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481_13 | Adverse effects
The side effects reportedly associated with the various atypical antipsychotics vary and are medication-specific. Generally speaking, atypical antipsychotics are widely believed to have a lower likelihood for the development of tardive dyskinesia than the typical antipsychotics. However, tardive dyskinesia typically develops after long-term (possibly decades) use of antipsychotics. It is not clear if atypical antipsychotics, having been in use for a relatively short time, produce a lower incidence of tardive dyskinesia.
Among the other side effects that have been suggested is that atypical antipsychotics increase the risk of cardiovascular disease. Kabinoff et al. found that the increase in cardiovascular disease is seen regardless of the treatment received, and that it is instead caused by many different factors such as lifestyle or diet. |
481_14 | Sexual side effects have also been reported when taking atypical antipsychotics. In males antipsychotics reduce sexual interest, impair sexual performance with the main difficulties being failure to ejaculate. In females there may be abnormal menstrual cycles and infertility. In both males and females the breasts may become enlarged and a fluid will sometimes ooze from the nipples. Sexual adverse effects caused by some anti-psychotics are a result of an increase of prolactin. Sulpiride and Amisulpiride, as well as Risperdone and paliperidone (to a lesser extent), cause a high increase of prolactin. |
481_15 | In April 2005, the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) issued an advisory and subsequent black box warning regarding the risks of atypical antipsychotic use among elderly patients with dementia. The FDA advisory was associated with decreases in the use of atypical antipsychotics, especially among elderly patients with dementia. Subsequent research reports confirmed the mortality risks associated with the use of both conventional and atypical antipsychotics to treat patients with dementia. Consequently, in 2008 the FDA issued although a black box warning for classical neuroleptics. Data on treatment efficacies are strongest for atypical antipsychotics. Adverse effects in patients with dementia include an increased risk of mortality and cerebrovascular events, as well as metabolic effects, extrapyramidal symptoms, falls, cognitive worsening, cardiac arrhythmia, and pneumonia. Conventional antipsychotics may pose an even greater safety risk. No clear efficacy evidence exists to support |
481_16 | the use of alternative psychotropic classes (e.g. antidepressants, anticonvulsants). |
481_17 | Atypical antipsychotics may also cause anhedonia.
Drug-induced OCD
Many different types of medication can create/induce pure OCD in patients that have never had symptoms before. A new chapter about OCD in the DSM-5 (2013) now specifically includes drug-induced OCD.
Atypical antipsychotics (second-generation antipsychotics), such as olanzapine (Zyprexa), have been proven to induce de-novo OCD in patients. |
481_18 | Tardive dyskinesia
All of the atypical antipsychotics warn about the possibility of tardive dyskinesia in their package inserts and in the PDR. It is not possible to truly know the risks of tardive dyskinesia when taking atypicals, because tardive dyskinesia can take many decades to develop and the atypical antipsychotics are not old enough to have been tested over a long enough period of time to determine all of the long-term risks. One hypothesis as to why atypicals have a lower risk of tardive dyskinesia is because they are much less fat-soluble than the typical antipsychotics and because they are readily released from D2 receptor and brain tissue. The typical antipsychotics remain attached to the D2 receptors and accumulate in the brain tissue which may lead to TD.
Both typical and atypical antipsychotics can cause tardive dyskinesia. According to one study, rates are lower with the atypicals at 3.9% per year as opposed to the typicals at 5.5% per year. |
481_19 | Metabolism |
481_20 | Recently, metabolic concerns have been of grave concern to clinicians, patients and the FDA. In 2003, the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) required all manufacturers of atypical antipsychotics to change their labeling to include a warning about the risks of hyperglycemia and diabetes with atypical antipsychotics. It must also be pointed out that although all atypicals must carry the warning on their labeling, some evidence shows that atypicals are not equal in their effects on weight and insulin sensitivity. The general consensus is that clozapine and olanzapine are associated with the greatest effects on weight gain and decreased insulin sensitivity, followed by risperidone and quetiapine. Ziprasidone and aripiprazole are thought to have the smallest effects on weight and insulin resistance, but clinical experience with these newer agents is not as developed as that with the older agents. The mechanism of these adverse effects is not completely understood but it is believed to |
481_21 | result from a complex interaction between a number of pharmacologic actions of these drugs. Their effects on weight are believed to mostly derive from their actions on the H1 and 5-HT2C receptors, while their effects on insulin sensitivity are believed to be the result of a combination of their effects on body weight (as increased body mass is known to be a risk factor for insulin resistance) and their antagonistic effects on the M3 receptor. Some of the newer agents, however, such as risperidone and its metabolite paliperidone, ziprasidone, lurasidone, aripiprazole, asenapine and iloperidone, have clinically insignificant effects on the M3 receptor and appear to carry a lower risk of insulin resistance. Whereas clozapine, olanzapine and quetiapine (indirectly via its active metabolite, norquetiapine) all antagonise the M3 receptor at therapeutic-relevant concentrations. |
481_22 | Recent evidence suggests a role of the α1 adrenoceptor and 5-HT2A receptor in the metabolic effects of atypical antipsychotics. The 5-HT2A receptor, however, is also believed to play a crucial role in the therapeutic advantages of atypical antipsychotics over their predecessors, the typical antipsychotics.
A study by Sernyak and colleagues found that the prevalence of diabetes in atypical antipsychotic treatments was statistically significantly higher than that of conventional treatment. The authors of this study suggest that it is a causal relationship the Kabinoff et al. suggest the findings only suggest a temporal association. Kabinoff et al. suggest that there is insufficient data from large studies to demonstrate a consistent or significant difference in the risk of insulin resistance during treatment with various atypical antipsychotics.
Comparison table of adverse effects |
481_23 | Discontinuation
The British National Formulary recommends a gradual withdrawal when discontinuing antipsychotics to avoid acute withdrawal syndrome or rapid relapse. Symptoms of withdrawal commonly include nausea, vomiting, and loss of appetite. Other symptoms may include restlessness, increased sweating, and trouble sleeping. Less commonly there may be a feeling of the world spinning, numbness, or muscle pains. Symptoms generally resolve after a short period of time.
There is tentative evidence that discontinuation of antipsychotics can result in psychosis. It may also result in reoccurrence of the condition that is being treated. Rarely tardive dyskinesia can occur when the medication is stopped.
Pharmacology
Pharmacodynamics
The atypical antipsychotics integrate with the serotonin (5-HT), norepinephrine (α, β), and dopamine (D) receptors in order to effectively treat schizophrenia. |
481_24 | D2 Receptor: Hyperactive dopaminergic activity on D2 receptors in the mesolimbic pathway is responsible for the positive symptoms of schizophrenia (hallucinations, delusions, paranoia). After taking an antipsychotic, antagonism of D2 receptors occurs throughout the entire brain, leading to a number of deleterious side effects from D2 receptor antagonism throughout the entire dopamine pathway system. Unfortunately, it's not possible to affect D2 receptors only in the mesolimbic pathway. Fortunately, 5-HT2A receptor antagonism reverses these side effects to some extent. Reducing D2 dopaminergic activity in the mesolimbic pathway also results in an anhedonic effect, reducing pleasure, motivation, and the salience of one's life experience. In the mesocortical pathway to the DLPFC and VMPFC, endogenous D2 receptor dopamine activity is sometimes low in schizophrenia, resulting in cognitive, affective, and, broadly, the negative symptoms of schizophrenia. D2 receptor antagonism here further |
481_25 | compounds these problems. In the nigrostriatal pathway, D2 receptor antagonism results in extrapyramidal symptoms. If this antagonism occurs long enough, symptoms of EPS may become permanent, even if antipsychotic use is discontinued. In the tuberoinfundibular pathway, D2 receptor antagonism results in elevated prolactin. If prolactin levels become high enough, hyperprolactinaemia may occur, resulting in sexual dysfunction, weight gain, more rapid demineralization of bones, and possibly galactorrhea and amenorrhea. |
481_26 | 5-HT2A Receptor: When serotonin is released on to postsynaptic 5-HT2A receptors, the dopamine neuron is inhibited, thus acting as a brake on dopamine release. This brake is disrupted through action of a 5-HT2A antagonist, which disinhibits the dopamine neuron, stimulating dopamine release. The result of this is that dopamine competes with antipsychotic D2 antagonistic action at D2 receptors, thereby reducing antagonistic binding there and eliminating or lowering D2 antagonistic effects in several pathways of the dopamine system. In the nigrostratial pathway, it reduces EPS. In the tuberoinfundibular pathway, it reduces or eliminates prolactin elevation. Dopamine release in the mesolimbic pathway from 5-HT2A antagonism does not appear to be as robust as in the other pathways of the dopamine system, thereby accounting for why atypical antipsychotics still retain part of their efficacy against the positive symptoms of schizophrenia through their D2 antagonism. When 5-HT2A antagonistic |
481_27 | agent particles occupy 5-HT2A receptors in the mesocortical pathway and in the prefrontal cortex, the negative symptoms of schizophrenia, affective symptoms, and cognitive deficits and abnormalities are treated and reduced. Furthermore, 5-HT2A receptor antagonism blocks the serotonergic excitation of cortical pyramidal cells, reducing glutamate release, which in turn lowers hyperactive dopaminergic D2 receptor activity in the mesolimbic pathway, reducing or eliminating the positive symptoms of schizophrenia. |
481_28 | Some effects of 5-HT1A receptor activation include decreased aggressive behavior/ideation, increased sociability, and decreased anxiety and depression. 5-HT2C activation blocks dopamine and inhibits norepinephrine release. Blockade of the 5-HT2C receptor increases serotonin, releasing norepinephrine and dopamine within the brain. But neuronal reuptake of norepinephrine is limited sharply by some antipsychotics, for example ziprasidone. Increased norepinephrine can cause increased glucose levels, which is to say blood sugar levels. Increased blood sugar levels by increased norepinephrine causes hunger in many humans, which is why weight gain occurs with some antipsychotics if the norepinephrine is not inhibited. Inhibition of norepinephrine stabilizes mood in humans. 5-HT6 receptor antagonists improve cognition, learning, and memory. The 5-HT7 receptor is very potent for the mitigation of bipolar conditions and also yields an antidepressant effect. The antipsychotics asenapine, |
481_29 | lurasidone, risperidone, and aripiprazole are very potent at the 5-HT7 receptor. Antagonistic affinity for the H1 receptor also has an antidepressant effect. H1 antagonism blocks serotonin and norepinephrine reuptake. Patients with increased histamine levels have been observed to have lower serotonin levels. However, the H1 receptor is linked to weight gain. To have partial agonism at the 5-HT1A receptor can yield absence of weight gain in an antipsychotic. This is very relevant for ziprasidone, but it creates a risk for a prolonged QTc interval. On the other hand, blockade of the 5-HT3 receptor removes the risk for a prolonged QTc interval, but then creates a larger risk for weight gain. Relation to the 5-HT3 receptor increases caloric uptake and glucose, which is seen in clozapine and olanzapine. Other ways for dopamine to resolve is to have agonism at both the D2 receptor and 5-HT1A receptor, which normalizes the dopamine level in the brain. This occurs with haloperidol and |
481_30 | aripiprazole. |
481_31 | Whether the anhedonic, loss of pleasure and motivation effect resulting from dopamine insufficiency or blockade at D2 receptors in the mesolimbic pathway, which is mediated in some part by antipsychotics (and despite dopamine release in the mesocortical pathway from 5-HT2A antagonism, which is seen in atypical antipsychotics), or the positive mood, mood stabilization, and cognitive improvement effect resulting from atypical antipsychotic serotonergic activity is greater for the overall quality of life effect of an atypical antipsychotic is a question that is variable between individual experience and the atypical antipsychotic(s) being used.
Terms
Inhibition. Disinhibition: The opposite process of inhibition, the turning on of a biological function. Release: Causes the appropriate neurotransmitters to be discharged in vesicles into the synapse where they attempt to bind to and activate a receptor. Downregulation and Upregulation. |
481_32 | Binding profile
Note: Unless otherwise specified, the drugs below serve as antagonists/inverse agonists at the receptors listed.
Legend: |
481_33 | Pharmacokinetics |
481_34 | Atypical antipsychotics are most commonly administered orally. Antipsychotics can also be injected, but this method is not as common. They are lipid-soluble, are readily absorbed from the digestive tract, and can easily pass the blood–brain barrier and placental barriers. Once in the brain, the antipsychotics work at the synapse by binding to the receptor. Antipsychotics are completely metabolized in the body and the metabolites are excreted in urine. These drugs have relatively long half-lives. Each drug has a different half-life, but the occupancy of the D2 receptor falls off within 24 hours with atypical antipsychotics, while lasting over 24 hours for the typical antipsychotics. This may explain why relapse into psychosis happens quicker with atypical antipsychotics than with typical antipsychotics, as the drug is excreted faster and is no longer working in the brain. Physical dependence with these drugs is very rare. However, if the drug is abruptly discontinued, psychotic |
481_35 | symptoms, movement disorders, and sleep difficulty may be observed. It is possible that withdrawal is rarely seen because the AAP are stored in body fat tissues and slowly released. |
481_36 | History |
481_37 | The first major tranquilizer or antipsychotic medication, chlorpromazine (Thorazine), a typical antipsychotic, was discovered in 1951 and introduced into clinical practice shortly thereafter. Clozapine (Clozaril), an atypical antipsychotic, fell out of favor due to concerns over drug-induced agranulocytosis. Following research indicating its effectiveness in treatment-resistant schizophrenia and the development of an adverse event monitoring system, clozapine re-emerged as a viable antipsychotic. According to Barker (2003), the three most-accepted atypical drugs are clozapine, risperidone, and olanzapine. However, he goes on to explain that clozapine is usually the last resort when other drugs fail. Clozapine can cause agranulocytosis (a decreased number of white blood cells), requiring blood monitoring for the patient. Despite the effectiveness of clozapine for treatment-resistant schizophrenia, agents with a more favorable side-effect profile were sought for widespread use. During |
481_38 | the 1990s, olanzapine, risperidone, and quetiapine were introduced, with ziprasidone and aripiprazole following in the early 2000s. The atypical anti-psychotic paliperidone was approved by the FDA in late 2006. |
481_39 | The atypical antipsychotics have found favor among clinicians and are now considered to be first-line treatments for schizophrenia and are gradually replacing the typical antipsychotics. In the past, most researchers have agreed that the defining characteristics of atypical antipsychotics are the decreased incidence of extrapyramidal side effects (EPS) and an absence of sustained prolactin elevation.
The terminology can still be imprecise. The definition of "atypicality" was based upon the absence of extrapyramidal side effects, but there is now a clear understanding that atypical antipsychotics can still induce these effects (though to a lesser degree than typical antipsychotics). Recent literature focuses more upon specific pharmacological actions and less upon categorization of an agent as "typical" or "atypical". There is no clear dividing line between the typical and atypical antipsychotics therefore categorization based on the action is difficult. |
481_40 | More recent research is questioning the notion that second-generation antipsychotics are superior to first generation typical anti-psychotics. Using a number of parameters to assess quality of life, Manchester University researchers found that typical antipsychotics were no worse than atypical antipsychotics. The research was funded by the National Health Service (NHS) of the UK. Because each medication (whether first or second generation) has its own profile of desirable and adverse effects, a neuropsychopharmacologist may recommend one of the older ("typical" or first generation) or newer ("atypical" or second generation) antipsychotics alone or in combination with other medications, based on the symptom profile, response pattern, and adverse effects history of the individual patient. |
481_41 | Society and culture
Between May 2007 and April 2008, 5.5 million Americans filled at least one prescription for an atypical antipsychotic. In patients under the age of 65, 71% of patients were prescribed an atypical antipsychotic to treat Schizophrenia or Bipolar Disorder where this dropped to 38% in patients aged 65 or above.
Regulatory status
Notes
Stahl: AP Explained 1
References
Further reading
New antipsychotic drugs carry risks for children (USA Today 2006)
External link
Psychopharmacology
Treatment of psychosis |
482_0 | Hà Huy Khoái (born 24 November 1946, in Ha Tinh) is a Vietnamese mathematician working in complex analysis.
Career
Hà Huy Khoái studied in Vietnam under the "fathers" of Vietnamese mathematics Lê Văn Thiêm and Hoàng Tụy, and in Moscow at the Steklov Institute of Mathematics under Yuri I. Manin. He is currently a professor and the director of the Mathematics Institute of Vietnam Academy of Science and Technology. He is a senior advisor of the Acta Mathematica Vietnamica journal.
His main field of work has been p-adic Nevanlinna theory, for example proving part of a non-Archimedean version of Green's theorem (AMS, 1992, 503-509).
International Mathematical Olympiads
He has been the Vietnam team leader for several International Mathematical Olympiads. |
482_1 | Selected publications
Holomorphic mappings on Banach analytic manifolds, in Func. Analyz i ego Priloz., 4 (1973), no.4 (with Nguyen Van Khue).
Sur une conjecture de Mazur et Swinnerton-Dyer, C. R. Acad. Sci. Paris, 289(1979), 483-485.
On p-adic interpolation, in Mat. Zametki, 26 (1979), no.1 (in Russian), AMS translation in Mathematical Notes, 26 (1980), 541-549.
On p-adic L-functions associated to elliptic curves, in Mat. Zametki, 26 (1979), no.2 (in Russian), AMS translation: Math. Notes, 26 (1980), 629-634.
p-adic Interpolation and the Mellin-Mazur transform, Acta Mathematica, Vietnam., 5 (1980), no.1, 77-99.
On p-adic meromorphic functions, Duke Mathematical Journal, 50 (1983), 695-711.
p-adic Interpolation and continuation of p-adic functions, Lecture Notes in Math, 1013 (1983), 252-265.
p-adic Nevanlinna Theory, Lecture Notes in Math., 1351, 138-152 (with My Vinh Quang). |
482_2 | La hauteur des fonctions holomorphes p-adiques de plusieurs variables, C. R. Acad. Sci. Paris, 312 (1991), 751-754.
La hauteur d’une suite de points dans Ck p et l’interpolation des fonctions holomorphes de plusieurs variables, C. R. Acad. Sci. Paris, 312 (1991), 903-905.
Sur les series L associees aux formes modulaires, Bull. Soc. math. France, 120 (1992), 1-13.
Finite codimensional subalgebras of Stein algebras and semiglobally Stein algebras, Transactions of the American Mathematical Society, (1992), 503-509 (with Nguyen Van Khue).
P-adic Nevanlinna-Cartan Theorem, Internat. J. Math, 6 (1995), no.5, 710-731 (with Mai Van Tu).
p-adic Hyperbolic surfaces, Acta Math. Vietnam., (1997), no.2, 99-112.
Hyperbolic surfaces in P3(C), Proc. Amer. Math. Soc., 125 (1997), 3527-3532.
On uniqueness polynomials and bi-URS for p-adic meromorphic functions, J. Number Theory, 87(2001), 211-221 (with Ta Thi Hoai An) . |
482_3 | Value Distribution for p-adic hypersurfaces, Taiwanese J. Math., 7 (2003), no.1, 51-67 (with Vu Hoai An).
On the functional equation P(f) = Q(g), Adv. Complex Anal. Appl., 3, Kluwer Acad. Publ., Boston, MA, 2004, 201-207 (with C.-C., Yang).
Some remarks on the genericity of unique range sets for meromorphic functions, Sci. China Ser. A, 48(2005), 262-267.
p-Adic Fatou-Bieberbach mappings, Inter. J. Math, 16 (2005), No.3.
Unique range sets and decomposition of meromorphic functions, Contemporary Math., 475 (2008), 95-105.
Value distribution problem for p-adic meromorphic functions and their derivatives, Ann. Fac. Sci.Toulouse., XX (2011), 135-149 (with Vu Hoai An). |
482_4 | References
1946 births
Vietnamese mathematicians
Living people
20th-century mathematicians |
483_0 | The invisible hand is an economic concept that describes the unintended greater social benefits and public good brought about by individuals acting in their own self-interests. The concept was first introduced by Adam Smith in The Theory of Moral Sentiments, written in 1759. According to Smith, it is literally divine providence, that is the hand of God, that works to make this happen.
By the time he wrote The Wealth of Nations in 1776, Smith had studied the economic models of the French Physiocrats for many years, and in this work, the invisible hand is more directly linked to production, to the employment of capital in support of domestic industry. The only use of "invisible hand" found in The Wealth of Nations is in Book IV, Chapter II, "Of Restraints upon the Importation from Foreign Countries of such Goods as can be produced at Home." The exact phrase is used just three times in Smith's writings. |
483_1 | Smith may have come up with the two meanings of the phrase from Richard Cantillon who developed both economic applications in his model of the isolated estate.
The idea of trade and market exchange automatically channeling self-interest toward socially desirable ends is a central justification for the laissez-faire economic philosophy, which lies behind neoclassical economics. In this sense, the central disagreement between economic ideologies can be viewed as a disagreement about how powerful the "invisible hand" is. In alternative models, forces that were nascent during Smith's lifetime, such as large-scale industry, finance, and advertising, reduce its effectiveness.
Interpretations of the term have been generalized beyond the usage by Smith.
Pre-Adam Smith |
483_2 | Medieval Islamic World
Some see an early reference to the concept of the invisible hand in 7th century Arabia where the Prophet Muhammad, when asked by a merchant to fix prices of goods whose prices have shot up, the Prophet responds "It is but Allah [God] Who makes the prices low and high.", in other Hadith it is worded "Allah [God] is the one Who fixes prices". This has been interpreted and applied as the first application of a laissez faire free market where not even a Prophet can interfere in the free market.
Adam Smith
The Theory of Moral Sentiments
The first appearance in the Western world of the invisible hand in Smith occurs in The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759) in Part IV, Chapter 1, where he describes a selfish landlord as being led by an invisible hand to distribute his harvest to those who work for him: |
483_3 | Far from extoling the virtues of the "invisible hand" the overall tone of this passage is one which questions the distribution of wealth and laments the fact that the poor receive the "necessities of life" after the rich have gratified "their own vain and insatiable desires". Although elsewhere in The Theory of Moral Sentiments, Smith has described the desire of men to be respected by the members of the community in which they live, and the desire of men to feel that they are honorable beings.
The Wealth of Nations
Adam Smith uses the metaphor in Book IV, Chapter II, paragraph IX of The Wealth of Nations. |
483_4 | Using the invisible hand metaphor, Smith was trying to present how an individual exchanging money in his own self-interest unintentionally impacts the economy as a whole. In other words, there is something that binds self-interest, along with public interest, so that individuals who pursue their own interests will inevitably benefit society as a whole. It is worth noting that this representation of the "invisible hand" occurred during the tumultuous year of America's independence. "Given this timing, there is every possibility that this more positive connotation was a direct result of a Scotsman reflecting on the potential positive implications of America Revolution and seeking to enlighten the world about how a nation could operate outside the control of the landed gentry."
Other uses of the phrase by Smith
Only in The History of Astronomy (written before 1758) Smith speaks of the invisible hand, to which ignorants refer to explain natural phenomena otherwise unexplainable: |
483_5 | In The Theory of Moral Sentiments (1759) and in The Wealth of Nations (1776) Adam Smith speaks of an invisible hand, never of the invisible hand. In The Theory of Moral Sentiments Smith uses the concept to sustain a "trickling down" theory, a concept also used in neoclassical development theory: The gluttony of the rich serves to feed the poor.
Smith's visit to France and his acquaintance to the French Économistes (known as Physiocrats) changed his views from micro-economic optimisation to macro-economic growth as the end of Political Economy. So the landlord's gluttony in The Theory of Moral Sentiments is denounced in the Wealth of Nations as unproductive labour. Walker, the first president (1885 to 92) of the American Economic Association, concurred: |
483_6 | Smith's theoretical U-turn from a micro-economical to a macro-economical view is not reflected in The Wealth of Nations. Large parts of this book are retaken from Smith's lectures before his visit to France. So one must distinguish in The Wealth of Nations a micro-economical and a macro-economical Adam Smith. Whether Smith's quotation of an invisible hand in the middle of his work is a micro-economical statement or a macro-economical statement condemning monopolies and government interferences as in the case of tariffs and patents is debatable.
Economists' interpretation
The concept of the "invisible hand" is nearly always generalized beyond Smith's original uses. The phrase was not popular among economists before the twentieth century; Alfred Marshall never used it in his Principles of Economics textbook and neither does William Stanley Jevons in his Theory of Political Economy. Paul Samuelson cites it in his Economics textbook in 1948: |
483_7 | In this interpretation, the theory is that the Invisible Hand states that if each consumer is allowed to choose freely what to buy and each producer is allowed to choose freely what to sell and how to produce it, the market will settle on a product distribution and prices that are beneficial to all the individual members of a community, and hence to the community as a whole. The reason for this is that self-interest drives actors to beneficial behavior in a case of serendipity. Efficient methods of production are adopted to maximize profits. Low prices are charged to maximize revenue through gain in market share by undercutting competitors. Investors invest in those industries most urgently needed to maximize returns, and withdraw capital from those less efficient in creating value. All these effects take place dynamically and automatically. |
483_8 | Since Smith's time, this concept has been further incorporated into economic theory. Léon Walras developed a four-equation general equilibrium model that concludes that individual self-interest operating in a competitive market place produces the unique conditions under which a society's total utility is maximized. Vilfredo Pareto used an Edgeworth box contact line to illustrate a similar social optimality. Ludwig von Mises, in Human Action uses the expression "the invisible hand of Providence", referring to Marx's period, to mean evolutionary meliorism. He did not mean this as a criticism, since he held that secular reasoning leads to similar conclusions. Milton Friedman, a Nobel Memorial Prize winner in economics, called Smith's Invisible Hand "the possibility of cooperation without coercion." Kaushik Basu has called the First Welfare Theorem the Invisible Hand Theorem. |
483_9 | Some economists question the integrity of how the term "invisible hand" is currently used. Gavin Kennedy, Professor Emeritus at Heriot-Watt University in Edinburgh, Scotland, argues that its current use in modern economic thinking as a symbol of free market capitalism is not reconcilable with the rather modest and indeterminate manner in which it was employed by Smith. In response to Kennedy, Daniel Klein argues that reconciliation is legitimate. Moreover, even if Smith did not intend the term "invisible hand" to be used in the current manner, its serviceability as such should not be rendered ineffective. In conclusion of their exchange, Kennedy insists that Smith's intentions are of utmost importance to the current debate, which is one of Smith's association with the term "invisible hand". If the term is to be used as a symbol of liberty and economic coordination as it has been in the modern era, Kennedy argues that it should exist as a construct completely separate from Adam |
483_10 | Smith since there is little evidence that Smith imputed any significance onto the term, much less the meanings given it at present. |
483_11 | The former Drummond Professor of Political Economy at Oxford, D. H. MacGregor, argued that:
Harvard economist Stephen Marglin argues that while the "invisible hand" is the "most enduring phrase in Smith's entire work", it is "also the most misunderstood."
According to Emma Rothschild, Smith was actually being ironic in his use of the term. Warren Samuels described it as "a means of relating modern high theory to Adam Smith and, as such, an interesting example in the development of language." |
483_12 | Understood as a metaphor
Smith uses the metaphor in the context of an argument against protectionism and government regulation of markets, but it is based on very broad principles developed by Bernard Mandeville, Bishop Butler, Lord Shaftesbury, and Francis Hutcheson. In general, the term "invisible hand" can apply to any individual action that has unplanned, unintended consequences, particularly those that arise from actions not orchestrated by a central command, and that have an observable, patterned effect on the community.
Bernard Mandeville argued that private vices are actually public benefits. In The Fable of the Bees (1714), he laments that the "bees of social virtue are buzzing in Man's bonnet": that civilized man has stigmatized his private appetites and the result is the retardation of the common good.
Bishop Butler argued that pursuing the public good was the best way of advancing one's own good since the two were necessarily identical. |
483_13 | Lord Shaftesbury turned the convergence of public and private good around, claiming that acting in accordance with one's self-interest produces socially beneficial results. An underlying unifying force that Shaftesbury called the "Will of Nature" maintains equilibrium, congruency, and harmony. This force, to operate freely, requires the individual pursuit of rational self-interest, and the preservation and advancement of the self. |
483_14 | Francis Hutcheson also accepted this convergence between public and private interest, but he attributed the mechanism, not to rational self-interest, but to personal intuition, which he called a "moral sense". Smith developed his own version of this general principle in which six psychological motives combine in each individual to produce the common good. In The Theory of Moral Sentiments, vol. II, page 316, he says, "By acting according to the dictates of our moral faculties, we necessarily pursue the most effective means for promoting the happiness of mankind."
Contrary to common misconceptions, Smith did not assert that all self-interested labour necessarily benefits society, or that all public goods are produced through self-interested labour. His proposal is merely that in a free market, people usually tend to produce goods desired by their neighbours. The tragedy of the commons is an example where self-interest tends to bring an unwanted result. |
483_15 | The invisible hand is traditionally understood as a concept in economics, but Robert Nozick argues in Anarchy, State and Utopia that substantively the same concept exists in a number of other areas of academic discourse under different names, notably Darwinian natural selection. In turn, Daniel Dennett argues in Darwin's Dangerous Idea that this represents a "universal acid" that may be applied to a number of seemingly disparate areas of philosophical inquiry (consciousness and free will in particular), a hypothesis known as Universal Darwinism. However, positing an economy guided by this principle as ideal may amount to Social Darwinism, which is also associated with champions of laissez-faire capitalism.
Tawney's interpretation
Christian socialist R. H. Tawney saw Smith as putting a name on an older idea:
Criticisms |
483_16 | Joseph E. Stiglitz
The Nobel Prize-winning economist Joseph E. Stiglitz, says: "the reason that the invisible hand often seems invisible is that it is often not there."<ref>The Roaring Nineties, 2006</ref> Stiglitz explains his position:
The preceding claim is based on Stiglitz's 1986 paper, "Externalities in Economies with Imperfect Information and Incomplete Markets", which describes a general methodology to deal with externalities and for calculating optimal corrective taxes in a general equilibrium context. In it he considers a model with households, firms and a government.
Households maximize a utility function , where is the consumption vector and are other variables affecting the utility of the household (e.g. pollution). The budget constraint is given by , where q is a vector of prices, ahf the fractional holding of household h in firm f, πf the profit of firm f, Ih a lump sum government transfer to the household. The consumption vector can be split as . |
483_17 | Firms maximize a profit , where yf is a production vector and p is vector of producer prices, subject to , Gf a production function and zf are other variables affecting the firm. The production vector can be split as .
The government receives a net income , where is a tax on the goods sold to households.
It can be shown that in general the resulting equilibrium is not efficient.
{| class="toccolours collapsible collapsed" width="90%" style="text-align:left"
!Proof
|-
|It is worth keeping in mind that an equilibrium for the model may not necessarily exist. If it exists and there are no taxes (Ih=0, ∀h), then demand equals supply, and the equilibrium is found by: |
483_18 | Let's use as a simplifying notation, where is the expenditure function that allows the minimization of household expenditure for a certain level of utility. If there is a set of taxes, subsidies, and lump sum transfers that leaves household utilities unchanged and increase government revenues, then the above equilibrium is not Pareto optimal. On the other hand, if the above non taxed equilibrium is Pareto optimal, then the following maximization problem has a solution for t=0:
This is a necessary condition for Pareto optimality. Taking the derivative of the constraint with respect to t yields:
Where and is the firm's maximum profit function. But since q=t+p, we have that dq/dt=IN-1+dp/dt. Therefore, substituting dq/dt in the equation above and rearranging terms gives:
Summing over all households and keeping in mind that yields:
By the envelope theorem we have:
;∀k
This allows the constraint to be rewritten as:
Since : |
483_19 | Differentiating the objective function of the maximization problem gives:
Substituting from the former equation in to latter equation results in:
Recall that for the maximization problem to have a solution a t=0:
In conclusion, for the equilibrium to be Pareto optimal dR/dt must be zero. Except for the special case where Π and B are equal, in general the equilibrium will not be Pareto optimal, therefore inefficient.
|}
Noam Chomsky
Noam Chomsky suggests that Smith (and more specifically David Ricardo) sometimes used the phrase to refer to a "home bias" for investing domestically in opposition to offshore outsourcing production and neoliberalism. |
483_20 | Stephen LeRoy
Stephen LeRoy, professor emeritus at the University of California, Santa Barbara, and a visiting scholar at the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, offered a critique of the Invisible Hand, writing that "The single most important proposition in economic theory, first stated by Adam Smith, is that competitive markets do a good job allocating resources. (...) The financial crisis has spurred a debate about the proper balance between markets and government and prompted some scholars to question whether the conditions assumed by Smith...are accurate for modern economies. |
483_21 | John D. Bishop |
483_22 | John D. Bishop, a professor who worked at Trent University, Peterborough, indicates that the invisible hand might be applied differently for merchants and manufacturers than how it's applied with society. He wrote an article in 1995 titled "Adam Smith's Invisible Hand Argument", in which he suggests that Smith might be contradicting himself with the "Invisible Hand". He offers various critiques of the "Invisible Hand", and he writes that "the interest of business people are in fundamental conflict with the interest of society as a whole, and that business people pursue their personal goal at the expense of the public good". Thus, Bishop indicates that the "business people" are in conflict with society over the same interests and that Adam Smith might be contradicting himself. According to Bishop, he also gives the impression that in Smith's book 'The Wealth of Nations,' there's a close saying that "the interest of merchants and manufacturers were fundamentally opposed of society in |
483_23 | general, and they had an inherent tendency to deceive and oppress society while pursuing their own interests." Bishop also states that the "invisible hand argument applies only to investing capital in one's own country for a maximum profit." In other words, he suggests that the invisible hand applies to only the merchants and manufacturers and that they're not the invisible force that moves the economy. However, Bishop mentions that the argument "does not apply to the pursuit of self-interest (...) in any area outside of economic activities." |
483_24 | See also
Books
Essays on Philosophical Subjects by Adam Smith
I, Pencil by Leonard Read
The National Gain by Anders Chydenius
The Theory of Moral Sentiments by Adam Smith
The Visible Hand by Alfred Chandler
The Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith
Articles
Corporation
Emergence
Enlightened self-interest
Free price system
Laissez-faire
Market fundamentalism
Objectivism
Opportunity cost
Philosophy of social science
Rational egoism
Spontaneous order
Trickle-down economics
"The Use of Knowledge in Society"
The Visible Hand: The Managerial Revolution in American Business
Vanishing Hand
References
Bibliography
Further reading
The Theory of Moral Sentiments (full text)
The Wealth of Nations (full text)
External links
Oslington, Paul (2012). God and the Market: Adam Smith's Invisible Hand'' // JSTOR
Adam Smith
Classical liberalism
Free market |
484_0 | Jean-Pierre Pernin (February 22, 1822 – October 9, 1909), also known as Peter Pernin in America, was a French Roman Catholic priest, who came to the United States in 1864 as a missionary, working in Illinois, Wisconsin, and Minnesota. As Catholic pastor of Peshtigo, Wisconsin, he survived the Peshtigo fire on October 8–9, 1871. His survivor’s memoir, written originally in French, published simultaneously in English translation, and entitled Le doigt de Dieu est là! / The Finger of God Is There!, is a document important to the history of the fire. |
484_1 | Early life and career in France
Jean-Pierre Pernin was born February 22, 1822 in Flacey-en-Bresse, an agricultural village in Saône-et-Loire. He studied humanities and developed his writing skills at Collège de Meximieux (Ain), graduating in 1842, then studied philosophy and theology at the Grand séminaire (Major seminary) of Autun (Saône-et-Loire), his home diocese. He was ordained to the Catholic priesthood December 19, 1846 by Autun Bishop Bénigne-Urbain-Jean-Marie du Trousset d'Héricourt.
Over the next 18 years Pernin held diocesan assignments in the diocese of Autun: St. Pierre, Mâcon, December 1846 – January 1851; chaplain of Collège d’Autun 1851–1853; and St. Just, Rancy, February 1863 – February 1864. At a time when thousands of French priests were leaving France to work as missionaries abroad all over the world, including in North America, Pernin departed France as a diocesan missionary to the United States in September 1864.
Missionary career in America |
484_2 | Illinois
Pernin came to America at the invitation of Chicago bishop James Duggan, who was concerned to reconcile French-speaking Catholics in Chicago, alienated by his predecessor Anthony O'Regan, and to counteract the influence of anti-Catholic evangelist Charles Chiniquy, who was leading French-Canadian-American Catholics into the Presbyterian Church. From October 1864 to March 1868 Pernin was pastor at St. John the Baptist, L'Erable, Iroquois County, Illinois, 15 miles from Chiniquy’s church in St. Anne. |
484_3 | Wisconsin
Pernin left Illinois for the new diocese of Green Bay, Wisconsin, established in 1868, in the period of Duggan’s mental decline that led to his removal from office in April 1869. In ten years in the diocese of Green Bay Pernin was pastor of St. Joseph’s, Robinsonville, December 1868 to September 1869; St. Peter’s, Oconto, August 1869 to December 1869; Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Peshtigo and St. Patrick’s, Marinette (renamed Our Lady of Lourdes by Pernin in June 1873), December 1869 to September 1875; and Sts. Peter and Paul, Grand Rapids (now Wisconsin Rapids in the diocese of La Crosse, Wisconsin), September 1875 to October 1878.
Minnesota |
484_4 | Pernin spent his last 31 years in Minnesota in the dioceses of St. Paul and Winona (now Winona-Rochester): Church of the Crucifixion, La Crescent, 1878 to 1886; St. Patrick’s, Brownsville, 1886 to 1894; St. Bridget’s, Simpson 1894 to 1897; and St. Joseph’s, Rushford 1897 to 1898. After the diocese of Winona was established in 1889, broken off from that of St. Paul, its first bishop Joseph Cotter named Pernin its first vicar general, the diocese’s highest office after the bishop.
In 1898, upon Pernin’s retirement from regular parish ministry and as vicar general, Cotter named him the first regularly appointed resident chaplain of St. Mary’s Hospital, Rochester, from which developed the institution now known as Mayo Clinic. Pernin died at St. Mary’s on October 9, 1909, aged 87, after 45 years in America. He was buried at St. John’s Cemetery (now Calvary Cemetery), Rochester. |
484_5 | The Great Peshtigo Fire and The Finger of God Is There!
In October 1871 Pernin was Catholic pastor of Peshtigo and Marinette, Wisconsin, neighboring logging towns on Green Bay. Occasioned by a summer long drought and carelessness with fire in a forest surrounding a town constructed of wood and strewn with logging debris, a disaster now known as the Great Peshtigo Fire engulfed Peshtigo on the night of October 8–9, completely burning the town and killing upwards of 1500 people, the deadliest wildfire in American history. Pernin survived the fire with hundreds of others, entering the Peshtigo River about 10 pm and submerging and splashing themselves in the water for five and a half hours. |
484_6 | Pernin’s church and priest house in Peshtigo were burned in the fire. He also lost his church, priest house, and school building in the Menekaunee area of Marinette when fires burned Menekaunee while veering away from downtown Marinette to the west. As a fundraiser to support the rebuilding of his parish facilities, particularly his church in Marinette, which he was renaming Our Lady of Lourdes, he conceived the idea of writing about his experiences of surviving the fire.
He wrote his memoir in French and traveled to Montreal in April 1874 to arrange for its publication as well as a translation in English. By June 1874 it had been published by Montreal publisher Eusèbe Senécal as Le doigt de Dieu est là! ou Episode émouvant d’un événement étrange raconté par un témoin oculaire and simultaneously by Montreal publisher John Lovell as The Finger of God Is There! or A Moving Episode of a Strange Event Told By An Eyewitness. |
484_7 | When Pernin returned to Marinette in October 1874 from his trip to Montreal to publish his book, he found that he was in trouble with diocesan authorities for having spent too long a time away and had been disciplined with suspension from ministry. Pernin was reinstated in July 1875. |
484_8 | The Robinsonville apparition
In Le Doigt de Dieu est là! / The Finger of God Is There! Pernin viewed the fire from a religious and theological perspective, as the original title suggests. His interpretation of the disaster was in some respects influenced by the Calvinism he knew in the United States. He had been impressed by a lecture he heard in December 1871 in Terre Haute, Indiana, given by Rev. John L. Gay, rector of St. James Episcopal Church, Vincennes, Indiana to the effect that the fires of October were "image du feu qui doit dévorer la terre à la fin des temps / image of the fire that must devour the earth at the end of time." Peshtigo, according to Pernin, with its many saloons and bordellos serving lumbermen on the Wisconsin logging frontier, was "la Sodome moderne pour servir d’exemple à tous / the modern Sodom meant to serve as an example to all." The Peshtigo fire was God’s fire and brimstone sent down to punish a sinful city. |
484_9 | Pernin also recognized a positive divine intervention in two seemingly miraculous occurrences the night of the Wisconsin fires: the fact that his church’s tabernacle was preserved during the Peshtigo fire, which he had pulled to the river in a buggy (voiture) and had immersed in the water, and also in the fact that the Shrine and religious community of Our Lady of Good Help in Robinsonville entirely escaped the effects of the fires on the Door Peninsula on the same night.
Pernin’s text is important, early evidence not only for the Peshtigo fire but also for the events of Robinsonville (now Champion). A French-speaking Belgian immigrant to the Door Peninsula named Adele Brise experienced an apparition of the Virgin Mary in 1859 near her family’s farm in Robinsonville. This led her to found there a shrine and religious community to provide religious instruction to uncatechized Belgian children. |
484_10 | Pernin had been Brise’s pastor during his time in St. Joseph’s, Robinsonville in 1868–69. In an Appendix to Finger of God Pernin tells what he knew about the Marian apparition from Brise as well as reporting that while the fires of October 8–9 burned much of the Door Peninsula to the east of Green Bay, they bypassed precisely the community and buildings of Our Lady of Good Help, seemingly in response to the prayers of the community trapped in the conflagration. Pernin interpreted the fact that the Shrine should have burned, but did not, as an intervention of the finger of God and as a vindication of Brise’s claim that the Virgin Mary had appeared there.
While Pernin judged the preservation of his tabernacle in Peshtigo and sparing of the shine at Robinsonville to be interventions of God’s power, he was also cautious about calling them miraculous: |
484_11 | In 2010 Green Bay bishop David L. Ricken gave official Catholic approval to belief in the Marian apparition, granting it the status of "worthy of belief."
Heritage of Pernin's memoir
Three substantial but incomplete republications of Lovell’s English translation of Pernin’s Le Doigt de Dieu est là! by the Wisconsin Historical Society in 1918, 1971, and 1999 made Pernin a figure important to the story of the Peshtigo fire. Pernin’s French original has been little known before being republished for the first time in 2021. |
484_12 | The Wisconsin Historical Society's first reprinting in 1918 omitted passages “dealing largely with matters of Catholic faith” and pertaining “to the religious reflections and ideas of the author.” The reprintings in 1971 and 1999 continued those omissions and changed the title from The Finger of God is There!, a Biblical allusion (Exodus 31.18, Luke 11.20), to The Great Peshtigo Fire. Because of the editorial decision to de-emphasize Pernin’s religious material, it has been little known that Pernin’s, together with that of Eliza Ellen Starr in Patron Saints (1871), is the earliest account of the claimed Robinsonville Marian apparition and fire miracle. |
484_13 | Writers on wildland fires and forest ecology continue to mention Pernin, who provides evidence for deforestation, urbanization, and the conditions for wildfire in nineteenth century America. Peter Leschak, in a memoir of his experiences as a firefighter, Ghosts of the Fireground: Echoes of the Great Peshtigo Fire and the Calling of a Wildland Firefighter (2003), interwove his own story with Pernin’s. The professional firefighter admired how Pernin, as an amateur without knowing it, followed Standard Fire Order #6: “Stay alert, keep calm, think clearly, act decisively.” Leschak recalled James Russell Lowell: "All the beautiful sentiments in the world weigh less than a single lovely action... On the banks of the Peshtigo River, on the verge of bursting into a human torch, Father Pernin was lovely and magnificent."
References
Bibliography
Editions of Le Doigt de Dieu est là! / The Finger of God Is There!
Secondary Works
External links |
484_14 | 19th-century wildfires
Works about wildfires
Natural disasters in Wisconsin
Wildfires in Wisconsin
19th-century Roman Catholic priests
19th-century French Roman Catholic priests
Roman Catholic missionaries in North America
Roman Catholic missionaries in the United States
Marian apparitions
19th-century American memoirists
American writers in French
1822 births
1909 deaths
1871 in Wisconsin
1871 fires
1871 natural disasters in the United States |
485_0 | Luis Manuel Ferri Llopis (3 August 1944 – 16 April 1973), better known by his stage name Nino Bravo, was a Spanish baroque pop and ballad singer.
Early life
Ferri Llopis was born in Aielo de Malferit (Valencia), Spain. His father, Luis Manuel, a salesman, moved the family to Valencia, in search of better opportunities, when his son was three years old. Young Luis met, in 1958, bassist Vicente López, who introduced him to other Valencian musicians. Ferri Llopis discovered he could sing while on a trip with López and Paco Ramón. López recalled that he was surprised, upon waking up from a nap, to hear him singing Domenico Modugno's hit "Libero". Deeply impressed, Lopez predicted that Ferri Llopis would become a superstar. |
485_1 | Meanwhile, Ferri Llopis took a job as a jeweler, also working for his mother, who owned a supermarket. At age 16 he became a fan of the famous Chilean singer Antonio Prieto, whose song, "La Novia" ("The Bride"), had become a number one hit in Spain. Bravo and his friends formed a band, "Los Hispánicos", and made a cover recording of "La Novia".
Singing
Bravo also enjoyed Rock & Roll music. He began singing at a hotel, where he sang his favorite English song, "Only You". Ferri Llopis was later approached by a recording company to sign with their label but he declined as the projected contract would not include the entire "Los Hispánicos" band. In 1964, "Los Hispánicos" changed their name to "Los Superson". They won a local radio contest, then moved on to Benidorm, where they became quite popular. |
485_2 | Ferri Llopis was soon after called up for military duty. Suffering from depression, he later contemplated quitting singing. While Ferri Llopis was away on military duty, his empresario López befriended Miguel Siurán, a radio personality, who was impressed by Los Superson's sound and wanted to help them get a recording contract. López declined as he felt Ferri Llopis should be included. When Ferri Llopis returned from his military service, López talked to him about the contract, but Siurán was initially doubtful, questioning the young man's singing ability, asking if he could sing like Tom Jones, Engelbert Humperdinck or John Rowles. |
485_3 | Siurán, however, became impressed with Ferri Llopis and took him to a music festival. Although Bravo did not win at the festival, Siurán became convinced that it was time for Bravo to become a star; soon afterwards, Siurán came up with the artistic name of Nino Bravo. Bravo and Siurán first tried unsuccessfully to get a contract with RCA. They then went to Fonogram, in Madrid. Bravo and Siurán returned to Valencia, where Siurán published a newspaper ad announcing "Nino Bravo y Los Superson". Shortly thereafter, Fonogram called to offer a contract for an album with the band. In March 1969, shortly after their album hit the market, Bravo sang before a live audience for the first time. After the concert, frenzied admirers tore down Bravo's concert posters. |
485_4 | Marriage
On 20 April 1970, he married María del Ámparo Martínez Gil and their first daughter, María del Ámparo Ferri Martínez, was born in 1972. They would have a second daughter, Eva, born after her father's death. Fonogram wanted Bravo to go solo; in 1970, Siurán was replaced by José Meri as Bravo's manager. |
485_5 | Fame |
485_6 | In 1970, Bravo participated for the first time in the prestigious Barcelona Music Festival. He would not gain international acclaim until two festivals later, however. After Bravo received favorable reviews from a festival audience in Athens, Greece, he went on to impress festival goers at the Rio de Janeiro Festival. After being exposed to international audiences in Europe and Latin America, Bravo and Meri parted ways, and Bravo took on a new manager. His first solo album was soon released, and the song "Te quiero, te quiero", by the composer Augusto Algueró, became an international hit, which is now considered a classic by many Hispanic music critics. Bravo's first album, "Tu Cambiarás" ("You Will Change"), sold well, particularly in Colombia. Bravo later went on tour in Colombia and Brazil, where he participated, for a second time in the Rio de Janeiro Festival. In 1971, Bravo recorded his second album, later posthumously released in CD format as "Puerta de amor" ("Love's Door"). |
485_7 | Third album
In 1972, Bravo released a third album, "Libre" ("Free"), which was a huge success and led to him becoming widely known in Argentina, Colombia, Chile, Mexico, Ecuador, Puerto Rico, Venezuela, the Dominican Republic, Peru, and among the Hispanic population of the United States. The song also ended up taking on political associations in the hispanophone world - it was popular among supporters of the Pinochet regime, while other Latin American dictators of the time banned the album, including Fidel Castro. Bravo was also banned from singing in certain countries.
A song that he released in 1973, "Un beso y una flor" ("A Kiss and a Flower") became one of Bravo's greatest international hits.(Loosely translated, the song's chorus was "upon leaving, a kiss and a flower, an 'I love you', a caress and a farewell"). On 14 March 1973, Bravo performed his last concert, before his Valencia fans. |
485_8 | Death
On April 16, 1973, Bravo was driving his BMW 2800 along with the Humo duo and Miguel Diurni when his car was involved in an accident about 100 km southeast of Madrid. He died en route to the hospital from his injuries, aged 28. He had just signed a five-year record deal with the European record label Polydor. The official cause of death was not clarified and it was said he died from a hemopneumothorax and polytrauma.
References
External links
Un beso y una flor
Nino Bravo En Libertad
Por siempre Nino Bravo
1944 births
1973 deaths
People from Vall d'Albaida
Singers from the Valencian Community
Road incident deaths in Spain
20th-century Spanish singers
20th-century Spanish male singers |
486_0 | Kenneth E. Tyler, AO (born December 13, 1931) is a master printmaker, publisher, arts educator and a prominent figure in the American post-war revival of fine art, limited edition printmaking. Tyler established leading print workshops and publishing houses on both West and East coasts of the United States and made several innovations in printmaking technology. His technical expertise and willingness to experiment on a bold scale drew many famous and influential artists to his workshops, among them Frank Stella, Helen Frankenthaler, Roy Lichtenstein, David Hockney, Robert Rauschenberg, Anthony Caro and Jasper Johns. Ken Tyler remains active as an educator and promoter of fine art printmaking, and mentor of a younger generation of printers through his various training and collecting institutions in Singapore, Japan, Australia and the US. The largest collection of prints produced at Tyler's successive workshops is currently held by the National Gallery of Australia. |
486_1 | Early life and education
Ken Tyler was born in East Chicago, Indiana in 1931. His father was Romanian and his mother Hungarian, and his parents both emigrated as young children to United States. There Tyler’s father (whose family name was Tyira, converted to Tyler in the US) worked in the Indiana steel mills from 12 years of age and also learned the trade of a stonemason. This background gave Tyler an early appreciation of the need for technical excellence. |
486_2 | Encouraged by his school music teacher, Tyler developed an interest in the visual arts and subsequently studied at the School of the Art Institute of Chicago, from 1950 to 1951. Coming from a family of modest means, Tyler sought paid employment throughout his student years. From 1951 to 1952, he studied liberal arts at Indiana University, which, according to Tyler, consisted of "one semester at the campus in Bloomington, Indiana and one semester at Gary, Indiana extension while I worked full time in the Gary steel mill and attended evening classes at the extension". Originally Tyler had planned further studies at the Sorbonne in Paris. It was during the Korean War, and while applying for his passport in September 1952, he was drafted for military service. After undergoing basic training, he excelled as an officer candidate and won the opportunity to return to college, where he was given the title of ‘Regimental Staff Artist’, maintained an active private painting studio and also |
486_3 | edited the Officer Corps newspaper. |
486_4 | Tyler studied further following his time in the army, earning a bachelor's in art education from the School of the Art Institute of Chicago in 1957. Tyler then studied lithography under Garo Antreasian at the John Herron School of Art (now Herron School of Art and Design) in Indiana, graduating with a Master of Art Education in 1963. |
486_5 | Tamarind Lithography Workshop
In 1963, Tyler received a Ford Foundation Grant to study printing at the Tamarind Lithography Workshop in Los Angeles. This workshop, co-founded by June Wayne and Clinton Adams, was established in 1960 with the intention of reviving the ‘dying’ art of lithography. Here Tyler worked under technical director Irwin Hollander and also later studied under the French master printer Marcel Durassier. Durassier, who was noted for his technical skill, had worked at the French lithography workshop, Mourlot Frères, with some of the great artists of the School of Paris, including Pablo Picasso and Joan Miró. Here Tyler acquired a broad technical skills base through research and practice, and from 1964-5 was appointed Technical Director of the Workshop. It was in this role that Tyler had his first major collaboration with Josef Albers, an artist who became, in Tyler’s words, "the catalyst of my career." |
486_6 | Gemini Ltd. and Gemini G.E.L. |
486_7 | In 1965, Ken Tyler established his own print atelier, Gemini Ltd., at 8221 Melrose Avenue in Los Angeles with his former wife Kay Tyler. From this modest workshop was born Gemini G.E.L. (Graphic Editions Ltd.). The following year Tyler, with the backing of his partners, Sidney Felsen and Stanley Grinstein, began to develop this print and publishing workshop into a large and influential organisation that attracted American artists including Josef Albers, Jasper Johns and Robert Rauschenberg. The clean, crisp look and flawless finish of many Gemini G.E.L. prints, as well as Tyler’s apparent preference for collaborating with well-established artists, was criticized by some commentators. Participants in the 1971 Gemini G.E.L. exhibition Technics and Creativity, for example, were accused of commercialism and too great an emphasis on technique. These criticisms tended to ignore Tyler’s use of many complex, time-consuming traditional methods, which he often combined with less orthodox |
486_8 | printing processes. Works such as Robert Rauschenberg’s iconic Booster (1967), which was an experimental and labor-intensive "hybrid" of lithography and screen printing, exemplify this approach. Tyler's work with well-known artists also created the economic and technically innovative foundation for lesser known artists to print and be published through Gemini G.E.L. |
486_9 | Tyler Workshop Ltd. and Tyler Graphics Ltd.
In 1973, after selling his collection of printer's proofs and drawings to the National Gallery of Australia, Tyler parted ways with Gemini G.E.L. to seek new direction on the East Coast of America. There he established Tyler Workshop Ltd. in Bedford Village, New York. The following year this workshop became Tyler Graphics Ltd., and in 1987 expanded its premises to Mount Kisco, New York.
Over its twenty-five year history, Tyler Graphics Ltd. saw collaborations with artists as diverse as Josef Albers, Anni Albers, Claes Oldenburg, Masami Teraoka, Ellsworth Kelly, Nancy Graves, Anthony Caro, Robert Motherwell, James Rosenquist, Joan Mitchell, and more. Certain artists in Tyler’s stable, such as David Hockney, Frank Stella and Roy Lichtenstein, continued to work with him over several decades and through many stylistic progressions. |
486_10 | When Tyler made the "difficult decision" to retire from printing in January 2000, he had built up a massive operation that was staffed by highly trained specialists and serviced by state-of-the-art printing technology. Print production has ceased at Tyler Graphics Ltd., following the establishment of The Singapore Tyler Print Institute in 2001. |
486_11 | Contributions to print technology |
486_12 | Ken Tyler has had a formative influence on the art and science of printmaking for close to five decades. His contributions to printing technology were driven by his industrial background and his recognition that "most traditional [printmaking] methods, as well as some recent practices of the hand-printing crafts, were not compatible with the images of major contemporary artists. As a collaborator I left the ranks of this revival to aid the major artist in his search for new graphic expression and new work environments." Tyler became renowned for printing works on paper that were massive in size and required the co-ordination of complicated mixed media and multiple printing matrices (Frank Stella’s The Fountain, for example, measures over 2 metres x over 7 metres, used hundreds of plates and was printed on a specially constructed press). Tyler also custom-designed paper and equipment to his own specifications; built his own paper mill, which contributed to a resurgence in the use of |
486_13 | handmade papers among printmakers; and travelled to Japan to investigate traditional printing and papermaking methods. |
486_14 | In 1965, Tyler designed the first of several hydraulic lithographic presses, and two years later he received a federal arts funding grant from the National Endowment for the Arts for research and development into paper, embossing and three-dimensional works. In 1978 Tyler patented and registered Tycore, a rigid archival honeycomb paper panel, and a decade later, from 1988–90, he designed and constructed a computer-controlled, power-driven combination lithography and etching press with a five-by-ten foot printing bed. |
486_15 | To ensure that the workshop’s momentum continued, Tyler encouraged artists to return for additional projects using a variety of methods and materials, maintaining that "you couldn’t just keep inviting [artists] back to make a lithograph or inviting them back to make a silk screen. You [had] to keep giving them something new to chew on". According to Tyler, it was sufficient to offer the option to work on a large scale. He also wanted to present artists with the opportunity to work with handmade paper. This began with a project with Robert Rauschenberg in 1985-94, who explored handmade papermaking in his series Pages and fuses at the paper mill in Ambert in France. A further collaboration using handmade paper occurred between Tyler and David Hockney, who produced a series of paper pulp works in 1978. Later, Frank Stella explored the notion of papermaking further in his Moby Dick Domes series, notable for their technical complexity and their three-dimensional nature. After years of |
486_16 | research to work out ways of making shaped paper, Tyler developed a vacuum method to produce the required sculptural form. |
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