain a better price for an organ ....A federally regulated system would have to outlaw Internet bidding and set a controlled price for certain types of donors or continuously modify the price. 65 The arguments of Delmonico et al. find support in economist Roger Lee <u>Mendoza’s recent study</u> of 121 Filipino kidney vendors. He <u>concludes that </u>‘pricing and<u> <mark>transactions</mark> <mark>involving a transplantable kidney do not generally depend on</mark> </u>the relatively unfettered forces of <u><mark>supply and demand, but upon third party brokerage.’</u></mark> 66 <u><mark>Because these brokers effectively control the</mark> </u>black <u><strong><mark>market worldwide, they would always be able to set their prices low enough so as to undercut the price set by any government-regulated national system.</p></u></strong></mark>
| null |
1nc
|
Tourism
| 430,454 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,854 |
Study proves sales would close the gap—default to studies
|
Becker 14
|
Becker 14 Gary S. Becker, Nobel Prize-winning professor of economics at the University of Chicago and a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution; and Julio J. Elias, economics professor at the Universidad del CEMA in Argentina. Updated Jan. 18, 2014 Wall Street Journal Cash for Kidneys: The Case for a Market for Organs
http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702304149404579322560004817176?mod=WSJ_hpp_MIDDLENexttoWhatsNewsFifth
|
Our conclusion is that a very large number of both live and cadaveric kidney donations would be available
Few countries have ever allowed the open purchase and sale of organs, but Iran permits the sale of kidneys by living donors. Scattered and incomplete evidence from Iran indicates that the price of kidneys there is about $4,000 and that waiting times to get kidneys have been largely eliminated. Since Iran's per capita income is one-quarter of that of the U.S., this evidence supports our $15,000 estimate. Other countries are also starting to think along these lines: Singapore and Australia have recently introduced limited payments to live donors that compensate mainly for time lost from work.
the number of kidneys available at a reasonable price would be far more than needed to close the gap between the demand and supply of kidneys, there would no longer be any significant waiting time to get a kidney transplant. The number of people on dialysis would decline dramatically, and deaths due to long waits for a transplant would essentially disappear
|
Our conclusion is that a very large number of both live and cadaveric kidney donations would be available
the number of kidneys available at a reasonable price would be far more than needed to close the gap between the demand and supply there would no longer be any significant waiting time The number of people on dialysis would decline dramatically, and deaths due to long waits for a transplant would essentially disappear
|
Our conclusion is that a very large number of both live and cadaveric kidney donations would be available by paying about $15,000 for each kidney. That estimate isn't exact, and the true cost could be as high as $25,000 or as low as $5,000—but even the high estimate wouldn't increase the total cost of kidney transplants by a large percentage.
Few countries have ever allowed the open purchase and sale of organs, but Iran permits the sale of kidneys by living donors. Scattered and incomplete evidence from Iran indicates that the price of kidneys there is about $4,000 and that waiting times to get kidneys have been largely eliminated. Since Iran's per capita income is one-quarter of that of the U.S., this evidence supports our $15,000 estimate. Other countries are also starting to think along these lines: Singapore and Australia have recently introduced limited payments to live donors that compensate mainly for time lost from work.
Since the number of kidneys available at a reasonable price would be far more than needed to close the gap between the demand and supply of kidneys, there would no longer be any significant waiting time to get a kidney transplant. The number of people on dialysis would decline dramatically, and deaths due to long waits for a transplant would essentially disappear
| 1,308 |
<h4><strong>Study proves sales would <u>close the gap</u></strong>—<strong>default to studies </h4><p>Becker 14 </strong>Gary S. Becker, Nobel Prize-winning professor of economics at the University of Chicago and a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution; and Julio J. Elias, economics professor at the Universidad del CEMA in Argentina.<strong> </strong>Updated Jan. 18, 2014 Wall Street Journal Cash for Kidneys: The Case for a Market for Organs</p><p>http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702304149404579322560004817176?mod=WSJ_hpp_MIDDLENexttoWhatsNewsFifth</p><p><u><mark>Our conclusion is that a very large number of both live and cadaveric kidney donations would be available</mark> </u>by paying about $15,000 for each kidney. That estimate isn't exact, and the true cost could be as high as $25,000 or as low as $5,000—but even the high estimate wouldn't increase the total cost of kidney transplants by a large percentage.</p><p><u>Few countries have ever allowed the open purchase and sale of organs, but Iran permits the sale of kidneys by living donors. Scattered and incomplete evidence from Iran indicates that the price of kidneys there is about $4,000 and that waiting times to get kidneys have been largely eliminated. Since Iran's per capita income is one-quarter of that of the U.S., this evidence supports our $15,000 estimate. Other countries are also starting to think along these lines: Singapore and Australia have recently introduced limited payments to live donors that compensate mainly for time lost from work.</p><p></u>Since <u><mark>the number of kidneys available at a reasonable price would be far more than needed to close the gap between the demand and supply</mark> of kidneys, <mark>there would no longer be any significant waiting time</mark> to get a kidney transplant. <strong><mark>The number of people on dialysis would decline dramatically, and deaths due to long waits for a transplant would essentially disappear</p></u></strong></mark>
| null | null |
Contention 3 Solvency
| 430,254 | 24 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,855 |
Contracts plank remedies any possible solvency deficit
|
Zeese 2013
|
Zeese 2013 (Kevin, attorney, Zeese began his advocacy career while in law school where he worked at the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws. He went on to serve as their chief counsel in 1980 and national director in 1983. In 1986 he left to practice criminal law and, with Arnold Trebach, began the Drug Policy Foundation which went on to become the largest drug policy reform organization in history and is now known as the Drug Policy Alliance after merging with the Lindesmith Center. Zeese continues to serve as president of Common Sense for Drug Policy, “The Voters of Colorado and Washington Provide A Path to End the War-on-Marijuana Quagmire” http://greenshadowcabinet.us/sites/default/files/Report%20on%20Federal%20Response%20to%20State%20Marijuana%20Laws%204-2013%20FINAL.pdf)
|
The federal government has sufficient flexibility under the law to respect the laws of the states that have reformed their laws and still be true to current federal law the federal government should seek to respect local democracy and allow states to implement their laws The state and federal governments should enter into contractual agreements, under Section 873 of the Controlled Substances Act, to accomplish shared goals and ensure each others laws will be effective. Obama can act positively on these issues without any congressional action Congress long ago directed in the CSA that the Attorney General ‘shall cooperate’ with the states and authorized contractual agreements . . . to provide for cooperative enforcemen Cooperation between state and federal government is the only practical path to controlling the market Brandeis phrase about state’s serving as “laboratories of democracy” is appropriate The regulation and licensing of marijuana could be characterized consistent with the purposes of the CSA to control drug abuse and thus are not subject to conflict preemption the Department of Justice is not required to zealously enforce every violation of the CSA federal law enforcement officials have “broad discretion” as to when, whom, and whether to prosecute for violations of the CSA Through the exercise of prosecutorial discretion Obama is free to develop a policy that cooperates with the states to achieve their common objectives and continue to allow federal law to operate the DOJ could simply defer to the state policy and stop prosecutions for violations of the CSA in Washington and Colorado, so long as the individuals are in compliance with state law. The CSA not only directs that the Attorney General ‘shall cooperate’ with the state and local governments on drugs but also gives him broad discretion to do so, through means including legally binding contractual agreements failure to work together is likely to create a chaotic situation the federal government can limit its enforcement in legal states to preventing diversion A focused, co-operative effort has better chance of success than state and federal enforcement working against each other. the federal government should state in an ‘873 Contract’ that it will not enforce federal laws so long as the activity is consistent with state laws This should be part of a contractual agreement between Colorado, Washington and the federal government; similar agreements should be reached with states and District of Columbia
|
The government has flexibility to respect states that have reformed and still be true to current federal law state and federal governments should enter into contractual agreements, under Section 873 to ensure each others laws will be effective. Obama can act on these issues without any congressional action Congress directed in the CSA that the A G shall cooperate’ with the states and authorized contractual agreements Brandeis phrase about laboratories of democracy” is appropriate regulation and licensing of marijuana could be characterized consistent with the purposes of the CSA to control abuse D o J is not required to zealously enforce officials have “broad discretion” Through prosecutorial discretion Obama is free to develop a policy that cooperates with the states to achieve their objectives and continue to allow federal law to operate. The CSA not only directs that the A G ‘shall cooperate’ but also gives broad discretion through means including legally binding contractual agreements failure to work together is likely to create a chaotic situation the federal government should state in an ‘873 Contract’ that it will not enforce so long as the activity is consistent with state laws
|
The federal government has sufficient flexibility under the law to respect the laws of the states that have reformed their laws and still be true to current federal law. Rather than seeking conflict between federal and state law, the federal government should seek to respect local democracy and allow states to implement their laws. The state and federal governments should enter into contractual agreements, under Section 873 of the Controlled Substances Act, to accomplish shared goals and ensure each others laws will be effective. Federal, state and local governments seek to control the marijuana market as well as protect public health and safety. These shared common goals are a foundation on which to build policies that respect state-level democracy. The Obama administration can act positively on these issues without any congressional action. As Stuart Taylor points out in a report for the Brookings Institution “Congress long ago directed in the CSA that the Attorney General ‘shall cooperate’ with the states on controlled substances and authorized him ‘to enter into contractual agreements . . . to provide for cooperative enforcement and regulatory activities.’”64 The alternative, seeking conflict with state governments, will lead to a battle the federal government will ultimately lose; and that will undermine control of the marijuana market as well as public health and safety. The federal government has a lot of power to sue civilly and prosecute criminally; but what it does not have is the people-power to combat the widespread use of marijuana. There is no question that supremacy laws will allow states to decriminalize possession, personal cultivation or repeal all of their marijuana laws and leave it to the federal government to be solely responsible for enforcement. The Colorado law already allows cultivation of up to six plants and sharing up to one ounce without criminal penalties. Stopping a weed that can grow in people’s closets, possession that can be hidden in pockets and sales that occur behind closed doors has proven impossible with state and local law enforcement working with the federal government. Currently the vast majority of marijuana arrests, 99 percent, are made by state and local police. The limited person-power of the federal government will obviously fail without the help of state and local police. Cooperation between state and federal government is the only practical path to controlling the market and protecting the public health and safety of the population. Justice Lewis Brandeis famous phrase about state’s serving as “laboratories of democracy” is appropriate to this issue. Brandeis wrote: “To stay experimentation in things social and economic is a grave responsibility. Denial of the right to experiment may be fraught with serious consequences to the nation. It is one of the happy incidents of the federal system that a single courageous state may, if its citizens choose, serve as a laboratory; and try novel social and economic experiments without risk to the rest of the country.”65 To block the voters’ clear democratically expressed desire to end the long-failed policy of marijuana prohibition would be a tremendous denial of democracy but also foolish leadership. The United States has been stuck in a quagmire of mass marijuana arrests, mass incarceration, destruction of civil liberties and escalating enforcement expenditures since 1937. It has not worked. Washington and Colorado have given the country a path out of the marijuana war. These state’s are taking their responsibility seriously and fashioning laws that protect public health and safety as well as raise revenue and use taxes to discourage use. Both the House and Senate in Colorado passed a law to tax marijuana as this report went to press. House Bill 1318 would impose a 15 percent excise tax and a sales tax initially set at 10 percent on recreational marijuana sales. Voters this November will have to give their approval of the tax rates before they could take effect. The money would be used for school construction and for regulation of marijuana stores. A companion bill, House Bill 1317 has been passed by the Senate. It regulates the marijuana market. Its provisions include marijuana stores being licensed by the state, only allows Colorado residents to own stores, for the first nine months only existing medical dispensaries can apply for a license, stores would initially have to grow what they sell, in October 2014 growers separate from the store would be allowed. The Senate bill also bars cities from operating the marijuana stores.66 While the “Supremacy Clause” of the US Constitution67 makes it clear that if state marijuana laws conflict with federal law they are preempted by federal law and can be voided by the courts, the Tenth Amendment recognizes the power of the states and does not allow the federal government to coerce states to enforce federal laws or to keep or adopt state laws that they do not want.68 Indeed, there have always been differences between federal and state law on marijuana as well as between the various states on their marijuana laws. There is no question that if states decide to repeal all marijuana laws, laws against cultivation, distribution or possession, the federal government cannot force them to keep those laws.69 The Controlled Substances Act makes it clear that the federal government did not intend to pre-empt the field of marijuana laws:70 “No provision of this subchapter shall be construed as indicating an intent on the part of the Congress to occupy the field in which that provision operates, including criminal penalties, to the exclusion of any State law on the same subject matter which would otherwise be within the authority of the State, unless there is a positive conflict between that provision of this subchapter and that State law so that the two cannot consistently stand together” Courts have adopted a narrow definition of the conflict, “unless state law requires what federal law prohibits, or state law prohibits what federal law requires, it is not ‘impossible’ to comply with both laws.”71 The Congressional Research Service (CRS) in analyzing the preemption issue summarizes the law which begins with the purpose of the Controlled Substances Act: “The Supreme Court has previously identified the ‘main objectives’ of the CSA as ‘conquer[ing] drug abuse’ and ‘control[ing] the legitimate and illegitimate traffic in controlled substances.’ Second, ‘[i]n all pre-emption cases ... we ‘start with the assumption that the historic police powers of the States were not to be superseded by [federal law] unless that was the clear and manifest purpose of Congress.’ State drug laws, including those connected to marijuana cultivation, distribution, or possession have generally been considered to be within ‘the historic police powers of the States.’ Consequently, the Washington and Colorado laws would likely be accorded a presumption of validity.”72 The states and the federal government operate as two distinct sovereigns, enacting separate and independent criminal regimes with separate and independent enforcement mechanisms, in which certain conduct may be prohibited under one sovereign and not the other.73 As the CRS points out: “If prohibiting certain conduct under federal law had the effect of barring any state attempt to permit that same conduct, the result would be a legal environment in which states were compelled to adopt criminal measures that mirrored federal law. The Tenth Amendment prohibits such a requirement.”74 Federal and state courts have previously held that a state’s decision to simply permit what the federal government prohibits does not create a “positive conflict” with federal law:75 “Nor have courts generally found that simply permitting conduct that the federal government prohibits stands as an ‘obstacle to the execution of Congress’s objectives.’ The Supreme Court has interpreted this relatively narrowly, holding that a state law is preempted where the obstacle is of such a degree that ‘the purpose of the [federal] act cannot otherwise be accomplished.’”76 The regulation and licensing of marijuana could be characterized consistent with the purposes of the CSA to control drug abuse and to control the legitimate and illegitimate distribution of drugs; and thus are not subject to conflict preemption.77 The CRS points out that: “it can be argued that the state regulatory and licensing laws have no impact on the enforcement of federal law; are necessary to implement the state’s decision to remove penalties for certain marijuana-related activities; do not immunize or shield the holder from federal prosecution; and, therefore, are not preempted. Moreover, it could be argued that a state license acts only as a means by which the state can impose controls on the production and distribution of marijuana under state law and to identify which individuals have been preapproved to engage in marijuana-related activities.”78 There has only been one case where a federal court has made any statement about preemption in relation to the Colorado medical marijuana and legalization initiative. The United States Bankruptcy Court for the District of Colorado dealing with a debtor, who leased space for the purposes of growing medicinal marijuana in compliance with state law; the court wrote that “conflict preemption is not an issue here. Colorado constitutional amendments for both medical marijuana, and the more recent amendment legalizing marijuana possession and usage generally, both make it clear that their provisions apply to state law only. Absent from either enactment is any effort to impede the enforcement of federal law.”79 By limiting marijuana production and distribution, it could be argued that the envisioned Colorado and Washington regulatory and licensing provisions “further, rather than obstruct, the purposes of the CSA.” Under this reasoning, the Washington and Colorado regulatory and licensing aspects could be seen as supporting the federal government’s objectives of “control[ing] the legitimate and illegitimate traffic in controlled substances,” as opposed to creating an obstacle to that goal.80 With regard to taxation in Colorado, the tax (which may not exceed 15% prior to January 1, 2017) is to be levied on sales of marijuana by cultivation facilities, product manufacturing facilities, or retail stores.81 In Washington, a 25% tax is to be imposed at each transaction within the distribution chain, including sales from: producer to processor; processor to retailer; and from retailer to consumer.82 Although little precedent exists relating to state-imposed taxes on medical marijuana, there is evidence to suggest that these taxes would likely be considered permissible.83 The Supreme Court has held that a state may “legitimately tax criminal activities.”84 As the CRS explains, taxes are imposed to either raise revenue, deter conduct, or both. The excise taxes envisioned by Colorado and Washington appear to be motivated by a desire to raise revenue to both pay for the regulatory and licensing controls on marijuana and to contribute to other budgetary needs, most notably health services and education. In addition, the Washington law states that the Liquor Control Board is authorized to make recommendations to adjust the tax levels “that would further the goal of discouraging use while undercutting illegal market prices.”85 The Colorado law does not explicitly reference any goal of deterring marijuana use, but it would appear that the envisioned tax may also have that effect. In addition, taxes are already collected from medical marijuana dispensaries without any conflict with federal law. Thus, the state tax may more accurately be characterized as “interposing an economic impediment to the activity” as opposed to authorizing the activity.86 Taxes, like regulations, are an alternative way to control the market and limit abuse. Thus, under the Supremacy Clause and the doctrine of preemption, the federal government can view the regulatory, licensing and tax laws of Colorado and Washington as consistent with the purpose of the CSA; the same is true for the 18 states that allow the medical use of marijuana. Under the law the Department of Justice is not required to zealously enforce every violation of the CSA. Indeed, as we have noted earlier it would be impossible for them to do so and they already cede enforcement of possession, cultivation and small sales to states. Under the doctrine of “prosecutorial discretion,” federal law enforcement officials have “broad discretion” as to when, whom, and whether to prosecute for violations of the CSA.87 Courts have recognized that the “decision to prosecute is particularly ill-suited to judicial review,” as it involves the consideration of factors, such as the strength of evidence, deterrence value, and existing enforcement priorities “not readily susceptible to the kind of analysis the courts are competent to undertake.”88 Through the exercise of prosecutorial discretion, the Obama administration through Attorney General Holder is free to develop a policy that cooperates with the states to achieve their common objectives and continue to allow federal law to operate. What are the choices the federal government could make? At one extreme they could decide to aggressively enforce the federal marijuana laws in Washington and Colorado. As a practical matter, the federal government simply does not have the resources to enforce federal drug laws without the assistance of state and local police. Approximately 99% of drug offenses are prosecuted under state law by state authorities. Therefore, if the Obama administration decided to increase the frequency of federal prosecutions in order to enforce federal law, vast new resources would be needed by the FBI, DEA, and the U.S. Attorneys. During this time of budget deficits, austerity and sequester including cuts to essential programs like Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid and other programs, it is simply unrealistic to increase federal enforcement spending enough to meet this goal. On the other end of the spectrum, the DOJ could simply defer to the state policy and stop prosecutions for violations of the CSA in Washington and Colorado, so long as the individuals are in compliance with state law. These and all options in between are available to President Obama and Attorney General Holder. How can we make cooperation work? Stuart Taylor89 explains: “The CSA not only directs that the Attorney General ‘shall cooperate’ with the state and local governments on drugs but also gives him broad discretion to do so, through means including legally binding contractual agreements.” He also notes “U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder has already been personally urged by John Hickenlooper, Colorado’s veteran Democratic governor, and Jay Inslee, Washington’s new Democratic governor, to work cooperatively with them.” 90 All parties want to protect the health and safety of the public as well as control the market, by working together they can do so; failure to work together is likely to create a chaotic situation more likely to undermine health and safety as well as create a large illegal marijuana market. The federal interest of preventing marijuana from medical or legal states from crossing borders to non-legal, non-medical states is a legitimate federal concern under existing laws. States can certainly agree to focus resources on preventing diversion to other states, and the federal government can limit its enforcement in legal and medical states to preventing diversion. A focused, co-operative effort has better chance of success than state and federal enforcement working against each other. To make implementation of state laws possible the federal government should state in an ‘873 Contract’ that it will not enforce federal laws so long as the activity is consistent with state laws and diversion to other states is prevented. This should be part of a contractual agreement between Colorado, Washington and the federal government; similar agreements should be reached with the 18 states and District of Columbia that have passed medical marijuana laws.
| 16,240 |
<h4>Contracts plank remedies any possible solvency deficit</h4><p><strong>Zeese 2013 </strong>(Kevin, attorney, Zeese began his advocacy career while in law school where he worked at the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws. He went on to serve as their chief counsel in 1980 and national director in 1983. In 1986 he left to practice criminal law and, with Arnold Trebach, began the Drug Policy Foundation which went on to become the largest drug policy reform organization in history and is now known as the Drug Policy Alliance after merging with the Lindesmith Center. Zeese continues to serve as president of Common Sense for Drug Policy, “The Voters of Colorado and Washington Provide A Path to End the War-on-Marijuana Quagmire” http://greenshadowcabinet.us/sites/default/files/Report%20on%20Federal%20Response%20to%20State%20Marijuana%20Laws%204-2013%20FINAL.pdf)</p><p><u><mark>The</mark> federal <mark>government has </mark>sufficient <mark>flexibility </mark>under the law <mark>to respect</mark> the laws of the <mark>states that have reformed</mark> their laws <mark>and <strong>still be true to current federal law</u></strong></mark>. Rather than seeking conflict between federal and state law, <u>the federal government should seek to respect local democracy and allow states to implement their laws</u>. <u>The <mark>state and federal governments should enter into <strong>contractual agreements</strong>, under Section 873</mark> of the Controlled Substances Act, <mark>to</mark> <strong>accomplish shared goals</u></strong> <u>and <strong><mark>ensure each others laws will be effective</strong>.</mark> </u>Federal, state and local governments seek to control the marijuana market as well as protect public health and safety. These shared common goals are a foundation on which to build policies that respect state-level democracy. The <u><mark>Obama</u></mark> administration <u><mark>can act</mark> positively <mark>on these issues <strong>without any congressional action</u></strong></mark>. As Stuart Taylor points out in a report for the Brookings Institution “<u><mark>Congress</mark> long ago <mark>directed in the CSA that the A</mark>ttorney <mark>G</mark>eneral ‘<mark>shall cooperate’ with the states</u></mark> on controlled substances <u><mark>and authorized</u></mark> him ‘to enter into <u><mark>contractual agreements</mark> . . . to provide for cooperative enforcemen</u>t and regulatory activities.’”64 The alternative, seeking conflict with state governments, will lead to a battle the federal government will ultimately lose; and that will undermine control of the marijuana market as well as public health and safety. The federal government has a lot of power to sue civilly and prosecute criminally; but what it does not have is the people-power to combat the widespread use of marijuana. There is no question that supremacy laws will allow states to decriminalize possession, personal cultivation or repeal all of their marijuana laws and leave it to the federal government to be solely responsible for enforcement. The Colorado law already allows cultivation of up to six plants and sharing up to one ounce without criminal penalties. Stopping a weed that can grow in people’s closets, possession that can be hidden in pockets and sales that occur behind closed doors has proven impossible with state and local law enforcement working with the federal government. Currently the vast majority of marijuana arrests, 99 percent, are made by state and local police. The limited person-power of the federal government will obviously fail without the help of state and local police. <u>Cooperation between state and federal government is the only practical path to controlling the market</u> and protecting the public health and safety of the population. Justice Lewis <u><mark>Brandeis</u></mark> famous <u><mark>phrase about</mark> state’s serving as <strong>“<mark>laboratories of democracy”</strong> is appropriate</u></mark> to this issue. Brandeis wrote: “To stay experimentation in things social and economic is a grave responsibility. Denial of the right to experiment may be fraught with serious consequences to the nation. It is one of the happy incidents of the federal system that a single courageous state may, if its citizens choose, serve as a laboratory; and try novel social and economic experiments without risk to the rest of the country.”65 To block the voters’ clear democratically expressed desire to end the long-failed policy of marijuana prohibition would be a tremendous denial of democracy but also foolish leadership. The United States has been stuck in a quagmire of mass marijuana arrests, mass incarceration, destruction of civil liberties and escalating enforcement expenditures since 1937. It has not worked. Washington and Colorado have given the country a path out of the marijuana war. These state’s are taking their responsibility seriously and fashioning laws that protect public health and safety as well as raise revenue and use taxes to discourage use. Both the House and Senate in Colorado passed a law to tax marijuana as this report went to press. House Bill 1318 would impose a 15 percent excise tax and a sales tax initially set at 10 percent on recreational marijuana sales. Voters this November will have to give their approval of the tax rates before they could take effect. The money would be used for school construction and for regulation of marijuana stores. A companion bill, House Bill 1317 has been passed by the Senate. It regulates the marijuana market. Its provisions include marijuana stores being licensed by the state, only allows Colorado residents to own stores, for the first nine months only existing medical dispensaries can apply for a license, stores would initially have to grow what they sell, in October 2014 growers separate from the store would be allowed. The Senate bill also bars cities from operating the marijuana stores.66 While the “Supremacy Clause” of the US Constitution67 makes it clear that if state marijuana laws conflict with federal law they are preempted by federal law and can be voided by the courts, the Tenth Amendment recognizes the power of the states and does not allow the federal government to coerce states to enforce federal laws or to keep or adopt state laws that they do not want.68 Indeed, there have always been differences between federal and state law on marijuana as well as between the various states on their marijuana laws. There is no question that if states decide to repeal all marijuana laws, laws against cultivation, distribution or possession, the federal government cannot force them to keep those laws.69 The Controlled Substances Act makes it clear that the federal government did not intend to pre-empt the field of marijuana laws:70 “No provision of this subchapter shall be construed as indicating an intent on the part of the Congress to occupy the field in which that provision operates, including criminal penalties, to the exclusion of any State law on the same subject matter which would otherwise be within the authority of the State, unless there is a positive conflict between that provision of this subchapter and that State law so that the two cannot consistently stand together” Courts have adopted a narrow definition of the conflict, “unless state law requires what federal law prohibits, or state law prohibits what federal law requires, it is not ‘impossible’ to comply with both laws.”71 The Congressional Research Service (CRS) in analyzing the preemption issue summarizes the law which begins with the purpose of the Controlled Substances Act: “The Supreme Court has previously identified the ‘main objectives’ of the CSA as ‘conquer[ing] drug abuse’ and ‘control[ing] the legitimate and illegitimate traffic in controlled substances.’ Second, ‘[i]n all pre-emption cases ... we ‘start with the assumption that the historic police powers of the States were not to be superseded by [federal law] unless that was the clear and manifest purpose of Congress.’ State drug laws, including those connected to marijuana cultivation, distribution, or possession have generally been considered to be within ‘the historic police powers of the States.’ Consequently, the Washington and Colorado laws would likely be accorded a presumption of validity.”72 The states and the federal government operate as two distinct sovereigns, enacting separate and independent criminal regimes with separate and independent enforcement mechanisms, in which certain conduct may be prohibited under one sovereign and not the other.73 As the CRS points out: “If prohibiting certain conduct under federal law had the effect of barring any state attempt to permit that same conduct, the result would be a legal environment in which states were compelled to adopt criminal measures that mirrored federal law. The Tenth Amendment prohibits such a requirement.”74 Federal and state courts have previously held that a state’s decision to simply permit what the federal government prohibits does not create a “positive conflict” with federal law:75 “Nor have courts generally found that simply permitting conduct that the federal government prohibits stands as an ‘obstacle to the execution of Congress’s objectives.’ The Supreme Court has interpreted this relatively narrowly, holding that a state law is preempted where the obstacle is of such a degree that ‘the purpose of the [federal] act cannot otherwise be accomplished.’”76 <u>The <mark>regulation and licensing of marijuana could be characterized consistent with the purposes of the CSA to control </mark>drug <mark>abuse</u></mark> and to control the legitimate and illegitimate distribution of drugs; <u>and thus are not subject to conflict preemption</u>.77 The CRS points out that: “it can be argued that the state regulatory and licensing laws have no impact on the enforcement of federal law; are necessary to implement the state’s decision to remove penalties for certain marijuana-related activities; do not immunize or shield the holder from federal prosecution; and, therefore, are not preempted. Moreover, it could be argued that a state license acts only as a means by which the state can impose controls on the production and distribution of marijuana under state law and to identify which individuals have been preapproved to engage in marijuana-related activities.”78 There has only been one case where a federal court has made any statement about preemption in relation to the Colorado medical marijuana and legalization initiative. The United States Bankruptcy Court for the District of Colorado dealing with a debtor, who leased space for the purposes of growing medicinal marijuana in compliance with state law; the court wrote that “conflict preemption is not an issue here. Colorado constitutional amendments for both medical marijuana, and the more recent amendment legalizing marijuana possession and usage generally, both make it clear that their provisions apply to state law only. Absent from either enactment is any effort to impede the enforcement of federal law.”79 By limiting marijuana production and distribution, it could be argued that the envisioned Colorado and Washington regulatory and licensing provisions “further, rather than obstruct, the purposes of the CSA.” Under this reasoning, the Washington and Colorado regulatory and licensing aspects could be seen as supporting the federal government’s objectives of “control[ing] the legitimate and illegitimate traffic in controlled substances,” as opposed to creating an obstacle to that goal.80 With regard to taxation in Colorado, the tax (which may not exceed 15% prior to January 1, 2017) is to be levied on sales of marijuana by cultivation facilities, product manufacturing facilities, or retail stores.81 In Washington, a 25% tax is to be imposed at each transaction within the distribution chain, including sales from: producer to processor; processor to retailer; and from retailer to consumer.82 Although little precedent exists relating to state-imposed taxes on medical marijuana, there is evidence to suggest that these taxes would likely be considered permissible.83 The Supreme Court has held that a state may “legitimately tax criminal activities.”84 As the CRS explains, taxes are imposed to either raise revenue, deter conduct, or both. The excise taxes envisioned by Colorado and Washington appear to be motivated by a desire to raise revenue to both pay for the regulatory and licensing controls on marijuana and to contribute to other budgetary needs, most notably health services and education. In addition, the Washington law states that the Liquor Control Board is authorized to make recommendations to adjust the tax levels “that would further the goal of discouraging use while undercutting illegal market prices.”85 The Colorado law does not explicitly reference any goal of deterring marijuana use, but it would appear that the envisioned tax may also have that effect. In addition, taxes are already collected from medical marijuana dispensaries without any conflict with federal law. Thus, the state tax may more accurately be characterized as “interposing an economic impediment to the activity” as opposed to authorizing the activity.86 Taxes, like regulations, are an alternative way to control the market and limit abuse. Thus, under the Supremacy Clause and the doctrine of preemption, the federal government can view the regulatory, licensing and tax laws of Colorado and Washington as consistent with the purpose of the CSA; the same is true for the 18 states that allow the medical use of marijuana. Under the law <u>the <mark>D</mark>epartment <mark>o</mark>f <mark>J</mark>ustice <mark>is not required to zealously enforce</mark> every violation of the CSA</u>. Indeed, as we have noted earlier it would be impossible for them to do so and they already cede enforcement of possession, cultivation and small sales to states. Under the doctrine of “prosecutorial discretion,” <u>federal law enforcement <mark>officials have “broad discretion”</mark> as to when, whom, and whether to prosecute for violations of the CSA</u>.87 Courts have recognized that the “decision to prosecute is particularly ill-suited to judicial review,” as it involves the consideration of factors, such as the strength of evidence, deterrence value, and existing enforcement priorities “not readily susceptible to the kind of analysis the courts are competent to undertake.”88 <u><mark>Through</mark> the exercise of <strong><mark>prosecutorial discretion</u></strong></mark>, the <u><mark>Obama</u></mark> administration through Attorney General Holder <u><mark>is free to develop a policy that cooperates with the states to achieve their</mark> common <mark>objectives and <strong>continue to allow federal law to operate</u></strong>.</mark> What are the choices the federal government could make? At one extreme they could decide to aggressively enforce the federal marijuana laws in Washington and Colorado. As a practical matter, the federal government simply does not have the resources to enforce federal drug laws without the assistance of state and local police. Approximately 99% of drug offenses are prosecuted under state law by state authorities. Therefore, if the Obama administration decided to increase the frequency of federal prosecutions in order to enforce federal law, vast new resources would be needed by the FBI, DEA, and the U.S. Attorneys. During this time of budget deficits, austerity and sequester including cuts to essential programs like Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid and other programs, it is simply unrealistic to increase federal enforcement spending enough to meet this goal. On the other end of the spectrum, <u>the DOJ could simply defer to the state policy and stop prosecutions for violations of the CSA in Washington and Colorado, so long as the individuals are in compliance with state law.</u> These and all options in between are available to President Obama and Attorney General Holder. How can we make cooperation work? Stuart Taylor89 explains: “<u><mark>The CSA not only directs that the A</mark>ttorney <mark>G</mark>eneral <mark>‘shall cooperate’</mark> with the state and local governments on drugs <mark>but also gives</mark> him <mark>broad discretion</mark> to do so, <mark>through means including <strong>legally binding</strong> contractual agreements</u></mark>.” He also notes “U.S. Attorney General Eric Holder has already been personally urged by John Hickenlooper, Colorado’s veteran Democratic governor, and Jay Inslee, Washington’s new Democratic governor, to work cooperatively with them.” 90 All parties want to protect the health and safety of the public as well as control the market, by working together they can do so; <u><mark>failure to work together is likely to create a chaotic situation</u></mark> more likely to undermine health and safety as well as create a large illegal marijuana market. The federal interest of preventing marijuana from medical or legal states from crossing borders to non-legal, non-medical states is a legitimate federal concern under existing laws. States can certainly agree to focus resources on preventing diversion to other states, and <u>the federal government can limit its enforcement in legal</u> and medical <u>states to preventing diversion</u>. <u>A focused, co-operative effort has better chance of success than state and federal enforcement working against each other. </u>To make implementation of state laws possible <u><mark>the federal government should state in an ‘873 Contract’ that it will not enforce</mark> federal laws <mark>so long as the activity is consistent with state laws</u></mark> and diversion to other states is prevented. <u>This should be part of a contractual agreement between Colorado, Washington and the federal government; similar agreements should be reached with</u> the 18 <u>states and District of Columbia</u> that have passed medical marijuana laws.</p>
| null |
2nc
|
a2
| 56,714 | 32 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,856 |
Illegal markets are a result of global shortages – US alone wouldn't matter
|
Kelly 13
|
Kelly 13 Emily Kelly, Executive Comment Editor for the Boston College International & Comparative Law Review. Boston College International and Comparative Law Review Spring, 2013 36 B.C. Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 1317 NOTE: INTERNATIONAL ORGAN TRAFFICKING CRISIS: SOLUTIONS ADDRESSING THE HEART OF THE MATTER lexis
|
Universal organ shortages have catalyzed a thriving underground market for organs, most commentators believe that curtailing organ trafficking requires a coordinated global effort,
|
Universal organ shortages have catalyzed a thriving underground market for organs most commentators believe that curtailing organ trafficking requires a coordinated global effort
|
Universal organ shortages have catalyzed a thriving underground market for organs, which has generated human rights abuses, public health disasters, and transnational crime. n1 While most commentators believe that curtailing organ trafficking requires a coordinated global effort, few policymakers agree on what that effort should entail. n2 Countries [*1318] have adopted many policies to address the illicit sale of human body parts, but competing cultural values and disparate enforcement have yielded inconsistent results. n3 Moreover, globalized markets, communication, and transportation enable traffickers to move their operations fluidly, taking advantage of legal loopholes. n4 As a result, enforcement in one country merely prompts traffickers to seek other countries with more favorable legal environments.
| 823 |
<h4><strong>Illegal markets are a result of global shortages – US alone wouldn't matter</h4><p>Kelly 13</strong> Emily Kelly, Executive Comment Editor for the Boston College International & Comparative Law Review. Boston College International and Comparative Law Review Spring, 2013 36 B.C. Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 1317 NOTE: INTERNATIONAL ORGAN TRAFFICKING CRISIS: SOLUTIONS ADDRESSING THE HEART OF THE MATTER lexis</p><p><u><strong><mark>Universal</strong> organ shortages have catalyzed a thriving underground market for organs</mark>, </u>which has generated human rights abuses, public health disasters, and transnational crime. n1 While <u><mark>most commentators believe that curtailing organ trafficking requires a coordinated <strong>global effort</strong></mark>,</u><strong> few policymakers agree on what that effort should entail. n2 Countries [*1318] have adopted many policies to address the illicit sale of human body parts, but competing cultural values and disparate enforcement have yielded inconsistent results. n3 Moreover, globalized markets, communication, and transportation enable traffickers to move their operations fluidly, taking advantage of legal loopholes. n4 As a result, enforcement in one country merely prompts traffickers to seek other countries with more favorable legal environments. </p></strong>
| null |
1nc
|
Tourism
| 430,455 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,857 |
Keeping the law on the books is competitive
|
Walsh 2013
|
Walsh 2013 (Senior Associate, Washington Office on Latin America; also includes contributions from Mark Kleiman (John, “Q&A: Legal Marijuana in Colorado and Washington” http://www.brookings.edu/research/papers/2013/05/21-legal-marijuana-colorado-washington)
|
the federal government could enter into cooperative enforcement agreements with the states that could implicitly allow state-regulated systems to function, though without making them legal under federal law The CSA itself directs that the Attorney General “shall cooperate” with the state and local governments in enforcing the drug laws and gives power “to enter into contractual agreements [...] to provide for cooperative enforcement and regulatory activities Federal accommodation of the new state laws would increase the capacity of governments at all levels to shape the behavior of marijuana-industry participants; it might enable a joint enforcement focus on inter-state transactions; it would acknowledge the sovereign powers that the states share with the federal government it would involve effective acquiescence by the executive branch in the open violation of unrepealed federal criminal laws
|
the federal government could enter into c e a s with the states that could implicitly allow state-regulated systems to function, though without making them legal The CSA itself directs that the A G “shall cooperate” with state governments in enforcing and gives power “to enter into contractual agreements for cooperative regulatory activities.” Federal accommodation might enable a joint enforcement focus on inter-state transactions it would involve acquiescence by the executive in open violation of unrepealed federal criminal laws
|
8. Under current federal law, what are options are available to the federal government in responding to the new state laws? Given the constraints imposed by current federal law, the federal government could (1) sue to invalidate the state laws under the Supremacy Clause and to enjoin state authorities from issuing licenses to marijuana growers and sellers; (2) use injunctions, threats of asset forfeiture, or criminal prosecution to shut down state-licensed marijuana businesses; (3) unilaterally establish a set of enforcement priorities to de-emphasize attacks on state-legal businesses; or (4) enter into cooperative enforcement agreements with the states that could implicitly allow state-regulated systems to function, though without making them legal under federal law. The CSA itself (21 U.S.C. §873) directs that the Attorney General “shall cooperate” with the state and local governments in enforcing the drug laws, and gives him the power “to enter into contractual agreements [...] to provide for cooperative enforcement and regulatory activities.” Federal accommodation of the new state laws would offer several potential advantages. It would increase the capacity of governments at all levels to shape the behavior of marijuana-industry participants; it might enable a joint enforcement focus on inter-state transactions; it would acknowledge the sovereign powers that the states share with the federal government; and it would enable the acquisition of more knowledge than is now available about the operations and consequences of legal, open marijuana markets. On the other hand, it would involve effective acquiescence by the executive branch in the open violation of unrepealed federal criminal laws, and its consistency with treaty obligations is questionable.
| 1,781 |
<h4>Keeping the law on the books is competitive</h4><p><strong>Walsh 2013</strong> (Senior Associate, Washington Office on Latin America; also includes contributions from Mark Kleiman (John, “Q&A: Legal Marijuana in Colorado and Washington” http://www.brookings.edu/research/papers/2013/05/21-legal-marijuana-colorado-washington)</p><p>8. Under current federal law, what are options are available to the federal government in responding to the new state laws? Given the constraints imposed by current federal law, <u><mark>the federal government could</u></mark> (1) sue to invalidate the state laws under the Supremacy Clause and to enjoin state authorities from issuing licenses to marijuana growers and sellers; (2) use injunctions, threats of asset forfeiture, or criminal prosecution to shut down state-licensed marijuana businesses; (3) unilaterally establish a set of enforcement priorities to de-emphasize attacks on state-legal businesses; or (4) <u><mark>enter into c</mark>ooperative <mark>e</mark>nforcement <mark>a</mark>greement<mark>s with the states that could implicitly allow state-regulated systems to function, though <strong>without making them legal</strong></mark> under federal law</u>. <u><mark>The CSA itself</u></mark> (21 U.S.C. §873) <u><mark>directs that the A</mark>ttorney <mark>G</mark>eneral <mark>“shall cooperate” with</mark> the <mark>state</mark> and local <mark>governments in enforcing</mark> the drug laws</u>, <u><mark>and gives</u></mark> him the <u><mark>power “to enter into contractual agreements</mark> [...] to provide <mark>for cooperative</mark> enforcement and <mark>regulatory activities</u>.”</mark> <u><mark>Federal accommodation</mark> of the new state laws would</u> offer several potential advantages. It would <u>increase the capacity of governments at all levels to shape the behavior of marijuana-industry participants; it <mark>might enable a joint enforcement focus on inter-state transactions</mark>; it would acknowledge the sovereign powers that the states share with the federal government</u>; and it would enable the acquisition of more knowledge than is now available about the operations and consequences of legal, open marijuana markets. On the other hand, <u><mark>it would involve</mark> effective <mark>acquiescence by the executive</mark> branch <mark>in</mark> the <strong><mark>open violation of unrepealed federal criminal laws</u></strong></mark>, and its consistency with treaty obligations is questionable.</p>
| null |
2nc
|
a2
| 56,739 | 17 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,858 |
Prefer the affirmative’s impacts to highly specific long term disadvantages – cognitive bias means you will think their impact is better than it really is
|
Yudkowsky 06
|
Yudkowsky 06 [Eliezer, 8/31/2006. Singularity Institute for Artificial Intelligence Palo Alto, CA. “Cognitive biases potentially affecting judgment of global risks, Forthcoming in Global Catastrophic Risks, eds. Nick Bostrom and Milan Cirkovic, singinst.org/upload/cognitive-biases.pdf.
|
The conjunction fallacy similarly applies to futurological forecasts
According to probability theory, adding additional detail onto a story must render the story less probable Yet human psychology seems to follow the rule that adding an additional detail can make the story more plausible.
Overly detailed reassurances can create false perceptions of safety Vivid, specific scenarios can inflate our probability estimates of security, as well as misdirecting defensive investments into needlessly narrow or implausibly detailed risk scenarios
More generally, people tend to overestimate conjunctive probabilities and underestimate disjunctive probabilities people tend to overestimate the probability that seven events of 90% probability will all occur people tend to underestimate the probability that at least one of seven events of 10% probability will occur
|
conjunction fallacy applies to futurological forecasts
According to probability theory, adding additional detail must render the story less probable Yet human psychology seems to follow the rule that adding an additional detail can make the story more plausible
specific scenarios can inflate our probability estimates as well as misdirecting investments into implausibly detailed risk scenarios
people tend to overestimate conjunctive probabilities and underestimate disjunctive probabilities people overestimate the probability that seven events of 90% probability will all occur people underestimate the probability that one of seven events of 10% probability will occur
|
The conjunction fallacy similarly applies to futurological forecasts. Two independent sets of professional analysts at the Second International Congress on Forecasting were asked to rate, respectively, the probability of "A complete suspension of diplomatic relations between the USA and the Soviet Union, sometime in 1983" or "A Russian invasion of Poland, and a complete suspension of diplomatic relations between the USA and the Soviet Union, sometime in 1983". The second set of analysts responded with significantly higher probabilities. (Tversky and Kahneman 1983.)
In Johnson et. al. (1993), MBA students at Wharton were scheduled to travel to Bangkok as part of their degree program. Several groups of students were asked how much they - 6 - were willing to pay for terrorism insurance. One group of subjects was asked how much they were willing to pay for terrorism insurance covering the flight from Thailand to the US. A second group of subjects was asked how much they were willing to pay for terrorism insurance covering the round-trip flight. A third group was asked how much they were willing to pay for terrorism insurance that covered the complete trip to Thailand. These three groups responded with average willingness to pay of $17.19, $13.90, and $7.44 respectively.
According to probability theory, adding additional detail onto a story must render the story less probable. It is less probable that Linda is a feminist bank teller than that she is a bank teller, since all feminist bank tellers are necessarily bank tellers. Yet human psychology seems to follow the rule that adding an additional detail can make the story more plausible.
People might pay more for international diplomacy intended to prevent nanotechnological warfare by China, than for an engineering project to defend against nanotechnological attack from any source. The second threat scenario is less vivid and alarming, but the defense is more useful because it is more vague. More valuable still would be strategies which make humanity harder to extinguish without being specific to nanotechnologic threats - such as colonizing space, or see Yudkowsky (this volume) on AI. Security expert Bruce Schneier observed (both before and after the 2005 hurricane in New Orleans) that the U.S. government was guarding specific domestic targets against "movie-plot scenarios" of terrorism, at the cost of taking away resources from emergency-response capabilities that could respond to any disaster. (Schneier 2005.)
Overly detailed reassurances can also create false perceptions of safety: "X is not an existential risk and you don't need to worry about it, because A, B, C, D, and E"; where the failure of any one of propositions A, B, C, D, or E potentially extinguishes the human species. "We don't need to worry about nanotechnologic war, because a UN commission will initially develop the technology and prevent its proliferation until such time as an active shield is developed, capable of defending against all accidental and malicious outbreaks that contemporary nanotechnology is capable of producing, and this condition will persist indefinitely." Vivid, specific scenarios can inflate our probability estimates of security, as well as misdirecting defensive investments into needlessly narrow or implausibly detailed risk scenarios.
More generally, people tend to overestimate conjunctive probabilities and underestimate disjunctive probabilities. (Tversky and Kahneman 1974.) That is, people tend to overestimate the probability that, e.g., seven events of 90% probability will all occur. Conversely, people tend to underestimate the probability that at least one of seven events of 10% probability will occur. Someone judging whether to, e.g., incorporate a new startup, must evaluate the probability that many individual events will all go right (there will be sufficient funding, competent employees, customers will want the product) while also considering the likelihood that at least one critical failure will occur (the bank refuses - 7 - a loan, the biggest project fails, the lead scientist dies). This may help explain why only 44% of entrepreneurial ventures3 survive after 4 years. (Knaup 2005.)
| 4,274 |
<h4><strong>Prefer the affirmative’s impacts to highly specific long term disadvantages – cognitive bias means you will think their impact is better than it really is</h4><p>Yudkowsky</strong> <strong>06</strong> [Eliezer, 8/31/2006. Singularity Institute for Artificial Intelligence Palo Alto, CA. “Cognitive biases potentially affecting judgment of global risks, Forthcoming in Global Catastrophic Risks, eds. Nick Bostrom and Milan Cirkovic, singinst.org/upload/cognitive-biases.pdf.</p><p><u>The <mark>conjunction fallacy</mark> similarly <mark>applies to futurological forecasts</u></mark>. Two independent sets of professional analysts at the Second International Congress on Forecasting were asked to rate, respectively, the probability of "A complete suspension of diplomatic relations between the USA and the Soviet Union, sometime in 1983" or "A Russian invasion of Poland, and a complete suspension of diplomatic relations between the USA and the Soviet Union, sometime in 1983". The second set of analysts responded with significantly higher probabilities. (Tversky and Kahneman 1983.)</p><p>In Johnson et. al. (1993), MBA students at Wharton were scheduled to travel to Bangkok as part of their degree program. Several groups of students were asked how much they - 6 - were willing to pay for terrorism insurance. One group of subjects was asked how much they were willing to pay for terrorism insurance covering the flight from Thailand to the US. A second group of subjects was asked how much they were willing to pay for terrorism insurance covering the round-trip flight. A third group was asked how much they were willing to pay for terrorism insurance that covered the complete trip to Thailand. These three groups responded with average willingness to pay of $17.19, $13.90, and $7.44 respectively. </p><p><u><mark>According to probability theory, adding additional detail</mark> onto a story <mark>must render the story less probable</u></mark>. It is less probable that Linda is a feminist bank teller than that she is a bank teller, since all feminist bank tellers are necessarily bank tellers. <u><mark>Yet human psychology seems to follow the rule that adding an additional detail can make the story more plausible</mark>.</u> </p><p>People might pay more for international diplomacy intended to prevent nanotechnological warfare by China, than for an engineering project to defend against nanotechnological attack from any source. The second threat scenario is less vivid and alarming, but the defense is more useful because it is more vague. More valuable still would be strategies which make humanity harder to extinguish without being specific to nanotechnologic threats - such as colonizing space, or see Yudkowsky (this volume) on AI. Security expert Bruce Schneier observed (both before and after the 2005 hurricane in New Orleans) that the U.S. government was guarding specific domestic targets against "movie-plot scenarios" of terrorism, at the cost of taking away resources from emergency-response capabilities that could respond to any disaster. (Schneier 2005.) </p><p><u>Overly detailed reassurances can</u> also <u>create false perceptions of safety</u>: "X is not an existential risk and you don't need to worry about it, because A, B, C, D, and E"; where the failure of any one of propositions A, B, C, D, or E potentially extinguishes the human species. "We don't need to worry about nanotechnologic war, because a UN commission will initially develop the technology and prevent its proliferation until such time as an active shield is developed, capable of defending against all accidental and malicious outbreaks that contemporary nanotechnology is capable of producing, and this condition will persist indefinitely." <u>Vivid, <mark>specific scenarios can inflate our probability estimates</mark> of security, <mark>as well as misdirecting</mark> defensive <mark>investments into</mark> needlessly narrow or <mark>implausibly detailed risk scenarios</u></mark>. </p><p><u>More generally, <mark>people tend to overestimate conjunctive probabilities and</mark> <mark>underestimate disjunctive probabilities</u></mark>. (Tversky and Kahneman 1974.) That is, <u><mark>people</mark> tend to <mark>overestimate the probability that</u></mark>, e.g., <u><mark>seven events of 90% probability will all occur</u></mark>. Conversely, <u><mark>people</mark> tend to <mark>underestimate the probability that</mark> at least <mark>one of seven events of 10% probability will occur</u><strong></mark>. Someone judging whether to, e.g., incorporate a new startup, must evaluate the probability that many individual events will all go right (there will be sufficient funding, competent employees, customers will want the product) while also considering the likelihood that at least one critical failure will occur (the bank refuses - 7 - a loan, the biggest project fails, the lead scientist dies). This may help explain why only 44% of entrepreneurial ventures3 survive after 4 years. (Knaup 2005.) </p></strong>
| null |
Contention 4 is risk calculus
|
Contention 3 Solvency
| 11,979 | 232 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,859 |
Demand elsewhere will keep the tourist market alive -- china alone could do that
|
Satel 11
|
Satel 11 Sally Satel, psychiatrist and resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. June 13 2011
|
The Chinese population itself drives a demand because the country has virtually no culture of altruistic deceased organ donation. Last year, roughly 1.5 million Chinese needed kidneys, livers, lungs, and hearts, but only 10,000 received them—the vast majority through illicit means.
|
The Chinese population itself drives a demand because the country has virtually no culture of altruistic deceased organ donation. Last year, roughly 1.5 million Chinese needed kidneys, livers, lungs, and hearts, but only 10,000 received them—the vast majority through illicit means.
|
Yuan a Kidney? China's proposals to pay organ donors flout the status quo. That's a good thing.
http://www.slate.com/articles/health_and_science/medical_examiner/2011/06/yuan_a_kidney.html
Meanwhile, the need for organs is remains vast. The Chinese population itself drives a demand because the country has virtually no culture of altruistic deceased organ donation. Last year, roughly 1.5 million Chinese needed kidneys, livers, lungs, and hearts, but only 10,000 received them—the vast majority through illicit means.
| 520 |
<h4><strong>Demand elsewhere will keep the tourist market alive -- china alone could do that</h4><p>Satel 11</strong> Sally Satel, psychiatrist and resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. June 13 2011 </p><p>Yuan a Kidney? China's proposals to pay organ donors flout the status quo. That's a good thing.</p><p>http://www.slate.com/articles/health_and_science/medical_examiner/2011/06/yuan_a_kidney.html</p><p>Meanwhile, the need for organs is remains vast. <u><mark>The Chinese population itself drives a demand because the country has virtually no culture of altruistic deceased organ donation. Last year, roughly 1.5 million Chinese needed kidneys, livers, lungs, and hearts, but only 10,000 received them—the vast majority through illicit means<strong>.</p></u></strong></mark>
| null |
1nc
|
Tourism
| 430,456 | 2 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,860 |
Low probability impacts should not be evaluated-- even if there’s some risk, policy decisions can’t be justified by vanishingly small probabilities
|
Rescher 03
|
Rescher 03 (Nicholas, Prof of Philosophy at the University of Pittsburgh, Sensible Decisions: Issues of Rational Decision in Personal Choice and Public Policy, p. 49-50)
|
small probabilities represent extremely remote prospect and can be written off we can forget about it as a worthy of concern. As a matter of practical policy We take the line that in our human dealings in real-life situations a sufficiently remote possibility can be viewed as being of probability zero Accordingly, such remote possibilities can simply be dismissed, and the outcomes with which they are associated can accordingly be set aside. And in “the real world” people do in fact seem to be prepared to treat certain probabilities as effectively zero, taking certain sufficiently improbable eventualities as no long representing real possibilities P]eople…refuse to worry about losses whose probability is below some threshold. Probabilities below the threshold are treated as though they were zero. No doubt, remote-possibility events having such a minute possibility can happen in some sense of the term, but this “can” functions somewhat figuratively—it is no longer seen as something that presents a realistic prospect
|
small probabilities can be written off. we can forget about it as a worthy of concern. As a matter of policy remote possibility can be viewed as being of probability zero remote possibilities can be dismissed, and outcomes set aside the real world” people treat certain probabilities as effectively zero, taking certain sufficiently improbable eventualities as no long representing real possibilities. Probabilities below the threshold are treated as though they were zero
|
On this issue there is a systemic disagreement between probabilists working on theory-oriented issues in mathematics or natural science and decision theorists who work on practical decision-oriented issues relating to human affairs. The former takes the line that small number are small numbers and must be taken into account as such—that is, the small quantities they actually are. The latter tend to take the view that small probabilities represent extremely remote prospect and can be written off. (De minimis non curat lex, as the old precept has it: in human affairs there is no need to bother with trifles.) When something is about as probable as a thousand fair dice when tossed a thousand times coming up all sixes, then, so it is held, we can pretty well forget about it as a worthy of concern. As a matter of practical policy, we operate with probabilities on the principle that when x ≤ E, then x = 0. We take the line that in our human dealings in real-life situations a sufficiently remote possibility can—for all sensible purposes—be viewed as being of probability zero. Accordingly, such remote possibilities can simply be dismissed, and the outcomes with which they are associated can accordingly be set aside. And in “the real world” people do in fact seem to be prepared to treat certain probabilities as effectively zero, taking certain sufficiently improbable eventualities as no long representing real possibilities. Here an extremely improbable event is seen as something we can simply write off as being outside the range of appropriate concern, something we can dismiss for all practical purposes. As one writer on insurance puts it: [P]eople…refuse to worry about losses whose probability is below some threshold. Probabilities below the threshold are treated as though they were zero. No doubt, remote-possibility events having such a minute possibility can happen in some sense of the term, but this “can” functions somewhat figuratively—it is no longer seen as something that presents a realistic prospect.
| 2,046 |
<h4><strong>Low probability impacts should not be evaluated-- even if there’s some risk, policy decisions can’t be justified by vanishingly small probabilities</h4><p>Rescher 03</strong> (Nicholas, Prof of Philosophy at the University of Pittsburgh, Sensible Decisions: Issues of Rational Decision in Personal Choice and Public Policy, p. 49-50)</p><p>On this issue there is a systemic disagreement between probabilists working on theory-oriented issues in mathematics or natural science and decision theorists who work on practical decision-oriented issues relating to human affairs. The former takes the line that small number are small numbers and must be taken into account as such—that is, the small quantities they actually are. The latter tend to take the view that <u><mark>small probabilities </mark>represent extremely remote prospect and <mark>can be written off</u>. </mark>(De minimis non curat lex, as the old precept has it: in human affairs there is no need to bother with trifles.) When something is about as probable as a thousand fair dice when tossed a thousand times coming up all sixes, then, so it is held, <u><mark>we can</u> </mark>pretty well <u><mark>forget about it as a worthy of concern. As a matter of </mark>practical <mark>policy</u></mark>, we operate with probabilities on the principle that when x ≤ E, then x = 0. <u>We take the line that in our human dealings in real-life situations a sufficiently <mark>remote possibility can</u></mark>—for all sensible purposes—<u><mark>be viewed as being of <strong>probability zero</u></strong></mark>. <u><strong>Accordingly, such <mark>remote possibilities can </mark>simply <mark>be dismissed, and </mark>the <mark>outcomes </mark>with which they are associated can accordingly be <mark>set aside</mark>.</strong> And in “<mark>the real world” people</mark> do in fact seem to be prepared to <mark>treat certain probabilities as effectively zero, taking certain sufficiently improbable eventualities as no long representing real possibilities</u>.</mark> Here an extremely improbable event is seen as something we can simply write off as being outside the range of appropriate concern, something we can dismiss for all practical purposes. As one writer on insurance puts it: [<u>P]eople…refuse to worry about losses whose probability is below some threshold. <mark>Probabilities below the threshold are treated as though they were zero</mark>. No doubt, remote-possibility events having such a minute possibility can happen in some sense of the term, but this “can” functions somewhat figuratively—it is no longer seen as something that presents a realistic prospect</u><strong>.</p></strong>
| null |
Contention 4 is risk calculus
|
Contention 3 Solvency
| 44,134 | 45 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,861 |
Legalization in advance of treaty revision causes treaty withdrawal – only the CP alone maintains compliance
|
Donohue et al 2010
|
Donohue et al 2010 (C. Wendell and Edith M. Carlsmith Professor of Law at Stanford, John, “Rethinking America’s Illegal Drug Policy” http://www.nber.org/chapters/c12096)
|
Another complication for legalization is international law the Single Convention binds all UN member nations to maintain prohibition of drugs, including cannabis specifically While the Single Convention requires that countries maintain prohibition it does not require a punitive regime reforms working within the framework of the existing treaty are possible, though full- scale legalization would require either a country’s withdrawal or revision due to the Single Convention even countries with more liberal narcotics policies lack full- fledged drug legalization in the Netherlands the importation and commercial production of cannabis remains illegal
|
the Single Convention binds nations to prohibition including cannabis specifically While the Convention requires prohibition it does not require a punitive regime reforms within the framework of the existing treaty are possible, though full- scale legalization would require withdrawal even countries with more liberal narcotics policies lack full- fledged legalization in the Netherlands importation and commercial production remains illegal
|
International Law. Another complication for legalization is international law. While many researchers attempt to make international comparisons in studying drugs, one area of drug control policy that receives scant attention is the United Nations Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs of 1961 which binds all UN member nations to maintain prohibition of drugs, including cannabis specifically (Levine and Reinarman 2006, 61). While the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs requires that countries maintain prohibition of manufacture, sales, and import, it does not require a punitive regime of the type currently found in the United States. Article 36 of the Single Convention, “Penal Provision,” specifically allows for treatment programs to either enhance or serve as a substitute for punishment.81 The Economist reports that countries like the Netherlands are able to allow for some innovation in controlling marijuana use through the convention’s commentary, which states that its goal is “improvement of the efficacy of national criminal justice systems in the field of drug trafficking” (“A Toker’s Guide” 2009). Thus, reforms working within the framework of the existing treaty are possible, though full- scale legalization would require either a country’s withdrawal from the treaty or revision thereof. Perhaps partly due to the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs, even countries with more liberal narcotics policies than the United States lack full- fledged drug legalization and at most allow for depenalization of marijuana and/ or widespread needle exchange programs. As discussed above, in the Netherlands, a country long known for its tolerance of marijuana smoking, the importation and commercial production of cannabis remains illegal (Levine and Reinarman 2006, 64). When considering its own drug reform, Portugal declined to adopt outright legalization likely in part because of its treaty obligations under the 1961 Single Convention (Cato Institute 2009).
| 1,974 |
<h4>Legalization <u>in advance</u> of treaty revision causes <u>treaty withdrawal</u> – only the CP alone maintains compliance</h4><p><strong>Donohue et al 2010 </strong> (C. Wendell and Edith M. Carlsmith Professor of Law at Stanford, John, “Rethinking America’s Illegal Drug Policy” http://www.nber.org/chapters/c12096)</p><p>International Law. <u>Another complication for legalization is international law</u>. While many researchers attempt to make international comparisons in studying drugs, one area of drug control policy that receives scant attention is <u><mark>the</u></mark> United Nations <u><mark>Single Convention</u></mark> on Narcotic Drugs of 1961 which <u><mark>binds</mark> all UN member <mark>nations to</mark> maintain <mark>prohibition</mark> of drugs, <mark>including cannabis specifically</u></mark> (Levine and Reinarman 2006, 61). <u><mark>While the</mark> Single <mark>Convention</u></mark> on Narcotic Drugs <u><strong><mark>requires</mark> that countries maintain <mark>prohibition</mark> </u></strong>of manufacture, sales, and import, <u><strong><mark>it does not require a punitive regime</u></strong></mark> of the type currently found in the United States. Article 36 of the Single Convention, “Penal Provision,” specifically allows for treatment programs to either enhance or serve as a substitute for punishment.81 The Economist reports that countries like the Netherlands are able to allow for some innovation in controlling marijuana use through the convention’s commentary, which states that its goal is “improvement of the efficacy of national criminal justice systems in the field of drug trafficking” (“A Toker’s Guide” 2009). Thus, <u><mark>reforms</mark> working <strong><mark>within the framework of the existing treaty</strong> are possible, though <strong>full- scale legalization</strong> would require</mark> either a country’s <strong><mark>withdrawal</strong></mark> </u>from the treaty<u> <strong>or revision</strong> </u>thereof. Perhaps partly <u>due to the Single Convention </u>on Narcotic Drugs, <u><mark>even countries with more liberal narcotics policies</u></mark> than the United States <u><mark>lack <strong>full- fledged</mark> drug <mark>legalization</u></strong></mark> and at most allow for depenalization of marijuana and/ or widespread needle exchange programs. As discussed above, <u><mark>in the Netherlands</u></mark>, a country long known for its tolerance of marijuana smoking, <u>the <mark>importation and commercial production</mark> of cannabis <strong><mark>remains illegal</u></strong></mark> (Levine and Reinarman 2006, 64). When considering its own drug reform, Portugal declined to adopt outright legalization likely in part because of its treaty obligations under the 1961 Single Convention (Cato Institute 2009).</p>
| null |
2nc
|
a2
| 430,457 | 62 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
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NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,862 |
There are many barriers to xenotransplants, despite advances
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Samdani, 14
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Samdani, 14 Tushar Samdani, MBBS, MRCS, DNB Resident Physician, Department of General Surgery, Montefiore Medical Center, Albert Einstein College of Medicine; and Tushar Samdani, MBBS, MRCS, DNB is a member of the following medical societies: Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh September 9, 2014
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During these advances, several obstacles to the success of xenotransplantation have been identified. These include, but are not limited to, (1) preventing hyperacute rejection, (2) preventing acute vascular rejection, (3) facilitating immune accommodation, (4) inducing immune tolerance, (5) preventing the transmission of viruses and (6) addressing the ethical issues surrounding animal sources
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several obstacles to the success of xenotransplantation have been identified 1) preventing hyperacute rejection 2) preventing acute vascular rejection 3) facilitating immune accommodation, (4) inducing immune tolerance, (5) preventing the transmission of viruses and (6) addressing the ethical issues surrounding animal sources
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Medscape Xenotransplantation http://emedicine.medscape.com/article/432418-overview
During these advances, several obstacles to the success of xenotransplantation have been identified. These include, but are not limited to, (1) preventing hyperacute rejection, (2) preventing acute vascular rejection, (3) facilitating immune accommodation, (4) inducing immune tolerance, (5) preventing the transmission of viruses from xenografts into humans, and (6) addressing the ethical issues surrounding animal sources for xenografts and the appropriate selection of recipients (given that xenotransplantation remains experimental).[7] The purpose of this review is to identify the obstacles and recent progress made in the field of xenotransplantation.
| 745 |
<h4><strong>There are many barriers to xenotransplants, despite advances</h4><p>Samdani, 14</strong> Tushar Samdani, MBBS, MRCS, DNB Resident Physician, Department of General Surgery, Montefiore Medical Center, Albert Einstein College of Medicine; and Tushar Samdani, MBBS, MRCS, DNB is a member of the following medical societies: Royal College of Surgeons of Edinburgh September 9, 2014</p><p>Medscape Xenotransplantation http://emedicine.medscape.com/article/432418-overview</p><p><u>During these advances, <mark>several obstacles to the success of xenotransplantation have been identified</mark>. These include, but are not limited to, (<mark>1) preventing hyperacute rejection</mark>, (<mark>2) preventing acute vascular rejection</mark>, (<mark>3) facilitating immune accommodation, (4) inducing immune tolerance, (5) preventing the transmission of viruses</u></mark> from xenografts into humans, <u><mark>and (6) addressing the ethical issues surrounding animal sources</u><strong></mark> for xenografts and the appropriate selection of recipients (given that xenotransplantation remains experimental).[7] The purpose of this review is to identify the obstacles and recent progress made in the field of xenotransplantation.</p></strong>
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1nc
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Xeno-Transplants
| 430,458 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
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Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
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Fitzmier
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Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
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ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
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KrAh
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Dartmouth KrAh
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Da.....
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Kr.....
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Pi.....
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Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
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Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
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NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
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college
| 2 |
741,863 |
Evaluating risk with a one percent doctrine makes life impossible – everything could theoretically cause extinction
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Meskill 09
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Meskill 09 (David, professor at Colorado School of Mines and PhD from Harvard, “The "One Percent Doctrine" and Environmental Faith,” Dec 9, http://davidmeskill.blogspot.com/2009/12/one-percent-doctrine-and-environmental.html)
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Friedman's piece applies Cheney's "one percent doctrine" to the risk of environmental armageddon. But this doctrine is both intellectually incoherent and practically irrelevant. it cannot be applied consistently in a world with many potential disaster scenarios. In addition to the global-warming risk, there's also the asteroid-hitting-the-earth risk, the terrorists-with-nuclear-weapons risk the super-duper-pandemic risk, etc. Since each of these risks, on the "one percent doctrine," would deserve all of our attention, we cannot address all of them simultaneously. That is, even within the one-percent mentality, we'd have to begin prioritizing, making choices and trade-offs Why not also choose between them and other, things we value? Why treat the unlikely but cataclysmic event as somehow fundamentally different this is how we behave all the time. We get into our cars in order to buy a cup of coffee, even though there's some chance we will be killed on the way to the coffee shop. We are constantly risking death, if slightly, in order to pursue the things we value. Any creature that adopted the "precautionary principle" would neither be able to act, nor not act, since it would nowhere discover perfect safety it's striking how descriptions of the environmental risk always describe the situation as if it were five to midnight. It must be near midnight, since otherwise there would be no need to act. But it can never be five *past* midnight, since then acting would be pointless and we might as well party like it was 2099. Many religious movements have exhibited precisely this combination of traits: the looming apocalypse, with the time (just barely) to take action
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Friedman's piece applies Cheney's "one percent doctrine" to the environmental armageddon this doctrine is both intellectually incoherent and practically irrelevant it cannot be applied consistently in a world with many potential scenarios warming asteroid terrorists nuclear-weapons pandemic each risk on the "one percent doctrine," would deserve all of our attention, we cannot address all of them simultaneously Why treat the unlikely but cataclysmic event as somehow fundamentally different We get into our cars to buy coffee, even though there's some chance we will be killed We are constantly risking death Any creature that adopted the "precautionary principle" would neither act, nor not act, since it would nowhere discover perfect safety Many movements exhibited precisely this combination of traits: the looming apocalypse, with the time (just barely) to take action
|
Tom Friedman's piece today in the Times on the environment (http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/09/opinion/09friedman.html?_r=1) is one of the flimsiest pieces by a major columnist that I can remember ever reading. He applies Cheney's "one percent doctrine" (which is similar to the environmentalists' "precautionary principle") to the risk of environmental armageddon. But this doctrine is both intellectually incoherent and practically irrelevant. It is intellectually incoherent because it cannot be applied consistently in a world with many potential disaster scenarios. In addition to the global-warming risk, there's also the asteroid-hitting-the-earth risk, the terrorists-with-nuclear-weapons risk (Cheney's original scenario), the super-duper-pandemic risk, etc. Since each of these risks, on the "one percent doctrine," would deserve all of our attention, we cannot address all of them simultaneously. That is, even within the one-percent mentality, we'd have to begin prioritizing, making choices and trade-offs. But why then should we only make these trade-offs between responses to disaster scenarios? Why not also choose between them and other, much more cotidien, things we value? Why treat the unlikely but cataclysmic event as somehow fundamentally different, something that cannot be integrated into all the other calculations we make? And in fact, this is how we behave all the time. We get into our cars in order to buy a cup of coffee, even though there's some chance we will be killed on the way to the coffee shop. We are constantly risking death, if slightly, in order to pursue the things we value. Any creature that adopted the "precautionary principle" would sit at home - no, not even there, since there is some chance the building might collapse. That creature would neither be able to act, nor not act, since it would nowhere discover perfect safety. Friedman's approach reminds me somehow of Pascal's wager - quasi-religious faith masquerading as rational deliberation (as Hans Albert has pointed out, Pascal's wager itself doesn't add up: there may be a God, in fact, but it may turn out that He dislikes, and even damns, people who believe in him because they've calculated it's in their best interest to do so). As my friend James points out, it's striking how descriptions of the environmental risk always describe the situation as if it were five to midnight. It must be near midnight, since otherwise there would be no need to act. But it can never be five *past* midnight, since then acting would be pointless and we might as well party like it was 2099. Many religious movements - for example the early Jesus movement - have exhibited precisely this combination of traits: the looming apocalypse, with the time (just barely) to take action.
| 2,774 |
<h4><strong>Evaluating risk with a one percent doctrine makes life impossible – everything could theoretically cause extinction</h4><p>Meskill 09<u></strong> (David, professor at Colorado School of Mines and PhD from Harvard, “The "One Percent Doctrine" and Environmental Faith,” Dec 9, http://davidmeskill.blogspot.com/2009/12/one-percent-doctrine-and-environmental.html)</p><p></u>Tom <u><mark>Friedman's piece</u> </mark>today in the Times on the environment (http://www.nytimes.com/2009/12/09/opinion/09friedman.html?_r=1) is one of the flimsiest pieces by a major columnist that I can remember ever reading. He <u><mark>applies Cheney's "one percent doctrine"</u> </mark>(which is similar to the environmentalists' "precautionary principle") <u><mark>to the </mark>risk of <mark>environmental armageddon</mark>. <strong>But <mark>this doctrine is both intellectually incoherent and practically irrelevant</strong></mark>.</u> It is intellectually incoherent because <u><mark>it cannot be applied consistently in a world with many potential </mark>disaster <mark>scenarios</mark>. In addition to the global-<mark>warming </mark>risk, there's also the <mark>asteroid</mark>-hitting-the-earth risk, the <mark>terrorists</mark>-with-<mark>nuclear-weapons </mark>risk</u> (Cheney's original scenario), <u>the super-duper-<mark>pandemic </mark>risk, etc. Since <mark>each </mark>of these <mark>risk</mark>s, <strong><mark>on the "one percent doctrine," would deserve all of our attention</strong>, we cannot address all of them simultaneously</mark>. That is, even within the one-percent mentality, we'd have to begin prioritizing, making choices and trade-offs</u>. But why then should we only make these trade-offs between responses to disaster scenarios? <u>Why not also choose between them and other,</u> much more cotidien, <u>things we value? <mark>Why treat the unlikely but cataclysmic event as somehow fundamentally different</u></mark>, something that cannot be integrated into all the other calculations we make? And in fact, <u>this is how we behave all the time. <mark>We get into our cars </mark>in order <mark>to buy </mark>a cup of <mark>coffee, even though there's some chance we will be killed </mark>on the way to the coffee shop. <mark>We are constantly risking death</mark>, if slightly, in order to pursue the things we value. <mark>Any creature that adopted the "precautionary principle" would</u> </mark>sit at home - no, not even there, since there is some chance the building might collapse. That creature would <u><mark>neither </mark>be able to <mark>act, nor not act, <strong>since it would nowhere discover perfect safety</u></strong></mark>. Friedman's approach reminds me somehow of Pascal's wager - quasi-religious faith masquerading as rational deliberation (as Hans Albert has pointed out, Pascal's wager itself doesn't add up: there may be a God, in fact, but it may turn out that He dislikes, and even damns, people who believe in him because they've calculated it's in their best interest to do so). As my friend James points out, <u>it's striking how descriptions of the environmental risk always describe the situation as if it were five to midnight. It must be near midnight, since otherwise there would be no need to act. But it can never be five *past* midnight, since then acting would be pointless and we might as well party like it was 2099. <mark>Many </mark>religious <mark>movements</u> </mark>- for example the early Jesus movement - <u>have <mark>exhibited precisely this combination of traits: the looming apocalypse, with the time (just barely) to take action</u></mark>.<strong> </p></strong>
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Contention 4 is risk calculus
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Contention 3 Solvency
| 46,317 | 378 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
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Hurricanedebates2015
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4
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Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
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Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
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Dartmouth KrAh
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Da.....
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Kr.....
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Pi.....
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Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
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Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,864 |
no credibility deficit – other states will model our form of MJ policy as per the CP – their 1AC ev ill read it for you
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Velimirovic, 14
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Velimirovic, 14 [Sara, 11/24/14 “Could Drug Legalization Policies Be a Tool for Peace?” Former Coordinator for The Helsinki Committee on Human Rights, AND internally citing UN Data, and James Cockayne, head of the UN University Office at the United Nations in New York and Allison Holcomb, criminal justice director of ACLU. Research for this article included participation in the International Experts Forums at the International Peace Institute in NYC]
|
Looking at marijuana legalization success stories could give credible grounds to push for other policies of liberalization? In other words, could marijuana be a gateway drug for libertarianism? The answer might lie in the upcoming UN General Assembly Special Session scheduled for 2016 This is a meeting where the UN member states will discuss issues related to the global drug problem one of the speakers, James Cockayne, emphasized legalization being the game-changer in the political debate. if the heads of states fail to consider legalization policies more thoroughly, UNGASS 2016 is risking being seen by the global media as yet another useless UN summit, and confirming UN’s inability to rapidly respond to contemporary problems as was the case with Kyoto Alison Holcomb , insinuated our policies are outdated and the upcoming forum is an excellent chance to rethink our interpretation of these conventions.
What do a recently-released International Crisis Group report and the latest Red River computer game have in common? Answer: They both feature Islamist insurgents infiltrating Tajikistan and posing a threat to Western security such portrayals of Central Asia are commonplace in the West from popular culture to the quasi-academic work of policy analysts In research conducted since the 1990s, we have charted how UK and US representations of Central Asia routinely present it as especially dangerous, fusing the traditional insecurities of the Orient to dysfunctional post-Soviet authoritarianism ethnic conflict is misread and great power conflict is assumed where in fact it may not exist the dearth of knowledge on the region amongst so-called experts means that popular culture and quasi-academic studies have greater significance Misguided applications of the ‘great game’ or the idea of Muslim radicalisation are frequently left unchallenged even powerful Western governments have relatively few people with knowledge of the region and its languages Area studies has been in decline for decades and nowhere is the phenomenon more acute than Central Asia where there was very little knowledge of the region even during the Cold War knowledge is produced interpretatively where ideas about the region emerge that associate it with conflict, Islamism and great power conflict they are often difficult to shift even when academic knowledge seems to refute these claims
fears about the Indian subcontinent being “the most dangerous place on earth.” seems the result of media superficial knowledge about the history of relations For both countries, a war would be a disaster. India has been building stronger relations with the rest of the world it has aggressively promoted itself as a moral, democratic alternative Pakistan couldn’t possibly win a war Pakistani president Zardari has shown that this is not the path he wants both countries have made concrete efforts to create people-to-people connections and to improve economic relations India granted Pakistan “most favored nation” trading status There are growing cultural ties internal problems present more of a threat The battle Pakistan faces is not India, but militants
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marijuana legalization could give credible grounds to push for other policies of liberalization marijuana a gateway drug for libertarianism The answer lie in UN General Assembly for 2016 legalization being the game-changer in the political debate if the heads of states fail to consider legalization UNGASS is risking being seen as confirming UN’s inability to rapidly respond to contemporary problems the upcoming forum is a chance to rethink conventions
What do a recently-released I C G report and the latest Red River computer game have in common? Answer: They both feature Islamist insurgents infiltrating Tajikistan and posing a threat to Western security portrayals of Central Asia are commonplace in the West, from pop culture to quasi-academic work of policy analysts US representations of Central Asia routinely present it as dangerous ethnic conflict is misread and great power conflict is assumed where in fact it may not exist , the dearth of knowledge on the region amongst so-called experts means that studies have greater significance Misguided applications of the ‘great game’ are left unchallenged even powerful Western governments have relatively few people with knowledge of the region Area studies has been in decline and nowhere is the more acute than Central Asia where there was very little knowledge of the region
fears about the Indian subcontinent seems the result of media For both war would be a disaster. India promoted itself as a moral, democratic alternative Pakistan couldn’t win Zardari has shown this is not the path he wants both made concrete efforts to create people-to-people connections and to improve economic relations India granted Pakistan “most favored nation” trading status There are growing cultural ties internal problems present more of a threat
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Looking at marijuana legalization success stories in terms of economic gains for the state, better quality of the product and apparent absence of negative consequences, could these findings give credible grounds to push for other policies of liberalization? In other words, could marijuana be a gateway drug for libertarianism? The answer might lie in the upcoming UN General Assembly Special Session scheduled for 2016. This is a meeting where the UN member states will discuss issues related to the global drug problem. Namely, last Monday, UN University organized a talk about the preparations for UNGASS 2016, which included many high level diplomats from countries of Latin America and members of the civil society. The conclusions made at this event testify of how global the issue of legalization of drugs has become, and how much has changed in a matter of a few years. To be specific, one of the speakers, James Cockayne, emphasized the case of legalization in California being the game-changer in the political debate. He warned that if the heads of states and NGOs fail to consider drug legalization policies more thoroughly, UNGASS 2016 is risking being seen by the global media as yet another useless UN summit, and confirming UN’s inability to rapidly respond to contemporary problems, as was the case with the Kyoto summit and climate change. Alison Holcomb noted that conventions which shape UN’s stance on drugs were created more than fifty years ago and the use of words such as abuse and misuse is more common than the word “use.” Thus, she symbolically insinuated our policies are outdated and the upcoming forum is an excellent chance to rethink our interpretation of these conventions. Finally
No Central Asia war --- the West frequently misrepresents the region as a source of great power conflict with little real knowledge. Proven by this advantage.
John Heathershaw and Nick Megoran, 6/16/2011. Lecturer in International Relations at the University of Exeter, working on the politics of aid and conflict resolution in Central Asia; and political geography lecturer at Newcastle Univerity, in the school of Geography, Politics and Sociology. “Central Asia: the discourse of danger,” http://www.opendemocracy.net/od-russia/john-heathershaw-nick-megoran/central-asia-discourse-of-danger.
Question: What do a recently-released International Crisis Group report (‘Tajikistan: the changing insurgent threats’) and the latest Red River computer game (‘Operation Flashpoint’) have in common? Answer: They both feature Islamist insurgents infiltrating Tajikistan and posing a threat to Western security. In fact such portrayals of Central Asia are commonplace in the West, from popular culture to the quasi-academic work of policy analysts. In research conducted since the 1990s, we have charted how UK and US representations of Central Asia routinely present it as especially dangerous, fusing the traditional insecurities of the Orient to dysfunctional post-Soviet authoritarianism. This has elicited a small debate on the margins of Central Asian studies about the significance of the discourse of danger. In response, we wrote a paper on the subject that was presented at Chatham House and recently published in the journal International Affairs (‘Contesting danger: a new agenda for policy and scholarship on Central Asia’), outlining three features of the Western discourse of danger on Central Asia. By ‘Western discourse of danger on Central Asia’ we mean how Western policy, popular and even academic accounts identify Central Asia as obscure, ethnically and politically fractious, essentially Oriental and—for these reasons—dangerous. Typically, Central Asia is spuriously identified as a source of a considerable Islamic terrorist threat as in the recent International Crisis Group report on Tajikistan. It can also mean that ethnic conflict is misread and great power conflict is assumed where in fact it may not exist. Why does the overlap between popular culture and policy analysis matter? The link we make between computer games and policy reports may seem trite. Surely these are incommensurable genres of discourse for quite diverse audiences and with wholly different intentions? Surely one is primarily for the entertainment of adolescent males, and the other seeks serious understanding in order to change policy? We should not be too quick to dismiss the effect of popular culture on policy making. Many of the Western military misadventures which have been undertaken since the end of the Cold War may have been made more likely by the feeling of interconnectedness generated by new technologies and cultural forms such as the internet. The portrayal of the military and intelligence services in the era of the ‘war on terror’ are often critical, but most ascribe to governments an ability to get things done which far exceeds what is practically possible in a globalised world. There are three reasons why popular culture matters in policymaking, and which justify the making of links between forms of representations from quite different genres. Firstly, there is the basic point that in Western democracies government are more or less responsive to public opinion. If citizens feel Afghanistan is an essentially dangerous place then they are more likely to accept the problematic argument of their governments that threats to the West will continue to come from that country unless we offer military support to a government we have placed in power. On the other hand, public interest in Central Asia is so limited that few votes are cast and few letters are sent to MPs on the basis of concern about the region. Public opinion only indirectly affects foreign policy and we should not overstate the link between the two. In many respects it is the effect of popular culture on those that do research and make decisions, in governments and non-governmental organisations, that is most significant. Secondly, the dearth of knowledge on the region amongst so-called experts means that popular culture and quasi-academic studies have greater significance. Misguided applications of the ‘great game’ or the idea of Muslim radicalisation are frequently left unchallenged. Moreover, even powerful Western governments have relatively few people with knowledge of the region and its languages. Area studies has been in decline for decades and nowhere is the phenomenon more acute than Central Asia where there was very little knowledge of the region even during the Cold War when funding was poured into the development of Sovietology. Finally, and most importantly, knowledge is produced interpretatively. This means that where ideas about the region emerge that associate it with conflict, Islamism and great power conflict they are often difficult to shift even when academic knowledge seems to refute these claims.
No Indo-Pak war anyway
--Their ev is media hype
--India self-image
--Pakistan can’t win --- cites officials
--relations increasing --- people to people, most favored nation status
--domestic problems
--Prefer it --- masters degree in Asian conflict --- understands regional dynamics
Mutti 9— Master’s degree in International Studies with a focus on South Asia, U Washington. BA in History, Knox College. over a decade of expertise covering on South Asia geopolitics, Contributing Editor to Demockracy journal (James, 1/5, Mumbai Misperceptions: War is Not Imminent, http://demockracy.com/four-reasons-why-the-mumbai-attacks-wont-result-in-a-nuclear-war/)
Fearful of imminent war, the media has indulged in frantic hand wringing about Indian and Pakistani nuclear arsenals and renewed fears about the Indian subcontinent being “the most dangerous place on earth.” As an observer of the subcontinent for over a decade, I am optimistic that war will not be the end result of this event. As horrifying as the Mumbai attacks were, they are not likely to drive India and Pakistan into an armed international conflict. The media frenzy over an imminent nuclear war seems the result of the media being superficially knowledgeable about the history of Indian-Pakistani relations, of feeling compelled to follow the most sensationalistic story, and being recently brainwashed into thinking that the only way to respond to a major terrorist attack was the American way – a war. Here are four reasons why the Mumbai attacks will not result in a war: 1. For both countries, a war would be a disaster. India has been successfully building stronger relations with the rest of the world over the last decade. It has occasionally engaged in military muscle-flexing (abetted by a Bush administration eager to promote India as a counterweight to China and Pakistan), but it has much more aggressively promoted itself as an emerging economic powerhouse and a moral, democratic alternative to less savory authoritarian regimes. Attacking a fledgling democratic Pakistan would not improve India’s reputation in anybody’s eyes. The restraint Manmohan Singh’s government has exercised following the attacks indicates a desire to avoid rash and potentially regrettable actions. It is also perhaps a recognition that military attacks will never end terrorism. Pakistan, on the other hand, couldn’t possibly win a war against India, and Pakistan’s military defeat would surely lead to the downfall of the new democratic government. The military would regain control, and Islamic militants would surely make a grab for power – an outcome neither India nor Pakistan want. Pakistani president Asif Ali Zardari has shown that this is not the path he wants his country to go down. He has forcefully spoken out against terrorist groups operating in Pakistan and has ordered military attacks against LeT camps. Key members of LeT and other terrorist groups have been arrested. One can hope that this is only the beginning, despite the unenviable military and political difficulties in doing so. 2. Since the last major India-Pakistan clash in 1999, both countries have made concrete efforts to create people-to-people connections and to improve economic relations. Bus and train services between the countries have resumed for the first time in decades along with an easing of the issuing of visas to cross the border. India-Pakistan cricket matches have resumed, and India has granted Pakistan “most favored nation” trading status. The Mumbai attacks will undoubtedly strain relations, yet it is hard to believe that both sides would throw away this recent progress. With the removal of Pervez Musharraf and the election of a democratic government (though a shaky, relatively weak one), both the Indian government and the Pakistani government have political motivations to ease tensions and to proceed with efforts to improve relations. There are also growing efforts to recognize and build upon the many cultural ties between the populations of India and Pakistan and a decreasing sense of animosity between the countries. 3. Both countries also face difficult internal problems that present more of a threat to their stability and security than does the opposite country. If they are wise, the governments of both countries will work more towards addressing these internal threats than the less dangerous external ones. The most significant problems facing Pakistan today do not revolve around the unresolved situation in Kashmir or a military threat posed by India. The more significant threat to Pakistan comes from within. While LeT has focused its firepower on India instead of the Pakistani state, other militant Islamic outfits have not. Groups based in the tribal regions bordering Afghanistan have orchestrated frequent deadly suicide bombings and clashes with the Pakistani military, including the attack that killed ex-Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in 2007. The battle that the Pakistani government faces now is not against its traditional enemy India, but against militants bent on destroying the Pakistani state and creating a Taliban-style regime in Pakistan. In order to deal with this threat, it must strengthen the structures of a democratic, inclusive political system that can also address domestic problems and inequalities. On the other hand, the threat of Pakistani based terrorists to India is significant. However, suicide bombings and attacks are also carried out by Indian Islamic militants, and vast swaths of rural India are under the de facto control of the Maoist guerrillas known as the Naxalites. Hindu fundamentalists pose a serious threat to the safety of many Muslim and Christian Indians and to the idea of India as a diverse, secular, democratic society. Separatist insurgencies in Kashmir and in parts of the northeast have dragged on for years. And like Pakistan, India faces significant challenges in addressing sharp social and economic inequalities. Additionally, Indian political parties, especially the ruling Congress Party and others that rely on the support of India’s massive Muslim population to win elections, are certainly wary about inflaming public opinion against Pakistan (and Muslims). This fear could lead the investigation into the Mumbai attacks to fizzle out with no resolution, as many other such inquiries have. 4. The international attention to this attack – somewhat difficult to explain in my opinion given the general complacency and utter apathy in much of the western world about previous terrorist attacks in places like India, Pakistan, and Indonesia – is a final obstacle to an armed conflict. Not only does it put both countries under a microscope in terms of how they respond to the terrible events, it also means that they will feel international pressure to resolve the situation without resorting to war. India and Pakistan have been warned by the US, Russia, and others not to let the situation end in war. India has been actively recruiting Pakistan’s closest allies – China and Saudi Arabia – to pressure Pakistan to act against militants, and the US has been in the forefront of pressing Pakistan for action. Iran too has expressed solidarity with India in the face of the attacks and is using its regional influence to bring more diplomatic pressure on Pakistan.
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<h4>no credibility deficit – other states will model our form of MJ policy as per the CP – their 1AC ev ill read it for you </h4><p><strong>Velimirovic, 14</strong> [Sara, 11/24/14 “Could Drug Legalization Policies Be a Tool for Peace?” Former Coordinator for The Helsinki Committee on Human Rights, AND internally citing UN Data, and James Cockayne, head of the UN University Office at the United Nations in New York and Allison Holcomb, criminal justice director of ACLU. Research for this article included participation in the International Experts Forums at the International Peace Institute in NYC] </p><p><u>Looking at <mark>marijuana legalization</mark> success stories</u> in terms of economic gains for the state, better quality of the product and apparent absence of negative consequences, <u><mark>could</u></mark> these findings <u><mark>give credible grounds to push for other</mark> <mark>policies of liberalization</mark>? In other words,</u> <u><strong>could <mark>marijuana</mark> be <mark>a gateway drug for</mark> <mark>libertarianism</mark>? </strong><mark>The answer</mark> might <mark>lie in</mark> the upcoming <mark>UN General Assembly</mark> Special Session scheduled <mark>for 2016</u></mark>. <u>This is a meeting where the UN member states will discuss issues related to the global drug problem</u>. Namely, last Monday, UN University organized a talk about the preparations for UNGASS 2016, which included many high level diplomats from countries of Latin America and members of the civil society. The conclusions made at this event testify of how global the issue of legalization of drugs has become, and how much has changed in a matter of a few years. To be specific, <u>one of the speakers, James Cockayne, emphasized</u> the case of <u><strong><mark>legalization</u></strong></mark> in California <u><strong><mark>being the game-changer in the political debate</mark>.</u></strong> He warned that <u><strong><mark>if the heads of states</u></strong></mark> and NGOs <u><strong><mark>fail to consider</u></strong></mark> drug <u><strong><mark>legalization</mark> policies more thoroughly, <mark>UNGASS</mark> 2016 <mark>is risking being seen</mark> by the global media <mark>as</mark> yet another useless UN summit, and</u></strong> <u><strong><mark>confirming UN’s inability to rapidly respond to</mark> <mark>contemporary problems</u></strong></mark>, <u>as was the case with</u> the <u>Kyoto</u> summit and climate change. <u><strong>Alison Holcomb</strong> </u>noted that conventions which shape UN’s stance on drugs were created more than fifty years ago and the use of words such as abuse and misuse is more common than the word “use.” Thus<u>, </u>she symbolically<u><strong> insinuated our policies are outdated and <mark>the upcoming forum is a</mark>n excellent <mark>chance to rethink </mark>our interpretation of these <mark>conventions</mark>. </u>Finally</p><p>No Central Asia war --- the West frequently misrepresents the region as a source of great power conflict with little real knowledge. Proven by this advantage.</p><p></strong>John <strong>Heathershaw and</strong> Nick <strong>Megoran</strong>, 6/16/<strong>2011</strong>. Lecturer in International Relations at the University of Exeter, working on the politics of aid and conflict resolution in Central Asia; and political geography lecturer at Newcastle Univerity, in the school of Geography, Politics and Sociology. “Central Asia: the discourse of danger,” http://www.opendemocracy.net/od-russia/john-heathershaw-nick-megoran/central-asia-discourse-of-danger.</p><p>Question: <u><strong><mark>What do a recently-released I</mark>nternational <mark>C</mark>risis <mark>G</mark>roup <mark>report</u></strong></mark> (‘Tajikistan: the changing insurgent threats’) <u><strong><mark>and</mark> <mark>the latest Red River computer game</u></strong></mark> (‘Operation Flashpoint’) <u><strong><mark>have in common? Answer: They both feature Islamist insurgents infiltrating Tajikistan and posing a threat to Western security</u></strong></mark>. In fact <u><strong>such <mark>portrayals</mark> <mark>of</mark> <mark>Central Asia are commonplace in the West</u></strong>, <u><strong>from pop</mark>ular <mark>culture</mark> <mark>to</mark> the <mark>quasi-academic</mark> <mark>work</mark> <mark>of policy analysts</u></strong></mark>. <u><strong>In research conducted since the 1990s, we have charted how UK and <mark>US representations</mark> <mark>of Central Asia routinely present it as </mark>especially <mark>dangerous</mark>, fusing the traditional insecurities of the Orient to dysfunctional post-Soviet authoritarianism</u></strong>. This has elicited a small debate on the margins of Central Asian studies about the significance of the discourse of danger. In response, we wrote a paper on the subject that was presented at Chatham House and recently published in the journal International Affairs (‘Contesting danger: a new agenda for policy and scholarship on Central Asia’), outlining three features of the Western discourse of danger on Central Asia. By ‘Western discourse of danger on Central Asia’ we mean how Western policy, popular and even academic accounts identify Central Asia as obscure, ethnically and politically fractious, essentially Oriental and—for these reasons—dangerous. Typically, Central Asia is spuriously identified as a source of a considerable Islamic terrorist threat as in the recent International Crisis Group report on Tajikistan. It can also mean that <u><strong><mark>ethnic conflict is misread and great power conflict is assumed where in fact it may not exist</u></strong></mark>. Why does the overlap between popular culture and policy analysis matter? The link we make between computer games and policy reports may seem trite. Surely these are incommensurable genres of discourse for quite diverse audiences and with wholly different intentions? Surely one is primarily for the entertainment of adolescent males, and the other seeks serious understanding in order to change policy? We should not be too quick to dismiss the effect of popular culture on policy making. Many of the Western military misadventures which have been undertaken since the end of the Cold War may have been made more likely by the feeling of interconnectedness generated by new technologies and cultural forms such as the internet. The portrayal of the military and intelligence services in the era of the ‘war on terror’ are often critical, but most ascribe to governments an ability to get things done which far exceeds what is practically possible in a globalised world. There are three reasons why popular culture matters in policymaking, and which justify the making of links between forms of representations from quite different genres. Firstly, there is the basic point that in Western democracies government are more or less responsive to public opinion. If citizens feel Afghanistan is an essentially dangerous place then they are more likely to accept the problematic argument of their governments that threats to the West will continue to come from that country unless we offer military support to a government we have placed in power. On the other hand, public interest in Central Asia is so limited that few votes are cast and few letters are sent to MPs on the basis of concern about the region. Public opinion only indirectly affects foreign policy and we should not overstate the link between the two. In many respects it is the effect of popular culture on those that do research and make decisions, in governments and non-governmental organisations, that is most significant. Secondly<mark>, <u><strong>the dearth of knowledge on the region amongst so-called experts</mark> <mark>means</mark> <mark>that</mark> popular culture and quasi-academic <mark>studies have greater significance</u></strong></mark>. <u><strong><mark>Misguided applications of</mark> <mark>the ‘great game’</mark> or the idea of Muslim radicalisation <mark>are </mark>frequently <mark>left unchallenged</u></strong></mark>. Moreover, <u><strong><mark>even powerful Western governments have relatively few people with knowledge of the region</mark> and its languages</u></strong>. <u><strong><mark>Area studies has been in decline</mark> for decades <mark>and nowhere is the</mark> phenomenon <mark>more acute than Central</mark> <mark>Asia</mark> <mark>where there was very little knowledge of the region</mark> even during the Cold War</u></strong> when funding was poured into the development of Sovietology. Finally, and most importantly, <u><strong>knowledge is produced interpretatively</u></strong>. This means that <u><strong>where ideas about the region emerge that associate it with conflict, Islamism and great power conflict they are often difficult to shift even when academic knowledge seems to refute these claims</u>. </p><p></strong>No Indo-Pak war anyway</p><p>--Their ev is media hype </p><p>--India self-image</p><p>--Pakistan can’t win --- cites officials</p><p>--relations increasing --- people to people, most favored nation status</p><p>--domestic problems </p><p>--Prefer it --- masters degree in Asian conflict --- understands regional dynamics</p><p><strong>Mutti 9</strong>— Master’s degree in International Studies with a focus on South Asia, U Washington. BA in History, Knox College. over a decade of expertise covering on South Asia geopolitics, Contributing Editor to Demockracy journal (James, 1/5, Mumbai Misperceptions: War is Not Imminent, http://demockracy.com/four-reasons-why-the-mumbai-attacks-wont-result-in-a-nuclear-war/)</p><p>Fearful of imminent war, the media has indulged in frantic hand wringing about Indian and Pakistani nuclear arsenals and renewed <u><mark>fears about the Indian subcontinent</mark> being “the most dangerous place on earth.” </u>As an observer of the subcontinent for over a decade, I am optimistic that war will not be the end result of this event. As horrifying as the Mumbai attacks were, they are not likely to drive India and Pakistan into an armed international conflict. The media frenzy over an imminent nuclear war <u><mark>seems the result of</mark> </u>the <u><strong><mark>media</strong></mark> </u>being<u> superficial</u>ly <u>knowledge</u>able<u> about the history of </u>Indian-Pakistani <u>relations</u>, of feeling compelled to follow the most sensationalistic story, and being recently brainwashed into thinking that the only way to respond to a major terrorist attack was the American way – a war. Here are four reasons why the Mumbai attacks will not result in a war: 1. <u><mark>For both</mark> countries, a <mark>war would be a <strong>disaster</strong>. India </mark>has been </u>successfully<u> building stronger relations with the rest of the world</u> over the last decade. It has occasionally engaged in military muscle-flexing (abetted by a Bush administration eager to promote India as a counterweight to China and Pakistan), but <u>it has </u>much more<u> aggressively <mark>promoted itself as </u></mark>an emerging economic powerhouse and <u><mark>a</mark> <mark>moral, democratic alternative</u></mark> to less savory authoritarian regimes. Attacking a fledgling democratic Pakistan would not improve India’s reputation in anybody’s eyes. The restraint Manmohan Singh’s government has exercised following the attacks indicates a desire to avoid rash and potentially regrettable actions. It is also perhaps a recognition that military attacks will never end terrorism. <u><mark>Pakistan</u></mark>, on the other hand, <u><mark>couldn’t</mark> possibly <mark>win</mark> a war </u>against India, and Pakistan’s military defeat would surely lead to the downfall of the new democratic government. The military would regain control, and Islamic militants would surely make a grab for power – an outcome neither India nor Pakistan want. <u>Pakistani president</u> Asif Ali <u><mark>Zardari has shown</mark> that <mark>this is not the path he wants</mark> </u>his country to go down. He has forcefully spoken out against terrorist groups operating in Pakistan and has ordered military attacks against LeT camps. Key members of LeT and other terrorist groups have been arrested. One can hope that this is only the beginning, despite the unenviable military and political difficulties in doing so. 2. Since the last major India-Pakistan clash in 1999, <u><mark>both </mark>countries have <mark>made concrete efforts to create people-to-people connections and to improve economic relations</u></mark>. Bus and train services between the countries have resumed for the first time in decades along with an easing of the issuing of visas to cross the border. India-Pakistan cricket matches have resumed, and <u><mark>India</mark> </u>has<u> <mark>granted Pakistan “most favored nation” trading status</u></mark>. The Mumbai attacks will undoubtedly strain relations, yet it is hard to believe that both sides would throw away this recent progress. With the removal of Pervez Musharraf and the election of a democratic government (though a shaky, relatively weak one), both the Indian government and the Pakistani government have political motivations to ease tensions and to proceed with efforts to improve relations. <u><mark>There are</mark> </u>also<u> <mark>growing</mark> </u>efforts to recognize and build upon the many <u><mark>cultural ties</u></mark> between the populations of India and Pakistan and a decreasing sense of animosity between the countries. 3.<u> </u>Both countries also face difficult<u> <mark>internal problems</mark> </u>that<u> <mark>present more of a threat</mark> </u>to their stability and security than does the opposite country. If they are wise, the governments of both countries will work more towards addressing these internal threats than the less dangerous external ones. The most significant problems facing Pakistan today do not revolve around the unresolved situation in Kashmir or a military threat posed by India. The more significant threat to Pakistan comes from within. While LeT has focused its firepower on India instead of the Pakistani state, other militant Islamic outfits have not. Groups based in the tribal regions bordering Afghanistan have orchestrated frequent deadly suicide bombings and clashes with the Pakistani military, including the attack that killed ex-Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto in 2007. <u>The battle </u>that the<u> Pakistan</u>i government <u>faces </u>now<u> is not</u> against its traditional enemy <u>India, but </u>against<u> militants</u> bent on destroying the Pakistani state and creating a Taliban-style regime in Pakistan. In order to deal with this threat, it must strengthen the structures of a democratic, inclusive political system that can also address domestic problems and inequalities. On the other hand, the threat of Pakistani based terrorists to India is significant. However, suicide bombings and attacks are also carried out by Indian Islamic militants, and vast swaths of rural India are under the de facto control of the Maoist guerrillas known as the Naxalites. Hindu fundamentalists pose a serious threat to the safety of many Muslim and Christian Indians and to the idea of India as a diverse, secular, democratic society. Separatist insurgencies in Kashmir and in parts of the northeast have dragged on for years. And like Pakistan, India faces significant challenges in addressing sharp social and economic inequalities. Additionally, Indian political parties, especially the ruling Congress Party and others that rely on the support of India’s massive Muslim population to win elections, are certainly wary about inflaming public opinion against Pakistan (and Muslims). This fear could lead the investigation into the Mumbai attacks to fizzle out with no resolution, as many other such inquiries have. 4. The international attention to this attack – somewhat difficult to explain in my opinion given the general complacency and utter apathy in much of the western world about previous terrorist attacks in places like India, Pakistan, and Indonesia – is a final obstacle to an armed conflict. Not only does it put both countries under a microscope in terms of how they respond to the terrible events, it also means that they will feel international pressure to resolve the situation without resorting to war. India and Pakistan have been warned by the US, Russia, and others not to let the situation end in war. India has been actively recruiting Pakistan’s closest allies – China and Saudi Arabia – to pressure Pakistan to act against militants, and the US has been in the forefront of pressing Pakistan for action. Iran too has expressed solidarity with India in the face of the attacks and is using its regional influence to bring more diplomatic pressure on Pakistan. </p>
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a2
| 67,056 | 76 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
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Hurricanedebates2015
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6
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Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
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Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
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ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
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KrAh
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Dartmouth KrAh
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Da.....
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Kr.....
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Pi.....
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Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
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Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
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NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
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college
| 2 |
741,865 |
Federal regulations will not permit xenotransplants if infection is a risk – none of their evidence considers this
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Cozzi 9
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Cozzi 9 Emanuele Cozzi et al- Department of Surgical and Gastroenterological Sciences, University of Padua, Italy Xenotransplantation Volume 16, Issue 4, pages 203–214, July/August 2009
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The US paradigm for regulation of xenotransplantation
The federal government’s authority to regulate xenotransplantation is vested in the FDA) regulations, whether issued by the FDA or other executive agencies such as HHS) have the force of law and constitute the practical basis for governmental oversight of US xenotransplantation activities.
The US commitment to establishing a national regulatory framework for xenotransplantation has been considerable.
the HHS developed a comprehensive paradigm for regulation of xenotransplantation
The process of developing a comprehensive xenotransplantation policy was achieved through the accomplishment of several significant milestones. In particular the PHS) draft guideline on infectious disease issues in xenotransplantation” Avoidance of xenogeneic infectious disease transmission was the appropriate primary concern of the US regulations,
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The government’s authority to regulate xenotransplantation is vested in the FDA regulations, whether issued by the FDA or other executive agencies [such as HHS have the force of law and constitute the practical basis for governmental oversight of US xenotransplantation activities.
The US commitment to establishing a national regulatory framework for xenotransplantation has been considerable
The process of developing a comprehensive xenotransplantation policy was achieved through the accomplishment of several significant milestones. In particular, the PHS) draft guideline on infectious disease issues in xenotransplantation” Avoidance of xenogeneic infectious disease transmission was the appropriate primary concern of the US regulations
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Chapter 1: Key ethical requirements and progress toward the definition of an international regulatory framework
The US paradigm for regulation of xenotransplantation
The US federal government’s authority to regulate xenotransplantation stems from its jurisdiction over interstate commerce and is vested in the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) through the Food Drug and Cosmetics Act (FD&C), and Public Health Service Act. These laws are interpreted and fleshed out in detail in the Code of Federal Regulations. These regulations, whether issued by the FDA or other executive agencies [such as the US Department of Health and Human Services (HHS) or the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA)], have the force of law and constitute the practical basis for governmental oversight of US xenotransplantation activities.
The US commitment to establishing a national regulatory framework for xenotransplantation has been considerable. Five agencies within the HHS were actively involved in developing the US regulatory model, including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the FDA and the National Institutes of Health. This has resulted in the development of a comprehensive regulatory framework to enable the appropriate pre-clinical development of xenotransplantation toward the initiation of clinical trials, taking into account the special issues raised by this novel biomedical technology.
To achieve its mission, the HHS developed a comprehensive paradigm for regulation of xenotransplantation. This essentially consisted of a set of applicable laws and regulations with enforcement provisions, a centralized authority with regulatory oversight of xenotransplantation (the FDA, in particular through the Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research and in case of inclusion of a device, also through the Center for Devices and Radiological Health), and a set of guidance documents that represent the FDA’s current thinking on a given topic. The need for transparency and organization of forums for public discussion represented another important aspect of the US paradigm that also included the establishment of the HHS Secretary’s Advisory Committee on Xenotransplantation (SACX) in 2001 with the aim of making recommendations to the HHS Secretary on policy and procedures and, as needed, changes to regulations and guidances. The SACX also developed a guidance on consent procedures for xenotransplantation trials, which was released in draft form for public comment but was not finalized prior to the disbandment of the SACX in 2005.
The process of developing a comprehensive xenotransplantation policy was achieved through the accomplishment of several significant milestones. In particular, the “US Public Health Service (PHS) draft guideline on infectious disease issues in xenotransplantation” (1996) was the first document that clearly articulated the fundamental regulatory process to minimize the risk of transmission of xenogeneic infections. Subsequently, two public meetings were organized by the agency aimed at acquiring public feedback regarding public health concerns raised by xenotransplantation, one on “Cross-species infectivity and pathogenesis” (1997) and one on “Developing US policy on xenotransplantation” (1998), which included international participation. In 2001, the FDA released “PHS guideline on infectious disease issues in xenotransplantation” [11] and, in 2003, “Guidance for industry: source animal, product, preclinical, and clinical issues concerning the use of xenotransplantation products in humans [12].” Avoidance of xenogeneic infectious disease transmission was the appropriate primary concern of the US regulations, which inspired and directly contributed to regulatory guidelines developed by other countries. These documents do not carry the force of law; they offer guidance to investigators, patients, and industry regarding the criteria by which the FDA will evaluate a proposed xenotransplantation trial.
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<h4><strong>Federal regulations will not permit xenotransplants if infection is a risk – none of their evidence considers this</h4><p>Cozzi 9</strong> Emanuele Cozzi et al- Department of Surgical and Gastroenterological Sciences, University of Padua, Italy Xenotransplantation Volume 16, Issue 4, pages 203–214, July/August 2009</p><p>Chapter 1: Key ethical requirements and progress toward the definition of an international regulatory framework</p><p><u>The US paradigm for regulation of xenotransplantation</p><p><mark>The</mark> </u>US <u>federal <mark>government’s authority to regulate xenotransplantation</u></mark> stems from its jurisdiction over interstate commerce and <u><mark>is</mark> <mark>vested in the</u></mark> U.S. Food and Drug Administration (<u><mark>FDA</mark>)</u> through the Food Drug and Cosmetics Act (FD&C), and Public Health Service Act. These laws are interpreted and fleshed out in detail in the Code of Federal Regulations. These <u><mark>regulations, whether issued by the FDA or other executive agencies </u>[<u>such as</u></mark> the US Department of Health and Human Services (<u><mark>HHS</mark>)</u> or the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA)], <u><mark>have the force of law and constitute the practical basis for governmental oversight of US xenotransplantation activities.</p><p>The US commitment to establishing a national regulatory framework for xenotransplantation has been considerable</mark>.</u> Five agencies within the HHS were actively involved in developing the US regulatory model, including the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the FDA and the National Institutes of Health. This has resulted in the development of a comprehensive regulatory framework to enable the appropriate pre-clinical development of xenotransplantation toward the initiation of clinical trials, taking into account the special issues raised by this novel biomedical technology.</p><p>To achieve its mission, <u>the HHS developed a comprehensive paradigm for regulation of xenotransplantation</u>. This essentially consisted of a set of applicable laws and regulations with enforcement provisions, a centralized authority with regulatory oversight of xenotransplantation (the FDA, in particular through the Center for Biologics Evaluation and Research and in case of inclusion of a device, also through the Center for Devices and Radiological Health), and a set of guidance documents that represent the FDA’s current thinking on a given topic. The need for transparency and organization of forums for public discussion represented another important aspect of the US paradigm that also included the establishment of the HHS Secretary’s Advisory Committee on Xenotransplantation (SACX) in 2001 with the aim of making recommendations to the HHS Secretary on policy and procedures and, as needed, changes to regulations and guidances. The SACX also developed a guidance on consent procedures for xenotransplantation trials, which was released in draft form for public comment but was not finalized prior to the disbandment of the SACX in 2005.</p><p><u><mark>The process of developing a comprehensive xenotransplantation policy was achieved through the accomplishment of several significant milestones. In particular</u>, <u>the</u></mark> “US Public Health Service (<u><mark>PHS) draft guideline on infectious disease issues in xenotransplantation”</u></mark> (1996) was the first document that clearly articulated the fundamental regulatory process to minimize the risk of transmission of xenogeneic infections. Subsequently, two public meetings were organized by the agency aimed at acquiring public feedback regarding public health concerns raised by xenotransplantation, one on “Cross-species infectivity and pathogenesis” (1997) and one on “Developing US policy on xenotransplantation” (1998), which included international participation. In 2001, the FDA released “PHS guideline on infectious disease issues in xenotransplantation” [11] and, in 2003, “Guidance for industry: source animal, product, preclinical, and clinical issues concerning the use of xenotransplantation products in humans [12].” <u><mark>Avoidance of xenogeneic infectious disease transmission was the appropriate primary concern of the US regulations</mark>, </u><strong>which inspired and directly contributed to regulatory guidelines developed by other countries. These documents do not carry the force of law; they offer guidance to investigators, patients, and industry regarding the criteria by which the FDA will evaluate a proposed xenotransplantation trial.</p></strong>
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Xeno-Transplants
| 430,459 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
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Hurricanedebates2015
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9
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Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
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Fitzmier
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Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
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ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
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KrAh
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ndtceda14
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NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
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college
| 2 |
741,866 |
Some suffering may be inevitable – but extreme suffering is unjustified
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Edelglass, 6 (William, Department of Philosophy, Colby College in Maine, “Levinas on Suffering and Compassion,” Sophia, Volume 45, Issue 2, October 2006, pg. 43-59, SpringerLink, pdf, Tashma)
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mild discomfort can be mastered by consciousness. as suffering increases and overwhelms the subject it becomes meaningless and evil Suffering that leaves the subject without resources is characterized by excessive passivity without consciousness. Suffering is outside the intending capacity of consciousness there is suffering in which exertion of hope is no longer possible. the essence of suffering isdisproportionate to our senses Suffering is a rupture of meaning because it suffocates the subject and destroys capacity for assimilating the world. Pain isolates itself in consciousness Suffering is an absurdity justifications ofextreme suffering are insensible to the unbearable pain they seek to legitimize. death in suffering menaces freedom of the will. The will endures pain 'as a tyranny who perpetrates violence This tyranny threatens dignity and identity breaking open totality and meaning for nothing extreme suffering that destroys capacity for human activity is generally addressed in the context of metaphysical questions of evil when it is severe and unjustified.
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According to Levinas's phenomenology, mild discomfort can be mastered by consciousness. But, as suffering increases and overwhelms the subject, it becomes a pure passivity, meaningless and evil. Suffering that leaves the subject without resources, Levinas consistently emphasizes, is characterized by an excessive passivity. It is a submission without a synthesizing act of consciousness. Our senses in their receptivity to the world, phenomenologists insist, are still acting, constituting meaning, forming the material content of sensation. As a content of consciousness, suffering lends itself to phenomenological description, not unlike other sensations of vision, hearing, or touch. And yet, according to Levinas's phenomenology, suffering cannot be grasped, it is 'unassumable,' and this elusiveness is its 'content' (US91). Suffering is outside the intending capacity of consciousness or the apperceptive synthesizing activity of the Kantian 'I think.' Levinas thus speaks of the ambiguity of suffering as a consciousness of the refusal of order and this refusal itself. In suffering, Levinas argues, the refusal of meaning is itself a sensible quality: 'In the guise of "experienced" content, the way in which, with a consciousness, the unbearable is precisely not borne, the manner of this not-being-borne; which, paradoxically, is itself a sensation or a datum' (US92). Beyond the ambiguity of patience - the hope and activity of passivity that masters itself- Levinas insists, there is suffering in which even the exertion of the will as hope is no longer possible. Such suffering is an undergoing without initiative, a bearing of the world, a pure passivity not associated with an activity that senses pain as an object. Thus, the very content of suffering is passivity: 'passivity - that is, a modality - signifies as a quiddity' (US92). The passivity of suffering does not derive simply from a great intensity; the essence of suffering isdisproportionate to our senses, an excess beyond the measure of our faculties. Because suffering is a pure passivity, lived as the breach of the totality we constitute through intending acts, Levinas argues, even suffering that is chosen cannot be meaningfully systematized within a coherent whole. Suffering is a rupture and disturbance of meaning because it suffocates the subject and destroys the capacity for systematically assimilating the world. 9 Pain isolates itself in consciousness, overwhelming consciousness with its insistence. Suffering, then, is an absurdity, 'an absurdity breaking out on the ground of signification.'1~ This absurdity is the eidetic character of suffering Levinas seeks to draw out in his phenomenology. Suffering often appears justified, from the biological need for sensibility to pain, to the various ways in which suffering is employed in character formation, the concerns of practical life, a community's desire for justice, and the needs of the state. Implicit in Levinas's texts is the insistence that the analysis of these sufferings calls for a distinction between the use of pain as a tool, a practice performed on the Other's body for a particular end, and the acknowledgement of the Other's lived pain. A consequence of Levinas's phenomenology is the idea that instrumental justifications ofextreme suffering necessarily are insensible to the unbearable pain they seek to legitimize. Strictly speaking, then, suffering is meaningless and cannot be comprehended or justified by rational argument. Meaningless, and therefore unjustifiable, Levinas insists, suffering is evil. Suffering, according to Levinas's phenomenology, is an exception to the subject's mastery of being; in suffering the subject endures the overwhelming of freedom by alterity. The will that revels in the autonomous grasping of the world, in suffering finds itself grasped by the world. The in-itself of the will loses its capacity to exert itself and submits to the will of what is beyond its grasp. Contrary to Heidegger, it is not the anxiety before my own death which threatens the will and the self. For, Levinas argues, death, announced in suffering, is in a future always beyond the present. Instead of death, it is the pure passivity of suffering that menaces the freedom of the will. The will endures pain 'as a tyranny,' the work of a 'You,' a malicious other who perpetrates violence (TI239). This tyranny, Levinas argues, 'is more radical than sin, for it threatens the will in its very structure as a will, in its dignity as origin and identity' (TI237). Because suffering is unjustifiable, it is a tyranny breaking open my world of totality and meaning 'for nothing.' The gratuitous and extreme suffering that destroys the capacity for flourishing human activity is generally addressed by thinkers in European traditions in the context of metaphysical questions of evil (is evil a positive substance or deviation from the Good?), or problems of philosophical anthropology (is evil chosen or is it a result of ignorance?). For these traditions it is evil, not suffering, that is the great scandal, for they consider suffering to be evil only when it is bothsevere and unjustified.
| 5,162 |
<h4><strong>Some suffering may be inevitable – but extreme suffering is unjustified</h4><p></strong>Edelglass, 6 (William, Department of Philosophy, Colby College in Maine, “Levinas on Suffering and Compassion,” Sophia, Volume 45, Issue 2, October 2006, pg. 43-59, SpringerLink, pdf, Tashma)</p><p>According to Levinas's phenomenology, <u>mild discomfort can be mastered by consciousness.</u> But, <u><strong>as suffering increases and overwhelms the subject</u></strong>, <u><strong>it becomes</u></strong> a pure passivity, <u><strong>meaningless and evil</u></strong>. <u>Suffering that leaves the subject without resources</u>, Levinas consistently emphasizes, <u>is characterized by</u> an <u>excessive passivity</u>. It is a submission <u>without</u> a synthesizing act of <u>consciousness.</u> Our senses in their receptivity to the world, phenomenologists insist, are still acting, constituting meaning, forming the material content of sensation. As a content of consciousness, suffering lends itself to phenomenological description, not unlike other sensations of vision, hearing, or touch. And yet, according to Levinas's phenomenology, suffering cannot be grasped, it is 'unassumable,' and this elusiveness is its 'content' (US91). <u>Suffering is outside the intending capacity of consciousness</u> or the apperceptive synthesizing activity of the Kantian 'I think.' Levinas thus speaks of the ambiguity of suffering as a consciousness of the refusal of order and this refusal itself. In suffering, Levinas argues, the refusal of meaning is itself a sensible quality: 'In the guise of "experienced" content, the way in which, with a consciousness, the unbearable is precisely not borne, the manner of this not-being-borne; which, paradoxically, is itself a sensation or a datum' (US92). Beyond the ambiguity of patience - the hope and activity of passivity that masters itself- Levinas insists, <u><strong>there is suffering in which</u></strong> even the <u><strong>exertion of</u></strong> the will as <u><strong>hope is no longer possible.</u></strong> Such suffering is an undergoing without initiative, a bearing of the world, a pure passivity not associated with an activity that senses pain as an object. Thus, the very content of suffering is passivity: 'passivity - that is, a modality - signifies as a quiddity' (US92). The passivity of suffering does not derive simply from a great intensity; <u>the essence of suffering isdisproportionate to our senses</u>, an excess beyond the measure of our faculties. Because suffering is a pure passivity, lived as the breach of the totality we constitute through intending acts, Levinas argues, even suffering that is chosen cannot be meaningfully systematized within a coherent whole. <u>Suffering is a rupture</u> and disturbance <u>of meaning because it suffocates the subject and destroys</u> the <u>capacity for</u> systematically <u>assimilating the world.</u> 9 <u>Pain isolates itself in consciousness</u>, overwhelming consciousness with its insistence. <u><strong>Suffering</u></strong>, then, <u><strong>is an absurdity</u></strong>, 'an absurdity breaking out on the ground of signification.'1~ This absurdity is the eidetic character of suffering Levinas seeks to draw out in his phenomenology. Suffering often appears justified, from the biological need for sensibility to pain, to the various ways in which suffering is employed in character formation, the concerns of practical life, a community's desire for justice, and the needs of the state. Implicit in Levinas's texts is the insistence that the analysis of these sufferings calls for a distinction between the use of pain as a tool, a practice performed on the Other's body for a particular end, and the acknowledgement of the Other's lived pain. A consequence of Levinas's phenomenology is the idea that instrumental <u>justifications ofextreme suffering</u> necessarily <u>are insensible to the unbearable pain they seek to legitimize.</u> Strictly speaking, then, suffering is meaningless and cannot be comprehended or justified by rational argument. Meaningless, and therefore unjustifiable, Levinas insists, suffering is evil. Suffering, according to Levinas's phenomenology, is an exception to the subject's mastery of being; in suffering the subject endures the overwhelming of freedom by alterity. The will that revels in the autonomous grasping of the world, in suffering finds itself grasped by the world. The in-itself of the will loses its capacity to exert itself and submits to the will of what is beyond its grasp. Contrary to Heidegger, it is not the anxiety before my own death which threatens the will and the self. For, Levinas argues, <u>death</u>, announced <u>in suffering</u>, is in a future always beyond the present. Instead of death, it is the pure passivity of suffering that <u>menaces</u> the <u>freedom of the will. The will endures pain 'as a tyranny</u>,' the work of a 'You,' a malicious other <u>who perpetrates violence</u> (TI239). <u><strong>This tyranny</u></strong>, Levinas argues, 'is more radical than sin, for it <u><strong>threatens</u></strong> the will in its very structure as a will, in its <u><strong>dignity</u></strong> as origin <u><strong>and identity</u></strong>' (TI237). Because suffering is unjustifiable, it is a tyranny <u><strong>breaking open</u></strong> my world of <u><strong>totality and meaning</u></strong> '<u><strong>for nothing</u></strong>.' The gratuitous and <u>extreme suffering that destroys</u> the <u>capacity for</u> flourishing <u>human activity is generally addressed</u> by thinkers in European traditions <u>in the context of metaphysical questions of evil</u> (is evil a positive substance or deviation from the Good?), or problems of philosophical anthropology (is evil chosen or is it a result of ignorance?). For these traditions it is evil, not suffering, that is the great scandal, for they consider suffering to be evil only <u>when it is</u> both<u>severe and unjustified.</p></u>
| null |
Contention 4 is risk calculus
|
Contention 3 Solvency
| 249,113 | 35 | 17,064 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| 565,284 |
A
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
4
|
Georgetown Kazteridis-Knez
|
Mathis
| null |
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Aff-Hurricanedebates2015-Round4.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,867 |
DA solves the case - A credible international treaty regime solves all impacts
|
Institute for Energy and Environmental Research, May 2002
|
Institute for Energy and Environmental Research, May 2002 (Rule of Power or Rule of Law) http://www.lcnp.org/pubs/RuleofLawPDF.pdf
|
Treaties involve some sacrifice of sovereignty powerful countries usually exercise great influence on the shape of treaties, and that has been true of the United States treaty regimes contribute to global security in important ways, including by: • articulating promoting and recognizing compliance with norms; • building enforcement increasing the likelihood of detecting violations establishing confidence , treaty regimes are a far more reliable basis for achieving objectives and compliance with norms than “do as we say, not as we do” directives In this global society, the repercussions of the actions are not confined within borders, whether we look to g h g accumulations, nuclear testing, the danger of accidental nuclear war, or the vast massacres of civilians The importance and weight of the United States makes a U.S. withdrawal from the global legal process a dangerous course for security as well as the environment.
|
powerful countries usually exercise great influence on the shape of treaties, and that has been true of the United States treaty regimes contribute t global security in important ways, including by: • articulating promoting and recognizing compliance with norms; • building enforcement increasing the likelihood of detecting violations establishing onfidenc treaty regimes are a far more reliable basis for achieving objectives and compliance with norms than “do as we say, not as we do” directives whether we look to g h g accumulations, nuclear testing, the danger of accidental nuclear war, or the vast massacres of civilians The importance and weight of the United States makes a U.S. withdrawal from the global legal process dangerous course for security as well as the environment.
|
Treaties by their very nature involve some sacrifice of sovereignty for the sake of the common good. Moreover, powerful countries usually exercise great influence on the shape of treaties, and that has been generally true of the United States in relation to the security treaties discussed in this report. And treaty regimes contribute to national and global security in important ways, including by: • articulating global norms; • promoting and recognizing compliance with norms; • building monitoring and enforcement mechanisms; • increasing the likelihood of detecting violations and effectively addressing them; • providing a benchmark for measurement of progress; • establishing a foundation of confidence, trust, experience, and expertise for further progress; • providing criteria to guide states’ activities and legislation, and focal points for discussion of policy issues. Over the long term, treaty regimes are a far more reliable basis for achieving global policy objectives and compliance with norms than “do as we say, not as we do” directives from an overwhelmingly powerful state. The concept of the rule of law was integral to the founding of the United States, which has been one of its staunchest advocates. The rule of law in international affairs is still emerging, evolving quickly as global forces drive countries closer together. Its development is largely a response to the demands of states and individuals living within a global society with a deeply integrated world economy. In this global society, the repercussions of the actions of states, non-state actors and individuals are not confined within borders, whether we look to greenhouse gas accumulations, nuclear testing, the danger of accidental nuclear war, or the vast massacres of civilians that have taken place over the course of the last hundred years and still continue. The people of the United States are part of this global society and failures at the global level will affect their security and well-being adversely, along with that of people elsewhere. The importance and weight of the United States makes a U.S. withdrawal from the global legal process except when its gets its own way a dangerous course for security as well as the environment.
| 2,241 |
<h4>DA solves the case - A credible international treaty regime solves all impacts </h4><p><strong>Institute for Energy and Environmental Research, May 2002<u></strong><mark> (Rule of Power or Rule of Law) http://www.lcnp.org/pubs/RuleofLawPDF.pdf</p><p></mark>Treaties</u> by their very nature <u>involve some sacrifice of sovereignty</u> for the sake of the common good. Moreover, <u><mark>powerful countries usually exercise great</mark> <mark>influence on the shape of treaties, and that has been</u></mark> generally <u><mark>true of the United States</u></mark> in relation to the security treaties discussed in this report. And <u><mark>treaty regimes contribute t</mark>o</u> national and <u><mark>global security in important ways, including by: • articulating</u></mark> global norms; • <u><mark>promoting and recognizing compliance with norms; • building</u></mark> monitoring and <u><mark>enforcement</u> </mark>mechanisms; • <u><mark>increasing the likelihood of detecting violations </u></mark>and effectively addressing them; • providing a benchmark for measurement of progress; • <u><mark>establishing</u></mark> a foundation of <u>c<mark>onfidenc</mark>e</u>, trust, experience, and expertise for further progress; • providing criteria to guide states’ activities and legislation, and focal points for discussion of policy issues. Over the long term<u>, <mark>treaty regimes are a far more reliable basis for achieving</u> </mark>global policy <u><mark>objectives and compliance with norms than “do as we say, not as we do” directives</u></mark> from an overwhelmingly powerful state. The concept of the rule of law was integral to the founding of the United States, which has been one of its staunchest advocates. The rule of law in international affairs is still emerging, evolving quickly as global forces drive countries closer together. Its development is largely a response to the demands of states and individuals living within a global society with a deeply integrated world economy. <u>In this global society, the repercussions of the actions</u> of states, non-state actors and individuals <u>are not confined within borders, <mark>whether we look to g</u></mark>reen<u><mark>h</u></mark>ouse <u><mark>g</u></mark>as <u><mark>accumulations, nuclear testing, the danger of accidental nuclear war, or the vast massacres of civilians</u></mark> that have taken place over the course of the last hundred years and still continue. The people of the United States are part of this global society and failures at the global level will affect their security and well-being adversely, along with that of people elsewhere. <u><mark>The importance and weight of the United States makes a U.S. withdrawal from the global legal process</u></mark> except when its gets its own way <u>a <mark>dangerous course for security as well as the environment.</p></u></mark>
| null |
1nr
|
a2
| 61,063 | 23 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,868 |
FDA banned use of other primates because of infection risk – they'll do the same if pigs aren't safe
|
Fishman 4
|
Fishman 4 Jay A. Fishman and Clive Patience, Infectious Disease and Transplantation Units, Massachusetts General Hospital and Harvard Medical School Volume 4, Issue 9, pages 1383–1390, September 2004 American Journal of Transplantation Xenotransplantation: Infectious Risk Revisited
|
Concerns raised regarding the infectious risks associated with the use of nonhuman primates as organ donors for humans have led the U.S. Food and Drug Administration to preclude the use of these species as organ donors for humans. Swine, while immunologically dissimilar, are easier to breed, can be good size matches for humans, and have been genetically engineered to express or suppress specific genes relevant to transplantation.
|
Concerns raised regarding the infectious risks associated with the use of nonhuman primates as organ donors for humans have led the U.S. Food and Drug Administration to preclude the use of these species as organ donors for humans
|
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1600-6143.2004.00542.x/full
Swine are most often considered as the source species for xenografts. While nonhuman primates are closer immunologically to humans, ethical issues, the risk of transmission of viruses known to be infectious for humans, poor size matches, and the expense and difficulty in breeding have excluded this option. Concerns raised regarding the infectious risks associated with the use of nonhuman primates as organ donors for humans have led the U.S. Food and Drug Administration to preclude the use of these species as organ donors for humans. Swine, while immunologically dissimilar, are easier to breed, can be good size matches for humans, and have been genetically engineered to express or suppress specific genes relevant to transplantation.
| 814 |
<h4><strong>FDA banned use of other primates because of infection risk – they'll do the same if pigs aren't safe</h4><p>Fishman 4</strong> Jay A. Fishman and Clive Patience, Infectious Disease and Transplantation Units, Massachusetts General Hospital and Harvard Medical School Volume 4, Issue 9, pages 1383–1390, September 2004 American Journal of Transplantation Xenotransplantation: Infectious Risk Revisited</p><p>http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1600-6143.2004.00542.x/full</p><p>Swine are most often considered as the source species for xenografts. While nonhuman primates are closer immunologically to humans, ethical issues, the risk of transmission of viruses known to be infectious for humans, poor size matches, and the expense and difficulty in breeding have excluded this option. <u><mark>Concerns raised regarding the infectious risks associated with the use of nonhuman primates as organ donors for humans have led the U.S. Food and Drug Administration to preclude the use of these species as organ donors for humans</mark>. Swine, while immunologically dissimilar, are easier to breed, can be good size matches for humans, and have been genetically engineered to express or suppress specific genes relevant to transplantation.</p></u>
| null |
1nc
|
Xeno-Transplants
| 430,460 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,869 |
DA turns the case-
| null | null | null | null | null | null |
<h4>DA turns the case-</h4>
| null |
1nr
|
a2
| 430,461 | 1 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,870 |
It’s all posturing
|
Zee News, 13
|
Zee News, 13 (Zee News, media and entertainment company and a subsidiary of Essel Group, “No threat of fourth India-Pak war: Farooq”, 12/4/2013, http://zeenews.india.com/news/nation/no-threat-of-fourth-india-pak-war-farooq_894417.html)
|
Union minister Farooq Abdullah on Wednesday said he did not see India and Pakistan going to a war with each other ever again. "I don't feel there is a threat of a fourth war," Reacting to Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s recent statement that unresolved Kashmir issue can trigger another war, Abdullah said such statements are issued for public posturing. (Sharif) has to run a government and he has to say things by which he can keep his people with him. One should not be afraid of such things
|
Abdullah did not see India and Pakistan going to a war again Sharif’s statements are public posturing Sharif has to say things by which he can keep his people with him.
|
Srinagar: Union minister Farooq Abdullah on Wednesday said he did not see India and Pakistan going to a war with each other ever again. ¶ "I don't feel there is a threat of a fourth war," he told reporters on the sidelines of a function here. ¶ ¶ Reacting to Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s recent statement that unresolved Kashmir issue can trigger another war, Abdullah said such statements are issued for public posturing.¶ "He (Sharif) has to run a government and he has to say things by which he can keep his people with him. One should not be afraid of such things," he said.
| 588 |
<h4>It’s all posturing</h4><p><strong>Zee News, 13</strong> (Zee News, media and entertainment company and a subsidiary of Essel Group, “No threat of fourth India-Pak war: Farooq”, 12/4/2013, http://zeenews.india.com/news/nation/no-threat-of-fourth-india-pak-war-farooq_894417.html)</p><p>Srinagar: <u>Union minister Farooq <mark>Abdullah</mark> on Wednesday said he <mark>did not see India and Pakistan going to a war</mark> with each other ever <mark>again</mark>.</u> ¶ <u>"I don't feel there is a threat of a fourth war,"</u> he told reporters on the sidelines of a function here. ¶ ¶ <u>Reacting to Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz <mark>Sharif’s</mark> recent statement that unresolved Kashmir issue can trigger another war, Abdullah said such <mark>statements are </mark>issued for <strong><mark>public posturing</strong></mark>.</u>¶ "He <u>(<mark>Sharif</mark>) has to run a government and he <mark>has to say things by which he can keep his people with him. </mark>One should not be afraid of such things</u>," he said. </p>
| null |
2nc
|
Xeno-Transplants
| 253,024 | 2 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,871 |
Treaty withdrawal destroys US cred
|
Lopez 9/12
|
Lopez 9/12/14 (German, writer @ Vox, “How much of the war on drugs is tied to international treaties?,” http://www.vox.com/cards/war-on-drugs-marijuana-cocaine-heroin-meth/war-on-drugs-international-treaties)
|
Jelsma an international drug policy expert argued that ignoring or pulling out of the international drug conventions could seriously damage America's standing around the world. "Pacta sunt servanda is the most fundamental principle of international law it would be very undermining if countries start to take an 'a-la-carte' approach to treaties they have signed; they cannot simply comply with some provisions and ignore others without losing the moral authority to ask other countries to oblige to other treaties," our preference is to acknowledge legal tensions with the treaties and try to resolve them." many critics hope to reform international drug laws in 2016 during the next General Assembly Special Session on drugs. "There is tension with the tax-and-regulate approach to marijuana in some jurisdictions," Malinowska-Sempruch said. "But it's all part of a process and that's why we hope the UN debate in 2016 is as open as possible, so that we can settle some of these questions and, if necessary, modernize the system."
|
Jelsma international drug policy expert argued ignoring or pulling out of international drug conventions could seriously damage America's standing around the world. "Pacta sunt servanda is the most fundamental principle of international law it would be very undermining if countries start to take an 'a-la-carte' approach to treaties they cannot comply with and ignore others without losing moral authority to ask other countries to oblige to other treaties," it's all part of a process and that's why we hope the UN debate in 2016 is as open as possible, so that we can settle some of these questions and, if necessary, modernize the system."
|
Still, Martin Jelsma, an international drug policy expert at the Transnational Institute, argued that ignoring or pulling out of the international drug conventions could seriously damage America's standing around the world. "Pacta sunt servanda ('agreements must be kept') is the most fundamental principle of international law and it would be very undermining if countries start to take an 'a-la-carte' approach to treaties they have signed; they cannot simply comply with some provisions and ignore others without losing the moral authority to ask other countries to oblige to other treaties," Jelsma wrote in an email. "So our preference is to acknowledge legal tensions with the treaties and try to resolve them." To resolve such issues, many critics of the war on drugs hope to reform international drug laws in 2016 during the next General Assembly Special Session on drugs. "There is tension with the tax-and-regulate approach to marijuana in some jurisdictions," Malinowska-Sempruch said. "But it's all part of a process and that's why we hope the UN debate in 2016 is as open as possible, so that we can settle some of these questions and, if necessary, modernize the system."
| 1,185 |
<h4>Treaty withdrawal destroys US cred</h4><p><strong>Lopez 9/12</strong>/14 (German, writer @ Vox, “How much of the war on drugs is tied to international treaties?,<u>” http://www.vox.com/cards/war-on-drugs-marijuana-cocaine-heroin-meth/war-on-drugs-international-treaties)</p><p></u>Still, Martin <u><mark>Jelsma</u></mark>, <u>an <mark>international drug policy expert</mark> </u>at the Transnational Institute, <u><mark>argued</mark> that <mark>ignoring or pulling out of</mark> the <mark>international drug conventions</mark> <mark>could</mark> <strong><mark>seriously damage America's standing around the world. "Pacta sunt servanda</u></strong></mark> ('agreements must be kept') <u><mark>is the most fundamental principle</mark> <mark>of international law</u></mark> and <u><mark>it would be very undermining if countries start to take an 'a-la-carte' approach to treaties</mark> they have signed; <mark>they cannot</mark> simply <mark>comply with</mark> some provisions <mark>and</mark> <mark>ignore others without</mark> <mark>losing</mark> the <mark>moral authority</mark> <mark>to ask other countries to oblige</mark> <mark>to other treaties,"</mark> </u>Jelsma wrote in an email. "So <u>our preference is to acknowledge legal tensions with the treaties and try to resolve them." </u>To resolve such issues, <u>many critics</u> of the war on drugs <u>hope to reform international drug laws in 2016</u> <u>during the next General Assembly Special Session on drugs. "There is tension with the tax-and-regulate approach to marijuana in some jurisdictions," Malinowska-Sempruch said. "But <mark>it's all part of a process and that's why we hope the UN debate in 2016 is as open as possible, so that we can settle some of these questions and, if necessary, modernize the system."</p></u></mark>
| null |
1nr
|
a2
| 54,899 | 64 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,872 |
Organs can be grown from bone marrow stem cells
|
Rojahn 14
|
Rojahn 14 Susan Young Rojahn on January 16, 2014 MIT Technology Review Manufacturing Organs
|
Researchers around the globe are finding new ways to create tissues for transplantation the field has gone from fiction and fantasy to science and engineering,” says Vacanti [at Massachusetts General Hospita].
HART’s current approach is to grow a patient’s stem cells on synthetic scaffolds. The four most recent artificial trachea surgeries have been done with these lab-made scaffolds
Growing a patient’s own cells on a scaffold provides a good environment for bone marrow stem cells that can then develop into various cell types both in the incubator and after they are implanted into a patient
Stem cells taken from a patient’s bone marrow are then “rained down over the top of the scaffold The cells grow on the scaffolds in a specialized rotating incubator for about two days before they are transplanted. About five days after the transplant, new cell types appear on the organ, Eventually, blood vessels grow into the synthetic organ
|
esearchers are finding new ways to create tissues for transplantation
HART’s current approach is to grow a patient’s stem cells on synthetic scaffolds. The four most recent artificial trachea surgeries have been done with these lab-made scaffolds,
caffold provides a good environment for bone marrow stem cells that can then develop into various cell types both in the incubator and after they are implanted
The cells grow on the scaffolds in a specialized rotating incubator for about two days before they are transplanted. About five days after the transplant, new cell types appear on the organ Eventually, blood vessels grow
|
http://www.technologyreview.com/news/522576/manufacturing-organs/
Researchers around the globe are finding new ways to create tissues for transplantation. “Over 25 years, the field has gone from fiction and fantasy to science and engineering,” says Vacanti [at Massachusetts General Hospita]. There are many different approaches, from precise ink-jet printing of cell types into an organized structure (see “Printed Eye Cells Could Help Treat Blindness”) to letting cells spontaneously self-organize into proto-organs (see “A Rudimentary Liver Is Grown from Stem Cells” and “Growing Eyeballs”).
HART’s current approach is to grow a patient’s stem cells on synthetic scaffolds. The four most recent artificial trachea surgeries have been done with these lab-made scaffolds, says David Green, CEO of HART.
Growing a patient’s own cells on a scaffold provides a good environment for bone marrow stem cells that can then develop into various cell types both in the incubator and after they are implanted into a patient.
HART creates the scaffolds by spinning fibers about a hundredth of the width of a human hair into a tube that is made to fit each patient. The result is a customized scaffold “that makes a mesh that’s the right size for the cells,” says Green. “They feel at home there.”
Stem cells taken from a patient’s bone marrow are then “rained down over the top of the scaffold, much like a chicken in a rotisserie,” says Green. The cells grow on the scaffolds in a specialized rotating incubator for about two days before they are transplanted. About five days after the transplant, new cell types appear on the organ, he says, including important cells that line the inner surface and help move mucous from the lungs by coughing. Eventually, blood vessels grow into the synthetic organ, says Green.
[] QUALS EDITED IN
| 1,826 |
<h4>Organs can be grown from bone marrow stem cells</h4><p><strong>Rojahn 14</strong> Susan Young Rojahn on January 16, 2014 MIT Technology Review Manufacturing Organs</p><p>http://www.technologyreview.com/news/522576/manufacturing-organs/ </p><p><u>R<mark>esearchers</mark> around the globe <mark>are finding new ways to create tissues for transplantation</u></mark>. “Over 25 years, <u>the field has gone from fiction and fantasy to science and engineering,” says Vacanti [at Massachusetts General Hospita].</u> There are many different approaches, from precise ink-jet printing of cell types into an organized structure (see “Printed Eye Cells Could Help Treat Blindness”) to letting cells spontaneously self-organize into proto-organs (see “A Rudimentary Liver Is Grown from Stem Cells” and “Growing Eyeballs”).</p><p><u><mark>HART’s current approach is to grow a patient’s stem cells on synthetic scaffolds. The four most recent artificial trachea surgeries have been done with these lab-made scaffolds</u>,</mark> says David Green, CEO of HART. </p><p><u>Growing a patient’s own cells on a s<mark>caffold provides a good environment for bone marrow stem cells that can then develop into various cell types both in the incubator and after they are implanted</mark> into a patient</u>.</p><p>HART creates the scaffolds by spinning fibers about a hundredth of the width of a human hair into a tube that is made to fit each patient. The result is a customized scaffold “that makes a mesh that’s the right size for the cells,” says Green. “They feel at home there.”</p><p><u>Stem cells taken from a patient’s bone marrow are then “rained down over the top of the scaffold</u>, much like a chicken in a rotisserie,” says Green. <u><mark>The cells grow on the scaffolds in a specialized rotating incubator for about two days before they are transplanted. About five days after the transplant, new cell types appear on the organ</mark>,</u> he says, including important cells that line the inner surface and help move mucous from the lungs by coughing. <u><mark>Eventually, blood vessels grow</mark> into the synthetic organ</u>, says Green.</p><p> [] QUALS EDITED IN</p>
| null |
2nc
|
at: miscalc
| 430,462 | 6 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,873 |
US federal legalization is modeled- causes mass treaty abrogation
|
Jenner 2011
|
Jenner 2011 (Matthew, Articles Editor, Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies; J.D., 2011, Indiana University Maurer School of Law; B.A. cum laude, 2008, University of Notre Dame, International Drug Trafficking: A Global Problem with a Domestic Solution, Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies18.2 (Summer 2011): 901-927, proquest)
|
A candidate to take the first step toward universal legalization is the United States the United States is one of the leading consumers of illicit drugs worldwide. If the United States legalized drugs, it would have a profound effect on the market other nations tend to follow its drug policies Because the United States is the leader of the war on drugs, its drug policies have dominated the United Nations and other global organizations With the United States at the helm of legalization, other countries would quickly follow, and universal legalization could become a reality.
| null |
A better candidate to take the first step toward universal legalization is the United States. In the words of Secretary of State Hilary Clinton, speaking on behalf of the United States, "Our insatiable demand for illegal drugs fuels the drug trade."135 About 3% of U.S. citizens aged fifteen to sixty-four use cocaine (more than six times the global average) and 12.3% use marijuana (more than three times the global average).136 Those numbers equate to about 30% of all cocaine users globally and 14% of all marijuana users. In addition, the United States-which comprises only 5% of the world's population-consumed 60% of the world's drugs in 1996.137 That number could be different now, but it puts this analysis in perspective. Either way, the United States is one of the leading consumers of illicit drugs worldwide. If the United States legalized drugs, it would have a profound effect on the market. Mexican President Felipe Calderon said it best: "If there isn't a generalized, universal legalization policy across the world, and mainly in the main drug consumer, the United States, there won't even be any economic benefits, because the price is determined by the American market."138 The United States is also a good candidate because other nations tend to follow its drug policies. Because the United States is the leader of the war on drugs, its drug policies have dominated the United Nations and other global organizations.139 With the United States at the helm of legalization, other countries would quickly follow, and universal legalization could become a reality.
| 1,580 |
<h4>US federal legalization is modeled- causes mass treaty abrogation</h4><p><strong>Jenner 2011</strong> <u>(Matthew, Articles Editor, Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies; J.D., 2011, Indiana University Maurer School of Law; B.A. cum laude, 2008, University of Notre Dame, International Drug Trafficking: A Global Problem with a Domestic Solution, Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies18.2 (Summer 2011): 901-927, proquest)</p><p>A</u> better <u>candidate to take the first step toward universal legalization is the United States</u>. In the words of Secretary of State Hilary Clinton, speaking on behalf of the United States, "Our insatiable demand for illegal drugs fuels the drug trade."135 About 3% of U.S. citizens aged fifteen to sixty-four use cocaine (more than six times the global average) and 12.3% use marijuana (more than three times the global average).136 Those numbers equate to about 30% of all cocaine users globally and 14% of all marijuana users. In addition, the United States-which comprises only 5% of the world's population-consumed 60% of the world's drugs in 1996.137 That number could be different now, but it puts this analysis in perspective. Either way, <u>the United States is one of the leading consumers of illicit drugs worldwide. If the United States legalized drugs, it would have a profound effect on the market</u>. Mexican President Felipe Calderon said it best: "If there isn't a generalized, universal legalization policy across the world, and mainly in the main drug consumer, the United States, there won't even be any economic benefits, because the price is determined by the American market."138 The United States is also a good candidate because <u><strong>other nations tend to follow its drug policies</u></strong>. <u>Because the United States is the leader of the war on drugs, its drug policies have dominated the United Nations and other global organizations</u>.139 <u>With the United States at the helm of legalization, <strong>other countries would quickly follow</strong>, and universal legalization could become a reality.</p></u>
| null |
1nr
|
a2
| 57,730 | 8 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,874 |
Artificial hearts have been developed
|
Minton 14
|
Minton 14 Michelle Minton • March 27, 2014 Human Achievement of the Day from HumanProgress.org: Organ Replacement Technology
|
https://cei.org/blog/human-achievement-day-humanprogressorg-organ-replacement-technology
French doctors implanted the first permanent and completely artificial heart in December Without the implant, the French patient may have lived for a few more days or possibly weeks—if lucky. Carmat expects its heart to allow future patients to live for up to an additional five years. That could provide a normal social life to some 100,000 people in need of a new heart in the United States and Europe alone.
|
French doctors implanted the first permanent and completely artificial heart in December Without the implant, the French patient may have lived for a few more days or possibly weeks—if lucky . Carmat expects its heart to allow future patients to live for up to an additional five years. That could provide a normal social life to some 100,000 people in need of a new heart in the United States and Europe alone.
|
https://cei.org/blog/human-achievement-day-humanprogressorg-organ-replacement-technology
French doctors implanted the first permanent and completely artificial heart in December. The lucky Frenchman was a 76 year old with terminal heart failure. Carmat, the company that engineered the artificial heart, intended their product for terminally ill patients like him who are too old to have any chance of receiving a human heart. Without the implant, the French patient may have lived for a few more days or possibly weeks—if lucky. Since he was the first person to be fitted with the artificial novelty, the operation would have been considered a success if he had lived for another month. With the Carmat’s artificial heart, this patient lived for another two and a half months before passing away in March 2014. Carmat expects its heart to allow future patients to live for up to an additional five years. That could provide a normal social life to some 100,000 people in need of a new heart in the United States and Europe alone.
| 1,031 |
<h4>Artificial hearts have been developed</h4><p><strong>Minton 14 </strong>Michelle Minton • March 27, 2014 Human Achievement of the Day from HumanProgress.org: Organ Replacement Technology</p><p><u>https://cei.org/blog/human-achievement-day-humanprogressorg-organ-replacement-technology</p><p></u> <u><mark>French doctors implanted the first permanent and completely artificial heart in December</u></mark>. The lucky Frenchman was a 76 year old with terminal heart failure. Carmat, the company that engineered the artificial heart, intended their product for terminally ill patients like him who are too old to have any chance of receiving a human heart. <u><mark>Without the implant, the French patient may have lived for a few more days or possibly weeks—if lucky</mark>. </u>Since he was the first person to be fitted with the artificial novelty, the operation would have been considered a success if he had lived for another month. With the Carmat’s artificial heart, this patient lived for another two and a half months before passing away in March 2014<mark>. <u>Carmat expects its heart to allow future patients to live for up to an additional five years. That could provide a normal social life to some 100,000 people in need of a new heart in the United States and Europe alone.</p></u></mark>
| null |
2nc
|
at: miscalc
| 430,463 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,875 |
Collapsing the drug control treaties causes mass disease spread- abrogation cuts off key medicine trade
|
Bewley-Taylor et al 2014
|
Bewley-Taylor et al 2014 (Dave Bewley-Taylor, Tom Blickman and Martin Jelsma, Professor of International Relations and Public Policy at Swansea University and founding Director of the Global Drug Policy Observatory, The Rise and Decline of Cannabis Prohibition, http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/rise_and_decline_web.pdf)
|
Withdrawing from the UN drug control conventions completely is likely to trigger strong condemnations and may have serious political, economic and reputational repercussions For countries receiving development aid or benefitting from preferential trade agreements, sanctions would be unavoidable Adherence to all three drug control conventions has been made an explicit condition in agreements countries want to keep parts of the international drug-control regime intact not least its control system for production, trade and availability of drugs for medicinal purposes Many countries, however, are already suffering inadequate availability of essential medicines, and exiting the treaty system administering their production and trade would only complicate those problems the Conventions provide the INCB the possibility to impose “remedial measures” in terms of restricting or banning trade in medicines controlled under those treaties to countries if “the Board has objective reasons to believe that the aims of this Convention are being seriously endangered such measures would have immediate and severe humanitarian consequences
|
Withdrawing from the UN drug control conventions completely is likely to trigger even stronger condemnations and may have serious political, economic and reputational repercussions For countries receiving development aid or benefitting from preferential trade agreements, sanctions would be unavoidable ountries want to keep parts of the international drug-control regime intact, not least its control system for production, trade and availability of drugs for medicinal purposes Many countries are already suffering inadequate availability of essential medicines, and exiting the treaty system administering their production and trade would only complicate those problems Conventions provide the INCB the possibility to impose “remedial measures” in terms of restricting or banning trade in medicines such measures would have immediate and severe humanitarian consequences
|
Withdrawing from the UN drug control conventions completely is likely to trigger even stronger condemnations than seen in the case of Bolivia, and may have serious political, economic and reputational repercussions.37 For countries receiving development aid or benefitting from preferential trade agreements, sanctions from the U.S. and the European Union would probably be unavoidable. Adherence to all three drug control conventions has been made an explicit condition in several other agreements, not only in the sphere of trade and development but it is also a sine qua non for accession to the European Union, for example. Very few countries would be able to confront such pressures alone. Also, most countries now struggling to abide by all its strictures and considering options for change want to keep significant parts of the international drug-control regime intact, not least its control system for production, trade and availability of drugs for medicinal purposes. Denunciation would not automatically exclude access to controlled drugs for licit purposes, since (as an exception in international law) the drug control conventions impose obligations even on non-parties to adhere to the system of estimated requirements and monitoring rules for international trade of controlled drugs for medical and scientific purposes. Many countries, however, are already suffering inadequate availability of essential medicines, and exiting the treaty system administering their production and trade would only complicate those problems. Moreover, the 1961 and 1971 Conventions provide the INCB the possibility to impose “remedial measures” in terms of restricting or banning trade in medicines controlled under those treaties to countries if “the Board has objective reasons to believe that the aims of this Convention are being seriously endangered by reason of the failure of any Party, country or territory to carry out the provisions of this Convention”.38 While the procedure under that treaty article has only been activated by the INCB a few times, and is operative now in the case of Afghanistan, actual sanctions have never been applied. It would be extremely controversial as such measures would have immediate and severe humanitarian consequences and violate the human right to health, for which the Board would not want to be responsible.
| 2,352 |
<h4>Collapsing the drug control treaties causes mass disease spread- abrogation cuts off key medicine trade</h4><p><strong>Bewley-Taylor et al 2014</strong> (Dave Bewley-Taylor, Tom Blickman and Martin Jelsma, Professor of International Relations and Public Policy at Swansea University and founding Director of the Global Drug Policy Observatory, The Rise and Decline of Cannabis Prohibition, http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/rise_and_decline_web.pdf)</p><p><u><mark>Withdrawing from the UN drug control conventions completely is likely to trigger</u> even <u>strong</u>er <u>condemnations</u></mark> than seen in the case of Bolivia, <u><strong><mark>and may have serious political, economic and reputational repercussions</u></strong></mark>.37 <u><mark>For countries receiving development aid or benefitting from preferential trade agreements, sanctions</u></mark> from the U.S. and the European Union <u><mark>would</u></mark> probably <u><mark>be</u> <u>unavoidable</u></mark>. <u>Adherence to all three drug control conventions has been made an explicit condition in</u> several other <u>agreements</u>, not only in the sphere of trade and development but it is also a sine qua non for accession to the European Union, for example. Very few countries would be able to confront such pressures alone. Also, most <u>c<mark>ountries</u></mark> now struggling to abide by all its strictures and considering options for change <u><mark>want to keep</u></mark> significant <u><mark>parts of the international drug-control regime intact</u>, <u>not least its control system for production, trade and availability of drugs for medicinal purposes</u></mark>. Denunciation would not automatically exclude access to controlled drugs for licit purposes, since (as an exception in international law) the drug control conventions impose obligations even on non-parties to adhere to the system of estimated requirements and monitoring rules for international trade of controlled drugs for medical and scientific purposes. <u><mark>Many countries</mark>, however, <mark>are already suffering inadequate availability of <strong>essential medicines</strong>, and exiting the treaty system administering their production and trade would only complicate those problems</u></mark>. Moreover, <u>the</u> 1961 and 1971 <u><mark>Conventions provide the INCB the possibility to impose “remedial measures” in terms of restricting or banning trade in medicines</mark> controlled under those treaties to countries if “the Board has objective reasons to believe that the aims of this Convention are being seriously endangered </u>by reason of the failure of any Party, country or territory to carry out the provisions of this Convention”.38 While the procedure under that treaty article has only been activated by the INCB a few times, and is operative now in the case of Afghanistan, actual sanctions have never been applied. It would be extremely controversial as <u><strong><mark>such measures would have immediate and severe humanitarian consequences</u></strong></mark> and violate the human right to health, for which the Board would not want to be responsible.</p>
| null |
1nr
|
a2
| 430,464 | 8 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,876 |
Articial kidneys can be 3D printed
|
McNamee 14
|
McNamee 14 David McNamee Last updated: 14 May 2014 Medical New Today Students produce 3D-printed artificial kidney prototypes http://www.medicalnewstoday.com/articles/276748.php
|
There have been a string of promising medical applications in 3D printing over recent months. The latest of these comes from chemical engineering students who have used 3D printing to develop two prototypes for an artificial kidney.
|
There have been a string of promising medical applications in 3D printing over recent months. The latest of these comes from chemical engineering students at the University of Connecticut, who have used 3D printing to develop two prototypes for an artificial kidney.
|
There have been a string of promising medical applications in 3D printing over recent months. The latest of these comes from chemical engineering students at the University of Connecticut, who have used 3D printing to develop two prototypes for an artificial kidney.
Recent innovations in 3D printing include repairing the face of a crash victim and creating in vitro tumor models and blood-recycling machines.
| 410 |
<h4>Articial kidneys can be 3D printed</h4><p><strong>McNamee 14</strong> David McNamee Last updated: 14 May 2014 Medical New Today Students produce 3D-printed artificial kidney prototypes <u>http://www.medicalnewstoday.com/articles/276748.php</p><p><mark>There have been a string of promising medical applications in 3D printing over recent months. The latest of these comes from chemical engineering students</u> at the University of Connecticut, <u>who have used 3D printing to develop two prototypes for an artificial kidney.</p><p></u></mark>Recent innovations in 3D printing include repairing the face of a crash victim and creating in vitro tumor models and blood-recycling machines.</p>
| null |
2nc
|
at: miscalc
| 430,465 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,877 |
Disease spread causes extinction
|
Keating 2009
|
Keating 2009 -- Foreign Policy web editor (Joshua, "The End of the World," Foreign Policy, 11-13-9, www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2009/11/13/the_end_of_the_world?page=full)
|
Throughout history, plagues brought civilizations to their knees The Black Death killed more than half of Europe 1918 flu killed 50 million people Because of globalization, diseases today spread even faster global outbreak of a disease such as ebola or a mutated drug-resistant flu could have a civilization-ending impact as the world’s population grows and humans move into previously unoccupied areas, the risk of exposure to previously unknown pathogens increases Bio weapons experimentation add a new and troubling complication
|
Throughout history, plagues brought civilizations to their knees The Black Death killed half of Europe Because of globalization, diseases spread even faster global outbreak of a disease such as ebola or a mutated drug-resistant flu could have a civilization-ending impact as humans move into unoccupied areas risk of exposure to unknown pathogens increases . Bio weapons add a new complication
|
How it could happen: Throughout history, plagues have brought civilizations to their knees. The Black Death killed more off more than half of Europe's population in the Middle Ages. In 1918, a flu pandemic killed an estimated 50 million people, nearly 3 percent of the world's population, a far greater impact than the just-concluded World War I. Because of globalization, diseases today spread even faster - witness the rapid worldwide spread of H1N1 currently unfolding. A global outbreak of a disease such as ebola virus -- which has had a 90 percent fatality rate during its flare-ups in rural Africa -- or a mutated drug-resistant form of the flu virus on a global scale could have a devastating, even civilization-ending impact. How likely is it? Treatment of deadly diseases has improved since 1918, but so have the diseases. Modern industrial farming techniques have been blamed for the outbreak of diseases, such as swine flu, and as the world’s population grows and humans move into previously unoccupied areas, the risk of exposure to previously unknown pathogens increases. More than 40 new viruses have emerged since the 1970s, including ebola and HIV. Biological weapons experimentation has added a new and just as troubling complication.
| 1,253 |
<h4>Disease spread causes extinction</h4><p><strong>Keating 2009</strong> -- Foreign Policy web editor (Joshua, "The End of the World," Foreign Policy, 11-13-9, www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2009/11/13/the_end_of_the_world?page=full)</p><p>How it could happen: <u><mark>Throughout history, plagues </u></mark>have<u> <mark>brought civilizations to their knees</u></mark>. <u><mark>The Black Death killed </u></mark>more off <u>more than <mark>half of Europe</u></mark>'s population in the Middle Ages. In <u>1918</u>, a <u>flu</u> pandemic <u>killed</u> an estimated <u>50 million people</u>, nearly 3 percent of the world's population, a far greater impact than the just-concluded World War I. <u><mark>Because of globalization, diseases </mark>today <mark>spread even faster</u> </mark>- witness the rapid worldwide spread of H1N1 currently unfolding. A <u><mark>global outbreak of a disease such as ebola</u> </mark>virus -- which has had a 90 percent fatality rate during its flare-ups in rural Africa -- <u><mark>or a mutated drug-resistant</u> </mark>form of the <u><mark>flu</u> </mark>virus on a global scale <u><mark>could have a</u> </mark>devastating, even <u><mark>civilization-ending impact</u></mark>. How likely is it? Treatment of deadly diseases has improved since 1918, but so have the diseases. Modern industrial farming techniques have been blamed for the outbreak of diseases, such as swine flu, and <u><mark>as </mark>the world’s population grows and <mark>humans move into</mark> previously <mark>unoccupied areas</mark>, the <mark>risk of exposure to </mark>previously <mark>unknown pathogens increases</u></mark>. More than 40 new viruses have emerged since the 1970s, including ebola and HIV<mark>. <u>Bio</u></mark>logical <u><mark>weapons </mark>experimentation</u> has <u><mark>add</u></mark>ed <u><mark>a new </mark>and</u> just as <u>troubling <mark>complication</u></mark>.</p>
| null |
1nr
|
a2
| 20,050 | 216 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,878 |
Articial organs avoid rejection
|
Stockton 14
|
Stockton 14 Ben Stockton Posted on February 24, 2014 IScience (The Science Magazine of Imperial College) Organs for growth http://www.isciencemag.co.uk/features/organs-for-growth/
|
To prevent this, post-transplant patients have to take immunosuppressant drugs that leave them highly susceptible to infection – to the point where transmission even of the common cold can be extremely dangerous.
The beauty of growing new parts in the body is that, the stem cells are taken from the patients themselves; meaning that transplantation doesn’t hold the same fear of rejection and that patients don’t need to continuously take debilitating immunosuppressants.
|
post-transplant patients have to take immunosuppressant drugs that leave them highly susceptible to infection – to the point where transmission even of the common cold can be extremely dangerous
The beauty of growing new parts in the body is that, the stem cells are taken from the patients themselves; meaning that transplantation doesn’t hold the same fear of rejection and that patients don’t need to continuously take debilitating immunosuppressants
|
With traditional methods, one of the greatest problems facing scientists is the chance that the body may reject the donated organ. This occurs when the body’s immune system, specifically the T-cells, recognise the cells from the transplanted organ as ‘non-self’ and so attack and ultimately destroy the alien organ. To prevent this, post-transplant patients have to take immunosuppressant drugs that leave them highly susceptible to infection – to the point where transmission even of the common cold can be extremely dangerous.
The beauty of growing new parts in the body is that, as in the case of Angela Irizarry, the stem cells are taken from the patients themselves; meaning that transplantation doesn’t hold the same fear of rejection and that patients don’t need to continuously take debilitating immunosuppressants.
| 823 |
<h4>Articial organs avoid rejection</h4><p><strong>Stockton 14</strong> Ben Stockton Posted on February 24, 2014 IScience (The Science Magazine of Imperial College) Organs for growth <u>http://www.isciencemag.co.uk/features/organs-for-growth/</p><p></u>With traditional methods, one of the greatest problems facing scientists is the chance that the body may reject the donated organ. This occurs when the body’s immune system, specifically the T-cells, recognise the cells from the transplanted organ as ‘non-self’ and so attack and ultimately destroy the alien organ. <u>To prevent this, <mark>post-transplant patients have to take immunosuppressant drugs that leave them highly susceptible to infection – to the point where transmission even of the common cold can be extremely dangerous</mark>.</p><p><mark>The beauty of growing new parts in the body is that,</u></mark> as in the case of Angela Irizarry, <u><mark>the stem cells are taken from the patients themselves; meaning that transplantation doesn’t hold the same fear of rejection and that patients don’t need to continuously take debilitating immunosuppressants</mark>.</p></u>
| null |
2nc
|
resistance net ben
| 430,466 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,879 |
Now is a key time for the global treaty- the US approach will determine whether the system falls apart (in non-CP 1NC)
|
Bewley-Taylor et al 2014
|
Bewley-Taylor et al 2014 (Dave Bewley-Taylor, Tom Blickman and Martin Jelsma, Professor of International Relations and Public Policy at Swansea University and founding Director of the Global Drug Policy Observatory, The Rise and Decline of Cannabis Prohibition, http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/rise_and_decline_web.pdf)
|
doubts defections and experimentation have reached the point where de jure legal regulation of the whole cannabis market is gaining political acceptability, even if it violates the conventions Tensions between countries seeking more flexibility and the UN drug control system are likely to further increase. the trend towards cannabis regulation appears irreversible and is rapidly gaining support In the untidy conflict of procedural and political constraints on treaty reforms versus the movement towards a modernized more flexible global drug control regime, the system will likely go through a period of legally dubious interpretations the situation is unlikely to change until a tipping point is reached and a group of like-minded countries is ready to engage in the challenge to reconcile the multiple and increasing legal inconsistencies and disputes The question is if a mechanism can be found soon enough to deal with the growing tensions and to transform the current system in an orderly fashion into one more adaptable to local concerns and priorities If not, a critical mass of dissenters will soon feel forced to opt out of the current system’s strictures
|
doubt defections and p experimentation have reached the point where of the whole cannabis market is gaining political acceptability, even if it violates the onventions Tensions between countries seeking more flexibility and the UN drug control system the trend towards cannabis regulation is rapidly gaining the system will likely go through a period of legally dubious interpretations the situation is unlikely to change until a tipping point is reached and a group of like-minded countries is ready to engage The question is if a mechanism can be found soon enough to deal with the growing tensions and to transform the current system in an orderly fashion into one more adaptable to local concerns and priorities If not, a critical mass of dissenters will soon feel forced to opt out of the current system’s strictures
|
Decades of doubts, soft defections, legal hypocrisy and policy experimentation have now reached the point where de jure legal regulation of the whole cannabis market is gaining political acceptability, even if it violates certain outdated elements of the UN conventions. Tensions between countries seeking more flexibility and the UN drug control system and its specialized agencies, as well as with countries strongly in favour of defending the status quo, are likely to further increase. This seems inevitable because the trend towards cannabis regulation appears irreversible and is rapidly gaining more support across the Americas, as well as among many local authorities in Europe that have to face the difficulties and consequences of implementing current control mechanisms. In the untidy conflict of procedural and political constraints on treaty reforms versus the movement towards a modernized more flexible global drug control regime, the system will likely go through a period of legally dubious interpretations and questionable if not at times hypocritical justifications for national reforms. And the situation is unlikely to change until a tipping point is reached and a group of like-minded countries is ready to engage in the challenge to reconcile the multiple and increasing legal inconsistencies and disputes. The question appearing on the international policy agenda is now no longer whether or not there is a need to reassess and modernize the UN drug control system, but rather when and how. The question is if a mechanism can be found soon enough to deal with the growing tensions and to transform the current system in an orderly fashion into one more adaptable to local concerns and priorities, and one that is more compatible with basic scientific norms and UN standards of today. If not, a critical mass of dissenters will soon feel forced to opt out of the current system’s strictures, and, using any of the available reservation, modification or denunciation options, use or create a legal mechanism or interpretation to pursue the drug policy reforms they are convinced will most protect the health and safety of their people.
| 2,157 |
<h4>Now is a key time for the global treaty- the US approach will determine whether the system falls apart (in non-CP 1NC)</h4><p><strong>Bewley-Taylor et al 2014</strong> (Dave Bewley-Taylor, Tom Blickman and Martin Jelsma, Professor of International Relations and Public Policy at Swansea University and founding Director of the Global Drug Policy Observatory, The Rise and Decline of Cannabis Prohibition, http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/download/rise_and_decline_web.pdf)</p><p>Decades of <u><mark>doubt</mark>s</u>, soft <u><mark>defections</u></mark>, legal hypocrisy <u><mark>and</u> p</mark>olicy <u><mark>experimentation</u> <u>have</u></mark> now <u><mark>reached</u> <u>the point where</mark> de jure legal regulation <mark>of the whole cannabis market is gaining political acceptability, even if it violates</u></mark> certain outdated elements of <u><mark>the</u> </mark>UN <u>c<mark>onventions</u></mark>. <u><mark>Tensions</u> <u>between countries seeking more flexibility and the UN drug control system</u></mark> and its specialized agencies, as well as with countries strongly in favour of defending the status quo, <u>are likely to further increase.</u> This seems inevitable because <u><mark>the trend towards cannabis regulation</mark> appears irreversible and <mark>is rapidly gaining</u></mark> more <u>support</u> across the Americas, as well as among many local authorities in Europe that have to face the difficulties and consequences of implementing current control mechanisms. <u>In the untidy conflict of procedural and political constraints on treaty reforms versus the movement towards a modernized more flexible global drug control regime, <mark>the system will likely go through a period of legally dubious interpretations</u></mark> and questionable if not at times hypocritical justifications for national reforms. And <u><mark>the situation is unlikely to change until a tipping point is reached and a group of like-minded countries is ready to engage</mark> in the challenge to reconcile the multiple and increasing legal inconsistencies and disputes</u>. The question appearing on the international policy agenda is now no longer whether or not there is a need to reassess and modernize the UN drug control system, but rather when and how. <u><mark>The question is if a mechanism can be found soon enough to deal with the growing tensions and to transform the current system in an orderly fashion into one more adaptable to <strong>local concerns and priorities</u></strong></mark>, and one that is more compatible with basic scientific norms and UN standards of today. <u><strong><mark>If not, a critical mass of dissenters will soon feel forced to opt out of the current system’s strictures</u></strong></mark>, and, using any of the available reservation, modification or denunciation options, use or create a legal mechanism or interpretation to pursue the drug policy reforms they are convinced will most protect the health and safety of their people.</p>
| null |
1nr
|
a2
| 429,608 | 127 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,880 |
Best evidence is that sales will actually decrease supply
|
Knox 8
|
Knox 8 Richard Knox NPR May 21, 2008 Should We Legalize the Market for Human Organs?
|
Rothman, professor of social medicine at Columbia University and director of the Center on Medicine as a Profession, says: "What this is really about is the sale of organs from living donors. ... There are very, very good reasons — many drawn from behavioral economics, some drawn from past experience — that suggest that, in fact, to create a market might diminish the supply, not increase it. In the first instance, if I can buy it why should I give it?... In England, where the sale of blood was not allowed, rates of donation were considerably higher than the U.S., where the sale of blood was allowed."
| null |
http://www.npr.org/2008/05/21/90632108/should-we-legalize-the-market-for-human-organs
David Rothman, professor of social medicine at Columbia University and director of the Center on Medicine as a Profession, says: "What this is really about is the sale of organs from living donors. ... There are very, very good reasons — many drawn from behavioral economics, some drawn from past experience — that suggest that, in fact, to create a market might diminish the supply, not increase it. In the first instance, if I can buy it why should I give it?... In England, where the sale of blood was not allowed, rates of donation were considerably higher than the U.S., where the sale of blood was allowed."
| 699 |
<h4>Best evidence is that sales will actually decrease supply</h4><p><strong>Knox 8</strong> Richard Knox NPR May 21, 2008 Should We Legalize the Market for Human Organs?</p><p>http://www.npr.org/2008/05/21/90632108/should-we-legalize-the-market-for-human-organs</p><p>David <u>Rothman, professor of social medicine at Columbia University and director of the Center on Medicine as a Profession, says: "What this is really about is the sale of organs from living donors. ... There are very, very good reasons — many drawn from behavioral economics, some drawn from past experience — that suggest that, in fact, to create a market might diminish the supply, not increase it. In the first instance, if I can buy it why should I give it?... In England, where the sale of blood was not allowed, rates of donation were considerably higher than the U.S., where the sale of blood was allowed."</p></u>
| null |
2nc
|
resistance net ben
| 430,467 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,881 |
Sequencing matters – unilateral legalization wrecks the entire UN treaty system
|
Rolles 2009
|
Rolles 2009 (senior policy analyst for the Transform Drug Policy Foundation, Stephen, “After the War on Drugs: Blueprint for Regulation,” https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=3&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0CDAQFjAC&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.tdpf.org.uk%2Fsites%2Fdefault%2Ffiles%2FBlueprint.pdf&ei=xMcRVMEgia_IBL3xgtgE&usg=AFQjCNEzapo6rmX2drItTNAlEF6SqJcDiw&sig2=vhMVPBlGoaWEJ9GB2HYbHg)
|
Parties could simply ignore the treaties An individual country disregarding the treaties could institute the legalisation of cannabis Such a move however raises serious issues that go beyond the realm of drug control if taken unilaterally unilaterally ignoring drug control treaty commitments could threaten the stability of the entire treaty system the benefits derived from the wider UN treaty system would make states wary of opting out, even on a limited reform such as cannabis production.
|
Parties could simply ignore treaties A country disregarding the treaties could institute legalisation of cannabis Such a move however raises serious issues beyond the realm of drug control if taken unilaterally unilaterally ignoring drug control treaty commitments could threaten stability of the entire treaty system
|
Parties could simply ignore all or part of the treaties. If multiple states engaged in such a strategy, the treaties would eventually ‘wither on the vine’, falling into disuse without any specific termination or reform. An individual country disregarding the treaties, or applying them only partially, could in this way institute any policies deemed to be necessary at the national level, including arguably the most likely example: the actual legalisation of cannabis and the introduction of a licensing system for domestic producers (as the Netherlands and Switzerland have been debating at the parliamentary level for some years, and which is now on the political agenda in a number of US states). Such a move however, like all the other possible reforms discussed here, raises serious issues that go beyond the realm of drug control—particularly if taken unilaterally. The possibility of nations unilaterally ignoring drug control treaty commitments could threaten, or be perceived to threaten, the stability of the entire treaty system. The cost of such a threat and the benefits derived from the wider UN treaty system would make states wary of opting out, even on a limited reform such as cannabis production.
| 1,216 |
<h4>Sequencing matters – <u>unilateral</u> legalization wrecks the <u>entire</u> UN treaty system</h4><p><strong>Rolles 2009 </strong>(senior policy analyst for the Transform Drug Policy Foundation, Stephen, “After the War on Drugs: Blueprint for Regulation,” https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=3&cad=rja&uact=8&ved=0CDAQFjAC&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.tdpf.org.uk%2Fsites%2Fdefault%2Ffiles%2FBlueprint.pdf&ei=xMcRVMEgia_IBL3xgtgE&usg=AFQjCNEzapo6rmX2drItTNAlEF6SqJcDiw&sig2=vhMVPBlGoaWEJ9GB2HYbHg<u>)</p><p><mark>Parties could simply ignore</u></mark> all or part of <u>the <mark>treaties</u></mark>. If multiple states engaged in such a strategy, the treaties would eventually ‘wither on the vine’, falling into disuse without any specific termination or reform. <u><mark>A</mark>n individual <mark>country disregarding the treaties</u></mark>, or applying them only partially, <u><mark>could</u></mark> in this way <u><mark>institute</u></mark> any policies deemed to be necessary at the national level, including arguably the most likely example: <u>the</u> actual <u><mark>legalisation of cannabis</u></mark> and the introduction of a licensing system for domestic producers (as the Netherlands and Switzerland have been debating at the parliamentary level for some years, and which is now on the political agenda in a number of US states). <u><mark>Such a move however</u></mark>, like all the other possible reforms discussed here, <u><mark>raises serious issues</mark> that go <strong><mark>beyond the realm of drug control</u></strong></mark>—particularly <u><strong><mark>if taken unilaterally</u></strong></mark>. The possibility of nations <u><mark>unilaterally ignoring drug control treaty commitments could threaten</u></mark>, or be perceived to threaten, <u>the <strong><mark>stability of the entire treaty system</u></strong></mark>. The cost of such a threat and <u>the benefits derived from the <strong>wider</strong> UN treaty system would make states wary of opting out, even on a limited reform such as cannabis production.</p></u>
| null |
1nr
|
a2
| 430,468 | 48 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,882 |
Economic and social-psych studies prove sales will crowd out altruistic donations
|
Rothman, 6
|
Rothman, 6 David J. Rothman, Bernard Schoenberg Professor of Social Medicine and Director of the Center for the Study of Society and Medicine at the Columbia College of Physicians and Surgeons, and Professor of History at Columbia University; and Sheila M. Rothman, Professor of Public Health in the Division of Sociomedical Sciences at the Joseph L. Mailman School of Public Health, Columbia University, also Deputy Director of the Center for the Study of Society and Medicine at the Columbia College of Physicians & Surgeons. The Hidden Cost of Organ Sales American Journal of Transplantation, 6(7); 1524-1529, 13 February 2006
|
economists and social psychologists have been analyzing the tensions between ‘extrinsic incentives’—financial compensation and monetary rewards, and ‘intrinsic incentives’—the moral commitment to do one’s duty. They hypothesize that extrinsic incentives can ‘crowd out’ intrinsic incentives, that the introduction of cash payments will weaken moral obligations. Gneezy, a professor of behavioral science at Chicago observes: ‘Extrinsic motivation might change the perception of the activity and destroy the intrinsic motivation to perform it when no apparent reward apart from the activity itself is expected’
| null |
http://www.societyandmedicine.columbia.edu/organs_challenge.shtml
Crowding Out
Advocates think it self-evident that market incentives will yield more organs for transplantation. ‘People are more likely to do something if they are going to get paid for it’ (6). And sellers will not drive out donors. Whatever financial incentives exist, siblings and parents will continue to donate to loved ones.
These expectations, however, may be disappointed. Since the 1970s, a group of economists and social psychologists have been analyzing the tensions between ‘extrinsic incentives’—financial compensation and monetary rewards, and ‘intrinsic incentives’—the moral commitment to do one’s duty. They hypothesize that extrinsic incentives can ‘crowd out’ intrinsic incentives, that the introduction of cash payments will weaken moral obligations. As Uri Gneezy, a professor of behavioral science at the University of Chicago School of Business, observes: ‘Extrinsic motivation might change the perception of the activity and destroy the intrinsic motivation to perform it when no apparent reward apart from the activity itself is expected’ (7–12). Although the case for the ‘hidden costs of rewards’ is certainly not indisputable, it does suggest that a market in organs might reduce altruistic donation and overall supply.
| 1,313 |
<h4><strong>Economic and social-psych studies prove sales will crowd out altruistic donations</h4><p>Rothman, 6 </strong>David J. Rothman, Bernard Schoenberg Professor of Social Medicine and Director of the Center for the Study of Society and Medicine at the Columbia College of Physicians and Surgeons, and Professor of History at Columbia University; and Sheila M. Rothman, Professor of Public Health in the Division of Sociomedical Sciences at the Joseph L. Mailman School of Public Health, Columbia University, also Deputy Director of the Center for the Study of Society and Medicine at the Columbia College of Physicians & Surgeons.<strong> </strong>The Hidden Cost of Organ Sales<strong> </strong>American Journal of Transplantation, 6(7); 1524-1529, 13 February 2006</p><p>http://www.societyandmedicine.columbia.edu/organs_challenge.shtml</p><p>Crowding Out</p><p>Advocates think it self-evident that market incentives will yield more organs for transplantation. ‘People are more likely to do something if they are going to get paid for it’ (6). And sellers will not drive out donors. Whatever financial incentives exist, siblings and parents will continue to donate to loved ones.</p><p>These expectations, however, may be disappointed. Since the 1970s, a group of <u>economists and social psychologists have been analyzing the tensions between ‘extrinsic incentives’—financial compensation and monetary rewards, and ‘intrinsic incentives’—the moral commitment to do one’s duty. They hypothesize that extrinsic incentives can ‘crowd out’ intrinsic incentives, that the introduction of cash payments will weaken moral obligations.</u> As Uri <u>Gneezy, a professor of behavioral science at </u>the University of <u>Chicago</u> School of Business, <u>observes: ‘Extrinsic motivation might change the perception of the activity and destroy the intrinsic motivation to perform it when no apparent reward apart from the activity itself is expected’</u> (7–12). Although the case for the ‘hidden costs of rewards’ is certainly not indisputable, it does suggest that a market in organs might reduce altruistic donation and overall supply.</p>
| null |
2nc
|
resistance net ben
| 636,338 | 45 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,883 |
There is pressure on the treaty system in the squo- but the SUCCESSFUL push will be for FLEXIBILITY not ABANDONMENT- our ev ASSUMES Uruguay
|
Youngers 2014
|
Youngers 2014 (Colletta, Senior Fellow with WOLA, the Washington Office on Latin America, an associate with the International Drug Policy Consortium (IDPC), and a member of the research team, Colectivo de Estudios Drogas y Derecho (CEDD), based in Aguascalientes, Mexico, A Turning Point for Drug Policy, NACLA Report on the Americas47.2 (Summer 2014): 21-27, proquest)
|
SINCE NIXON DECLARED THE WAR on Drugs the U.S. used its muscle to dictate policies throughout the region the tables have turned as Latin American countries have emerged as a driving force Numerous factors have contributed to the waning influence of Washington on this The surge in left-leaning governments The growing economic influence of Brazil, the economic recession in the United States, and the decline of U.S. foreign assistance have all contributed to this trend reformist leanings on drug policy do not break down on ideological grounds with Guatemala's right-wing president joining left-wing presidents in Uruguay and Ecuador to advocate for an end to prohibitionist drug policies Washington is suffering from a credibility problem Even as the United States continues to advocate a "tough on drugs" approach overseas, at home state after state is relaxing marijuana laws The irony is not lost on Latin American officials
|
Washington is suffering from a credibility problem. Even as the United States continues to advocate a "tough on drugs" approach overseas, at home state after state is relaxing marijuana laws markets. The irony is not lost on Latin American officials;
|
SINCE PRESIDENT NIXON FIRST DECLARED THE WAR on Drugs over 40 years ago, the U.S. government has used its political and economic muscle to dictate policies throughout the region. Now the tables have turned as Latin American countries have emerged as a driving force. Numerous factors have contributed to the waning influence of Washington on this and other policies. The surge in left-leaning governments in countries such as Venezuela, Ecuador, and Bolivia has challenged Washington's historic patterns of unilateralism and interventionism. The growing economic influence of Brazil, the economic recession in the United States, and the decline of U.S. foreign assistance have all contributed to this trend. Interestingly, the reformist leanings on drug policy do not break down on ideological grounds, with Guatemala's right-wing president joining left-wing presidents in Uruguay and Ecuador to advocate for an end to prohibitionist drug policies, while left-wing governments in Venezuela and Nicaragua strongly support the status quo. Washington is suffering from a credibility problem. Even as the United States continues to advocate a "tough on drugs" approach overseas, at home state after state is relaxing marijuana laws. To date, 21 states and the District of Colombia have decriminalized it, 20 states have adopted medical marijuana laws (these states often overlap with those that have decriminalized), and two states-Washington and Colorado-are in the process of implementing legal, regulated cannabis markets. The irony is not lost on Latin American officials; fo
| 1,575 |
<h4>There is pressure on the treaty system in the squo- but the SUCCESSFUL push will be for FLEXIBILITY not ABANDONMENT- our ev ASSUMES Uruguay</h4><p><strong>Youngers 2014</strong> (Colletta, Senior Fellow with WOLA, the Washington Office on Latin America, an associate with the International Drug Policy Consortium (IDPC), and a member of the research team, Colectivo de Estudios Drogas y Derecho (CEDD), based in Aguascalientes, Mexico, A Turning Point for Drug Policy, NACLA Report on the Americas47.2 (Summer 2014): 21-27, proquest)</p><p><u>SINCE</u> PRESIDENT <u>NIXON</u> FIRST <u>DECLARED</u> <u>THE WAR on Drugs</u> over 40 years ago, <u>the U.S.</u> government has <u>used its</u> political and economic <u>muscle to dictate policies throughout the region</u>. Now <u>the tables have turned as Latin American countries have emerged as a driving force</u>. <u>Numerous factors have contributed to the waning influence of Washington on this</u> and other policies. <u>The surge in left-leaning governments</u> in countries such as Venezuela, Ecuador, and Bolivia has challenged Washington's historic patterns of unilateralism and interventionism. <u>The growing economic influence of Brazil, the economic recession in the United States, and the decline of U.S. foreign assistance have all contributed to this trend</u>. Interestingly, the <u><strong>reformist leanings on drug policy do not break down on ideological grounds</u></strong>, <u>with Guatemala's right-wing president joining left-wing presidents in Uruguay and Ecuador</u> <u>to advocate for an end to prohibitionist drug policies</u>, while left-wing governments in Venezuela and Nicaragua strongly support the status quo. <u><strong><mark>Washington is suffering from a credibility problem</u></strong>. <u>Even as the United States continues to advocate a "tough on drugs" approach overseas, at home state after state is relaxing marijuana laws</u></mark>. To date, 21 states and the District of Colombia have decriminalized it, 20 states have adopted medical marijuana laws (these states often overlap with those that have decriminalized), and two states-Washington and Colorado-are in the process of implementing legal, regulated cannabis <mark>markets. <u>The irony is not lost on Latin American officials</u>;</mark> fo</p>
| null |
1nr
|
a2
| 430,470 | 17 | 17,062 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| 565,288 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
6
|
Michigan Chappell-Peilen
|
Taylor
|
Treaties DA (2NR)
Fed CP (2NR)
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round6.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,884 |
Very few people in the US participate in transplant tourism -- several hundred over a decade out of tens of thousands of transplant tourists
|
Jaycox 12
|
Jaycox 12 Michael P. Jaycox, teaching fellow and Ph.D. candidate in theological ethics at Boston College,
Developing World Bioethics Volume 12 Number 3 2012 pp 135–147 COERCION, AUTONOMY, AND THE PREFERENTIAL OPTION FOR THE POOR IN THE ETHICS OF ORGAN TRANSPLANTATION
|
Merion studied national organ waiting list records dating from 1987 to 2006 Merion found 373 instances of patient names having been removed from the waitinglist without a corresponding US transplant record in the database or a record of death while waiting. The records of 173 out of the 373 total patients indicated explicitly that the patient had received a transplant in a foreign location. By means of data validation queries directed to foreign transplant centers, Merion was able to account for all of the remaining 200 patients whose US medical records did not contain such explicit indications
| null |
http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1471-8847.2012.00327.x/pdf
Scheper-Hughes’s conclusions based on social scientific research are partially confirmed by a 2008 quantitative
study conducted by American surgeon Robert M. Merion regarding the participation of US residents in transplant tourism.26 Merion studied national organ waiting list records dating from 1987 to 2006 in order to investigate the possibility of a correlation between the removal of patient names from the waiting list and patient participation in transplant tourism in a foreign country. Merion found 373 instances of patient names having been removed from the waitinglist without a corresponding US transplant record in the database or a record of death while waiting. These patients were most likely to be male, to be of Asian or white ethnicity, to have completed atleast some higher education, and to be in possession of private health insurance. The records of 173 out of the 373 total patients indicated explicitly that the patient had received a transplant in a foreign location. By means of data validation queries directed to foreign transplant centers, Merion was able to account for all of the remaining 200 patients whose US medical records did not contain such explicit indications. He found that a majority (62%) of the 373 total transplants had happened in East Asian and South Asian locations, with the largest numbers concentrated in China (97 transplants), the Philippines (46 transplants)and India (38 transplants). Most of the transplants were kidney transplants (89.3%). Merion qualifies his conclusions regarding US patient participation in transplant tourism with a caveat:‘The cases reported here represent a minimum number of foreign transplants that underestimate the true extent of this activity....Additional cases among never-wait-listed persons could easily outnumber those reported here.’27
| 1,902 |
<h4>Very few people in the US participate in transplant tourism -- several hundred over a decade out of tens of thousands of transplant tourists</h4><p><strong>Jaycox 12</strong> Michael P. Jaycox, teaching fellow and Ph.D. candidate in theological ethics at Boston College,</p><p>Developing World Bioethics Volume 12 Number 3 2012 pp 135–147 COERCION, AUTONOMY, AND THE PREFERENTIAL OPTION FOR THE POOR IN THE ETHICS OF ORGAN TRANSPLANTATION</p><p>http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1471-8847.2012.00327.x/pdf</p><p>Scheper-Hughes’s conclusions based on social scientific research are partially confirmed by a 2008 quantitative</p><p>study conducted by American surgeon Robert M. Merion regarding the participation of US residents in transplant tourism.26 <u>Merion studied national organ waiting list records dating from 1987 to 2006</u> in order to investigate the possibility of a correlation between the removal of patient names from the waiting list and patient participation in transplant tourism in a foreign country. <u>Merion found 373 instances of patient names having been removed from the waitinglist without a corresponding US transplant record in the database or a record of death while waiting. </u>These patients were most likely to be male, to be of Asian or white ethnicity, to have completed atleast some higher education, and to be in possession of private health insurance. <u>The records of 173 out of the 373 total patients indicated explicitly that the patient had received a transplant in a foreign location. By means of data validation queries directed to foreign transplant centers, Merion was able to account for all of the remaining 200 patients whose US medical records did not contain such explicit indications</u>. He found that a majority (62%) of the 373 total transplants had happened in East Asian and South Asian locations, with the largest numbers concentrated in China (97 transplants), the Philippines (46 transplants)and India (38 transplants). Most of the transplants were kidney transplants (89.3%). Merion qualifies his conclusions regarding US patient participation in transplant tourism with a caveat:‘The cases reported here represent a minimum number of foreign transplants that underestimate the true extent of this activity....Additional cases among never-wait-listed persons could easily outnumber those reported here.’27</p>
| null |
2nc
|
EXT – ONLY 300
| 430,471 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,885 |
Demand elsewhere will keep the tourist market alive -- china alone could do that
|
Satel 11
|
Satel 11 Sally Satel, psychiatrist and resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. June 13 2011
|
The Chinese population itself drives a demand because the country has virtually no culture of altruistic deceased organ donation. Last year, roughly 1.5 million Chinese needed kidneys, livers, lungs, and hearts, but only 10,000 received them—the vast majority through illicit means
|
The Chinese population itself drives a demand because the country has virtually no culture of altruistic deceased organ donation. Last year, roughly 1.5 million Chinese needed kidneys, livers, lungs, and hearts, but only 10,000 received them—the vast majority through illicit means.
|
Yuan a Kidney? China's proposals to pay organ donors flout the status quo. That's a good thing.
http://www.slate.com/articles/health_and_science/medical_examiner/2011/06/yuan_a_kidney.html
Meanwhile, the need for organs is remains vast. The Chinese population itself drives a demand because the country has virtually no culture of altruistic deceased organ donation. Last year, roughly 1.5 million Chinese needed kidneys, livers, lungs, and hearts, but only 10,000 received them—the vast majority through illicit means.
| 520 |
<h4>Demand elsewhere will keep the tourist market alive -- china alone could do that</h4><p><strong>Satel 11</strong> Sally Satel, psychiatrist and resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. June 13 2011 </p><p>Yuan a Kidney? China's proposals to pay organ donors flout the status quo. That's a good thing.</p><p>http://www.slate.com/articles/health_and_science/medical_examiner/2011/06/yuan_a_kidney.html</p><p>Meanwhile, the need for organs is remains vast. <u><mark>The Chinese population itself drives a demand because the country has virtually no culture of altruistic deceased organ donation. Last year, roughly 1.5 million Chinese needed kidneys, livers, lungs, and hearts, but only 10,000 received them—the vast majority through illicit means</u>.</p></mark>
| null |
2nc
|
read
| 430,456 | 2 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,886 |
There is no proof of transmission – the risk is purely hypothetical
|
Ramsoondar 8
|
Ramsoondar 8 Jagdeece Ramsoondar, et al Revivicor Inc., Blacksburg, VA, Xenotransplantation
Volume 16, Issue 3, pages 164–180, May/June 2009 Production of transgenic pigs that express porcine endogenous retrovirus small interfering RNAs http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1399-3089.2009.00525.x/full
|
, the fact remains, to date, there is no evidence of PERV infection of humans treated with living pig organs, tissues or cells any risk to humans from PERVs in a xenotransplantation setting remains hypothetical and would be considered to be very low. The field is well into the second phase of PERV research aimed at understanding the basics of PERV infectivity
Homo sapiens managed to survive every disease in 200,000 years none has come close to destroying the human race There is a biological reason Natural selection favors germs of limited lethality they are fitter in an evolutionary sense because their genes are more likely to be spread if the germs do not kill their hosts too quickly there is no danger that likelihood a natural pandemic would cause extinction is even less today than in the past
|
the fact remains, to date, there is no evidence of PERV infection of humans treated with living pig organs, tissues or cells any risk to humans from PERVs in a xenotransplantation setting remains hypothetical and would be considered to be very low. The field is well into the second phase of PERV research aimed at understanding the basics of PERV infectivity
Homo sapiens survive every disease in 200,000 years Natural selection favors limited lethality; they are fitter because genes spread if the germs do not kill their hosts likelihood pandemic would cause extinction is less today
|
The application of RNAi for gene silencing/suppression [30] has now made it possible to design a viable method for inhibiting the expression of all PERVs in pigs for use in xenotransplantation. Concerns have been raised with regard to PERV in the context of xenotransplantation that includes the following: (i) possible increased susceptibility of immunosuppressed xenograft recipients to PERV infection; (ii) PERV infection could accelerate xenograft rejection that is T-cell mediated and (iii) recombination with related host retroviruses may have the potential to contribute the necessary proviral sequences (complementation) that would restore defective PERV replication and infectivity [31,32]. Despite these potential issues, the fact remains, to date, there is no evidence of PERV infection of humans treated with living pig organs, tissues or cells [33–37]. Therefore, any risk to humans from PERVs in a xenotransplantation setting, though cannot be discounted, remains hypothetical and would be considered to be very low. The field is well into the second phase of PERV research aimed at understanding the basics of PERV infectivity [38–43]. The knowledge obtained should help to formulate effective strategies to eliminate any potential threat of PERV and facilitate the adoption of xenograft technology when it becomes available. Hence, the impetus is to develop technology for producing animals that will not propagate PERV. The large number of PERV proviral sequences, along with the inefficiencies of homologous recombination renders conventional gene targeting prohibitive. Furthermore, targeted knockout of all PERV still leaves the possibility of regenerating replication-competent PERV by spontaneous recombination. Various methods have been proposed to prevent infectious PERV transmission from pigs that are to be used for xenotransplantation [35,44–48]. The most promising of these is RNA interference (RNAi) technology.
No extinction from disease
Posner 5—Senior Lecturer, U Chicago Law. Judge on the US Court of Appeals 7th Circuit. AB from Yale and LLB from Harvard. (Richard, Catastrophe, http://goliath.ecnext.com/coms2/gi_0199-4150331/Catastrophe-the-dozen-most-significant.html)
Yet the fact that Homo sapiens has managed to survive every disease to assail it in the 200,000 years or so of its existence is a source of genuine comfort, at least if the focus is on extinction events. There have been enormously destructive plagues, such as the Black Death, smallpox, and now AIDS, but none has come close to destroying the entire human race. There is a biological reason. Natural selection favors germs of limited lethality; they are fitter in an evolutionary sense because their genes are more likely to be spread if the germs do not kill their hosts too quickly. The AIDS virus is an example of a lethal virus, wholly natural, that by lying dormant yet infectious in its host for years maximizes its spread. Yet there is no danger that AIDS will destroy the entire human race. The likelihood of a natural pandemic that would cause the extinction of the human race is probably even less today than in the past (except in prehistoric times, when people lived in small, scattered bands, which would have limited the spread of disease), despite wider human contacts that make it more difficult to localize an infectious disease.
| 3,354 |
<h4>There is no proof of transmission – the risk is purely hypothetical</h4><p><strong>Ramsoondar 8</strong> Jagdeece Ramsoondar, et al Revivicor Inc., Blacksburg, VA, Xenotransplantation</p><p>Volume 16, Issue 3, pages 164–180, May/June 2009 Production of transgenic pigs that express porcine endogenous retrovirus small interfering RNAs http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1399-3089.2009.00525.x/full</p><p>The application of RNAi for gene silencing/suppression [30] has now made it possible to design a viable method for inhibiting the expression of all PERVs in pigs for use in xenotransplantation. Concerns have been raised with regard to PERV in the context of xenotransplantation that includes the following: (i) possible increased susceptibility of immunosuppressed xenograft recipients to PERV infection; (ii) PERV infection could accelerate xenograft rejection that is T-cell mediated and (iii) recombination with related host retroviruses may have the potential to contribute the necessary proviral sequences (complementation) that would restore defective PERV replication and infectivity [31,32]. Despite these potential issues<u>, <mark>the fact remains, to date, there is no evidence of PERV infection of humans treated with living pig organs, tissues or cells</u></mark> [33–37]. Therefore, <u><mark>any risk to humans from PERVs in a xenotransplantation setting</u></mark>, though cannot be discounted, <u><mark>remains hypothetical and would be considered to be very low. The field is well into the second phase of PERV research aimed at understanding the basics of PERV infectivity</mark> </u><strong>[38–43]. The knowledge obtained should help to formulate effective strategies to eliminate any potential threat of PERV and facilitate the adoption of xenograft technology when it becomes available. Hence, the impetus is to develop technology for producing animals that will not propagate PERV. The large number of PERV proviral sequences, along with the inefficiencies of homologous recombination renders conventional gene targeting prohibitive. Furthermore, targeted knockout of all PERV still leaves the possibility of regenerating replication-competent PERV by spontaneous recombination. Various methods have been proposed to prevent infectious PERV transmission from pigs that are to be used for xenotransplantation [35,44–48]. The most promising of these is RNA interference (RNAi) technology.</p><p>No extinction from disease</p><p>Posner 5</strong>—Senior Lecturer, U Chicago Law. Judge on the US Court of Appeals 7th Circuit. AB from Yale and LLB from Harvard. (Richard, Catastrophe, http://goliath.ecnext.com/coms2/gi_0199-4150331/Catastrophe-the-dozen-most-significant.html)</p><p>Yet the fact that <u><mark>Homo sapiens</u></mark> has <u>managed to <mark>survive every disease</u></mark> to assail it <u><mark>in</u></mark> the <u><mark>200,000 years</u></mark> or so of its existence is a source of genuine comfort, at least if the focus is on extinction events. There have been enormously destructive plagues, such as the Black Death, smallpox, and now AIDS, but <u>none has come close to destroying the</u> entire <u>human race</u>. <u><strong>There is a biological reason</u></strong>. <u><mark>Natural selection favors</u></mark> <u>germs of</u> <u><mark>limited lethality</u>; <u>they are fitter</mark> in an evolutionary sense <mark>because </mark>their <mark>genes </mark>are more likely to be <mark>spread if the germs do not kill their hosts </mark>too quickly</u>. The AIDS virus is an example of a lethal virus, wholly natural, that by lying dormant yet infectious in its host for years maximizes its spread. Yet <u>there is no danger that</u> AIDS will destroy the entire human race. The <u><mark>likelihood</u></mark> of <u>a natural <mark>pandemic</u></mark> that <u><mark>would</mark> <mark>cause</u></mark> the <u><mark>extinction</u></mark> of the human race <u><mark>is</u></mark> probably <u>even <mark>less today</mark> than in the past</u> (except in prehistoric times, when people lived in small, scattered bands, which would have limited the spread of disease), despite wider human contacts that make it more difficult to localize an infectious disease. </p>
| null |
2nc
|
2
| 64,791 | 356 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,887 |
Strong regulatory framework controls safety
|
Salomon 14
|
Salomon 14 Daniel Salomon, associate professor in the Department of Molecular and Experimental Medicine at the Scripps Frontline How Big Is the Risk 2014 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/organfarm/risks/howbig.html
|
there is already a very well defined regulatory context established by the F D A in partnership with the N I H and the C D C And it's all being overseen by the secretary of health and human services at the presidential cabinet level. we're in a pretty good situation right now, having a strong regulatory oversight to help guide xenotransplantation safely
| null |
So, from a regulatory point of view, there is already a very well defined regulatory context established by the Food and Drug Administration in partnership with the National Institutes of Health and the Centers for Disease Control in Atlanta. And it's all being overseen by the secretary of health and human services at the presidential cabinet level. So I think that we're in a pretty good situation right now, having a strong regulatory oversight to help guide xenotransplantation safely through the first clinical trials.
| 524 |
<h4>Strong regulatory framework controls safety</h4><p><strong>Salomon 14</strong> Daniel Salomon, associate professor in the Department of Molecular and Experimental Medicine at the Scripps <strong> </strong>Frontline How Big Is the Risk 2014 http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/organfarm/risks/howbig.html</p><p>So, from a regulatory point of view, <u>there is already a very well defined regulatory context established by the</u> <u>F</u>ood and <u>D</u>rug <u>A</u>dministration <u>in partnership with the</u> <u>N</u>ational <u>I</u>nstitutes of <u>H</u>ealth <u>and the</u> <u>C</u>enters for <u>D</u>isease <u>C</u>ontrol in Atlanta. <u>And it's all being overseen by the secretary of health and human services at the presidential cabinet level.</u> So I think that <u>we're in a pretty good situation right now, having a strong regulatory oversight to help guide xenotransplantation safely</u> through the first clinical trials.</p>
| null |
2nc
|
REGULATIONS CONTROL
| 430,472 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,888 |
Imposition of sanctions results in immediate Israeli strike on Iran. That outweighs—
| null | null | null | null | null | null |
<h4><strong>Imposition of sanctions results in immediate Israeli strike on Iran. That outweighs—</h4></strong>
| null |
1nr
|
O/V
| 430,473 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,889 |
We control time frame and magnitude – deal failure draws in global powers and goes nuclear within months
|
PressTV 13
|
PressTV 13
|
A global conflict between the US, Russia, and China is likely in months should the world powers fail to reach a nuclear deal with Iran If the talks fail then there would be enormous international pressure to drive towards a conflict with Iran before Obama leaves office The United States could find itself on one side and Russia and China on the other and those are the kinds of conditions that can lead to miscalculation we could be facing a global conflict in the coming months that’s got to be avoided at all costs when you’ve got countries like the United States, Russia, and China with” their arsenals of “nuclear weapons failure in talks with Iran could lead to war
|
A global conflict between the US, Russia, and China is likely in months should the world powers fail to reach a deal with Iran If the talks fail there would be enormous international pressure to drive towards a conflict with Iran The U S could find itself on one side and Russia and China on the other those conditions can lead to miscalculation
|
Global nuclear conflict between US, Russia, China likely if Iran talks fail, 11/13/13, http://www.presstv.ir/detail/2013/11/13/334544/global-nuclear-war-likely-if-iran-talks-fail/
A global conflict between the US, Russia, and China is likely in the coming months should the world powers fail to reach a nuclear deal with Iran, an American analyst says.¶ “If the talks fail, if the agreements being pursued are not successfully carried forward and implemented, then there would be enormous international pressure to drive towards a conflict with Iran before [US President Barack] Obama leaves office and that’s a very great danger that no one can underestimate the importance of,” senior editor at the Executive Intelligence Review Jeff Steinberg told Press TV on Wednesday. ¶ “The United States could find itself on one side and Russia and China on the other and those are the kinds of conditions that can lead to miscalculation and general roar,” Steinberg said. ¶ “So the danger in this situation is that if these talks don’t go forward, we could be facing a global conflict in the coming months and years and that’s got to be avoided at all costs when you’ve got countries like the United States, Russia, and China with” their arsenals of “nuclear weapons,” he warned. ¶ The warning came one day after the White House told Congress not to impose new sanctions against Tehran because failure in talks with Iran could lead to war.
| 1,431 |
<h4><strong>We control time frame and magnitude – deal failure draws in global powers and goes nuclear within months </h4><p>PressTV 13</p><p></strong>Global nuclear conflict between US, Russia, China likely if Iran talks fail, 11/13/13, http://www.presstv.ir/detail/2013/11/13/334544/global-nuclear-war-likely-if-iran-talks-fail/</p><p><u><mark>A <strong>global conflict between the US, Russia, and China is likely in </u></strong></mark>the coming<u><strong><mark> months should the world powers fail to reach a</mark> nuclear <mark>deal with Iran</u></strong></mark>, an American analyst says.¶ “<u><mark>If the talks fail</u></mark>, if the agreements being pursued are not successfully carried forward and implemented, <u>then <mark>there would be enormous international pressure to drive towards a conflict with Iran</mark> before</u> [US President Barack] <u>Obama leaves office</u> and that’s a very great danger that no one can underestimate the importance of,” senior editor at the Executive Intelligence Review Jeff Steinberg told Press TV on Wednesday. ¶ “<u><mark>The U</mark>nited <mark>S</mark>tates <mark>could find itself on one side and Russia and China on the other</mark> and <mark>those</mark> are the kinds of <mark>conditions</mark> that <mark>can <strong>lead to miscalculation</u></strong></mark> and general roar,” Steinberg said. ¶ “So the danger in this situation is that if these talks don’t go forward, <u>we could be facing a global conflict in the coming months</u> and years and <u>that’s got to be avoided at all costs when you’ve got countries like the United States, Russia, and China with” their arsenals of “nuclear weapons</u>,” he warned. ¶ The warning came one day after the White House told Congress not to impose new sanctions against Tehran because <u>failure in talks with Iran could lead to war</u><strong>.</p></strong>
| null |
1nr
|
O/V
| 188,942 | 22 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,890 |
The combined effects of nuclear war causes extinction.
|
Starr 09
|
Starr 09
Steven Starr, Senior Scientist with Physicians for Social Responsibility, and Director of the Clinical Laboratory Science Program at the University of Missouri. Peace Magazine Jul-Sep 2009 .
|
The most lethal effects of nuclear war appear to be its predicted impact on global climate. The rapidity of that climate change makes it far more deadly than the expected climate change from global warming; there is no time for living things to adapt.
In addition to deadly climate change, there would be other toxic environmental effects. A large war would produce massive radioactive fallout, releasing a million times more radiation than did the accident at Chernobyl. If the bombs targeted nuclear reactors, this would increase the fallout by a factor of ten Industrial chemicals (released by blast and fire) and ground-hugging clouds of toxic smoke would assault the ecosystems. There would be a massive decrease in stratospheric ozone, resulting in huge increases in harmful ultraviolet radiation.
The detonation of US and Russian nuclear weapons would leave the Earth uninhabitable
|
The most lethal effects of nuclear war appear to be its predicted impact on global climate
large war would produce massive radioactive fallou If the bombs targeted nuclear reactors, this would increase the fallout by a factor of ten There would be a massive decrease in stratospheric ozone, resulting in huge increases in harmful ultraviolet radiation.
The detonation of US and Russian nuclear weapons would leave the Earth uninhabitable
|
Climatic Effects of Nuclear War http://archive.peacemagazine.org/v25n3p06.htm
The most lethal effects of nuclear war appear to be its predicted impact on global climate. The rapidity of that climate change makes it far more deadly than the expected climate change from global warming; there is no time for living things to adapt.
In addition to deadly climate change, there would be other toxic environmental effects. A large war would produce massive radioactive fallout, releasing a million times more radiation than did the accident at Chernobyl. If the bombs targeted nuclear reactors, this would increase the fallout by a factor of ten. Industrial chemicals (released by blast and fire) and ground-hugging clouds of toxic smoke would assault the ecosystems. There would be a massive decrease in stratospheric ozone, resulting in huge increases in harmful ultraviolet radiation.
The detonation of US and Russian nuclear weapons would leave the Earth uninhabitable. Even if the ongoing negotiations between the two countries result in the reduction of their nuclear weapons to just a few thousand, this will not significantly reduce this danger. The only way to insure that this outcome will not occur is by eliminating nuclear arsenals and abolishing nuclear weapons altogether.
| 1,285 |
<h4><strong>The combined effects of nuclear war causes extinction.</h4><p>Starr 09</p><p></strong>Steven Starr, Senior Scientist with Physicians for Social Responsibility, and Director of the Clinical Laboratory Science Program at the University of Missouri. Peace Magazine Jul-Sep 2009 .</p><p>Climatic Effects of Nuclear War http://archive.peacemagazine.org/v25n3p06.htm</p><p><u><mark>The most lethal effects of nuclear war appear to be its predicted impact on global climate</mark>. The rapidity of that climate change makes it far more deadly than the expected climate change from global warming; there is no time for living things to adapt.</p><p>In addition to deadly climate change, there would be other toxic environmental effects. A <mark>large war would produce massive radioactive fallou</mark>t, releasing a million times more radiation than did the accident at Chernobyl. <mark>If the bombs targeted nuclear reactors, this would increase the fallout by a factor of ten</u></mark>. <u>Industrial chemicals (released by blast and fire) and ground-hugging clouds of toxic smoke would assault the ecosystems. <mark>There would be a massive decrease in stratospheric ozone, resulting in huge increases in harmful ultraviolet radiation.</p><p>The detonation of US and Russian nuclear weapons would leave the Earth uninhabitable</u><strong></mark>. Even if the ongoing negotiations between the two countries result in the reduction of their nuclear weapons to just a few thousand, this will not significantly reduce this danger. The only way to insure that this outcome will not occur is by eliminating nuclear arsenals and abolishing nuclear weapons altogether.</p></strong>
| null |
1nr
|
O/V
| 430,474 | 2 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,891 |
Our interpretation is that an affirmative should defend a topical action by the United States federal government.
| null | null | null | null | null | null |
<h4>Our interpretation is that an affirmative should defend a topical action by the United States federal government. </h4>
| null |
1nc
|
FW 1NC
| 430,475 | 1 | 17,065 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round7.docx
| 565,287 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
7
|
Florida Cone-Marchini
|
Lee
|
FW (2NR)
Ban PAS CP
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round7.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,892 |
Studies using new computer models put nuclear winter beyond doubt
|
Fraser 09
|
Fraser 09
Malcolm Fraser, Austral Policy Forum 09-14A, 28 May 2009
|
Recent scientific evidence from state-of-the-art climate models puts the case beyond dispute Cooling and darkening, with killing frosts and shortened growing seasons, rainfall decline, monsoon failure, and substantial increases in ultraviolet radiation, would combine to slash global food production over successive years.
|
Recent scientific evidence from state-of-the-art climate models puts the case beyond dispute Cooling and darkening would combine to slash global food production over successive years
|
A world free of nuclear weapons: the fierce urgency of now
http://www.globalcollab.org/Nautilus/australia/apsnet/policy-forum/2009/fraser-disarmament/
Recent scientific evidence from the same state-of-the-art climate models which underpin our understanding of global warming puts the case for urgent nuclear weapons abolition beyond dispute. Even a limited regional nuclear war involving targeting cities with 100 Hiroshima-sized bombs – just 0.03% of the explosive power of the world’s current nuclear arsenal - would not only kill tens of millions quickly from blast, fires and radiation, but would cause unexpectedly severe climatic consequences persisting for a decade or more. Millions of tons of black, sooty smoke would be lofted high into the stratosphere, beyond rain and weather. Cooling and darkening, with killing frosts and shortened growing seasons, rainfall decline, monsoon failure, and substantial increases in ultraviolet radiation, would combine to slash global food production over successive years. Globally, one billion people could starve. More would succumb from the disease epidemics and social and economic mayhem which would inevitably follow. Global trade, transport and inputs to agriculture would be disrupted, those with food would hoard it, and further violent conflict would be likely.
| 1,318 |
<h4><strong>Studies using new computer models put nuclear winter beyond doubt</h4><p>Fraser 09</p><p></strong>Malcolm Fraser, Austral Policy Forum 09-14A, 28 May 2009</p><p>A world free of nuclear weapons: the fierce urgency of now</p><p>http://www.globalcollab.org/Nautilus/australia/apsnet/policy-forum/2009/fraser-disarmament/</p><p><u><mark>Recent scientific evidence from</u></mark> the same <u><mark>state-of-the-art climate models</u></mark> which underpin our understanding of global warming <u><mark>puts the case</mark> </u>for urgent nuclear weapons abolition <u><mark>beyond dispute</u></mark>. Even a limited regional nuclear war involving targeting cities with 100 Hiroshima-sized bombs – just 0.03% of the explosive power of the world’s current nuclear arsenal - would not only kill tens of millions quickly from blast, fires and radiation, but would cause unexpectedly severe climatic consequences persisting for a decade or more. Millions of tons of black, sooty smoke would be lofted high into the stratosphere, beyond rain and weather. <u><mark>Cooling and darkening</mark>, with killing frosts and shortened growing seasons, rainfall decline, monsoon failure, and substantial increases in ultraviolet radiation, <mark>would combine to slash global food production over successive years</mark>.</u><strong> Globally, one billion people could starve. More would succumb from the disease epidemics and social and economic mayhem which would inevitably follow. Global trade, transport and inputs to agriculture would be disrupted, those with food would hoard it, and further violent conflict would be likely. </p></strong>
| null |
1nr
|
O/V
| 430,480 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,893 |
They don’t meet—
| null | null | null | null | null | null |
<h4>They don’t meet—</h4>
| null |
1nc
|
FW 1NC
| 430,476 | 1 | 17,065 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round7.docx
| 565,287 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
7
|
Florida Cone-Marchini
|
Lee
|
FW (2NR)
Ban PAS CP
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round7.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,894 |
Time frame outweighs probability—means our impact turns theirs, not vice versa. Impacts in the future are inherently less likely, and more likely to be solved by intervening actors
| null | null | null | null | null | null |
<h4><strong>Time frame outweighs probability—means our impact turns theirs, not vice versa. Impacts in the future are inherently less likely, and more likely to be solved by intervening actors</h4></strong>
| null |
1nr
|
O/V
| 430,477 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,895 |
Legalize requires action by public authority
|
US Legal 14
|
US Legal 14 US Legal 2014 http://definitions.uslegal.com/l/legalization/
|
Legalization refers to authentication or certification by an appropriate public authority. It is an act to make something lawful.
| null |
Legalization refers to authentication or certification by an appropriate public authority. It is an act to make something lawful. It may also be called legitimation. For example, legalization of casino gambling refers to making casino gambling lawful; or legalization of assisted suicide refers to making assisted suicide lawful and legitimate, and legal consequences shall not follow a legitimate act.
| 402 |
<h4>Legalize requires action by public authority</h4><p><strong>US Legal 14</strong> US Legal 2014 http://definitions.uslegal.com/l/legalization/</p><p><u>Legalization refers to authentication or certification by an appropriate public authority. It is an act to make something lawful.</u> It may also be called legitimation. For example, legalization of casino gambling refers to making casino gambling lawful; or legalization of assisted suicide refers to making assisted suicide lawful and legitimate, and legal consequences shall not follow a legitimate act.</p>
| null |
1nc
|
FW 1NC
| 430,479 | 4 | 17,065 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round7.docx
| 565,287 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
7
|
Florida Cone-Marchini
|
Lee
|
FW (2NR)
Ban PAS CP
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round7.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,896 |
Turns terror
|
Brookes 07,
|
Brookes 07, National security affairs senior fellow, 07
(Peter, 4-2-07, “Iran Emboldened: Tehran Seeks to Dominate Middle East Politics”, DOA: 10-10-13, http://www.heritage.org/research/commentary/2007/04/iran-emboldened-tehran-seeks-to-dominate-middle-east-politics, llc)
|
According to the State Department, Iran continues to be the world's most active state sponsor of terrorism Iran's Ministry of Intelligence and Security and Revolutionary Guard Corps support terrorist groups with funding, training and weapons. Tehran may fund Hezbollah to 100 million per year Hezbollah fired as many as 10,000 Iran-supplied rockets and missiles Hezbollah is threatening to topple Lebanon's government Iran has made a number of not-so-veiled threats that it would deploy its irregular forces and terrorist allies against the U.S This is likely not an idle threat It is almost without question that Tehran sees its ability to hold U.S. interests at risk across the globe as leverage against American military action over its nuclear program or meddling in Iraq Iran could transfer nuclear capability to a Hezbollah-dominated government The insurgency's recent use of chlorine gas is evidence of a terrorist group's willingness to employ WMD.
|
Iran continues to be the world's sponsor of terrorism Iran's Ministry of Intelligence support terrorist groups Tehran fund Hezbollah to topple Lebanon This is not an idle threat Tehran sees its ability to hold U.S. interests at risk across the globe as leverage against American action Iran could transfer nuclear capability use of chlorine is evidence of willingness to employ WMD
|
According to the U.S. State Department, Iran continues to be the world's most active state sponsor of terrorism. At the request of senior Iranian leadership, Iran's Ministry of Intelligence and Security (MOIS) and Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) support Palestinian terrorist groups such as Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the al Aqsa Martyrs Brigade and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command with funding, training and weapons. Hezbollah - a Lebanese Shiite terrorist group - is a particular favorite. In fact, Iran established Hezbollah to parry Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon. Tehran may fund Hezbollah to the tune of $100 million per year. Last summer, Tehran's military support for Hezbollah was evident. Iran likely gave Hezbollah the green light to ambush an Israeli patrol and kidnap soldiers, which ultimately kicked off the monthlong conflict. In the ensuing days, Hezbollah indiscriminately fired as many as 10,000 Iran-supplied rockets and missiles into Israel. In addition, many were stunned when a C-802 cruise missile struck an Israeli naval vessel off the coast of Lebanon. While the shooter was never identified, the Chinese C-802 is in Iran's inventory. It could have been fired by either Hezbollah or the IRGC. Today, Hezbollah, with Iranian and Syrian support, is threatening to topple Lebanon's democratically elected government unless it is given additional cabinet seats - potentially giving it veto power over Beirut's decisions. Iran would love to add Lebanon to Syria as a client state in its effort to form an arc of Iranian influence across the region. Iran has made a number of not-so-veiled threats that it would deploy its irregular forces and terrorist allies against the U.S. and American interests, if necessary. This is likely not an idle threat. American blood is already on the hands of Iran and its terrorist proxies as a result of the 1983 Beirut Marine barracks attack and the 1996 Khobar Towers bombing in Saudi Arabia, and in Iraq today. It is almost without question that Tehran sees its ability to hold U.S. interests at risk across the globe - including in the U.S. - as leverage against American military action over its nuclear program or meddling in Iraq. Perhaps the most frightening scenario is that Iran might transfer weapons of mass destruction capability to a terrorist ally. While this is risky behavior, it is a possibility. Iran could transfer nuclear capability to a Hezbollah-dominated government in Lebanon, or a Hamas-led Palestinian Authority, significantly increasing the threat to Israeli security. Osama bin Laden has not been shy about his desire for WMD or al-Qaida's readiness to use them. The insurgency's recent use of chlorine gas in Iraq is evidence of a terrorist group's willingness to employ WMD.
| 2,813 |
<h4><strong>Turns terror </h4><p>Brookes 07,</strong> National security affairs senior fellow, 07</p><p>(Peter, 4-2-07, “Iran Emboldened: Tehran Seeks to Dominate Middle East Politics”, DOA: 10-10-13, http://www.heritage.org/research/commentary/2007/04/iran-emboldened-tehran-seeks-to-dominate-middle-east-politics, llc)</p><p><u>According to the</u> U.S. <u>State Department, <strong><mark>Iran continues to be the world's</mark> most active state <mark>sponsor of terrorism</u></strong></mark>. At the request of senior Iranian leadership, <u><mark>Iran's Ministry of Intelligence</mark> and Security</u> (MOIS) <u>and</u> Islamic <u>Revolutionary Guard Corps</u> (IRGC) <u><mark>support</u></mark> Palestinian <u><mark>terrorist groups</u></mark> such as Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, the al Aqsa Martyrs Brigade and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command <u>with funding, training and weapons.</u> Hezbollah - a Lebanese Shiite terrorist group - is a particular favorite. In fact, Iran established Hezbollah to parry Israel's 1982 invasion of Lebanon. <u><mark>Tehran</mark> may <mark>fund Hezbollah</mark> to</u> the tune of $<u>100 million per year</u>. Last summer, Tehran's military support for Hezbollah was evident. Iran likely gave Hezbollah the green light to ambush an Israeli patrol and kidnap soldiers, which ultimately kicked off the monthlong conflict. In the ensuing days, <u>Hezbollah</u> indiscriminately <u>fired as many as 10,000 Iran-supplied rockets and missiles</u> into Israel. In addition, many were stunned when a C-802 cruise missile struck an Israeli naval vessel off the coast of Lebanon. While the shooter was never identified, the Chinese C-802 is in Iran's inventory. It could have been fired by either Hezbollah or the IRGC. Today, <u>Hezbollah</u>, with Iranian and Syrian support, <u>is threatening <mark>to topple Lebanon</mark>'s </u>democratically elected <u>government</u> unless it is given additional cabinet seats - potentially giving it veto power over Beirut's decisions. Iran would love to add Lebanon to Syria as a client state in its effort to form an arc of Iranian influence across the region. <u>Iran has made a number of not-so-veiled threats that it would deploy its irregular forces and terrorist allies against the U.S</u>. and American interests, if necessary. <u><mark>This is</mark> likely <mark>not an idle threat</u></mark>. American blood is already on the hands of Iran and its terrorist proxies as a result of the 1983 Beirut Marine barracks attack and the 1996 Khobar Towers bombing in Saudi Arabia, and in Iraq today. <u>It is almost without question that <mark>Tehran sees its ability to hold U.S. interests at risk across the globe</u></mark> - including in the U.S. - <u><mark>as leverage against American </mark>military <mark>action</mark> over its nuclear program or meddling in Iraq</u>. Perhaps the most frightening scenario is that Iran might transfer weapons of mass destruction capability to a terrorist ally. While this is risky behavior, it is a possibility. <u><mark>Iran could transfer nuclear capability</mark> to a Hezbollah-dominated government</u> in Lebanon, or a Hamas-led Palestinian Authority, significantly increasing the threat to Israeli security. Osama bin Laden has not been shy about his desire for WMD or al-Qaida's readiness to use them. <u>The insurgency's recent <mark>use of chlorine</mark> gas</u> in Iraq <u><mark>is evidence of</mark> a terrorist group's <mark>willingness to employ WMD</mark>.</u><strong> </p></strong>
| null |
1nr
|
O/V
| 171,452 | 7 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,897 |
Turns illegal markets—even limited conflict in the middle east opens up a new unregulated region of the globe.
| null | null | null | null | null | null |
<h4><u><strong>Turns illegal markets—even limited conflict in the middle east opens up a new unregulated region of the globe.</h4></u></strong>
| null |
1nr
|
O/V
| 430,478 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,898 |
Not government action—the agent and verb indicate a debate about hypothetical government action—
|
Ericson 3
|
Jon M Ericson 3, Dean Emeritus of the College of Liberal Arts – California Polytechnic U., et al., The Debater’s Guide, Third Edition, p. 4
|
each topic contains certain key elements An agent doing the acting ---“The United States” in “The United States should adopt a policy the agent is the subject of the sentence The verb should urges action should adopt here means to put a program or policy into action through governmental means A specification of directions or a limitation of the action desired The entire debate is about whether something ought to occur
|
each topic contains An agent doing the acting The U S in “The U S should adopt a policy the agent is the subject . The verb should urges action should adopt means to put a policy into action through governmental means A specification of directions or a limitation of the action desired The entire debate is about whether something ought to occur
|
The Proposition of Policy: Urging Future Action In policy propositions, each topic contains certain key elements, although they have slightly different functions from comparable elements of value-oriented propositions. 1. An agent doing the acting ---“The United States” in “The United States should adopt a policy of free trade.” Like the object of evaluation in a proposition of value, the agent is the subject of the sentence. 2. The verb should—the first part of a verb phrase that urges action. 3. An action verb to follow should in the should-verb combination. For example, should adopt here means to put a program or policy into action through governmental means. 4. A specification of directions or a limitation of the action desired. The phrase free trade, for example, gives direction and limits to the topic, which would, for example, eliminate consideration of increasing tariffs, discussing diplomatic recognition, or discussing interstate commerce. Propositions of policy deal with future action. Nothing has yet occurred. The entire debate is about whether something ought to occur. What you agree to do, then, when you accept the affirmative side in such a debate is to offer sufficient and compelling reasons for an audience to perform the future action that you propose.
| 1,288 |
<h4>Not government action—the <u>agent and verb</u> indicate a debate about <u>hypothetical government action</u>—</h4><p>Jon M <strong>Ericson 3</strong>, Dean Emeritus of the College of Liberal Arts – California Polytechnic U., et al., The Debater’s Guide, Third Edition, p. 4</p><p>The Proposition of Policy: Urging Future Action In policy propositions, <u><mark>each topic contains</mark> certain key elements</u>, although they have slightly different functions from comparable elements of value-oriented propositions. 1. <u><mark>An agent</mark> <mark>doing the acting</mark> ---“<mark>The U</mark>nited <mark>S</mark>tates” <mark>in “The U</mark>nited <mark>S</mark>tates <mark>should</mark> <mark>adopt a policy</u></mark> of free trade.” Like the object of evaluation in a proposition of value, <u><strong><mark>the agent is the subject </strong></mark>of the sentence</u>. 2<mark>. <u>The verb should</u></mark>—the first part of a verb phrase that <u><mark>urges action</u></mark>. 3. An action verb to follow should in the should-verb combination. For example, <u><mark>should adopt</mark> here <mark>means to put a</mark> program or <mark>policy into action <strong>through governmental means</u></strong></mark>. 4. <u><mark>A specification of <strong>directions or a limitation</strong> of the action desired</u></mark>. The phrase free trade, for example, gives direction and limits to the topic, which would, for example, eliminate consideration of increasing tariffs, discussing diplomatic recognition, or discussing interstate commerce. Propositions of policy deal with future action. Nothing has yet occurred. <u><strong><mark>The entire debate is about whether something ought</mark> <mark>to occur</u></strong></mark>. What you agree to do, then, when you accept the affirmative side in such a debate is to offer sufficient and compelling reasons for an audience to perform the future action that you propose. </p>
| null |
1nc
|
FW 1NC
| 1,149 | 3,809 | 17,065 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round7.docx
| 565,287 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
7
|
Florida Cone-Marchini
|
Lee
|
FW (2NR)
Ban PAS CP
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round7.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,899 |
They aren’t physician assisted suicide—requires the presence of a physician. Assisted dying is categorically distinct because it can be done by anyone.
| null | null | null | null | null | null |
<h4>They aren’t physician assisted suicide—requires the presence of a physician. Assisted dying is categorically distinct because it can be done by anyone.</h4>
| null |
1nc
|
FW 1NC
| 430,481 | 1 | 17,065 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round7.docx
| 565,287 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
7
|
Florida Cone-Marchini
|
Lee
|
FW (2NR)
Ban PAS CP
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round7.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,900 |
Group 2ac 1 and 2
| null | null | null | null | null | null |
<h4><strong>Group 2ac 1 and 2</h4></strong>
| null |
1nr
|
U/Q
| 430,482 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,901 |
Obama can prevent veto proof sanctions now—he’s using PC to convince on the fence members of congress to hold off on sanctions. That’s Politico.
| null | null | null | null | null | null |
<h4><strong>Obama can prevent veto proof sanctions now—he’s using PC to convince on the fence members of congress to hold off on sanctions. That’s Politico.</h4></strong>
| null |
1nr
|
U/Q
| 430,483 | 1 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
|
Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,902 |
A general subject isn’t enough—debate requires a specific point of difference
|
Steinberg & Freeley 8
|
Steinberg & Freeley 8 *Austin J. Freeley is a Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, AND **David L. Steinberg , Lecturer of Communication Studies @ U Miami, Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making pp45-
|
Debate is a means of settling differences, so there must be a conflict of interest If everyone is in agreement there is no need for debate the matter can be settled by unanimous consent it would be pointless to attempt to debate "Resolved: That two plus two equals four," Controversy is an essential prerequisite Where there is no clash of ideas there is no debate debate cannot produce effective decisions without clear identification of a question or questions to be answered general argument may occur about the broad topic of illegal immigration How many are in the United States? Do they take job Is it the responsibility of employers to discourage illegal immigration Do illegal immigrants do work that American workers are unwilling to do? Should we build a wall on the Mexican border Surely you can think of many more concerns to be addressed by a conversation about the topic area of illegal immigration. Participation in this "debate" is likely to be emotional and intense. However, it is not likely to be productive or useful without focus on a particular question and identification of a line demarcating sides in the controversy controversies must be stated clearly Vague understanding results in unfocused deliberation and poor decisions evidenced by the failure of the United States Congress to make progress on the immigration debate during the summer of 2007 Someone disturbed by the problem of the growing underclass of poorly educated, socially disenfranchised youths might observe, "Public schools are doing a terrible job! We ought to do something about this Groups of concerned citizens worried about the state of public education could join together to express their frustrations but without a focus for their discussions they could easily agree about the sorry state of education without finding points of clarity or potential solutions. A gripe session would follow But if a precise question is posed then a more profitable area of discussion is opened up simply by placing a focus on the search for a concrete solution step One or more judgments can be phrased in the form of debate propositions, motions for parliamentary debate, or bills for legislative assemblies. They provide specific policies to be investigated and aid discussants in identifying points of difference.¶ To have a productive debate, which facilitates effective decision making by placing limits on the decision the basis for argument should be clearly defined If we merely talk about "homelessness" or "abortion" or "crime'* or "global warming" we are likely to have an interesting discussion but not to establish profitable basis for argument the statement "Resolved: That the pen is mightier than the sword" is debatable, yet fails to provide much basis for clear argumentation Although we now have a general subject It is still too broad What sort of writing are we concerned with What does "effectiveness" mean The basis for argument could be phrased in a debate proposition This is not to say that debates should completely avoid creative interpretation or that good debates cannot occur over competing interpretations of the controversy; in fact, these sorts of debates may be very engaging. The point is that debate is best facilitated by the guidance provided by focus on a particular point of difference, which will be outlined in the following discussion.
|
Debate is a means of settling differences, so there must be a conflict of interest If everyone is in agreement there is no need for debate Controversy is essential Where there is no clash there is no debate debate cannot produce effective decisions without clear identification of a question general argument may occur about the broad topic of immigration How many Do they take jobs Surely you can think of many concerns this "debate" is not likely to be productive without focus on a particular question demarcating sides controversies must be stated clearly. Vague understanding results in unfocused deliberation and poor decisions evidenced by the failure of Congress to make progress on immigration Someone disturbed might observe, "Public schools are terrible We ought to do something about this Groups could express frustrations but without a focus for their discussions, they could agree about the sorry state of education without finding points of clarity or solutions. A gripe session would follow. But if a precise question is posed a more profitable discussion is opened up simply by placing a focus on the search for a concrete solution To have a productive debate, which facilitates effective decision making by placing limits on the decision the basis for argument should be clearly defined. If we merely talk about "homelessness" or "crime' " we are likely to have an interesting discussion but not profitable argument the statement "Resolved: That the pen is mightier than the sword" is debatable, yet fails to provide basis for clear argumentation Although we now have a general subject It is still too broad The basis for argument could be phrased in a debate proposition This is not to say debates should completely avoid creative interpretation or that good debates cannot occur over competing interpretations of the controversy; in fact, these sorts of debates may be very engaging. The point is that debate is best facilitated by focus on a particular point of difference
|
Debate is a means of settling differences, so there must be a difference of opinion or a conflict of interest before there can be a debate. If everyone is in agreement on a tact or value or policy, there is no need for debate: the matter can be settled by unanimous consent. Thus, for example, it would be pointless to attempt to debate "Resolved: That two plus two equals four," because there is simply no controversy about this statement. (Controversy is an essential prerequisite of debate. Where there is no clash of ideas, proposals, interests, or expressed positions on issues, there is no debate. In addition, debate cannot produce effective decisions without clear identification of a question or questions to be answered. For example, general argument may occur about the broad topic of illegal immigration. How many illegal immigrants are in the United States? What is the impact of illegal immigration and immigrants on our economy? What is their impact on our communities? Do they commit crimes? Do they take jobs from American workers? Do they pay taxes? Do they require social services? Is it a problem that some do not speak English? Is it the responsibility of employers to discourage illegal immigration by not hiring undocumented workers? Should they have the opportunity- to gain citizenship? Docs illegal immigration pose a security threat to our country? Do illegal immigrants do work that American workers are unwilling to do? Are their rights as workers and as human beings at risk due to their status? Are they abused by employers, law enforcement, housing, and businesses? I low are their families impacted by their status? What is the moral and philosophical obligation of a nation state to maintain its borders? Should we build a wall on the Mexican border, establish a national identification can!, or enforce existing laws against employers? Should we invite immigrants to become U.S. citizens? Surely you can think of many more concerns to be addressed by a conversation about the topic area of illegal immigration. Participation in this "debate" is likely to be emotional and intense. However, it is not likely to be productive or useful without focus on a particular question and identification of a line demarcating sides in the controversy. To be discussed and resolved effectively, controversies must be stated clearly. Vague understanding results in unfocused deliberation and poor decisions, frustration, and emotional distress, as evidenced by the failure of the United States Congress to make progress on the immigration debate during the summer of 2007.¶ Someone disturbed by the problem of the growing underclass of poorly educated, socially disenfranchised youths might observe, "Public schools are doing a terrible job! They are overcrowded, and many teachers are poorly qualified in their subject areas. Even the best teachers can do little more than struggle to maintain order in their classrooms." That same concerned citizen, facing a complex range of issues, might arrive at an unhelpful decision, such as "We ought to do something about this" or. worse. "It's too complicated a problem to deal with." Groups of concerned citizens worried about the state of public education could join together to express their frustrations, anger, disillusionment, and emotions regarding the schools, but without a focus for their discussions, they could easily agree about the sorry state of education without finding points of clarity or potential solutions. A gripe session would follow. But if a precise question is posed—such as "What can be done to improve public education?"—then a more profitable area of discussion is opened up simply by placing a focus on the search for a concrete solution step. One or more judgments can be phrased in the form of debate propositions, motions for parliamentary debate, or bills for legislative assemblies. The statements "Resolved: That the federal government should implement a program of charter schools in at-risk communities" and "Resolved: That the state of Florida should adopt a school voucher program" more clearly identify specific ways of dealing with educational problems in a manageable form, suitable for debate. They provide specific policies to be investigated and aid discussants in identifying points of difference.¶ To have a productive debate, which facilitates effective decision making by directing and placing limits on the decision to be made, the basis for argument should be clearly defined. If we merely talk about "homelessness" or "abortion" or "crime'* or "global warming" we are likely to have an interesting discussion but not to establish profitable basis for argument. For example, the statement "Resolved: That the pen is mightier than the sword" is debatable, yet fails to provide much basis for clear argumentation. If we take this statement to mean that the written word is more effective than physical force for some purposes, we can identify a problem area: the comparative effectiveness of writing or physical force for a specific purpose.¶ Although we now have a general subject, we have not yet stated a problem. It is still too broad, too loosely worded to promote well-organized argument. What sort of writing are we concerned with—poems, novels, government documents, website development, advertising, or what? What does "effectiveness" mean in this context? What kind of physical force is being compared—fists, dueling swords, bazookas, nuclear weapons, or what? A more specific question might be. "Would a mutual defense treaty or a visit by our fleet be more effective in assuring Liurania of our support in a certain crisis?" The basis for argument could be phrased in a debate proposition such as "Resolved: That the United States should enter into a mutual defense treatv with Laurania." Negative advocates might oppose this proposition by arguing that fleet maneuvers would be a better solution. This is not to say that debates should completely avoid creative interpretation of the controversy by advocates, or that good debates cannot occur over competing interpretations of the controversy; in fact, these sorts of debates may be very engaging. The point is that debate is best facilitated by the guidance provided by focus on a particular point of difference, which will be outlined in the following discussion.
| 6,345 |
<h4>A general subject isn’t enough—debate requires a <u>specific point of difference</h4><p></u><strong>Steinberg & Freeley 8<u></strong> *Austin J. Freeley is a Boston based attorney who focuses on criminal, personal injury and civil rights law, AND **David L. Steinberg , Lecturer of Communication Studies @ U Miami, Argumentation and Debate: Critical Thinking for Reasoned Decision Making pp45-</p><p><mark>Debate is a <strong>means of settling differences</strong>,</u> <u>so there <strong>must be a</u></strong></mark> difference of opinion or a <u><strong><mark>conflict of interest</u></strong></mark> before there can be a debate. <u><strong><mark>If everyone is in agreement</u></strong></mark> on a tact or value or policy, <u><mark>there is <strong>no need for debate</u></strong></mark>: <u><strong>the matter can be settled by unanimous consent</u></strong>. Thus, for example, <u>it would be pointless to attempt to debate "Resolved: That two plus two equals four,"</u> because there is simply no controversy about this statement. (<u><mark>Controversy is</mark> an <mark>essential</mark> prerequisite</u> of debate. <u><mark>Where there is no clash</mark> of ideas</u>, proposals, interests, or expressed positions on issues, <u><strong><mark>there is no debate</u></strong></mark>. In addition, <u><mark>debate <strong>cannot produce effective decisions</u></strong> <u>without <strong>clear identification of a question</mark> or questions to be answered</u></strong>. For example, <u><strong><mark>general argument may occur about the broad topic of</mark> illegal <mark>immigration</u></strong></mark>. <u><mark>How many</u></mark> illegal immigrants <u>are in the United States?</u> What is the impact of illegal immigration and immigrants on our economy? What is their impact on our communities? Do they commit crimes? <u><mark>Do they take job</u>s</mark> from American workers? Do they pay taxes? Do they require social services? Is it a problem that some do not speak English? <u>Is it the responsibility of employers to discourage illegal immigration</u> by not hiring undocumented workers? Should they have the opportunity- to gain citizenship? Docs illegal immigration pose a security threat to our country? <u>Do illegal immigrants do work that American workers are unwilling to do?</u> Are their rights as workers and as human beings at risk due to their status? Are they abused by employers, law enforcement, housing, and businesses? I low are their families impacted by their status? What is the moral and philosophical obligation of a nation state to maintain its borders? <u>Should we build a wall on the Mexican border</u>, establish a national identification can!, or enforce existing laws against employers? Should we invite immigrants to become U.S. citizens? <u><mark>Surely you can think of many</mark> more <mark>concerns</mark> to be addressed by a conversation about the topic area of illegal immigration. Participation in <mark>this "debate"</mark> is likely to be emotional and intense. However, it <mark>is <strong>not likely to be productive</mark> or useful <mark>without focus on a particular question</u></strong></mark> <u>and identification of a line <strong><mark>demarcating sides</mark> in the controversy</u></strong>. To be discussed and resolved effectively, <u><strong><mark>controversies must be stated clearly</u></strong>. <u><strong>Vague understanding</u></strong> <u>results in <strong>unfocused deliberation</strong> and <strong>poor decisions</u></strong></mark>, frustration, and emotional distress, as <u><strong><mark>evidenced by the failure of</mark> the United States <mark>Congress to make progress on </mark>the <mark>immigration </mark>debate during the summer of 2007</u></strong>.¶ <u><mark>Someone disturbed</mark> by the problem of the growing underclass of poorly educated, socially disenfranchised youths <mark>might observe, "Public schools</mark> <mark>are</mark> doing a <mark>terrible</mark> job!</u> They are overcrowded, and many teachers are poorly qualified in their subject areas. Even the best teachers can do little more than struggle to maintain order in their classrooms." That same concerned citizen, facing a complex range of issues, might arrive at an unhelpful decision, such as "<u><strong><mark>We ought to do something about this</u></strong></mark>" or. worse. "It's too complicated a problem to deal with." <u><mark>Groups</mark> of concerned citizens worried about the state of public education <mark>could</mark> join together to <mark>express</mark> their <mark>frustrations</u></mark>, anger, disillusionment, and emotions regarding the schools, <u><strong><mark>but without a focus for their discussions</u></strong>, <u>they could</mark> easily <mark>agree about the sorry state of education <strong>without finding points of clarity or</mark> potential <mark>solutions.</u></strong> <u><strong>A gripe session would follow</u></strong>. <u>But if a <strong>precise question</strong> is posed</u></mark>—such as "What can be done to improve public education?"—<u>then <mark>a more <strong>profitable </mark>area of <mark>discussion</strong> is opened up</u></mark> <u><strong><mark>simply by placing a focus on the search</strong> for a concrete solution</mark> step</u>. <u>One or more judgments can be phrased in the form of debate propositions, motions for parliamentary debate, or bills for legislative assemblies.</u> The statements "Resolved: That the federal government should implement a program of charter schools in at-risk communities" and "Resolved: That the state of Florida should adopt a school voucher program" more clearly identify specific ways of dealing with educational problems in a manageable form, suitable for debate. <u>They provide specific policies to be investigated and aid discussants in identifying points of difference.¶ <mark>To have a <strong>productive debate, which facilitates effective decision making</u></strong> <u>by</u></mark> directing and <u><strong><mark>placing limits on the decision</u></strong></mark> to be made, <u><strong><mark>the basis for argument should be clearly defined</u></strong>. <u>If we merely talk about "homelessness" </mark>or "abortion" <mark>or "crime'</mark>* or "global warming<mark>" we are likely to have an interesting discussion but not </mark>to establish <mark>profitable</mark> basis for <mark>argument</u></mark>. For example, <u><strong><mark>the statement "Resolved: That the pen is mightier than the sword" is debatable, yet fails to provide</mark> much <mark>basis for clear argumentation</u></strong></mark>. If we take this statement to mean that the written word is more effective than physical force for some purposes, we can identify a problem area: the comparative effectiveness of writing or physical force for a specific purpose.¶ <u><mark>Although we now have a <strong>general subject</u></strong></mark>, we have not yet stated a problem. <u><strong><mark>It is still too broad</u></strong></mark>, too loosely worded to promote well-organized argument. <u>What sort of writing are we concerned with</u>—poems, novels, government documents, website development, advertising, or what? <u>What does "effectiveness" mean</u> in this context? What kind of physical force is being compared—fists, dueling swords, bazookas, nuclear weapons, or what? A more specific question might be. "Would a mutual defense treaty or a visit by our fleet be more effective in assuring Liurania of our support in a certain crisis?" <u><mark>The basis for argument could be phrased in a <strong>debate proposition</u></strong></mark> such as "Resolved: That the United States should enter into a mutual defense treatv with Laurania." Negative advocates might oppose this proposition by arguing that fleet maneuvers would be a better solution. <u><strong><mark>This is not to say</mark> that <mark>debates should completely avoid creative interpretation</u></strong></mark> of the controversy by advocates, <u><mark>or</u> <u><strong>that good debates cannot occur over competing interpretations of the controversy</strong>; in fact, <strong>these sorts of debates may be very engaging</strong>. The point is that debate is best facilitated by </mark>the guidance provided by <strong><mark>focus on a particular point of difference</strong></mark>, which will be outlined in the following discussion.</p></u>
| null |
1nc
|
FW 1NC
| 51,689 | 1,023 | 17,065 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round7.docx
| 565,287 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
7
|
Florida Cone-Marchini
|
Lee
|
FW (2NR)
Ban PAS CP
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round7.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,903 |
Vote neg—they undermine debate’s transformative potential—
| null | null | null | null | null | null |
<h4>Vote neg—they undermine debate’s transformative potential— </h4>
| null |
1nc
|
FW 1NC
| 430,484 | 1 | 17,065 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round7.docx
| 565,287 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
7
|
Florida Cone-Marchini
|
Lee
|
FW (2NR)
Ban PAS CP
Politics DA - Iran
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round7.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
741,904 |
PC is key to maintain a veto- holds off just enough Democrats
|
Haas 12/16
|
Haas 12/16/2014 (Lawrence, former communications director for Vice President Al Gore, is a senior fellow at the American Foreign Policy Council, The Last Line of Defense, http://www.usnews.com/opinion/blogs/world-report/2014/12/16/congress-is-last-line-of-defense-against-obamas-bad-iran-nuclear-deal)
|
The Congressional push could presage a dramatic confrontation between the administration and Congress Congressional assertiveness reflects Democratic willingness to confront their lame-duck president other recent developments on the Iranian nuclear front will further fuel Congress’ fire. critics of the U.S. posture are turning to Congress as a last line of defense against a bad deal. In the weeks to come, look for Congress to seriously consider imposing a strict deadline for the talks In an environment of presidential weakness and congressional skepticism, Obama may even be hard-pressed to prevent Congress from adopting such legislation with veto-proof majorities
|
dramatic confrontation between the administration and Congress, Democratic willingness to confront their lame-duck president in , other recent developments on the Iranian nuclear front will further fuel Congress’ fire. critics of the U.S. posture are turning to Congress as a last line of defense against a bad deal In an environment of presidential weakness and congressional skepticism, Obama may even be hard-pressed to prevent Congress from adopting such legislation with veto-proof majorities
|
The Congressional push could presage a dramatic confrontation between the administration and Congress, particularly if the former sticks with its plans to craft a permanent nuclear deal in such a way that it can sidestep Congress and unilaterally relax the sanctions that have severely damaged Iran’s economy. Congressional assertiveness reflects both growing dismay over U.S. negotiating that has given Tehran big concessions without getting much in return, and Democratic willingness to confront their lame-duck president in his final two years. On Capitol Hill, the bipartisan push takes various forms. Most strikingly, the 2015 funding bill that lawmakers sent Obama, which he plans to sign, will establish what the Times of Israel called “unprecedented levels of congressional oversight” over Iranian compliance with the short-term deal of November 2013 between Iran and the P5+1 – the five permanent U.N. Security Council members plus Germany. The bill requires the administration to report to Congress every 30 days on Iran’s compliance with that deal, any significant changes to its nuclear program and “breakout time” for nuclear weaponry, any significant changes in its ballistics missile development and acquisition program, and the state of inspection and verification measures. Those requirements will stay in place until the September 30 end of fiscal year 2015, even if negotiators craft another deal to supplant the short-term one. Meanwhile, Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Robert Menendez, the New Jersey Democrat who will give up his chairmanship in January because Republicans regained control of the Senate last month, signaled his own break with the administration’s negotiating posture this month. [SEE: Cartoons on the Middle East] “[F]or over one year,” Menendez said at a Dec. 3 hearing on “Dismantling Iran’s Nuclear Weapons Program,” “we remain trapped in the same fruitless, cyclical narrative which has us conceding our positions – transforming the Arak [heavy water] reactor rather than dismantling it; converting [the] Fordow [nuclear site] for some alternate use, rather than closing it; and disconnecting [uranium] centrifuges, rather than destroying them. And – perhaps more significantly – Iran isn’t budging on full access to questionable sites and the duration of the agreement." “Right now,” he continued in a statement that received strong support from the Weekly Standard, which is influential in Republican circles, “we are playing right into the Iranian narrative, so while they have maximized their demands at the negotiating table, we have minimized ours, with no consequences. This is a worst-case scenario, is extremely dangerous for global nonproliferation imperatives and for regional stability, and could leave Iran as a nuclear threshold state.” Meanwhile, other recent developments on the Iranian nuclear front will further fuel Congress’ fire. For starters, negotiators missed a Nov. 24 deadline to craft a permanent deal, opting instead to extend the talks for another seven months. That’s the second time Washington agreed to extend the talks rather than abandon them in favor of stronger sanctions, the first coming in July when the short-term deal was supposed to expire. More significantly, Washington accused Tehran this month of violating U.N. restrictions by trying to buy equipment for its reactor at Arak, through which it could produce plutonium for a nuclear weapon, Foreign Policy magazine reported. Thus, despite previous pledges by senior U.S. officials to force Iran to dismantle Arak, Tehran is scouring the global market to expand it. With negotiators still far apart and fears growing among Iran experts that a desperate administration will cut a bad deal, critics of the U.S. posture are turning to Congress as a last line of defense against a bad deal. In the weeks to come, look for Congress to seriously consider imposing a strict deadline for the talks, establishing “sanctions-in-waiting” that would take affect if talks collapse, limiting Obama’s authority to lift sanctions, and forcing the administration to bring a final deal to Congress for approval. In an environment of presidential weakness and congressional skepticism, Obama may even be hard-pressed to prevent Congress from adopting such legislation with veto-proof majorities in both chambers.
| 4,345 |
<h4><strong>PC is key to maintain a veto- holds off just enough Democrats</h4><p>Haas 12/16</strong>/2014 (Lawrence, former communications director for Vice President Al Gore, is a senior fellow at the American Foreign Policy Council, The Last Line of Defense, http://www.usnews.com/opinion/blogs/world-report/2014/12/16/congress-is-last-line-of-defense-against-obamas-bad-iran-nuclear-deal)</p><p><u>The Congressional push could presage a <strong><mark>dramatic confrontation between the administration and Congress</u></strong>,</mark> particularly if the former sticks with its plans to craft a permanent nuclear deal in such a way that it can sidestep Congress and unilaterally relax the sanctions that have severely damaged Iran’s economy. <u>Congressional assertiveness reflects</u> both growing dismay over U.S. negotiating that has given Tehran big concessions without getting much in return, and <u><strong><mark>Democratic willingness to confront their lame-duck president</u></strong> in</mark> his final two years. On Capitol Hill, the bipartisan push takes various forms. Most strikingly, the 2015 funding bill that lawmakers sent Obama, which he plans to sign, will establish what the Times of Israel called “unprecedented levels of congressional oversight” over Iranian compliance with the short-term deal of November 2013 between Iran and the P5+1 – the five permanent U.N. Security Council members plus Germany. The bill requires the administration to report to Congress every 30 days on Iran’s compliance with that deal, any significant changes to its nuclear program and “breakout time” for nuclear weaponry, any significant changes in its ballistics missile development and acquisition program, and the state of inspection and verification measures. Those requirements will stay in place until the September 30 end of fiscal year 2015, even if negotiators craft another deal to supplant the short-term one. Meanwhile, Senate Foreign Relations Committee Chairman Robert Menendez, the New Jersey Democrat who will give up his chairmanship in January because Republicans regained control of the Senate last month, signaled his own break with the administration’s negotiating posture this month. [SEE: Cartoons on the Middle East] “[F]or over one year,” Menendez said at a Dec. 3 hearing on “Dismantling Iran’s Nuclear Weapons Program,” “we remain trapped in the same fruitless, cyclical narrative which has us conceding our positions – transforming the Arak [heavy water] reactor rather than dismantling it; converting [the] Fordow [nuclear site] for some alternate use, rather than closing it; and disconnecting [uranium] centrifuges, rather than destroying them. And – perhaps more significantly – Iran isn’t budging on full access to questionable sites and the duration of the agreement." “Right now,” he continued in a statement that received strong support from the Weekly Standard, which is influential in Republican circles, “we are playing right into the Iranian narrative, so while they have maximized their demands at the negotiating table, we have minimized ours, with no consequences. This is a worst-case scenario, is extremely dangerous for global nonproliferation imperatives and for regional stability, and could leave Iran as a nuclear threshold state.” Meanwhile<mark>, <u>other recent developments on the Iranian nuclear front will further fuel Congress’ fire.</u></mark> For starters, negotiators missed a Nov. 24 deadline to craft a permanent deal, opting instead to extend the talks for another seven months. That’s the second time Washington agreed to extend the talks rather than abandon them in favor of stronger sanctions, the first coming in July when the short-term deal was supposed to expire. More significantly, Washington accused Tehran this month of violating U.N. restrictions by trying to buy equipment for its reactor at Arak, through which it could produce plutonium for a nuclear weapon, Foreign Policy magazine reported. Thus, despite previous pledges by senior U.S. officials to force Iran to dismantle Arak, Tehran is scouring the global market to expand it. With negotiators still far apart and fears growing among Iran experts that a desperate administration will cut a bad deal, <u><mark>critics of the U.S. posture are turning to Congress as a last line of defense against a bad deal</mark>. In the weeks to come, look for Congress to seriously consider imposing a strict deadline for the talks</u>, establishing “sanctions-in-waiting” that would take affect if talks collapse, limiting Obama’s authority to lift sanctions, and forcing the administration to bring a final deal to Congress for approval. <u><strong><mark>In an environment of presidential weakness and congressional skepticism, Obama may even be hard-pressed to prevent Congress from adopting such legislation with veto-proof majorities</u></mark> in both chambers. </p></strong>
| null |
1nr
|
U/Q
| 221,035 | 2 | 17,063 |
./documents/ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| 565,289 |
N
|
Hurricanedebates2015
|
9
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Missouri State Brower-Freeman-Hamaker
|
Fitzmier
|
Politics DA - Iran (2NR)
Organ Supply CP
Property Rights DA
|
ndtceda14/Dartmouth/KrAh/Dartmouth-Kreus-Ahmad-Neg-Hurricanedebates2015-Round9.docx
| null | 48,457 |
KrAh
|
Dartmouth KrAh
| null |
Da.....
|
Kr.....
|
Pi.....
|
Ah.....
| 18,764 |
Dartmouth
|
Dartmouth
| null | null | 1,004 |
ndtceda14
|
NDT/CEDA 2014-15
| 2,014 |
cx
|
college
| 2 |
Subsets and Splits
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Filtered Text Length 2900-3
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