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More than half the recorded entrapments and engulfments have occurred in corn, and overwhelmingly corn stored in bins. Other grains in which victims have become entrapped include soybeans, oats, wheat, flax and canola. Given the predominance of corn as an entrapment medium, most incidents occur in the Corn Belt states (Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Minnesota and Ohio) where that grain is grown and stored in quantity. Iowa has had the most accidents in some years, but Indiana has the most total with 165 . The Purdue researchers attribute that to more extensive efforts to document those incidents in that state; based on grain annual grain production and storage capacity not only Iowa but Illinois and Minnesota probably have more.
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Farms in states in the Upper Midwest and West, where humidity is lower and smaller grains are preferred, report fewer incidents. Over 70 percent of entrapments have occurred on small or family farms of the type exempt from OSHA grain-handling regulations, which account for two-thirds of U.S. grain storage capacity.
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Recorded victims were exclusively male until 2018, when a minor died in a grain wagon at her family's farm. Three-quarters of them have been farmers, farm workers, or members of farm families. The average age of victims is in the 40s, but a disproportionate share are under 18 (youths 16 or older can work in agriculture without any restrictions). Statistics on ages of victims may be misleading, as the Purdue researchers note that in 21 of 2018's 30 reported entrapment incidents, the age of the person trapped was not given. According to Purdue professor Bill Field, entrapments in vehicles are particularly devastating for farm families, as 95 percent of the 140 deaths that occurred that way were boys under the age of 11.
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In 2010, the researchers noted that 38 incidents had occurred during 2009, when the national corn harvest set a new record. This was not only the highest since 1993, it capped a period in which the five-year average had steadily increased. This rose to a record-setting 51 in 2010, when a similarly large corn harvest had a high moisture content and low test weight. Observers speculate that the demand for ethanol fuel production has fostered the increase of corn in storage. The record entrapments ran counter to the trend of declining accidents in agriculture. At the same time, more victims are being rescued. Before 2005, a quarter of the victims were saved. Since then, the rate has improved to half. In 2011, when entrapments declined to 27, only eight resulted in fatalities. Outside the U.S.
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In Canada CASA's Canadian Agricultural Injury Reporting system records 29 grain-related suffocation deaths between 1990 and 2008; however the organization believes there were likely more due to the paucity of information available. In 2015, it counted six deaths, including three sisters in central Alberta who were buried in canola seed while playing in a grain truck on their family's farm as it was being loaded, and two rescues, based purely on media reports. CASA president Blahey told The Western Producer in 2017 that he believes there are three or four deaths annually across Canada from grain entrapment. "We never know about close calls because they're not reported."
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Grain entrapment deaths occur all over the world. A 2018 BBC Brasil report found that since 2009, the latter half of a period in which that country had been rapidly increasing its grain production and storage capacity, 109 farmworkers had died while working in grain storage facilities, most of them after being buried by the material therein, usually soybeans. That death rate makes that work one of the most likely to result in death on the job after occupations where traffic accidents are a possibility, and in the uppermost quartile overall. While the dead were mostly workers, at least one rescuer asphyxiated on the gases that had accumulated in the facility; another was a woman bringing food to her husband while he worked. Several children also died. The state of Mato Grosso, which produces most of Brazil's grain, had the most of the 13 states to record grain entrapment deaths during that period with 28; within Mato Grosso the municipality of Sorriso had the most, with seven.
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In a 2017 accident in China's Shandong province, six workers died in a grain avalanche. Elsewhere, a German farmworker died after being buried up to his chest in corn, a crop grown there in large amounts only since the 1960s, while cleaning a silo in 2008. In 1997, a 14-year-old British student doing a work placement on a farm died after falling into wheat as it was being drained from a silo. U.K. statistics record four cases of grain entrapment among the 336 agricultural deaths it notes between 2005 and 2015; Purdue identifies 16 in that period. Seven grain entrapment deaths were reported in Australia between 1991 and 2010, with one in New Zealand. Purdue's data base identifies three deaths in Ireland, two in South Africa and one apiece in Saudi Arabia, Spain and Sweden. 2011 proposed U.S. regulations
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After a 2010 entrapment at a commercial grain elevator complex in Illinois killed two workers aged 14 and 19, while a third survived with injuries, OSHA assessed fines of over half a million dollars against the operators (eventually collecting little over a quarter-million). It sent letters to other grain-handling facilities afterwards reminding them of their legal and moral obligations to prevent such deaths. A year later, after another incident in Oklahoma where two teenaged boys lost legs to a sweep auger, the agency proposed new rules on child labor in agriculture.
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They were the most extensive changes proposed in that area in a half-century. Most minors working in agriculture work for farms with fewer than ten employees, which are exempt from most federal workplace-safety laws and regulations. Children who work on their parents' farm are completely outside the scope of those laws, since it is believed that their parents would not let them do hazardous work. The proposed regulations, which took up 49 pages in the Federal Register, would have changed that. In its preface to the proposed regulations, the department noted that while agriculture employs only 4 percent of the country's underage workers, those workers account for 40 percent of overall deaths on the job.
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However, the regulations drew opposition. While they preserved the exemption for small family farms, many observers, even proponents, felt they had overreached in scope and would prevent children of farm families from learning important skills at an early age. Even some of the family members of teenage boys who had died in entrapments told the media that the proposed rules went too far. Opposition mounted in Congress, where it was claimed that the proposed regulations were so broad they could have prevented children from doing chores on their parents' farms. Several Democratic senators from rural states facing hotly contested elections, such as Jon Tester, Claire McCaskill and Debbie Stabenow, complained about them personally to President Barack Obama.
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In 2012, the Labor Department withdrew them, taking the unusual step of indicating, as it did so, that "this regulation will not be pursued for the duration of the Obama administration." Instead, the department said it would continue to work with youth-oriented agricultural organizations like the 4-H and Future Farmers of America to increase awareness of safe work practices on farms. It has also begun levying more and heavier fines for safety violations. See also Occupational hazards of grain facilities Notes References External links Agricultural Confined Spaces page at Purdue, with resources for training and education. Safety During Grain Handling, Drying and Storage, publications by Purdue University extension on grain entrapment. Grain Handling Safety Coalition Grainentrapmentprevention.com, proceedings of 2012 conference in St. Louis. Medical emergencies Causes of death Agricultural health and safety Grain production
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The Labour Party has been part of the political scene in the Republic of Ireland throughout the state's existence. Although never attracting majority support, it has repeatedly participated in coalition governments. The party was established in 1912 by James Connolly James Larkin, and William O'Brien and others as the political wing of the Irish Trades Union Congress. It intended to participate in a Dublin Parliament that would follow passage of the Home Rule Act 1914, which was suspended on the outbreak of World War I. Connolly was executed following the Easter Rising in 1916, and was succeeded as leader by Thomas Johnson. The party stood aside from the elections of 1918 and 1921, but despite divisions over acceptance of the Anglo-Irish Treaty it took approximately 20% of the vote in the 1922 elections, initially forming the main opposition party in the Dáil Éireann (parliament) of the Irish Free State.
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The subsequent years were marked by rivalry between factions led by William O'Brien and James Larkin, with William Norton becoming leader. Between 1932 and 1938 the Labour Party supported Éamon de Valera's minority Fianna Fáil government. From 1948–1951 and from 1954–1957 the Labour Party entered government alongside Fine Gael and other parties, with Norton as Tánaiste. During this period the party also stood for elections in Northern Ireland, after a split in the Northern Ireland Labour Party. In 1960 Brendan Corish became the new Labour leader. As leader he advocated and introduced more socialist policies to the party. Between 1973 and 1987 Labour three times more went into coalition governments with Fine Gael. Dick Spring became leader in 1982, amid growing controversy within the party over these coalitions and the growth of parties to the left of Labour.
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In 1990 Mary Robinson became President of Ireland with Labour support. After mergers with the Democratic Socialist Party and the Independent Socialist Party, Labour performed well in the 1992 general election and formed a coalition with Fianna Fáil, with Spring as Tánaiste. then in 1994 without a further election joined a coalition with Fine Gael and Democratic Left (the "Rainbow Coalition"). After defeat in the 1997 general election, Labour merged with Democratic Left, and the former Democratic Left member Pat Rabbitte became leader in 2002. Rabbitte implemented the “Mullingar Accord”, a pre-election voting pact with Fine Gael, but this did not lead to greater election success for Labour in the 2007 elections, and Rabbitte resigned to be replaced by Eamon Gilmore. The 2011 general election saw one of Labour's best results, with over 19% of the first-preference votes. Labour once more entered a coalition government with Fine Gael, and the Irish presidential election later that year
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saw the Labour Party's candidate, Michael D. Higgins, elected as President. However, Labour in government experienced a series of dismissals and resignations among its members in the Dáil. In 2014, Gilmore resigned as party leader after Labour's poor performance in the European and local elections, and Joan Burton was elected as the new leader.
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Foundation In the first decade of the twentieth century, considerable debate took place within the Irish Trades Union Congress on whether the organised trade union movement in Ireland should take part in political activity. James Connolly, and James Larkin as the leaders of the new and dynamic Irish Transport and General Workers Union (ITGWU), led the calls for political action and representation for trade unionists. Opposition came from northern trade unionists and others who wanted links with the British Labour Party, and from supporters of the Irish Parliamentary Party.
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The catalyst for the launch of a congress-sponsored party was the introduction and successful progress of the Third Home Rule Bill in 1912. At its meeting in Clonmel in 1912, the congress took up the question of a political party. James Connolly presented the resolution that the congress establish its own party. He argued that since Home Rule was imminent and would take place once the House of Lords' delaying powers were exhausted in two years' time, that this period should be used to organise the new party. Connolly's resolution was carried by a wide margin with 49 voting for; 19 against; and 19 abstaining.
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The congress also supported the introduction of salaries for members of parliament, public funding of elections and female suffrage. The founding of the Labour Party was disrupted by personality differences between Larkin and his fellow leaders, including Connolly. Nevertheless, the 1913 congress meeting under William O'Brien's chairmanship instructed the executive to proceed with the writing of a party constitution. The ITUC took no part in the 1913 lock-out struggle in Dublin, and labour candidates did poorly in local elections in Dublin in January 1914.
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The proposed constitution limited party membership to affiliated trade unions and councils only and excluded individual membership and other involvement, such as by co-operative societies and socialist groups. Thomas Johnson argued that Labour would be "swamped" by farmer co-operatives and that individuals might join through trade councils. Connolly argued that there should be just one body and that a separate Labour Party as in Britain would encourage the "professional politician". At the 1914 Congress, it was agreed for the first time to seek the reconstruction of society: "the Congress urges that labour unrest can only be ended by the abolition of the capitalist system of wealth production with its inherent injustice and poverty." The same congress changed the name to add "and Labour Party" to its name and became the Irish Trades Union Congress and Labour Party (ITUC[&]LP), changed in 1918 to "Irish Labour Party and Trades Union Congress" (ILP[&]TUC). In party-political contexts
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it was usually the "Irish Labour Party", or simply "Labour".
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The party was seriously troubled by the proposals in 1914 to exclude certain Ulster counties from Home Rule as this would undermine the potential of the new party by excluding the substantial industrial areas of northeast Ulster. Fourteen of the 34 urban seats in the Home Rule parliament were to be in Belfast alone. The start of the First World War in the summer of 1914 transformed the political situation in Ireland. The Home Rule Bill became law but its operation was postponed until after the war. The official Labour position did not directly oppose Irish support for the British war effort, but it was critical of the war in general terms. Labour skirted the issue in an attempt to avoid division between unionist and nationalist trade unionists. Larkin opposed the war before he left for the USA and Connolly condemned John Redmond's support for Irish nationalists involvement in army recruitment. Gradually, Labour opposition to the spectre of conscription moved the party's position
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closer to that of the separatists. To avoid making a decision on the war, Labour called off its congress in 1915.
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James Connolly was the only leading Labour figure to take part in the Easter Rising in 1916. His execution after the rebellion left the labour movement in some disarray. Liberty Hall, the physical symbol of the labour movement, was destroyed, and the files of the ITUCLP were seized. Many trade union leaders, in Dublin, who had not taken part in the Rising were interned, such as William O'Brien, but they were released later when the British realised that they had no direct involvement. Their absence allowed non-nationalist leaders to come to the fore, especially Thomas Johnson, who was not charismatic, but was a moderate and hardworking man.
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Despite his English background, his sheer diligence and devotion to his duties gave him the leading position in labour politics for the next decade. He managed to persuade the authorities to release the trade union leaders in time for the congress meeting in Sligo in August 1916. In his chairman's address, Johnson avoided taking a stand on the Rising and instead called for a minute's silence to honour the memory of Connolly and his comrades. He mourned the dead in the trenches and expressed personal support for the Allies. Johnson's stance in refusing to accept any responsibility for the Rising was regarded as a success as it avoided division between north and south, and laid the stress on economic and social issues.
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Early history
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In Larkin's absence and Connolly's demise, William O'Brien became the dominant figure in the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union joining it in January 1917, and quickly becoming the leader of that union and wielding considerable influence in the Labour Party. O'Brien, along with Johnson, also dominated the ITUCLP. O'Brien took a leading role in the growing separatist movement that would become the revitalised Sinn Féin. The Labour Party, now led by Thomas Johnson, as successor to such organisations as D.D. Sheehan's (independent labour MPs) Irish Land and Labour Association (ILLA), found itself marginalised by the preeminence that Sinn Féin gave to the national question. De Valera and others expressed sympathy for the labour movement's objectives but made clear that Labour must wait. The congress-party strongly opposed the moves to introduce conscription into Ireland in 1918, and a twenty-four-hour strike was successfully called on 23 April 1918. Only the Belfast area ignored
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the strike call. That spring, Labour announced that it would take part in the General Election to be held immediately after the war ended. De Valera and other Sinn Féin leaders were highly critical of what they saw as a divisive step by the ITUCLP. At the congress held in August 1918, the executive reported that Labour's hour of destiny had struck and it found the movement ready. O'Brien urged the development of electoral machinery. At this moment, the first signs of the split between O'Brien and the Larkinites became evident. PT Daly, the protégé of Larkin, was locked in a struggle with O'Brien and was beaten by 114 votes to 109 for the post of secretary of the Congress. Daly was later to be purged by O'Brien from the leadership of the ITGWU, setting the scene for a long-lasting split in Irish trade unionism. Following the congress, Labour was finally forced to deal with the issues of national self-determination and abstention from parliament.
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Sinn Féin entered into discussions with Labour to secure its abstention from the forthcoming election. Labour was again faced with the dilemma that it might win some seats by entering into a pact with Sinn Féin at the price of alienation of northern unionist workers. Labour offered a radical election programme. Among other objectives, it declared that it would win for the workers the collective ownership and control of the whole produce of their work; adopt the principles of the Russian Revolution; secure the democratic management of all industries in the interest of the nation; and abolish all privileges which were based on property or ancestry.
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In the end, a special party conference voted by 96 votes to 23 that the ILPTUC would not contest the 1918 general election, to allow the election to take the form of a plebiscite on Ireland's constitutional status. Sinn Féin went on to gain 73 of the 105 seats in the General Election and convened the First Dáil in January 1919. The Democratic Programme of the First Dáil was jointly drafted by Seán T. O'Kelly of Sinn Féin and Thomas Johnson of Labour. Despite being eventually pruned of much of its socialist content, some of the original radical elements survived. Sinn Féin paid its debt of honour to the Labour Party for its abstention by including in the Programme that every citizen was to be entitled to an adequate share of the produce of the nation's labour; the government would concern itself with the welfare of children, and would care for the aged and infirm; and it would seek "a general and lasting improvement in the conditions under which the working classes live and labour".
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Labour took part in the 1920 local elections and won a significant role in local government for the first time. It gained 394 seats compared to 550 for Sinn Féin, 355 for the unionists, 238 for the old nationalists, and 161 independents.
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The Government of Ireland Act 1920 effected the partition of Ireland with elections in June 1921 planned for the lower houses of the parliaments of Northern Ireland and of Southern Ireland. The Labour national executive decided to leave the field to Sinn Féin, although its 1921 report suggested that it was unaware that Sinn Féin intended to use the elections to replace the First Dáil with a Second Dáil. The executive reprimanded Richard Corish and the Wexford Trades Council for accepting his Sinn Féin election nomination. When the truce of July 1921 ended the Irish War of Independence, Labour was not involved in any way in the negotiations that led to the Anglo-Irish Treaty of December 1921, by which a new Irish Free State would be established as a Dominion of the British Empire equivalent in status to Canada. Labour in the Irish Free State
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The Anglo-Irish Treaty divided the Labour party. It did not take an official stand. From his American prison cell, Jim Larkin opposed the Treaty while the only Labour member of the Dáil, Richard Corish of Wexford spoke and voted for the Treaty. Johnson, never a republican, privately supported the Treaty, while O'Brien did not oppose it. Following the approval of the Treaty by the Dáil in January 1922, the executive of the ILPTUC succeeded at a special conference held in February, in passing a motion to participate in the forthcoming General Election. Successful Labour candidates were required to take their seats in the new Free State Dáil, and a reformist programme was adopted.
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Johnson and the other Labour leaders tried to stop the slide to civil war to no avail, including holding a one-day national strike across the 26 counties on 24 April. Labour candidates were nominated for the election on 16 June, despite the difficulties of poor organisation, internal opposition to participation and limited finance. When The Collins/De Valera Pact was agreed on 20 May, the pressure on the party was intensified. The Pact provided for the pro and anti Treaty sides to have one agreed slate of candidates with a coalition government to be established afterwards. Other parties and groups, including Labour, were asked to stand down again in the national interest. Effectively, the old Sinn Féin was about to deny a democratic election from being held and to prevent the public expressing their preferences. While de Valera had a notable success in persuading Patrick Hogan, a future Labour Ceann Comhairle, from standing in Clare, 18 other Labour candidates resisted the pressures
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on them from the IRA and went forward for election. These were perceived as pro-Treaty, and when Michael Collins repudiated the Pact four days before the election, it benefited the Labour Party as well as the pro-Treaty party. Seventeen of the eighteen Labour candidates won seats, with the 18th losing only by 13 votes. Some candidates had nearly twice the quota but had no running mates to transfer their surplus votes.
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As well as being a triumph for the Labour Party, the election confirmed the popular acceptance of the Treaty. The Civil War broke out shortly later, between the IRA and the new National Army, and ravaged the country in the following months. The new Dáil did not meet until September preventing Labour from having any influence over events. Public opinion and voting habits crystallised in a deeply polarised fashion in this period between the two sides of the national movement, and led to the effective marginalisation of the Labour Party and of social and economic issues that was to last for the rest of the twentieth century. When the third Dáil eventually met in September, Labour attempted to amend the new Free State Constitution to remove the elements imposed by the Treaty but pragmatically accepted the new order when it was adopted. The Labour deputies took the controversial oath of fidelity to the British monarch, viewing it as a formality.
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In the immediate aftermath of the Civil War, an economic slump and collapse in union membership led to a loss in support for the party. In the 1923 election Labour only won 14 seats. However, from 1922 until Fianna Fáil TDs took their seats in 1927, Labour was the major opposition party in the Dáil. It attacked the lack of social reform by the Cumann na nGaedheal government. Johnson became the leading figure in the Parliamentary Labour Party and the leader of the Opposition to the new Government. In 1930 the party formally separated from the ITUC; some individual unions affiliated to the party, including the ITGWU. In 1923 Larkin returned to Ireland. He hoped to take over the leadership role he had left, but O'Brien resisted him. Larkin sided with the more radical elements of the party and in September that year he established the Irish Worker League.
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In 1932 the Labour Party supported Éamon de Valera's first Fianna Fáil government, which had proposed a programme of social reform with which the party was in sympathy. In the 1940s it looked for a while as if Labour would replace Fine Gael as the main opposition party. In the 1943 general election the party won 17 seats, its best result since 1927. But further aspirations were disappointed as the party was damaged by internal division for the remainder of the decade.
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In the 1930s, the Labour Party received adverse publicity and was accused of tacitly supporting Soviet Communism and the Irish Trades Union Congress was accused of circulating an article which proclaimed the Roman Catholic Church as an enemy of the workers. These were extremely negative accusations in an Ireland that was ardently anti-communist. William Norton wrote a letter to Pope Pius XII (then known as Cardinal Pacelli, Secretary of State at the Vatican), stating that “as a Catholic and the accepted leader of the Irish Labour Party, I desire most empathetically to repudiate both statements.” A pamphlet was produced, entitled Cemeteries of Liberty, which asserted that the Labour Party viewed both Communism and Fascism as “Cemeteries of Liberty.”
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In an article, the Rev. Dr. George Clune, at the suggestion of the Rev. Fr. Edward Cahill, stated in support of the Labour Party that “the Irish Labour Party never at any time construed the term ‘A Workers’ Republic’ as meaning a Republic of the Russian sort. This phrase was evolved by Connolly more than forty years ago, long before the establishment of Russian Bolshevism. This term was used by him, and subsequently accepted by the Irish Labour Party to denote a republic within which working men would have family security as contra-distinguished from the Republics of France and America, which suffered from the excesses of Capitalism... The Party does not stand for (nor did it ever stand) for the nationalisation of private property, but for the nationalisation of certain services such as transport and flour-milling. Hence, this comes within the pronouncements of Pope Pius XI.” The split with National Labour and the first coalition governments
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The Larkin-O'Brien feud still continued and worsened over time. In the 1940s the hatred caused a split in the Labour party and the Irish Congress of Trade Unions. In 1944 O'Brien left and founded the National Labour Party. O'Brien also withdrew the ITGWU from the Irish Trades Union Congress and set up his own congress. The split damaged the Labour movement in the 1944 general election. It was only after Larkin's death in 1947 that an attempt at unity could be made. During this period the party also occasionally stood for election in Northern Ireland, on occasion winning the odd seat at both the Westminster Parliament and Stormont Parliament in the Belfast area. However the party is not known to have contested an election in the region since Gerry Fitt, then the party's sole Stormont MP, left the party to form the Republican Labour Party in 1964.
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From 1948–1951 and from 1954–1957 the Labour Party was the second-largest partner in the two inter-party governments. William Norton, the Labour leader, became Tánaiste and Minister for Social Welfare on both occasions. Labour under Brendan Corish, 1960 – 1977 In 1960 Brendan Corish became the new Labour leader. As leader he advocated and introduced more socialist policies to the party. Between 1973 and 1977 the Labour Party formed a coalition government with Fine Gael. The coalition partners lost the subsequent election in 1977. Corish resigned immediately after the defeat.
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The 1980s: coalition, internal feuding, electoral decline and regrowth From 1981 to 1982 and from 1982 to 1987, Labour participated in coalition governments with Fine Gael. In the later part of the second of these coalition terms, the country's poor economic and fiscal situation required strict curtailing of government spending, and Labour bore much of the blame for unpopular cutbacks in health and other social services. In the 1987 general election it received only 6.4% of the vote, and its vote was increasingly threatened by the growth of the Workers' Party. Fianna Fáil formed a minority government from 1987 to 1989 and then a coalition with the Progressive Democrats.
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The 1980s saw fierce disagreements between left and right wings of the party. The more radical elements, led by figures including Emmet Stagg, opposed the idea of going into coalition government with either of the major centre-right parties. At the 1989 Labour conference in Tralee a number of socialist and Marxist activists, organised around the Militant newspaper, were expelled. These expulsions continued during the early 1990s and those expelled, including Joe Higgins went on to found the Socialist Party.
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These rows ended with the defeat of the anti-coalition left. In the period since, there have been further discussions about coalitions in the Party but these disagreements have primarily been over the merits of different coalition partners rather than over the principle of coalition. Related arguments have taken place from time to time over the wisdom of entering into pre-election voting pacts with other parties. Indeed, former radicals like Stagg himself and Michael D. Higgins now themselves support coalition. Mary Robinson and coalitions of different hues
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In 1990 Mary Robinson became the first President of Ireland to have been proposed by the Labour Party, although she contested the election as an independent candidate. Not only was it the first time a woman held the office but it was the first time, apart from Douglas Hyde, that a non-Fianna Fáil candidate was elected. Mary Robinson became one of the most outspoken and active presidents in the history of the state. In 1990 the Party merged with the Limerick East TD Jim Kemmy's Democratic Socialist Party and in 1992 it merged with Sligo–Leitrim TD Declan Bree's Independent Socialist Party.
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At the 1992 general election on 25 November Labour won a record 19.3% of the first-preference votes, more than twice its share in the 1989 election. The party's representation in the Dáil doubled to 33 seats and, after a period of negotiations, Labour formed a coalition with Fianna Fáil, taking office in January 1993 as the 23rd Government of Ireland. Fianna Fáil leader Albert Reynolds remained as Taoiseach, and Labour leader Dick Spring became Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs.
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After less than two years the government fell in a controversy over the appointment of Attorney General, Harry Whelehan, as president of the High Court. The parliamentary arithmetic had changed as a result of Fianna Fáil's loss of two seats in by-elections in June and Labour negotiated a new coalition, the first time in Irish political history that one coalition replaced another without a general election. Between 1994 and 1997 Fine Gael, the Labour Party, and Democratic Left governed in the so-called Rainbow Coalition. Dick Spring of Labour became Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs again.
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Merger with Democratic Left and recent electoral performance Labour presented the 1997 election, held just weeks after spectacular victories for the French Parti Socialiste and Tony Blair's New Labour, as the first-ever choice between a government of the left and one of the right, but the party, as had often been the case following its participation in coalitions, lost support and failed to retain half of its Dáil seats. A poor performance by Labour candidate Adi Roche in the subsequent election for President of Ireland led to Spring's resignation as party leader. In 1997 Ruairi Quinn became the new Labour leader. Negotiations started almost immediately and in 1999 the Labour Party merged with Democratic Left, keeping the name of the larger partner.
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Quinn resigned as leader in 2002 following the poor results for the Labour Party in the general election, when the Labour Party was returned with only 21 seats, the same number of seats as it had held before that General Election. Former Democratic Left TD Pat Rabbitte became the new leader, the first to be elected directly by the members of the party. In the June 2004 elections to the European Parliament, Proinsias De Rossa retained his seat for Labour in the Dublin constituency. This was Labour's only success in the election. 21st century In 2004, Labour entered into an election pact in advance of the 2004 Local and European elections. Known as the "Mullingar Accord", and undertaken with Fine Gael, a number of mutually acceptable and compatible policy documents were published in the lead up to the elections.
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At the 2005 Labour Party conference in Tralee, a pre-election voting transfer pact was also endorsed with the Fine Gael party. This saw increased co-operation between the party leaders, Pat Rabbitte and the Fine Gael leader, Enda Kenny, as well as the party's front benches. The two parties formed the "Alliance for Change" in the run-up to the election and pursued joint policies and economic costings in some policy areas. However, though Fine Gael gained 20 seats in the election in 2007, Labour's vote continued to stagnate at 10.13%, a marginal decline from 2002 and it returned with 20 seats, one less than before. Rabbitte resigned as leader in August 2007, a year ahead of his six-year term came to an end. Éamon Gilmore, TD for Dún Laoghaire replaced Rabbitte, and expressed a preference for an independent strategy, emphasising the need for Labour to concentrate on itself, rather than following media interest in its alliance with other parties.
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In the 2011 Irish general election, the Labour Party had its "best ever showing", winning 37 Dáil seats. At the 2016 Irish general election, the party had the "worst election in its 104-year history", dropping from 37 seats to just 7. In the February 2020 Irish general election, this number fell to just 6 seats (4.4% of the popular vote), with longstanding TDs Joan Burton and Jan O'Sullivan losing their seats, and Longford-Westmeath being lost to the retirement of Willie Penrose. However, Labour improved upon this in the subsequent Seanad elections, winning 5 seats. New senators Mark Wall, Annie Hoey, Rebecca Moynihan and Marie Sherlock, as well as the re-election of Ivana Bacik made Labour the third largest party in the Seanad. On the same day as the final count of voting in the Seanad elections on 3 April, Alan Kelly edged out Dáil colleague Aodhán Ó Ríordáin to become Labour leader in the 2020 Labour Party leadership election
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Historical archives The Labour Party donated its archives to the National Library of Ireland in 2012, and is catalogued under call number: MS 49,494. See also Labour Party (Ireland) :Category:Labour Party (Ireland) politicians References Citations Sources External links Irish Trades Union Congress annual reports 1901–1925 (those from 1916 on include the Irish Labour Party) Labour Party Social democratic parties Socialist International Labour Party (Ireland) Labour Party Irish Political history of Ireland Labour Party
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Da'Rel Scott (born May 26, 1988) is a former American football running back. He was selected in the seventh round of the 2011 NFL Draft by the New York Giants. He played college football for the University of Maryland, where he was a starting running back. During the 2008 season, he was the second-leading rusher in the Atlantic Coast Conference, behind Jonathan Dwyer of Georgia Tech.
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Scott played interscholastic football as a running back and free safety at Plymouth-Whitemarsh High School. He was moderately recruited, but Scout.com thought he was more suited to the position of wide receiver or cornerback at the intercollegiate level. In 2006, he enrolled at the University of Maryland, where he was moved to wide receiver, but he spent the entire season on redshirt status. The following season, he saw limited action as a reserve running back behind starters Lance Ball and Keon Lattimore. He also played on special teams as a kickoff returner, which was the coaching staff's attempt to get him on the field in some capacity because of his speed (4.31 seconds in the 40-yard dash and sub 10.5 seconds in the 100 meters)
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In 2008, Scott took over as Maryland's starting running back and spent much of the season as the leading rusher in the Atlantic Coast Conference (ACC). He was eventually surpassed by Dwyer, although both players were named to the All-ACC first team at the season's end. Scott also became the 2008 Humanitarian Bowl most valuable player when he broke the University of Maryland bowl game rushing record, and he finished the season with 1,133 rushing yards, the seventh Terrapin player to surpass a thousand yards in a single season.
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Early life Scott was born on May 26, 1988 in Conshohocken, Pennsylvania to Gloria and Lee Scott Sr. He has two older brothers, Lee Scott Jr., who played football as a defensive back at La Salle, and James, who ran track at Saint Joseph's. When Da'Rel Scott was eight years old, his parents had a falling out, which prompted his father to leave the family. Thereafter, Lee Scott Sr. was no longer involved in raising his sons and would often miss scheduled visits. Da'Rel Scott said, "He just kept letting me down. Just day by day, I was thinking, 'I need a father figure in my life.'" In high school, his attitude changed, and he said, "I don't need him." Despite the absence of his biological father, Scott grew up with the support of his mother, two brothers Lee and James, cousin Leroy, family friend and youth football coach Mike Shaw, and high school athletic director Charlie Forster.
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He attended Plymouth Whitemarsh High School in Plymouth Meeting, Pennsylvania, where he was a four-year letterwinner in football, track, and basketball. In football, Scott was a three-year starter and played as both a tailback and free safety. During his senior year, he rushed for 2,523 yards and 38 touchdowns on 232 attempts. As both a junior and senior, he received the Maxwell Award for the conference player of the year. As a senior, The Times Herald named him the area player of the year, the Associated Press named him an all-state player, and he was invited to the Big 33 Football Classic all-star game. SuperPrep named him an all-region player. Rivals.com rated him a four-star prospect and assessed him as the 21st-ranked "athlete" recruit in the nation. Scout.com assessed him as a three-star prospect, and wrote of him, "This kid can flat out fly. He runs a sub 10.5 100 meters, and a sub 21.0 200 meters. Scott needs to get physically bigger to be a college running back; he may
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project better as a wide receiver or cornerback." Scott received scholarship offers from Georgia Tech, Penn State, Virginia, and his ultimate choice, Maryland. In 2006, he enrolled at the University of Maryland, where he studied kinesiology.
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Track and field Scott was also a standout track athlete. During his junior year, he won the state championship in the 100 meters, with a time of 10.56 seconds. He lettered four years in track and field. As a senior in 2010, he competed in the 60 meters, posting a personal best of 6.87 seconds. College career 2006 season Scott sat out the 2006 season as a redshirt. After summer training camp, the coaching staff moved Scott to wide receiver, a position that lacked depth, but head coach Ralph Friedgen said that Scott had some difficulty making the adjustment. He was, however, named the offensive scout team player of the week for his performance in the practices before the Florida State game.
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2007 season
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During 2007 spring practice, Scott was third on the depth chart, but suffered a left knee injury, which forced him to miss most of camp. During the 2007 season, he played in nine games as a reserve tailback behind Lance Ball and Keon Lattimore and as a kickoff returner. Despite the team's abundance of running backs, Friedgen wanted to utilize Scott in some capacity because of his speed, which had been recorded at 4.25 seconds in the 40-yard dash. Maryland wide receiver Darrius Heyward-Bey said, "On paper it says I'm faster, but Da'Rel, he's just a different type of animal." Against Wake Forest, he saw his first action when he returned four kickoffs for 101 yards. Scott's special teams performance in that game sufficiently impressed head coach Friedgen that he said, "I think I've got to try to get him involved within the offense. I think he's a guy that can make some plays for us." The following week, unranked Maryland upset 10th-ranked Rutgers, and Scott made his first career
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appearance as a tailback. He had three carries for 29 yards. After sitting out the Georgia Tech game because of an ankle injury, he returned four kicks for 68 yards against Virginia, three for 56 yards against Clemson, and two for 40 yards against North Carolina. Against eighth-ranked Boston College, Scott caught a short screen pass from quarterback Chris Turner and ran 57 yards for a touchdown. It was his first career reception and first career touchdown. It was one of just two offensive plays for Scott in that game, and incidentally, he was not intended to be in it. Friedgen said
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When he was in the game, I didn't even know he was in the game. I called a screen pass. I looked up, and it was Da'Rel in there. I figured we were just giving Lance a rest, but I asked [running backs coach Phil] Zacharias about it Sunday and he started laughing. I said 'Did you put Da'Rel in for that screen pass?' He said, 'Lance's equipment was broken, so he had to go in the game.'
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In the loss to Florida State, Scott rushed twice for 17 yards and returned four kickoffs for 132 yards. On one return, Scott gained 60 yards and nearly broke away for a touchdown, but Maryland was unable to capitalize on the gain during the subsequent possession. The next week, Maryland secured bowl eligibility by winning its regular season finale against NC State. Scott returned the opening kickoff 36 yards and recorded 89 yards on eight carries to lead the team in rushing. In the 2007 Emerald Bowl against Oregon State, Scott had one carry for no gain and returned two kickoffs for 36 yards. Scott finished the season as the team's all-purpose yardage leader with 84.2 yards per game and kick return leader with 566 yards, which set a school record for a freshman. Rivals.com named him a freshman All-ACC all-purpose player.
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2008 season After the graduation of running backs Ball and Lattimore, Scott competed with Morgan Green for the starting position. At the conclusion of spring practice, it appeared they would share the duties, as they had complementary running styles: Scott had breakaway speed, while Green was a hard runner for short-yardage gains. However, Green suffered a quadriceps injury that caused him to fall to the third-string position behind true freshman Davin Meggett.
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During the season, Scott played in 12 of 13 games, including 11 starts, and recorded 1,133 rushing yards and eight touchdowns. In the first game of the 2008 season against Delaware, Scott ran for 197 yards in his first career start, which was enough to place sixteenth on the list for school all-time single-game rushing. The following week, underdog Middle Tennessee stunned Maryland, 24–14, but Scott set the game-high for rushing with 123 yards. He tallied his career-first rushing touchdown with a 63-yard run on the second play of the game. Scott "dominated early" against 23rd-ranked California with 19 carries for 87 yards and two touchdowns, but in the third quarter, he suffered a game-ending shoulder injury. His first-half effort helped Maryland take a quick lead and eventually upset California, 35–27. Scott sat out the next game against Eastern Michigan, but returned for the road game at 20th-ranked Clemson. Scott made 23 carries but gained only 39 yards, a mark that was surpassed
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by receiver Heyward-Bey on one reverse that gained 76 yards to spark a second-half comeback. Head coach Friedgen said
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I told Da'Rel he needed to run a little more north–south. Clemson has such good team speed. If you go east–west on them, you're not going to go very far. I thought he had a couple runs when he tried to bounce it outside. Normally, Da'Rel can do that. Not against this team . . . I told him this is a game where three yards is a good running play . . . I don't know if Da'Rel has been in a game like this, playing the whole game that way in a tough environment. He came out in the second half and said 'I'm going to go, coach.' He patted me on the butt. 'Just get me the ball.'
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Scott tallied the go-ahead touchdown to complete Maryland's comeback, 20–17. The following week, Maryland fell to a heavy underdog again when a reeling Virginia team engineered a 31–0 shutout. Scott, then the leading rusher in the Atlantic Coast Conference (ACC), had 11 carries but was held to just 36 yards. Despite the setback, Scott retained the lead in the ACC with 96.4 rushing yards per game. After a bye week, Maryland shutout 21st-ranked Wake Forest, 26–0. Scott had 18 carries for a game-high of 73 yards, threw a nine-yard touchdown pass, and had three fumbles. In the first quarter, Scott fumbled at the Wake Forest 25-yard line, but was able to recover the ball. Two plays later, he executed a halfback option, where he took the handoff and threw a nine-yard pass to Heyward-Bey for a touchdown. It was Scott's first pass attempt and completion. Scott fumbled twice more in the first half, and Wake Forest recovered only to miss a field goal attempt each time. Against NC State, Scott
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had 23 carries for 163 yards and a 24-yard touchdown. In the fourth quarter, after the third play of Maryland's game-winning drive, Meggett replaced Scott, who had re-injured his shoulder. With the sixth win, Maryland attained bowl eligibility. Scott remained the ACC leading rusher with 102.6 yards per game. He was deemed questionable before the Virginia Tech game, but did see action. However, the Virginia Tech line held Scott to 11 yards on 10 carries, although he did manage five receptions for 57 yards. Against 17th-ranked North Carolina, Scott recorded 129 rushing yards and a three-yard touchdown run. Maryland entered its penultimate regular season game against Florida State still within reach of the Atlantic Division title, and with it, a berth in the ACC Championship Game. Florida State, however, dashed Maryland's title hopes in a 37–3 rout in which Scott recorded 82 rushing yards, but fumbled twice. In the fourth quarter, defensive end Everette Brown forced Scott to fumble,
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which was seen as the end to any potential comeback. Against a tough Boston College line, the Maryland rushing attack faltered, which forced quarterback Chris Turner to resort mostly to the pass. Scott rushed 13 times for a gain of just 19 yards.
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In the postseason, Maryland accepted an invitation to the Humanitarian Bowl to play the Western Athletic Conference runner-up, Nevada. Before the game, however, head coach Ralph Friedgen caught Scott and six other players breaking curfew. Scott declined to comment to the media about why he had missed curfew, and Friedgen said only that Scott had tried to "help somebody and got put in a bad situation." Friedgen initially intended to send the offenders back to College Park by bus, but athletic director Deborah Yow convinced him to issue partial-game suspensions instead. Scott was benched until halfway through the third quarter. He said, "I made a bad decision. I felt I had to run with a purpose." Scott was put into the game on Maryland's third possession of the half but did not receive a carry until the following series. On his first attempt, he ran for 14 yards and then ran 11 yards on his second. During the next drive, he broke free on a 49-yard touchdown run. On the next possession,
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Scott rushed on all four plays and gained 66 yards and another touchdown. Maryland won, 42–35, and Scott was named the Terrapins' most valuable player of the game. Nevada head coach Chris Ault said, "He just ran through us like we weren't there. They ran the weak-side gap, we knew that was one of their base plays, and he did a great job. He's a heck of a back, no question about it. He was breaking tackles, and that's not only a difference-maker but a morale-changer." He ran for 174 yards, which broke the school record for rushing in a bowl game previously set by Lu Gambino in the 1948 Gator Bowl. Scott also became just the seventh Maryland player to surpass the 1,000-yard single-season rushing benchmark. Earlier in the season, Scott set that mark as one of his goals, and he adorned his room with the statistics of the Terrapins who accomplished that feat in the past, such as Chris Downs in 2002.
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Scott spent much of the season as the leading rusher in the ACC, but he was eventually surpassed by Jonathan Dwyer of Georgia Tech and finished second in the conference. In early October, Scott was added to the Maxwell Award watch list. The Atlantic Coast Conference named Scott to the All-ACC first team alongside Dwyer.
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2009 season During a practice in April 2009, Scott and cornerback Nolan Carroll collided, which injured both players. Scott suffered a sprained knee which forced him to sit out the Red–White spring game. He entered summer practice at the top of the depth chart, but Davin Meggett's camp performance was impressive enough to earn a share of the number-one position. In its 2009 preseason issue, Phil Steele's listed Scott as the 23rd-ranked draft eligible college running back, a preseason first-team All-ACC running back, and one of 19 "darkhorse" contenders for the Heisman Trophy. Athlon Sports named him to their preseason All-ACC second team. Before the season, he was added to the Doak Walker Award and Maxwell Award watch lists.
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In the season opener at 12th-ranked California, Scott recorded 13 carries for 90 yards. He scored the Terrapins' only touchdown on a 39-yard rush in the third quarter of the 52–13 rout, Maryland's worst opening loss since 1892. The following week, Scott had 17 carries for 68 yards and a touchdown in an overtime win against James Madison. He recorded a 48-yard touchdown run against Middle Tennessee, but also two fumbles in the first quarter. Scott finished the game with 13 attempts for 117 yards., but coach Friedgen relied mostly on Meggett after the second turnover. Scott suffered a broken wrist against Clemson, a game that also saw Maryland left tackle Bruce Campbell injured. He sat out the next five games, before he returned in the penultimate game against Florida State, in which he ran 83 yards on 19 attempts and also had two receptions for 21 yards. The performance prompted Scout.com to note, "It's almost like this stud running back never missed a game for the Terps … it is
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impressive to see the junior hard at work and making up for lost time." In the season finale against Boston College, Maryland opened the game with Scott attempting a pass to wide receiver Torrey Smith on a halfback option play; it fell incomplete but drew a defensive pass interference call. Scott rushed for 45 yards and a touchdown on 11 attempts, and caught three passes for 20 yards.
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2010 season In the winter, Scott competed on the indoor track team and ran a 60-yard dash in 6.87 seconds, and he claimed to have regained the speed he had in high school. During spring football camp, he recorded the fastest 40-yard dash time among the running backs at 4.33 seconds. Head coach Ralph Friedgen praised Scott for the strength and size he added in the offseason, and offensive coordinator James Franklin described Scott as a "complete back". Before the season, Scott was added to the Maxwell Award and Doak Walker Award watch lists.
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Maryland entered the 2010 season with Scott and Meggett sharing time as the number-one running back. Head coach Friedgen said, "At this point in time, I would say Scott and Meggett are 1A and 1B." In the season opener against Navy, Scott recorded 58 yards on ten carries, which included five touches on the opening drive for 36 yards and a five-yard touchdown run. The following week against Division I FCS , Scott, Meggett, and redshirt freshman running back D. J. Adams all averaged over five yards per carry in the 62–3 rout. Scott amassed eight carries for 42 yards and three receptions for 31 yards. Maryland's rushing attack struggled in the 31–17 loss to West Virginia, and Scott had four carries for six yards and three catches for 26 yards. Against Florida International, he gained 103 yards and scored two touchdowns on 15 carries. Scott scored on a 56-yard run and a nine-yard run in which he broke three arm tackles. Duke held Scott to 26 yards in the first half, but in the third
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quarter, he caught a short pass from quarterback Danny O'Brien and ran down the sideline for a 71-yard touchdown. O'Brien said he repeatedly checked down through his available receivers and Scott was his final option. Scott finished with 14 carries for 50 yards.
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At Clemson, Scott threw a four-yard touchdown pass to quarterback Danny O'Brien on a trick play for Maryland's only score in a 31–7 loss. He had four rushing attempts for 18 yards. During that game, Scott became the tenth player in school history to amass 3,000 all-purpose yards. At Boston College, Scott rushed nine times for 19 yards and caught one pass for four yards. He also filled in for injured kickoff returner Torrey Smith and had one return for 25 yards. Against Wake Forest, he had eleven carries for 50 yards and one reception for ten yards. At Miami, Scott rushed nine times for 30 yards and had a 12-yard reception. At Virginia, he carried the ball 11 times for 55 yards and had two catches for eight yards including a two-yard reception for a touchdown. Against 25th-ranked Florida State, Scott rushed ten times for 87 yards and caught two passes for eight yards. Scott was held to negative ten rushing yards on four touches by 23rd-ranked North Carolina State in his final home game
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on Senior Night, but Maryland still won, 38–31.
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In the Military Bowl against East Carolina, Scott rushed for a career-high 200 yards on 13 carries, including two touchdowns on 61- and 91-yard runs, and was named the game's Most Valuable Player. He broke the school record for rushing in a bowl game that he previously set in 2008. His performance was described as "utterly electrifying", and left his "stock among draft-eligible running backs soaring with NFL scouts". His 15.4 yards per carry was the best single-game performance in school history. Scott ended the 2010 season with 708 rushing yards on 122 attempts and five touchdowns. He finished his college career with 2,401 rushing yards on 430 attempts and 17 touchdowns, and 3,509 all-purpose yards. Scott ranked seventh in school history in career rushing yards and second in career yards per carry with an average of 5.58.
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Scott was invited to play in the East–West Shrine Game on January 22, 2011 in Orlando. He also participated in the Senior Bowl, and The New York Times praised him for his practice leading up to the game. In the Senior Bowl, Scott recorded five carries for 15 yards, including a touchdown on a one-yard run. College statistics Professional career 2011 NFL Combine New York Giants The New York Giants selected Scott with the 221st overall pick in the 2011 NFL Draft. Giants general manager Jerry Reese said, "We took a flyer on the guy because he is big and fast… We hope this guy develops into a Willie Parker, one of those kinds of things." At the NFL Combine, Scott ran the 40-yard dash in 4.34 seconds, the fastest time recorded by any of the participating running backs.
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Scott secured a spot on the active roster behind Ahmad Bradshaw and Brandon Jacobs with a strong preseason performance. In the game against the Chicago Bears, he had one carry for a 97-yard touchdown. Against the New England Patriots, Scott took a snap on a fake punt, which he ran 65 yards for a touchdown. He made his regular season debut in Week 1 against the Washington Redskins, but recorded no statistics. Scott only recorded five carries for 15 yards in 11 games played. He was a member of the Super Bowl XLVI champion team that defeated the New England Patriots by a score of 21–17. On October 20, 2012, Scott was placed on season-ending injured reserve due to a knee injury.
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On October 1, 2013, the Giants waived him after his first career start in the Week 4 loss against the Kansas City Chiefs. On October 8, 2013, the Giants re-signed Scott after running back David Wilson was out with a neck injury. On October 15, 2013, the Giants waived him again after he injured his hamstring in the Week 6 loss against the Chicago Bears. Winnipeg Blue Bombers Scott signed with the Winnipeg Blue Bombers in April 2015. He was released by the Blue Bombers on January 6, 2016. Hamilton Tiger-Cats Scott was signed by the Hamilton Tiger-Cats on May 28, 2016.
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Personal life Scott motivates himself for games by channeling the anger at his father's abandonment. He said, "I am always going to have anger because of how he did me. It is always going to be there. It is not going away. No way at all." While basketball player Michael Jordan was Scott's childhood sports idol, he says Jordan was not the inspiration for his jersey number of 23. Scott chose it as a combination of his older brothers' high school numbers: James wore number 20, and Lee Jr. wore number 3. Scott said, "They were my father." References External links Maryland Terrapins football bio Maryland Terrapins track bio
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1988 births Living people African-American players of American football African-American players of Canadian football American football running backs Canadian football running backs Hamilton Tiger-Cats players Maryland Terrapins football players New York Giants players People from Conshohocken, Pennsylvania Players of American football from Pennsylvania Sportspeople from Montgomery County, Pennsylvania Winnipeg Blue Bombers players 21st-century African-American sportspeople 20th-century African-American people
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The Lives of a Bengal Lancer is a 1935 American adventure film starring Gary Cooper directed by Henry Hathaway and written by Grover Jones, William Slavens McNutt, Waldemar Young, John L. Balderston, and Achmed Abdullah. The setting and title come from the 1930 autobiography the British soldier Francis Yeats-Brown. The story, which has little in common with Yeats-Brown’s book, tells of a group of British cavalrymen and high-ranking officers desperately trying to defend their stronghold and headquarters at Bengal against the rebellious natives during the days of the British Raj. Cooper plays Lieutenant Alan McGregor, Franchot Tone, Lieutenant John Forsythe, Richard Cromwell, Lieutenant Donald Stone, Guy Standing, Colonel Tom Stone, and Douglass Dumbrille plays the rebel leader Mohammed Khan, who reads the now often-misquoted line "We have ways to make men talk."
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The film was produced by released by Paramount Pictures. Planning began in 1931, and Paramount had expected the film to be released that same year. However, most of the location footage deteriorated due to the high temperatures, and the project was delayed. It was eventually released in the US in 1935. It met with positive reviews and good box office results, and was nominated for seven Academy Awards, winning Assistant Director, with other nominations including Best Original Screenplay and Best Picture. The film grossed $1.5 million (equivalent to $ million in ) at the box office. Writer John Howard Reid described The Lives of a Bengal Lancer as "one of the greatest adventure films of all time." Plot
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On the northwest frontier of India during the British Raj, Scottish Canadian Lieutenant Alan McGregor (Gary Cooper), in charge of newcomers, welcomes two replacements to the 41st Bengal Lancers: Lieutenant John Forsythe (Franchot Tone) and Lieutenant Donald Stone (Richard Cromwell), the son of the unit's commander, Colonel Tom Stone (Guy Standing). Lieutenant Stone, a "cub" (meaning a newly commissioned officer), eagerly anticipated serving on the Indian frontier, particularly because he specifically was requested and assumed that his father sent for him; Lieutenant Forsythe, an experienced cavalrymen and something of a teasing character, was sent out as a replacement for an officer who was killed in action. After his arrival Lieutenant Stone discovers that his father keeps him at arms length, wanting to treat him the same as he treats all of the other men. He also reveals that he did not request his son serve in his regiment, a discovery that breaks his heart and leads to him
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going on a drunken bender. Attempting to show impartiality, the colonel treats his son indifferently. The Colonel's commitment to strictly military behavior and adherence to protocol is interpreted by young Stone as indifference. He had not seen his father since he was a boy and had looked forward to spending time with him.
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Lieutenant Barrett (Colin Tapley), disguised as a native rebel in order to spy on Mohammed Khan (Douglass Dumbrille), reports that Khan is preparing an uprising against the British. He plans to intercept and hijack a military convoy transporting two million rounds of ammunition. When Khan discovers that Colonel Stone knows of his plan, he orders Tania Volkanskaya, a beautiful Russian agent, to seduce and kidnap Lieutenant Stone in an attempt to extract classified information about the ammunition caravan from him, or use him as leverage to attract his father. When the colonel refuses to attempt his son's rescue, McGregor and Forsythe, appalled by the "lack of concern" the colonel has for his own son, leave the camp at night without orders. Disguised as native merchants trying to sell blankets, they successfully get inside Mohammed Khan's fortress. However, they are recognized by Tania, who had met the two men at a social event. McGregor and Forsythe are taken prisoner.
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During a seemingly friendly interrogation, Khan says, "We have ways of making men talk," the first time such a phrase was uttered in film or literature. He wants to know when and where the munitions will be transported so that he can attack and steal the arms. He has the prisoners tortured for the information. Bamboo shoots are shoved under their fingernails and set on fire. McGregor and Forsythe refuse to talk, but the demoralized Stone, feeling rejected by his father, cracks and reveals what he knows. As a result, the ammunition convoy is captured.
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After receiving news of the stolen ammunition, Colonel Stone takes the 41st to battle Mohammed Khan. From their cell, the captives see the overmatched Bengal Lancers deploy to assault Khan's fortress. They manage to escape and blow up the ammunition tower, young Stone redeeming himself by killing Khan with a dagger. With their ammunition gone, their leader dead, and their fortress in ruins as a result of the battle, the remaining rebels surrender. However, McGregor, who was principally responsible for the destruction of the ammunition tower, was machine gunned as he blew up the tower, then died in the subsequent explosion.
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In recognition of their bravery and valor in battle, Lieutenants Forsythe and Stone are awarded the Distinguished Service Order. McGregor posthumously receives the Victoria Cross, Great Britain's highest award for military valor, with Colonel Stone pinning the medal to the saddle cloth of McGregor's horse as was the custom in the 41st Lancers (according to the film).
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Cast Gary Cooper as Lieutenant Alan McGregor, a highly experienced officer in his mid-thirties, who has spent a long time with the regiment. McGregor, a Canadian, is portrayed as a charming, open character who befriends most officers, but because of disregard for his superiors and habit of speaking his mind is regarded askance by his superiors, who nevertheless respect his military abilities. Franchot Tone as Lieutenant John Forsythe, an upper-class cavalryman in his mid-twenties from the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst. Transferred from the Blues, one of the two regiments at the time the movie was made tasked with guarding the Sovereign, Forsythe is presented as the funny guy of the main characters, and is noteworthy for his Sandhurst style in military exercise, something that earns him countless compliments from his superiors.
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Richard Cromwell as Lieutenant Donald Stone, a recent graduate of Sandhurst and a very young officer. As the son of a colonel with a famous name, he is treated respectfully but becomes frustrated and morose because of personal issues with his father. Guy Standing as Colonel Tom Stone, a long-serving colonel who left his home in Britain to serve on the Frontier, and explains to his son in the film that the "service always comes first ... something your mother never understood." He is considered to be a dyed-in-the-wool, by-the-book colonel who suppresses his feelings and never does anything without orders. C. Aubrey Smith as Major Hamilton, an old, very experienced major who serves as Colonel Stone's adjutant and Lieutenant Stone's second father and friend. He, along with his chief, planned and coordinated the big assault on Mohammad Khan's fortress.
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Kathleen Burke as Tania Volkanskaya, a beautiful and seductive young Russian woman who is Khan's ally. She is used as Khan's secret ace, who seduces young men when needed to forward Khan's plans. It was she who, with considerable ease, outwitted first Stone and then McGregor and Forsythe. Douglass Dumbrille as Mohammed Khan, a well-known, wealthy prince of the region, educated at Oxford and ostensibly a friend of the British. He is also the secret rebel leader who fights for Bengal's independence from the British Crown. He is portrayed as the film's villain and is responsible for the death and torture of many people. Colin Tapley as Lieutenant Barrett, a close friend of Lieutenant McGregor who has been ordered to infiltrate Khan's group of bandits and delivers vital information about the rebels' location and movement.
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Lumsden Hare as Major General Woodley, the man in command of the British intelligence service in India. He is disliked by most of the regiment's officers, especially McGregor, because his orders usually involve training exercises in locations where the pig-sticking is good. He thought of and approved the attack on Khan's stronghold. J. Carrol Naish as Grand Vizier James Dime