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1607_10 | Late in the evening of 10 January news of the incident reached Berlin via press reports about a crashed German plane. In the Oberkommando der Wehrmacht, the German armed forces high command, it caused a general consternation, as it was soon deduced that Reinberger must have had papers revealing parts of the attack plan with him. On 11 January an enraged Hitler fired both the commander of Luftflotte 2, General Hellmuth Felmy, and Felmy's chief of staff Colonel Josef Kammhuber. It was nevertheless decided to proceed with the attack as originally planned, while the Luftwaffe attaché in The Hague, Lieutenant-General Ralph Wenninger, and the military attaché in Brussels, Colonel Friedrich-Carl Rabe von Pappenheim, would investigate whether the plan had been fatally compromised or not. On the 12th, the day of the attachés' first meeting with Reinberger and Hoenmanns, General Alfred Jodl, the Wehrmacht's (armed forces) Chief of Operations, gave Hitler a worrying assessment of what the |
1607_11 | Belgians might have learned from it. A note in Jodl's diary on 12 January summed up what he had said to Hitler: 'If the enemy is in possession of all the files, situation catastrophic!' However, the Germans were initially falsely reassured by Belgian deception measures. |
1607_12 | Deception |
1607_13 | The Belgians decided to try tricking Reinberger into believing that the papers had been destroyed and give him the opportunity to pass this information on to the German authorities. There were two parts to the deception: in the first the Belgian investigators asked Reinberger what was in the plans and told him that he would be treated as a spy if he did not tell them. Later Reinberger testified saying: "From the way this question was asked, I realised he [the interrogator] could not have understood anything from the fragments of the documents he had seen." The second part of the plan was to let Reinberger and Hoenmanns meet the German Air and Army Attachés, Wenninger and Rabe von Pappenheim, while their conversations were secretly recorded. During this meeting Reinberger informed Wenninger that he had managed to burn the papers enough to make them unreadable. This act of deception was fairly successful, at least in the short term. After the meeting at the police station, Vicco von |
1607_14 | Bülow-Schwante, Germany's ambassador to Belgium, telegraphed his superiors: 'Major Reinberger has confirmed that he burnt the documents except for some pieces which are the size of the palm of his hand. Reinberger confirms that most of the documents which could not be destroyed appear to be unimportant.' This appears to have convinced General Jodl. His diary for 13 January included the entry: "Report on conversation of Luftwaffe Attaché with the two airmen who made forced landing. Result: despatch case burnt for certain." |
1607_15 | Belgian reaction |
1607_16 | During 10 January the Belgians still doubted the authenticity of the documents, which had been quickly translated by the Deuxième Section (military intelligence) of the general staff in Brussels. Most had indeed been badly damaged by Reinberger's consecutive attempts to burn them, but the general outlines of an attack against Belgium and the Netherlands were clear from the remaining passages, although the date of the attack was not mentioned and most of the text was concerned with specific instructions to 7. Flieger-Division only. As their content conformed to earlier warnings from the Italian Foreign Minister, Count Galeazzo Ciano, about a German attack to take place around 15 January, on 11 January General Raoul Van Overstraeten concluded that the information was basically correct. That afternoon King Leopold III of Belgium decided to inform his own Minister of Defence, General Henri Denis, and the French supreme commander, Maurice Gamelin. At 17:15 the French liaison officer, |
1607_17 | Lieutenant-Colonel Hautcoeur, was given a two-page abstract of the contents, albeit without any explanation of how the information had been obtained. Lord Gort, the commander of the British Expeditionary Force, was also warned, and Leopold personally telephoned Princess Juliana of the Netherlands and Grand Duchess Charlotte of Luxembourg, telling the former "Be careful, the weather is dangerous", and the latter "Beware of the flu", both predetermined code phrases indicating the Belgians considered a German attack to be imminent. |
1607_18 | French reaction |
1607_19 | On the morning of 12 January, Gamelin held a meeting with the highest French operational army commanders and the Chief of Military Intelligence Colonel Louis Rivet. Rivet was sceptical of the warning but Gamelin considered that, even if it were a false alarm, this would be an excellent opportunity to pressure the Belgians into allowing a French advance into their country. Gamelin intended to execute a decisive offensive against Germany in 1941 through the Low Countries; their neutrality would however, be an obstacle to these plans. If this invasion scare would make the Belgians take the side of France and Britain, this awkward problem would be partially solved and strategically vital ground from which to launch the attack effortlessly gained. On the other hand, if Germany really went ahead with the invasion, it was very desirable that the French forces could entrench themselves in central Belgium before the enemy arrived. Both to intensify the crisis and to be ready for any occasion |
1607_20 | that presented itself, Gamelin thus ordered 1st Army Group and the adjoining Third Army to march towards the Belgian frontier. |
1607_21 | The warning by Sas |
1607_22 | That their deception plan seemed to prove that the documents were genuine, that day further increased Belgian anxiety; the next day they became convinced the situation was critical. In the evening of 13 January, a message from Colonel Georges Goethals, Belgium's Military Attaché in Berlin, included these words: "Were there tactical orders or parts of them on the Malines plane? A sincere informer, whose credibility may be contested, claims that this plane was carrying plans from Berlin to Cologne in relation to the attack on the West. Because these plans have fallen into Belgian hands, the attack will happen tomorrow to pre-empt countermeasures. I make explicit reservations about this message, that I do not consider reliable, but which it is my duty to report." The "sincere informer" was the Dutch Military Attaché in Berlin Gijsbertus Sas who spoke with Goethals at about 17:00; his information always had to be carefully considered because he was in contact with a German intelligence |
1607_23 | officer who was an opponent of the Nazi regime, known today to have been Colonel Hans Oster. |
1607_24 | General Van Overstraeten, the King of Belgium's military adviser, who was informed of the message at about 20:00, was astonished that the informant appeared to know about the capture of the plans. It had not been mentioned in any press report of the crash. It was possible that it was part of a grand German deception plan, but equally possible that it was genuine. Acting on the assumption that it could be taken seriously, van Overstraeten altered the warning that the Belgian Chief of the General Staff Lieutenant-General Édouard van den Bergen had drafted and which was about to be sent to all Belgian Army commanders on 13 January; whereas it had stated that an attack on the next morning was 'probable', it now said an attack was 'quasi-certain'. Van den Bergen, who had secretly promised Gamelin to bring Belgium in on the allied side, then decided to broadcast (on a popular current affairs radio programme) that night at about 22:30, an immediate recall to their units of all the 80,000 |
1607_25 | Belgian soldiers on leave. "Phase D", as it was known, would ensure that their forces would be at full strength at the moment of the German attack. |
1607_26 | This dramatic gesture was made without reference to Leopold III of Belgium or Van Overstraeten and without knowing the decision that had been taken to keep Germany in the dark about whether Belgium was in possession of its attack plans.<ref>Van den Bergen's note to the Minister of Defence, dated 21 January 1940, in CDH, Carton A Farde 2 C111</ref> Then, again without reference to the King or Van Overstraeten, Van den Bergen ordered the barriers to be moved aside on the southern border with France so that French and British troops could march in swiftly when they were called in, in response to the German attack. If the Germans had indeed attacked on 14 January, Van den Bergen would probably have been congratulated for his energetic decision-making. As it was, he fell in disgrace for acting without the King's permission, as Leopold III was the Supreme Commander of all the Belgian armed forces. Van den Bergen was rebuked so harshly by Van Overstraeten that the Belgian Chief of Staff's |
1607_27 | reputation never recovered; at the end of January he resigned. One of Van Overstraeten's complaints about Van den Bergen's actions was that he had given the Germans reason to believe that the Dutch had their attack plans. |
1607_28 | Dutch reaction
Although Queen Wilhelmina of the Netherlands and her government were alarmed by the Belgian warning, Dutch supreme commander Izaak H. Reijnders was sceptical of the information. When the Belgian military attaché in The Hague, Lieutenant-Colonel Pierre Diepenrijckx, handed him a personal memorandum from Van Overstraeten on 12 January, he responded "Do you believe in these messages yourself? I don't believe in them at all." Again the Dutch were not informed of the precise source, and the Belgians hid the fact that the Germans in these plans only intended a partial occupation of the Netherlands, not including the Dutch National Redoubt, the Vesting Holland. |
1607_29 | Whether Reijnders was also warned the next day by Sas is still unknown – after the war he even denied having spoken to the Belgian attaché – but on the morning of 14 January, in reaction to the Belgian alert, he ordered that no leave was to be granted to any soldier – unlike the Belgians, the Dutch thus did not recall anyone – and to close the strategic bridges while fuses should be placed within their explosive charges. The civilian population in the afternoon became worried by the radio broadcast about the leave cancellation. They feared that the Germans would take advantage of the severe cold to cross the New Hollandic Water Line, now that it was frozen. The next week, to reassure the people, much press coverage was given to the motorised circular saws that were available to cut the ice sheets over inundations.
Climax and anti-climax |
1607_30 | The Belgian Government's (second cabinet of Paul van Zeeland) desire to keep their possession of the plans a secret was yet further undermined, this time by the King himself. On the morning of 14 January, he had sent a message to Winston Churchill, then First Lord of the Admiralty, via Admiral Sir Roger Keyes asking for certain guarantees. This was sent through Keyes because he had established himself as the secret link between the British Government and the Belgian King. The aforementioned guarantees included assuring that the Allies would not open negotiations for a settlement of any conflict without Belgium's agreement. Keyes added a rider that he believed Leopold might be able to persuade his government to call the Allies immediately if the guarantees were forthcoming. This was of interest to the Allies because both Britain and France had been trying to persuade Belgium to let their troops in ever since the beginning of the war. |
1607_31 | There is no transcript of Keyes' conversation with Churchill but if Keyes really did say what he meant to say then it was changed the further down the line it went. By the time that it reached the French that afternoon, there was no reference to the fact that Keyes was only giving his personal opinion about the calling-in of the Allies. The French record of what was on offer stated that 'the King would ask his Government to ask the Allied armies to occupy defensive positions inside Belgium immediately', if the Belgians received satisfaction in related guarantees. Édouard Daladier, the French Président du Conseil in January 1940, quickly told the British Government that, as far as France was concerned, the guarantees could be given. So the French believed that the Belgians would receive a satisfactory response from the British Government in relation to the guarantees, and would then immediately invite the Allied Armies to march in. |
1607_32 | At 15:50 Daladier informed Gamelin that the Belgians had in principle agreed to a French advance and asked whether he was ready to execute it. Gamelin was very pleased, responding that due to heavy snowfall in the area of the Belgian-German border the Germans would be themselves unable to advance quickly, that a German invasion was therefore unlikely and that this posed an ideal situation for a French entrenchment, adding "We must now seize the occasion". Gamelin ordered that the Allied troops under his control during the night of 14–15 January should make their approach march to the Franco-Belgian border so that they would be ready to enter at a moment's notice. |
1607_33 | At 16:45 Gamelin was however telephoned by his deputy, the commander of the Western Front General Alphonse Georges. Alarmed by the order, Georges worried that the decision was irreversible and would set a series of events in motion that would make a German invasion inevitable at a moment when the French army and airforce had not yet completed their rearmament. Gamelin lost his temper and abused Georges, forcing him to agree with the order. During the night, the Belgians were told of the manoeuvre. It was only at 8 a.m. on 15 January that Gamelin saw the British response to the guarantees: they were offering a watered down version that was most unlikely to be acceptable to the Belgians. At the same time he received messages from the advancing forces that the Belgian border troops had stopped removing the border obstacles and had not been ordered to allow them entrance into their country. Three hours later Daladier, prompted by the desperate Gamelin who insisted that the premier would |
1607_34 | make the Belgian government "face up to its responsibilities", told Pol le Tellier, Belgium's Ambassador in Paris, that unless the French had an invitation to enter Belgium by 8 p.m. that evening, they would not only withdraw all British and French troops from the border but would also refuse to carry out similar manoeuvres during further alerts until after the Germans had invaded. |
1607_35 | The Belgian cabinet that day proved unable to come to a positive decision about the invitation. The invasion had after all already been predicted for the 14th but failed to materialise. Heavy snowfall continued on the eastern border, making an immediate German attack unlikely. The King and Van Overstraeten, both staunch neutralists, hoped a diplomatic solution could be reached to end the war and had no intention of involving their country unless it were absolutely necessary. At about 12:00 Van Overstraeten ordered the Belgian border troops to rebuild the barriers and reminded them of the standing order to "repulse by force any foreign unit of whatever nationality which violated Belgian territory". At 18:00 Daladier told a disappointed Gamelin he "could not take the responsibility of authorising us to penetrate preventively into Belgium", i.e. violate Belgian neutrality. |
1607_36 | The Germans call off the invasion
When Jodl learned on the 13th that the documents were probably unreadable, he called off plans to execute the attack three days early on 14 January – the same plans that would cause the crisis in Belgium – and postponed them to 15 or 16 January, to be decided as the circumstances demanded. In the evening came the surprising news that the Belgian and Dutch troops – who had already been mobilised since September 1939 – had been put on alert. This was attributed to the crash and the too obvious approach march of the German Sixth Army, the latter causing the element of surprise to be lost. On 15 January road conditions were so poor due to the snowfall and the weather prospects so bleak that Jodl advised Hitler to call the invasion off indefinitely. The Führer hesitantly concurred on 16 January at 19:00. |
1607_37 | Results
In the short term no damage appeared to have been done but it has been argued that in the longer term the consequences of this incident were disastrous for Belgium and France. When the real invasion came, on 10 May 1940, the Germans had fundamentally changed their strategy and this change resulted in the swift Fall of France, whereas arguably even a partial German victory would have been far from certain if the original plan had been followed. Determining the exact nature of the causal connection between the incident and the change in strategy has however proven to be problematic. |
1607_38 | In the more traditional account of events, the incident caused Hitler to ask for a drastic change of strategy. He told Jodl that "the whole operation would have to be built on a new basis in order to secure secrecy and surprise." The Belgians felt obliged to tell the Germans that they had the attack plan. When Joachim von Ribbentrop, Germany's Foreign Minister, retorted that it was out of date, he would then have been more truthful than he intended. In reaction to Hitler's demand the German High Command would have gone on a search for an alternative, finally finding it in the proposals of General Erich von Manstein, the former Chief of Staff of the German Army Group A, who for some months had been championing a new concept: instead of being committed to the attack detailed in the captured documents, whose principal thrust was on Belgium's north-eastern frontier, the German Panzer Divisions were to be concentrated further south. Jodl recorded on 13 February that Hitler concurred, |
1607_39 | referring to the Mechelen Incident: "We should then attack in the direction of Sedan," Hitler told Jodl. "The enemy is not expecting us to attack there. The documents held by the Luftwaffe officers who crash landed have convinced the enemy that we only intend to take over the Dutch and Belgian coasts." Within days of this discussion Hitler had personally talked to Von Manstein and the Führer had given it the green light. The plan that had caused so much mayhem when it was captured by the Belgians in 1940 was replaced. |
1607_40 | However, the importance of the incident has also been vehemently denied. Hitler was already hesitant about the original plan from its very beginning. The postponement was one of many and even on this occasion more to be attributed to the weather conditions than to the disclosure of the content of the documents. As the plan was rather traditional and predictable, no fundamental secrets were compromised and as such there was no direct need for a change. Hitler's demand for surprise referred not to an unpredictable new strategy but to a shortened approach and concentration phase, so that a tactical surprise could be gained before the enemy could react. To this end the armoured divisions were located further west and organisation was improved. There was no direct change in strategic thinking and when an improved concept was finished, within a continuous process of amendments, on 30 January, this Aufmarschanweisung N°3, Fall Gelb ("Deployment Directive, Case Yellow"), did not fundamentally |
1607_41 | differ from earlier versions. In this view only the fact that some of Von Manstein's friends managed to bring his proposals to Hitler's attention really caused a fundamental turn. The main consequence of the incident would have been that it disclosed, not the German plan, but the way the Allies would deploy in case of an invasion, allowing the Germans to adapt their attack accordingly. |
1607_42 | The adoption of the revised Fall Gelb by the Germans, while the Allies were still expecting Hitler to go ahead with the captured version meant that the Germans could set a trap. There would still be an attack made on central Belgium but this would merely be a diversion to pull as many troops as possible to the north while the main German attack fell on the Ardennes, and would then cross the Meuse between Sedan and the area north of Dinant, to penetrate as far as the Channel coast. In doing so the armies in Belgium would be cut off from their supplies and forced to surrender. This ruse may have been clever, but it would only work if Gamelin stuck to his original strategy; which was asking rather a lot, given that until 14 January 1940 his intuition had been impeccable. Had he not guessed correctly the content of the German's original Aufmarsschanweisung Fall Gelb''? |
1607_43 | However, Gamelin failed to change his strategy on the presumption the Germans would change theirs, despite misgivings from Gort and the British Government. Perhaps the Allies still believed that the captured documents were a 'plant'. Perhaps the British were embarrassed by the size of their contribution, and therefore hesitated to overly criticize their ally's strategy.
Gamelin has been severely criticized for not changing his plan. His stance has been explained as an inability to believe that the very traditional German High Command would resort to innovative strategies, let alone to the even more novel "Blitzkrieg" tactics needed to make them work; any large concentration of forces being supplied through the poor road network in the Ardennes would have had to act very quickly. Also in this respect the incident would thus not have important consequences. |
1607_44 | Aftermath |
1607_45 | Erich Hoenmanns and Helmuth Reinberger were tried in absentia in Germany and condemned to death. Transporting secret documents by plane without explicit authorisation was strictly forbidden and a capital offence. The verdicts would never be executed. After a stay in an internment camp in Huy both men were evacuated in 1940, first to Britain and then to Canada. Hoenmanns's wife Annie was interrogated by the Gestapo, that feared her husband was a traitor. She denied this, but from the fact that she was unaware of an extramarital affair of Hoenmanns, it was concluded that she was an unreliable source of information. His two sons were allowed to serve in the army and were killed in action during the war. The men were later in the war part of prisoner of war exchanges in 1943 (Hoenmanns) and 1944 (Reinberger). On returning to Germany they were put on trial. Hoenmanns was partially pardoned. Reinberger was fully acquitted; he was not held accountable for the grave consequences of his |
1607_46 | transgression. |
1607_47 | References
Western European theatre of World War II
Aviation accidents and incidents in 1940
Aviation accidents and incidents in Belgium
1940 in Belgium
Belgian neutrality in World War II |
1608_0 | The non-marine molluscs of Uganda are the molluscan fauna of Uganda (wildlife of Uganda). Since Uganda is a land-locked country, there are no marine species present. A number of species of freshwater and land molluscs are found in the wild in Uganda.
66 native molluscs of Uganda were listed in 2010 IUCN Red List of Threatened Species.
There are 297 species of land snails in Uganda.
Freshwater gastropods
Planorbidae
Africanogyrus coretus (de Blainville, 1826)
Bulinus mutandensis Preston, 1913 - endemic
Lymnaeidae
Radix natalensis (Krauss, 1848)
Land gastropods
Land gastropods in Uganda include (there is listed 168 species according to Wronski & Hausdorf B. (2010) and some additional records in this list meantime):
Cyclophoridae
Elgonocyclus koptaweliensis (Germain, 1934)
Maizaniidae
Maizania elatior (Martens, 1892)
Maizania volkensi (Martens, 1895) |
1608_1 | Veronicellidae
Laevicaulis striatus (Simroth, 1896)
Laevicaulis stuhlmanni (Simroth, 1895)
Pseudoveronicella liberiana (Gould, 1850)
Succineidae
Quickia concisa (Morelet, 1849)
"Succineidae species A"
"Succineidae species B"
Valloniidae
Acanthinula straeleni Adam, 1954
Pupisoma (Ptychopatula) dioscoricola (C. B. Adams, 1845)
"Pupisoma (Ptychopatula) species A"
"Pupisoma (Ptychopatula) species B"
"Pupisoma (Ptychopatula) species C"
"Pupisoma (Pupisoma) species A"
Truncatellidae
Negulus ruwenzoriensis Adam, 1957
Vertiginidae
Nesopupa (Afripupa) bisulcata (Jickeli, 1873)
Truncatellina ninagongensis (Pilsbry, 1935)
Truncatellina pygmaeorum (Pilsbry & Cockerell, 1933)
Truncatellina ruwenzoriensis Adam, 1957
Cerastidae
Cerastus trapezoideus rapezoideus (Martens, 1892)
Conulinus rutshuruensis Pilsbry, 1919
"Conulinus species A"
Edouardia metula (Martens, 1895)
"Edouardia species A"
Rhachidina braunsi (Martens, 1869) |
1608_2 | Achatinidae
Archachatina (Tholachatina) osborni (Pilsbry, 1919)
Limicolaria elegans Thiele, 1911
Limicolaria martensiana (E. A. Smith, 1880)
Limicolaria saturata E. A. Smith, 1895
Ferussaciidae
Cecilioides (Cecilioides) kalawangaensis Dartevelle & Venmans, 1951
Cecilioides (Cecilioides) tribulationis (Preston, 1911)
Cecilioides (Geostilbia) callipeplum (Connolly, 1923)
Micractaeonidae
Micractaeon koptawelilensis (Germain, 1934) |
1608_3 | Subulinidae
"Bocageia (Liobocageia) species A"
Curvella babaulti Germain, 1923
Curvella bathyraphe Pilsbry & Cockerell, 1933
Curvella conoidea (Martens, 1892)
Curvella entebbensis Preston, 1912
Curvella ovata (Putzey, 1899)
"Curvella species A"
"Curvella species B"
Ischnoglessula cruda (Pilsbry, 1919)
Ischnoglessula echinophora (Verdcourt, 2006)
Ischnoglessula elegans (Martens, 1895)
Ischnoglessula famelica (Pilsbry, 1919)
Ischnoglessula gracillima (Pilsbry, 1919)
Kempioconcha terrulenta (Morelet, 1883)
Nothapalus adelus Connolly, 1923
Nothapalus paucispira (Martens, 1892)
Nothapalus stuhlmanni (Martens, 1897)
Nothapalus ugandanus Connolly, 1923
Opeas toroense Connolly, 1923
"Opeas species A"
"Opeas species B"
"Opeas species C"
Oreohomorus apio Wronski & Hausdorf, 2009
Oreohomorus nitidus (Martens, 1897)
Pseudoglessula intermedia Thiele, 1911
Pseudopeas burunganum Connolly, 1923
Pseudopeas curvelliforme Pilsbry, 1919
Pseudopeas elgonense Connolly, 1923 |
1608_4 | Pseudopeas iredalei Connolly, 1923
"Pseudopeas species A"
Subulina entebbana Pollonera, 1907
Subulina subcrenata Martens, 1895
Subulina viridula Connolly, 1923
Subuliniscus lucasi Pilsbry, 1919
"Subuliniscus species A"
Subulona clara (Pilsbry, 1919)
Subulona ischna (Pilsbry, 1919)
Subulona pinguis (Martens, 1895) |
1608_5 | Streptaxidae
Gonaxis latula (Martens, 1895)
Gonaxis translucida (Dupuis & Putzeys, 1901)
Gulella (Avakubia) avakubiensis Pilsbry, 1919
Gulella (Conogulella) conospira (Martens, 1892)
Gulella (Gulella) laevigata (Dohrn, 1865)
Gulella (Gulella) mikenoensis (Preston, 1913)
Gulella (Molarella) malasangiensis (Preston, 1913)
Gulella (Molarella) ugandensis (E. A. Smith, 1901)
Gulella (Paucidentina) brevis (Thiele, 1911)
Gulella (Paucidentina) masisiensis Pilsbry, 1919
Gulella (Plicigulella) vicina adelpha (Preston, 1913)
Gulella (Primigulella) linguifera (Martens, 1895)
Gulella (Pupigulella) pupa (Thiele, 1911)
Gulella (Silvigulella) osborni Pilsbry, 1919
Gulella (Tortigulella) cara Pilsbry, 1919
Gulella (Tortigulella) heteromphala Pilsbry, 1919
Gulella (Tortigulella) lessensis Pilsbry, 1919
Gulella (Wilmattina) disseminata (Preston, 1913)
Gulella decussatula (Preston, 1913)
Gulella ruwenzoriensis van Bruggen & van Goethem, 1999 |
1608_6 | Gulella selene van Bruggen & van Goethem, 1999
Gulella virungae van Bruggen & van Goethem, 1999
Pseudogonaxis pusillus (Martens, 1897)
Ptychotrema (Ennea) bequaerti (Dautzenberg & Germain, 1914)
Ptychotrema (Ennea) fraterculus Pilsbry, 1919
Ptychotrema (Ennea) paradoxulum (Martens, 1895)
Ptychotrema (Ennea) pollonerae Preston, 1913
Ptychotrema (Ennea) silvaticum Pilsbry, 1919
Ptychotrema (Haplonepion) geminatum (Martens, 1895)
Ptychotrema (Haplonepion) runsoranum (Martens, 1892)
Ptychotrema (Parennea) aequatoriale Pilsbry, 1919
Ptychotrema (Parennea) cossyphae van Bruggen, 1989
Ptychotrema (Parennea) goossensi (Adam & van Goethem, 1978)
Ptychotrema (Parennea) kerereense (Adam & van Goethem, 1978)
Ptychotrema (Parennea) kigeziense (Preston, 1913)
Ptychotrema (Parennea) pelengeense (Adam & van Goethem, 1978)
Streptostele (Graptostele) teres Pilsbry, 1919
Streptostele (Raffraya) horei E. A. Smith, 1890
Streptostele (Streptostele) bacillum Pilsbry, 1919 |
1608_7 | Streptostele (Streptostele) coloba Pilsbry, 1919
"Streptostele (Streptostele) species A"
"Streptostele (Streptostele) species B"
Varicostele lessensis Pilsbry, 1919 |
1608_8 | Punctidae
Paralaoma servilis (Shuttleworth, 1852)
Punctum pallidum Connolly, 1922
Punctum ugandanum (E. A. Smith, 1903)
Charopidae
Afrodonta kempi (Connolly, 1925)
Prositala butumbiana (Martens, 1895)
Trachycystis iredalei Preston, 1912
Trachycystis lamellifera (E. A. Smith, 1903)
family ?
"Punctoidea species A"
Helicarionidae
Kaliella barrakporensis (L. Pfeiffer, 1852)
Kaliella iredalei Preston, 1912
Euconulidae
Afroconulus iredalei (Preston, 1912)
"Afroconulus species A"
"Afroconulus species B"
Afroguppya rumrutiensis (Preston, 1911)
Afroguppya solemi de Winter & van Bruggen, 1992
"Afroguppya species A"
Afropunctum seminium (Morelet, 1873) |
1608_9 | Urocyclidae
Atoxon pallens Simroth, 1895
Chlamydarion spatiosus (Preston, 1914)
Gymnarion aloysiisabaudiae (Pollonera, 1906)
Thapsia cf. hanningtoni (E. A. Smith, 1890)
Thapsia cf. inclinans (Preston, 1914)
Thapsia kigeziensis (Preston, 1913)
Thapsia rufescens Pilsbry, 1919
Thapsia rutshuruensis Pilsbry, 1919
"Thapsia species A"
Trichotoxon heynemanni Simroth, 1888
Trochonanina (Trochonanina) lessensis (Pilsbry, 1919)
Trochozonites (Teleozonites) adansoniae (Morelet, 1848)
Trochozonites (Trochozonites) bellula (Martens, 1892)
Trochozonites (Trochozonites) plumaticostata Pilsbry, 1919
Trochozonites (Trochozonites) trifilaris ituriensis Pilsbry, 1919
Trochozonites (Zonitotrochus) aillyi Pilsbry, 1919
Trochozonites (Zonitotrochus) medjensis Pilsbry, 1919
"Trochozonites (Zonitotrochus) species A"
"Verrucarion species A"
"Verrucarion species B"
"Sheldoniinae species A"
"Sheldoniinae species B"
"Sheldoniinae species C"
"Sheldoniinae species D" |
1608_10 | "Sheldoniinae species E"
"Sheldoniinae species F"
"Sheldoniinae species G"
"Sheldoniinae species H"
"Sheldoniinae species I"
"Sheldoniinae species J" |
1608_11 | Halolimnohelicidae
Halolimnohelix cf. bukobae (Martens, 1895)
Halolimnohelix cf. fonticula (Preston, 1914)
Halolimnohelix hirsuta Pilsbry, 1919
Halolimnohelix cf. malasangiensis (Preston, 1914)
Halolimnohelix cf. soror (Preston, 1914)
"Halolimnohelix species A"
"Halolimnohelix'' species B"
Freshwater bivalves
See also
Lists of molluscs of surrounding countries:
List of non-marine molluscs of Kenya
List of non-marine molluscs of Sudan, Wildlife of Sudan
List of non-marine molluscs of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Wildlife of the Democratic Republic of the Congo
List of non-marine molluscs of Rwanda, Wildlife of Rwanda
List of non-marine molluscs of Tanzania
References
Molluscs, Non marine
Molluscs
Uganda
Uganda |
1609_0 | Silva Carbonaria, the "charcoal forest", was the dense old-growth forest of beech and oak that formed a natural boundary during the Late Iron Age through Roman times into the Early Middle Ages across what is now western Wallonia. The Silva Carbonaria was a vast forest that stretched from the rivers Zenne and the Dijle in the north to the Sambre in the south. Its northern outliers reached the then marshy site of modern Brussels.
Further to the southeast, the higher elevation and deep river valleys were covered by the even less penetrable ancient Arduenna Silva, the deeply folded Ardennes, which are still partly forested to this day. To the east, the forest was possibly considered to extend to the Rhine. It was there in Cologne in 388 CE that the magistri militum praesentalis Nannienus and Quintinus began a counter-attack against a Frankish incursion from across the Rhine, which was fought in the Silva Carbonaria.
Roman road |
1609_1 | A great Roman road forming a "strategic axis" linked the Rhine crossing at Cologne with Maastricht, where it crossed the Maas at the head of navigation. Skirting the northern edges of the Silva Carbonaria, it passed through Tongeren, Kortrijk and Cambrai to reach the sea at Boulogne. The highway was the main east–west route in a landscape where the river valleys, tributaries of the Meuse and the Scheldt, tended southwest to northeast. It remained viable through the Early Middle Ages as the chaussée Brunehaut, the "Road of Brunehaut". As a public work its scale had become unimaginable in the Middle Ages: the chronicler Jean d'Outremeuse solemnly related in 1398 that Brunehaut, wife of Sigebert I, had built this wide paved road in 526, and that it was completed in a single night with the devil's aid. |
1609_2 | Use as a border
There are signs that the Silva Carbonaria represented the boundary between the Roman provinces of Gallia Belgica and Germania Inferior. In the Middle Ages, these provinces were still represented by the church dioceses of Reims and Cologne. On a smaller level, the forest served as a boundary between the Roman civitates of the Tungri to the east and the Nervii to the west. This boundary continued to be used into the Middle ages as the boundary between the bishoprics of Liège and Cambrai. |
1609_3 | With the collapse of central Roman administration in the fourth century, Germanic Franks living along the Rhine border established kingdoms within the empire, and settled in less populated areas. The Salian Franks expanded their settlements from a starting point near Nijmegen until they pressed into the more populated and Romanized areas in the Silva Carbonaria and near the Maas. The Romanized population came to be known as *walhōz or "strangers" to the Germanic Franks—continued speaking a Late Latin, whose name survives in Walloon. In the past the Romance-Germanic linguistic division that marks Belgium to this day has been perhaps too facilely linked to these geographic parameters. |
1609_4 | For a time in the sixth century, the Silva Carbonaria formed a barrier between the West Frankish kingdom of Clovis and the East Frankish kingdom of Sigebert the Lame, centred on Cologne, until he was assassinated in the forest of Buchaw by his son some time after 507, and Clovis joined the two kingdoms. The Liber Historiae Francorum mentions that the Neustrian army invaded Austrasia in the succession battle of Pepin of Herstal and the war started when Ragenfrid and his army traversed the Silva Carbonaria. The Annales Mettenses Priores inform us that the wealth of Pepin of Herstal's family was their vast territories between the Silva Carbonaria and the river Meuse. |
1609_5 | Throughout the rule of the Merovingian dynasty, founded by Clovis, the Silva Carbonaria thus became the boundary between their two kingdoms of Austrasia and Neustria. The Silva Carbonaria is mentioned in the Salic Law of the Franks, where it marked "the boundary of the territories occupied by the Frankish people". The Liber Historiae Francorum mentions that the war of succession after the death of Pepin of Herstal started when the Neustrian army, under the command of Ragenfrid (mayor of the palace), traversed the Silva Carbonaria
Medieval monasteries
Extensive tracts of the untamed woodlands belonged to monasteries. The Benedictine Abbey of Lobbes lay in the Silva Carbonaria and that of Saint Foillan, in the present-day Sonian Forest (Forêt de Soignes/Zoniënwoud) not far from Nivelles. From the 8th cnetury onwards, parts of the Silva Carbonaria were cleared for agriculture, eventually subdividing it in several smaller isolated forests like the Sonian forest today. |
1609_6 | Economic importance |
1609_7 | The charcoal—which gave the forest its name and into which the once seeming inexhaustible woods were slowly converted—was required to fuel the scattered smelting furnaces that forged the plentiful iron found in outcroppings laid bare by riverside erosion. Even before the Romans arrived, iron weapons forged in the Silva Carbonaria were traded by the Belgae to their cousins in the southeast of Britain. In the High Middle Ages further woodlands were cleared. Today the most significant remnant of the Silva Carbonaria is the Sonian Forest,<ref>De Vries 2003:13; Hofmann, in the late seventeenth century, noted this remnant in writings of Gotefridus Wendelinus and also remarked on remnants in the Forêt de Mormaux or Mormal, the Bois de Cirau, and the woodland called Die Leu that stretched from Leuven to the gates of Diest, the forest-covered Hageland or Hagelanden.</ref> preserved because it had been set aside as a noble hunt. At the start of the nineteenth century the area of this remnant of |
1609_8 | the primeval forest still covered about 100 square kilometres, but due to timber cutting its area has diminished to its current protected area of 44.21 km². |
1609_9 | Notes
References
Hofmann, Johann Jacob. Lexicon Universale, Historiam Sacram Et Profanam Omnis aevi... (Leiden) 1698. on-line facsimile text on-line transcript.
Duvivier, Charles, "La forêt charbonnière: Silva Carbonaria", in Revue d'histoire et d'archéologie 3 (1862:1-26).
(includes list of early references to the Silva Carbonaria)
Van Durme (2010) Genesis and Evolution of the Romance-Germanic Language Border in Europe
Primary sources
Mentioned as a boundary in the Lex Salica''. Various versions can be compared here and here on the dMGH.de (Monumenta Germaniae Historica) collection.
The Liber Historiae Francorum repeats the story found in Gregory of Chlodio going through the forest to take Tournai. Latin is here on the dMGH.de collection.
Forests of Belgium
Geography of Belgium
Silva Carbonaria
Former forests |
1610_0 | The Hershey Bears are an American professional ice hockey team based in Hershey, Pennsylvania, a town located 14 miles east of the state capital of Harrisburg. The current Bears club has played in the American Hockey League since the 1938–39 season making it the longest continuously operating member club of the league still playing in its original city.
The Bears organization currently serves as the primary development club for the NHL's Washington Capitals since the 2005–06 season. Since the 2002–03 season the hockey club's home games have been played at Giant Center, located less than half a mile west of Hersheypark Arena, the AHL club's previous home from 1938 to 2002. (The arena was also the home to the EAHL Hershey Bears from 1936 to 1938.) The Bears have won 11 Calder Cups, more than any other AHL team. They won their most recent title in 2010. |
1610_1 | Chocolate manufacturer Milton S. Hershey first established the "Hershey Hockey Club" in 1932 to manage professional hockey teams based in Hershey. Now in its ninth decade, it has operated four teams in three pro leagues, including the AHL Bears. Now called the Hershey Bears Hockey Club, it is a subsidiary of the Hershey Entertainment and Resorts Company (originally called "Hershey Estates" and later "HERCO"), the entertainment and hospitality division of the Hershey Trust Company.
Gordie Howe, who was selected into the Hockey Hall of Fame in 1972 and was known as "Mr. Hockey", once remarked, "Everybody who is anybody in hockey has played in Hershey," although he himself did not play there.
Team history
The origins of "Hershey Hockey" |
1610_2 | The history of Hershey hockey goes back to a series of amateur hockey matches played in Hershey between college teams beginning in early 1931. The first such formal hockey game ever played in Hershey took place on February 18, 1931, when Penn A.C. and Villanova University faced off in the 1,900-seat Hershey Ice Palace. Nine months after that successful inaugural contest, Swarthmore Athletic Club moved into the Ice Palace, where they played their first game on November 19, 1931, against Crescent A.C. of New York City. In the lineup that night for Crescent was a 23-year-old center named Lloyd S. Blinco, a native of Grand Mere, Quebec, who came to Hershey the next season and would remain continuously associated with Hershey hockey for a half century as a player, coach, and manager. |
1610_3 | The popularity of these amateur hockey matches prompted chocolate-maker and amusement park operator Milton Hershey and his long-time entertainment and amusements chief, John B. Sollenberger, to bring pro hockey to Hershey by sponsoring a permanent team. To that end, Mr. Hershey established the Hershey Hockey Club (now called the Hershey Bears Hockey Club) in 1932 which is now the oldest such continuously operating professional ice hockey management organization in North America outside of those operating the "Original Six" clubs of the National Hockey League in Montreal, Toronto, Boston, New York, Chicago, and Detroit, which were all established in or before 1926. The first hockey team the organization iced was the Hershey B'ars in the newly formed Tri-State Hockey League which included three other teams from Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Atlantic City. After a single season in 1932–33, that circuit reformed itself into a larger, seven-club Eastern Amateur Hockey League in which |
1610_4 | Hershey played first as the "Chocolate B'ars" (1933–1934), then again as the "B'ars" (1934–1936), and finally from 1936 to 1938 as the "Hershey Bears", a name adopted in response to criticism levied by New York sportswriters and the league that the "B'ars" moniker was too commercial. (These writers had already informally dubbed the club as the "Bears from Penn's Woods" when they visited Madison Square Garden to play the New York Rovers.) |
1610_5 | On December 19, 1936, the newly renamed EAHL Bears also moved from the confines of the Ice Palace (where they had to play on a small, 60x170-foot rink) into the newly constructed 7,286-seat Hersheypark Arena (then known as the "Hershey Sports Arena") built immediately adjacent to the older venue. Over the next 66 seasons, Bears' teams played a total of 2,280 EAHL and AHL regular season and playoff games at the Hersheypark Arena, which served as the home to hockey in Hershey from 1936 to 2002. Since 2002 the AHL Bears have used Hersheypark Arena as their practice arena only.
The Bears join the IAHL
Since 1936, the Canadian–American Hockey League and International Hockey League had formed an eight-team "circuit of mutual convenience" playing an interlocking schedule as the International-American Hockey League. |
1610_6 | On June 28, 1938, the Can-Am and IHL formally merged into a single league under the IAHL name. One of the first acts of the newly merged league, which became the American Hockey League in 1940, was to grant an expansion franchise to the Hershey Bears Hockey Club, which at the time still owned and operated the EAHL Hershey Bears, the then three-time regular-season champions of that league. The new Bears took the Bisons' place in the IAHL's West Division, allowing the IAHL to play a balanced schedule for the first time in over two years. While the new Bears began play in the IAHL in 1938, the hockey club also continued to operate an EAHL team, the Hershey Cubs, for one more season before leaving that league altogether. In 1977 Hershey became the only original AHL hockey club to have continuously iced a team in the same city since the league's inaugural season as a fully merged league when the Rhode Island Reds franchise was sold and moved to New York state as the Binghamton Dusters |
1610_7 | after the 1976–77 campaign. |
1610_8 | Defenseman Henry J. "Hank" Lauzon, an original EAHL B'ar, became the first player to sign with the new Bears. The former EAHL club's coach, Herb Mitchell, guided the IAHL Bears for their first three seasons. The Bears made a very good account of themselves in their first IAHL campaign, winning the West Division with a 31–18–5 record—the first of 16 regular-season division titles. However, they were defeated in the first round of the Calder Cup playoffs by the New York Rangers' top farm team, the Philadelphia Ramblers, three-games-to-two. Defenseman Herb Kalbfleisch became the first Hershey player to be named a First Team All Star that year while goalie Alfie Moore took Second Team honors behind the Ramblers' Bert Gardiner. |
1610_9 | Former Boston Bruins' coach and Hockey Hall of Fame member (elected 1971) Ralph "Cooney" Weiland guided Hershey throughout the war years winning regular-season titles in 1942–43 and 1943–44. The Bears' 13 losses in 1942–43 are still the fewest by the club in a single season while Wally Kilrea's 99 points (31-68) that season gave Hershey its first of ten AHL scoring champions. Hershey won their first of 11 Calder Cup titles in 1947 under second year coach Don Penniston while also winning their fourth Division title in just nine seasons that year dominating the AHL's East with 84 points (25 more than second-place Springfield) on a record of 36–16–12 behind All Star goalie Harvey Bennett, Sr. In the playoffs, Hershey defeated the Western Division champion Cleveland Barons in a four-game first-round sweep outscoring them 24–3 before winning the Calder Cup finals in seven games over the Pittsburgh Hornets. |
1610_10 | In 1948, 21-year-old Winnipeg-born center Arnie Kullman joined the Bears, and except for 13 games with the Boston Bruins in 1949–50, he played his entire twelve-year career in Hershey. When Kullman retired in 1960 he had amassed 629 points on 253 goals and 376 assists in a Hershey uniform, a total which would only be eclipsed by Tim Tookey (with whom he shared number nine that was eventually retired in honor of both players) and Mike Nykoluk. Kullman's 753 games as a Bear is also second only to Nykoluk's 972. |
1610_11 | 1950s–1960s
From 1950 to 1956 the Bears were coached by a pair of former Boston Bruin defensemen: Johnny Crawford (1950–52), who guided Hershey to another division title in 1951–52, followed by player-coach Murray Henderson (1952–56). In 1953–54, center George "Red" Sullivan became the second Bear to win a scoring title and the first to be named the league's MVP, collecting 119 points (30-89) in 69 games to set an AHL regular-season scoring record which stood for almost thirty years, while his 89 assists that season is still an AHL record six decades later. |
1610_12 | Although never an All Star, another player to briefly skate in Hershey during this era was Don "Grapes" Cherry who as a coach (Rochester, Boston, Colorado) and later a broadcaster became and still remains one of the game's most visible and controversial figures. As a 20-year-old defenseman Cherry made his professional debut with the Bears during the 1954–55 season and also played for the club in 1956–57. As a TV personality and longtime commentator on Hockey Night in Canada, this former Bear is one of the best-known figures in Canada in any field. |
1610_13 | With the demise of the AHL Pittsburgh Hornets in 1956, Bears managers John Sollenberger and Lloyd Blinco were able to acquire the services of seven of the recent Calder Cup champion Hornets' best players including four-time All Star goalie Gil Mayer and the AHL's eventual all-time scoring leader Willie Marshall (523–852—1,205). The most important from Pittsburgh, however, was the AHL's only five-time First-Team All-Star defenseman, Frank S. Mathers, who remained active with the Bears for an unprecedented thirty-five seasons as an All Star defenseman, player-coach, general manager, and club president. Under Mathers' leadership, Hershey won over 1,500 games and six Calder Cup titles while Mathers himself was honored with the Lester Patrick Award in 1987 for his "contributions to hockey in the United States", and in 1992 he became the second individual to be elected to the Hockey Hall of Fame based on a career in the AHL. |
1610_14 | While the Mathers era in Hershey started slowly with a fourth-place finish in 1956–57, he led the Bears back-to-back Calder Cup titles in his second and third seasons as a player-coach. With Bobby Perreault and Mayer in goal, the league's top two scorers in linemates Marshall and Dunc Fisher, and Mathers himself earning All Star honors on defense for the sixth time in seven years, the Bears won both the regular season and playoff championships in 1957–58. Although Hershey finished the 1958–59 season with just a .500 record (32-32-6), they defeated the Cleveland Barons in the first round before upsetting the regular-season champion Buffalo Bisons in the finals, four games to two, to win their third Calder Cup title. |
1610_15 | In 1958 the Bears also acquired the services of 23-year-old center Mike Nykoluk who had split the previous two seasons between the Toronto Maple Leafs and their AHL club in Rochester. When Nykoluk retired fourteen years later in 1972, he was the AHL's then fourth (now sixth) all-time leader in points with 881 on 195 goals and 686 assists and his 972 games as a Bear are 219 more than Kullman's second overall 753 in a Hershey uniform. In 1972 his jersey number eight also became the first to ever be retired by the Bears. |
1610_16 | Although it was more than a decade before the Calder Cup returned to Hershey, during the first half of the 1960s five key players joined the club who would each stay from anywhere from seven to nine seasons: defensemen Barry Ashbee (1962–70) and Ralph Keller (1963-72), and forwards Roger DeJordy (1962–70), Michel Harvey (1963-71) and Gil Gilbert (1965–72). Together they would eventually account for 2,654 games played, 710 goals, 1,251 assists, and 1,961 points as Bears. While these five and league MVP Mike Nykoluk all helped the Bears win their division's regular-season title in 1966–67, for the first time since 1957–58, on a 38-24-10 record behind the goaltending of First Team All Star Andre Gill and a league-leading 52 goals by DeJordy, it would be another two years before the Calder Cup returned to Hershey in 1968-69 defeating the Quebec Aces in five games. Gilbert led the league in scoring with 100 points (35-65) with teammate Michel Harvey close behind at 93 as the Bears also |
1610_17 | won their third consecutive Eastern Divisional title. That season also saw Mathers add the duties of GM to his portfolio with the retirement of Lloyd Blinco from that post. |
1610_18 | 1970s–1980s
With the close the 1972–73 season Frank Mathers ended his unbroken 17-year run as coach to devote his efforts full-time to his duties as GM. Including a brief return to the bench in 1984–85, Mathers compiled a personal coaching record of 610-513-134 for a career-winning percentage of .539. His successor was former Bears' winger Chuck Hamilton (1973–79) who had spent seven seasons playing for Hershey from 1963 to 1970. In his first season as the Bears' coach Hamilton led a relatively inexperienced squad including nine rookies to a fifth Calder Cup title losing only two games in the playoffs' three rounds in which they were victorious against the Cincinnati Swords (4-1), Baltimore Clippers (4-0), and Providence Reds (4-1) with the championship game played at the Arena before a then record crowd of 8,703. |
1610_19 | Hershey won a sixth Calder Cup in 1979-80 under player/coach Doug Gibson who replaced first year coach Gary Green when he was unexpectedly promoted to the Bears' then NHL affiliate, the Washington Capitals, early in the season. Gibson also led the Bears in playoff scoring with a dozen goals and seven assists for 19 points in sixteen Calder Cup games while goaltending was shared by Gary Inness (6-1) who himself would later coach the team and Dave Parro (6-3). Although Hershey had finished four games below .500 during the regular season (35-39-9), the Bears defeated the Syracuse Firebirds (4-0) in the opening round before upsetting both the Southern Division champion New Haven Nighthawks (4-2) in the semifinals and the Northern Division winning New Brunswick Hawks (4-2) in the finals with two of their four wins in the championship series in double overtime. |
1610_20 | Although the Bears did not repeat as Calder Cup champions in 1980–81, under new coach Bryan Murray the club had its best regular season to that point with 103 points on a record of 47-24-9 and established a still-standing record for goals with 357. Right wing Mark Lofthouse became the fifth Bear to win the AHL's scoring title (48-55–103), and on the night of February 7, 1981, he also set a team single-game record eight points (4-4) as the Bears defeated the Rochester Americans at Hersheypark Arena, 11–2, while the team also tied the AHL's then record for goals in a period with nine. Among the Bears' rookies that year was a 20-year-old center Tim Tookey, who over three separate stints with the Bears (1980–82, 1985–87, 1989–94) over the next fourteen years collected 693 points (251-442) in 529 regular-season games, second only to Mike Nykoluk's 808 on the Bears' all-time list. |
1610_21 | As had Gary Green in 1979, Murray left the Bears early in the 1981–82 season to become coach of the Washington Capitals (replacing Green) and was replaced by former Hershey goalie Gary Inness under most unusual circumstances. Inness had retired as a player a year earlier but wanted to remain in Hershey and keep involved with the Bears. With no coaching position available to offer him, but in need of a new trainer, Bears' GM Frank Mathers offered him that job. With Murray's promotion to Washington a month later elevated Inness the eleventh coach in the Bears' history. Inness would remain behind the Hershey bench until December, 1984, when Frank Mathers returned to that post on an interim basis for the first time since 1973 and coached the club until then recently retired Hall of Fame Flyer winger Bill Barber took over for the final sixteen games of the season. |
1610_22 | The 1984–85 season was also the first of a dozen year affiliation with the Philadelphia Flyers who shared the club with the Boston Bruins that year before taking over as the sole parent club the next season and remained so through 1995–96. Former Flyer right wing and AHL Hall of Fame coach John "Too Tall" Paddock (1985–89) took over for the next four seasons and under his guidance the Bears averaged 45 wins a year, won two overall regular-season titles, reached the play-off finals twice, and brought Hershey a seventh Calder Cup championship in 1987–88. |
1610_23 | In his first year as the Bears' coach, Paddock led the club to first place overall in the regular season with a 48-29-3 record and either four goals in the final game of that 1985–86 season, left wing Ross Fitzpatrick became the third Bear to score 50 goals in a season while rookie goalie Ron Hextall, now GM of the Pittsburgh Penguins, set a team record with three consecutive shutouts at home. Both Hextall and defenseman Kevin McCarthy were First Team All Stars while linemates Fitzpatrick and Tim Tookey were both named to the second All Star Team. With five shutouts and a 30-19-2 record, Hextall became the first (and so far only) Bear to be named AHL Rookie of the Year as well as winning the Baz Bastien Memorial Trophy as the AHL's top goalie. (As an NHL rookie the following season with the Flyers Hextall won both the Vezina Trophy and Conn Smythe Trophy.) Although the Bears lost to the Adirondack Red Wings in the Calder Cup finals, Tookey also won the Jack Butterfield Trophy as MVP |
1610_24 | of the play-offs.) |
1610_25 | Although the Bears finished fourth in the Southern Division in 1986–87 with 87 points (43-36-1), their top line of Tookey, Fitzpatrick and Ray Allison finished first, fifth and seventh in overall league scoring with 124, 85 and 84 points respectively and accounted for a total of 125 of the Bears' 329 goals while center Mitch Lamoureux also finished in the top ten with 43 goals and 46 assists for 89 points good for fourth overall in the league. Tookey's 124 points (51 goals, 73 assists) also established a still-standing single-season record for a Hershey player, made him the seventh Bear to win the AHL's scoring title, and just the third to win the Les Cunningham Plaque as the league's MVP. Tookey's 124 points that year is still the sixth-best single-season total for an individual player in AHL history, just fourteen points less than the current league record of 138 set by former Bear Don Biggs with the Binghamton Rangers in 1992–93. |
1610_26 | With the start of the 1987–88 season, Hershey became the first professional hockey club outside of the NHL to reach the half century mark and that year also both won a then league record 50 regular-season games and swept all three of its playoff series for an unblemished postseason record of 12-0 and a seventh Calder Cup title. After an unexpectedly slow 3-7-0 start, goalie Wendell Young was returned to Hershey from the Flyers and went 33-15-3 with a 2.77 GAA while rookie Darryl Gilmour appeared in 25 games compiling a 14-7-0 record and 3.68 average. Along with veterans such as Bears' leading scorer center Mitch Lamoureux, wingers Al Hill, Don Nachbaur, Kevin Maxwell, and defensemen Steve Smith and Dave Fenvyes, the team also had nine first- and second-year players including second-year winger Brian Dobbin who finished third in team scoring behind Lamoureux and Maxwell with 83 points (36-47) even though he had been recalled to Philadelphia seven times during the campaign and only |
1610_27 | played in 54 games for Hershey, and rookie center Glen Seabrooke also broke the 30-goal mark (32) and was fifth overall in Bears scoring with 78 points. On defense the Bears had second-year blueliner John Stevens, now associate coach of the two-time Stanley Cup champion Los Angeles Kings, rookie Gordie Murphy who is now an assistant coach with the Flyers, and Jeff Chychrun, another sophomore. On May 12, 1988, Hershey completed its unprecedented 12–0 sweep to the Cup by defeating the Fredericton Express, 4–2. |
1610_28 | Modern era
The Washington Capitals returned as the Bears NHL parent club in 2005 after a 21-year span with the Boston Bruins, the Philadelphia Flyers, and the Colorado Avalanche. (The club has also had earlier NHL affiliations with the Bruins, Pittsburgh Penguins, and Buffalo Sabres). As of the 2009–2010 Calder Cup Finals, the Bears have played in 22 Finals series, a league record. The Bears went back-to-back in 2008–2010 to win their 10th and 11th Calder Cups, winning their most recent cup versus the Texas Stars. The Bears became the first team in AHL history to win a Calder Cup series after trailing the series 0–2, going on to win 4 straight to take the series 4–2. |
1610_29 | On December 20, 2006, the Bears played their 5,000th regular-season game at the Times Union Center in Albany, New York. The Bears scored seven times en route to a 7–4 win versus the Albany River Rats. On May 2, 2007, the Bears played their 500th Calder Cup playoff game in franchise history at the GIANT Center. The Bears played the Wilkes-Barre/Scranton Penguins and won 4–3.
In 2010, the Bears set a new club record with 12 straight wins, topping their previous record of 11 which was set the season earlier in 2008. Over the stretch from December into January, the Bears outscored their opponents by a 52–22 margin. The Bears also set a new AHL record for consecutive home victories at 24. Hershey went without a loss at GIANT Center from November 29, 2009, to March 19, 2010. Hershey has set an AHL mark for consecutive playoff series victories, with eight wins in a row. Besting the record shared with the 2005–2007 Bears and the 1990–1992 Springfield Indians. |
1610_30 | 2006 Calder Cup championship |
1610_31 | In 2006 the Hershey Bears, with new head coach Bruce Boudreau, returned to the playoffs after a two-year absence. The team came off with a strong start by winning their first two series, against the Norfolk Admirals and the Wilkes-Barre/Scranton Penguins, in four games each. In the Eastern Conference finals, the Bears played the Portland Pirates. The Bears quickly took a 2–0 series lead, but then lost the third game. The Bears then rebounded and won Game 4 to take a 3–1 series lead. However, the Bears were unable to finish the job and were forced back to the Giant Center for Game 7. The Bears trailed throughout the game, but managed to tie it with a goal from Graham Mink just over two minutes remaining. In overtime, the Bears finished with a goal by Eric Fehr, to win the series 4–3. On June 15, 2006, The Bears won the Calder Cup by a series mark of 4–2, defeating the Milwaukee Admirals. This marked the ninth time the franchise had won the Calder Cup, which tied Hershey with the |
1610_32 | original Cleveland Barons for the highest number of AHL playoff titles. |
1610_33 | Tenth championship
The following season, Boudreau's Bears finished with a 51–17–6 record and appeared to be on the verge of repeating as champions. They rolled through the playoffs defeating Albany in five games, Wilkes-Barre/Scranton in five, and won the Eastern Conference in a sweep of Manchester. The Bears appeared to have a tenth title wrapped up against Hamilton, who had finished the regular season with 95 points compared to Hershey's 114. The Bulldogs, however, upset the Bears 4–1. The next season was disappointing to the Bears – Boudreau was promoted to head coach of the Capitals, and the Bears would finish the season 42–30–2–6, losing to Wilkes-Barre/Scranton 4–1 in the first round. |
1610_34 | The next season, the Bears bounced back. Finishing with a 49–23–2 record, they went on to sweep the Philadelphia Phantoms in the first round, overcome a 3–2 deficit to beat Wilkes-Barre/Scranton in the second, and then defeated Providence, 4–1, in the conference finals. They opened their 21st Calder Cup appearance with a 5–4 overtime win over the Manitoba Moose in Winnipeg, but lost Game 2, 3–1. Back home in Hershey, the Bears scored a pair of wins (3–0 and 2–1) before falling in Game 5, 3–2. In Game 6, the Bears scored three goals before Manitoba even got on the board, and then an empty-net goal sealed it. With the 4–1 victory, the Bears defeated Manitoba and finally recorded their league-record tenth Calder Cup.
2009–10 season |
1610_35 | Following the Calder Cup win, head coach Bob Woods was promoted to Washington as an assistant coach. He was replaced by Mark French, a former coach in the ECHL. The 2009–10, Bears won a franchise-record 12 consecutive games and notched a 24-game win streak at the Giant Center. They went on to win 60 games, breaking the old AHL record of 57 and finishing a point shy of tying the single-season points record. The Bears rallied from a 2–0 deficit against the Texas Stars to win their 11th Calder Cup, their second consecutive championship and third in the last five seasons.
2013 AHL Outdoor Classic
Hersheypark Stadium hosted the fourth annual AHL Outdoor Classic in 2013, with the Bears facing their intrastate rival Wilkes-Barre/Scranton Penguins. The "Baby Pens" defeated the Bears in front of a capacity crowd of 17,311 fans by a score of 2–1. |
1610_36 | 2015–present
In the 2015–16 season, the Bears qualified for the 2016 Calder Cup playoffs where they defeated the Portland Pirates three games to two in the first round. Hershey then faced the Wilkes-Barre/Scranton Penguins in the division finals and won four games to three and won the Emile Francis Trophy. In the conference finals, the Bears defeated the regular-season champion Toronto Marlies four games to one, winning the Richard F. Canning Trophy as conference champions. In the Calder Cup finals, the Bears were swept by the Lake Erie Monsters in four games. Chris Bourque was awarded the AHL regular-season MVP Les Cunningham Award, earned the John B. Sollenberger Trophy as the league's top scorer, and was named to the First All-Star Team. |
1610_37 | In the 2016–17 season, the Bears finished in third place in the Atlantic Division. The Bears defeated the Lehigh Valley Phantoms in the division semifinals in five games before losing to the Providence Bruins in the division finals in seven games Travis Boyd was chosen for the Second All-Star Team.
The Bears failed to qualify for the playoffs in the 2017–18 season.
2018 AHL Outdoor Classic
Hersheypark Stadium once again hosted the AHL Outdoor Classic, on January 20, 2018, the AHL's 10th outdoor game, with the Bears facing their intrastate rival Lehigh Valley Phantoms. The Flyers affiliate from Allentown defeated the Bears in front of a crowd of 13,091 fans by a score of 5–2.
Team information |
1610_38 | Logos and uniforms
The colors of the Hershey Bears are dark brown, medium brown, tan, and white (though the team's primary colors are often referred to as "chocolate and white"), a reference to The Hershey Company and its products. The primary logo is a medium brown bear, outlined in dark brown, roaring while standing on a hockey stick centered above the Hershey Bears wordmark. The wordmark has Hershey in tan above Bears in white (both outlined in dark brown). All these parts are contained by a circle filled in tan and outlined in dark brown on the primary logo. |
1610_39 | Before their move to the Giant Center in 2002, the Hershey Bears wore simpler uniforms with the colors of chocolate brown and white. The previous logo used a silhouette of a skating bear with a hockey stick in brown centered in a white, ovular shield outlined in brown. For their move to the Giant Center, the Bears unveiled a new identity-its team colors being burgundy, black, gold, and silver. The primary logo was a maroon bear, outlined in black, swatting a hockey puck centered below the Hershey Bears wordmark. The wordmark was a horizontal gradient using gold and burgundy outlined in black, with the Hershey part centered on a rectangular outline designed to resemble a Hershey's candy bar. The alternate logo consisted of a bear's head in burgundy and black with the initials HB. |
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