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1711_5 | At the time of the establishment of the first Spanish Mission in 1769, the most widely accepted estimates say that California's indigenous population was around 340,000 people and possibly more. The indigenous peoples of California were extremely diverse and made up of ten different linguistic families with at least 78 distinct languages. These are further broken down into many dialects, while the people were organized into sedentary and semi-sedentary villages of 400-500 micro-tribes.
The Spanish began their long-term occupation in California in 1769 with the founding of Mission San Diego de Alcalá in San Diego. The Spanish built 20 additional missions in California. Their introduction of European invasive plant species and non-native diseases resulted in havoc and high fatalities for the Native Californian tribes.
19th century |
1711_6 | The population of Native California was reduced by 90% during the 19th century—from more than 200,000 in the early 19th century to approximately 15,000 at the end of the century, mostly due to disease. Epidemics swept through California Indian Country, such as the 1833 malaria epidemic. |
1711_7 | Early to mid 19th Century, coastal tribes of northwest California had multiple contacts with Russian explorers due to Russian colonization of the Americas. At that time period, Russian exploration of California and contacts with local population were usually associated with the activity of the Russian-American Company. A Russian explorer, Baron Ferdinand von Wrangell, visited California in 1818, 1833, and 1835. Looking for a potential site for a new outpost of the company in California in place of Fort Ross, Wrangell's expedition encountered the Indians north of San Francisco Bay and visited their village. In his notes Wrangell remarked that local women, used to physical labor, seemed to be of stronger constitution than men, whose main activity was hunting. Local provision consisted primarily of fish and products made of seeds and grains: usually ground acorns and wild rye. Wrangell surmised his impressions of the California Indians as a people with a natural propensity for |
1711_8 | independence, inventive spirit, and a unique sense of the beautiful. |
1711_9 | Another notable Russian expedition to California was the 13 months long visit of the scientist Ilya Voznesensky in 1840–1841. Voznesensky's goal was to gather some ethnographic, biological, and geological materials for the collection of the Imperial Academy of Sciences. He described the locals that he met on his trip to Cape Mendocino as "the untamed Indian tribes of New Albion, who roam like animals and, protected by impenetrable vegetation, keep from being enslaved by the Spanish". |
1711_10 | In 1834 Mexico secularized the Church's missions and confiscated their properties. But the new government did not return their lands to tribes but made land grants to settlers of at least partial European ancestry. Many landless Indians found wage labor on ranches. Following the United States victory in the Mexican–American War, it took control of California in 1848 with the signing of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. Its administrators worked to honor Mexican land grant title but did not honor aboriginal land title.
California Gold Rush (1848–1855) |
1711_11 | The negative impact of the California Gold Rush on both the local indigenous inhabitants and the environment were substantial, decimating the populations still remaining. Miners took land both for their camps and to farm and supply food for the camps. The surging mining population resulted in the disappearance of many food sources. In addition, the toxic waste from their operations killed fish and destroyed habitats. Miners also viewed indigenous people as competitors for gold, so they also actively went into villages where they raped the women and killed the men.
Conflicts and genocide |
1711_12 | Most of inland California including California deserts and the Central Valley was in possession of the local tribes until the acquisition of Alta California by the United States. As the wave of migrants from the United States started to settle inland California during the Gold Rush, conflicts between the Native Californians and the settlers started to arise. The series of massacres, battles, and wars between the United States and the indigenous peoples of California lasting from 1850 to 1880 is referred to as the California Indian Wars.
After guns and horses were introduced to the indigenous peoples of California in the beginning of the 19th century, the tensions between the neighboring tribes started to increase, and in combination with mass migration, caused dramatic changes. When in 1846 the Applegate Trail cut through the Modoc territory, the migrants and their livestock damaged the ecosystem that the locals were dependent on. |
1711_13 | Some anthropologists insist that the indigenous resistance is often used to camouflage genocide in colonial history. For instance, the final stage of the Modoc Campaign was triggered when Modoc men led by Kintpuash (AKA Captain Jack) murdered General Canby at the peace tent in 1873. However, it's not widely known that between 1851 and 1872 the Modoc population decreased by 75 to 88% as a result of seven anti-Modoc campaigns started by the whites. There is evidence that the first massacre of the Modocs by non natives took place as early as 1840. According to the story told by a chief of the Achumawi tribe (neighboring to Modocs), a group of trappers from the north stopped by the Tule lake around the year 1840 and invited the Modocs to a feast. As they sat down to eat, the cannon was fired and many Indians were killed. The father of Captain Jack was among the survivors of that attack. Since then the Modocs resisted the intruders notoriously.
20th century |
1711_14 | During the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, the government attempted to force the indigenous peoples to break the ties with their native culture and tribalism and assimilate with the white society. In California, the federal government established such forms of education as the reservation day schools and American Indian boarding schools. Some public schools would allow Indians to attend as well. Poor ventilation and nutrition (due to limited funding), and diseases were typical problems at schools for American Indians. In addition to that, most parents disagreed with the idea of their children being raised as whites: at boarding schools, the students were forced to wear European style clothes and haircuts, were given European names, and were strictly forbidden to speak indigenous languages. The Native American community recognized the American Indian boarding schools to have oppressed their native culture and demanded the right for their children to |
1711_15 | access public schools. In 1935 the restrictions that forbid the Native Americans from attending public schools were officially removed. |
1711_16 | Since the 1920s, various Indian activist groups were demanding that the federal government fulfil the conditions of the 18 treaties of 1851–1852 that were never ratified and apparently, were classified. In 1944 and in 1946 the native peoples brought claims for reimbursements asking for compensations for the lands affected by treaties and Mexican land grants. They won $17.5 million and $46 million, respectively.
Throughout the 20th century, the population of indigenous peoples of California gradually rose
21st century |
1711_17 | California has the largest population of Native Americans out of any state in the United States, with 723,000 identifying an "American Indian or Alaska Native" tribe as a component of their race (14% of the nation-wide total). This population grew by 15% between 2000 and 2010, much less than the nation-wide growth rate of 27%, but higher than the population growth rate for all races, which was about 10% in California over that decade. Over 50,000 indigenous people live in Los Angeles alone.
According to the National Conference of State Legislatures, there are currently over one hundred federally recognized native groups or tribes in California including those that spread to several states. Federal recognition officially grants the Indian tribes access to services and funding from the Bureau of Indian Affairs, and Federal and State funding for Tribal TANF/CalWORKs programs.
Material culture
Basket weaving |
1711_18 | Basket making was an important part of Native American Californian culture. Baskets were both beautiful and functional, made of twine, woven tight enough that they could hold water for cooking. Tribes made baskets in a wide variety of shapes and sizes to fulfill different daily functions, including "baby baskets, collecting vessels, food bowls, cooking items, ceremonial items" and wearable basket caps for both men and women. The watertight cooking baskets were often used for making acorn soup by placing fire-heated stones in the baskets with food mixtures, which were then stirred until cooked.
Baskets were generally made by women. Girls learned about the process from an early age, not just the act of weaving, but also how to tend, harvest, and prepare the plants for weaving.
Foods |
1711_19 | The indigenous peoples of California had a rich and diverse resource base, with access to hundreds of types of edible plants, both terrestrial and marine mammals, birds and insects. The diversity of the food supply was particularly important and sets California apart from other areas, where if the primary food supply diminished for any reason it could be devastating for the people in that region. In California, the variety meant that if one supply failed there were hundreds of others to fall back on. Despite this abundance, there were still 20-30 primary food resources which native peoples were dependent on. Different tribes' diets included fish, shellfish, insects, deer, elk, antelope, and plants such as buckeye, sage seed, and yampah (Perideridia gairdneri).
Plant-based foods |
1711_20 | Acorns of the California Live Oak, Quercus agrifolia were a primary traditional food throughout much of California. The acorns were ground into meal, and then either boiled into mush or baked in ashes to make bread. Acorns contain large amounts of tannic acid, so turning them into a food source required a discovery of how to remove this acid and significant amounts of labor to process them. Grinding in the mortal and pestle, then boiling allows for the tannins to be leached out in the water. There was also the need to harvest and store acorns like crops since they were only available in the fall. Acorns were stored in large granaries within villages, "providing a reliable food source through the winter and spring." |
1711_21 | Native American tribes also used the berries of the Manzanita as a staple food source. The ripe berries were eaten raw, cooked or made into jellies. The pulp of the berries could also be dried and crushed to make a cider, while the dry seeds were sometimes ground to make flour. The bark was also used to make a tea, which would help the bladder and kidneys.
Native Americans also made extensive use of the California juniper for medicinal purposes and as a food.
The Ohlone and the Kumeyaay brewed a tea made from juniper leaves to use as a painkiller and to help remedy a hangover. They also picked the berries for eating, either fresh or dried and pulverised. The ripe berries of the California huckleberry were also collected and eaten by many peoples in the region.
Marine life |
1711_22 | There were two types of marine mammals important as food sources, large migratory species such as northern elephant seals and California sea lions and non-migratory, such as harbor seals and sea otters. Marine mammals were hunted for their meat and blubber, but even more importantly for their furs. Otter pelts in particular were important both for trade and as symbols of status.
A large quantity and variety of marine fish lived along the west coast of California, providing shoreline communities with food. Tribes living along the coast did mostly shore-based fishing.
Anadromous fish |
1711_23 | Anadromous fish live half their life the in the sea and the other half in the river where they come to spawn. Large rivers such as the Klamath and Sacramento "provided abundant fish along hundreds of miles during the spawning season." Pacific salmon in particular were very important in the Californian Native American diet. Pacific salmon ran in Californian coastal rivers and streams from the Oregon line down to Baja California. For northwestern groups like Yurok and Karuk, Salmon was the defining food. For example, more than half of the diet of the Karuk people consisted of acorns and salmon from the Klamath River. This combination of fish with acorns distinguished them from some societies in the north which focused solely on fishing. |
1711_24 | In contrast to acorns, fish required sophisticated equipment such as dip nets and harpoons and they could only be caught during a brief seasonal window. During this time salmon would be harvested, dried and stored in large quantities for later consumption.
Society and culture
Many tribes in Central California and Northern California practised the Kuksu religion, especially the Nisenan, Maidu, Pomo and Patwin tribes. The practice of Kuksu included elaborate narrative ceremonial dances and specific regalia. A male secret society met in underground dance rooms and danced in disguises at the public dances.
In Southern California the Toloache religion was dominant among tribes such as the Luiseño and Diegueño. Ceremonies were performed after consuming a hallucinogenic drink made of the jimsonweed or Toloache plant (Datura meteloides), which put devotees in a trance and gave them access to supernatural knowledge. |
1711_25 | Native American culture in California was also noted for its rock art, especially among the Chumash of southern California. The rock art, or pictographs were brightly colored paintings of humans, animals and abstract designs, and were thought to have had religious significance.
Reservations
Reservations with over 500 people:
List of peoples |
1711_26 | Achomawi, Achumawi, Pit River tribe, northeastern California
Atsugewi, northeastern California
Chemehuevi, eastern California
Chumash, coastal southern California
"Barbareño", Coast Central Chumash
"Cruzeño, Isleño", Island Chumash
"Emigdiano", Tecuya, Interior Central Chumash
"Interior", Cuyama, Interior Northwestern Chumash
"Inezeño", "Ineseño", Samala, Inland Central Chumash
"Obispeño", Yak-tityu-tityu-yak-tilhini, Northern Chumash
"Purisimeño", Kagismuwas, Northern Chumash
"Ventureño", Alliklik – Castac, Southern Chumash
Chilula, northwestern California
Chimariko, extinct, northwestern California
Kuneste, "Eel River Athapaskan peoples"
Lassik, northwestern California
Mattole (Bear River), northwestern California
Nongatl, northwestern California
Sinkyone, northwestern California
Wailaki, Wai-lakki, northwestern California
Esselen, west-central California
Hupa, northwestern California
Tsnungwe
Karok, northwestern California
Kato, Cahto, northwestern California |
1711_27 | Kawaiisu, southeast-central California
Konkow, northern-central California
Kumeyaay, Diegueño, Kumiai
Ipai, southwestern California
Jamul, southwestern California
Tipai, southwestern California and northwestern Mexico
La Jolla Complex, southern California, c. 6050–1000 BCE
Maidu, northeastern California
Konkow, northern California
Yamani, Mechoopda, northern California
Nisenan, Southern Maidu, northern California
Miwok, Me-wuk, central California
Bay Miwok, west-central California
Coast Miwok, west-central California
Lake Miwok, west-central California
Valley and Sierra Miwok
Monache, Western Mono, central California
Mohave, southeastern California
Nisenan, eastern-central California
Nomlaki, northwestern California
Ohlone, Costanoan, west-central California
Awaswas
Chalon
Chochenyo
Karkin
Mutsun
Ramaytush
Rumsen
Tamyen
Yelamu
Patwin, central California
Suisun, Southern Patwin, central California
Pauma Complex, southern California, c. 6050–1000 BCE |
1711_28 | Pomo, northwestern and central-western California
Quechan, Yuman, southeastern California
Te'po'ta'ahl, ("Salinan"), coastal central California
"Antoniaño"
"Migueleño"
"Playano"
Shasta northwestern California
Konomihu, northwestern California
Okwanuchu, northwestern California
Tolowa, northwestern California
Takic
Acjachemem, ("Juaneño"), Takic, southwestern California
Iívil̃uqaletem, Iviatim, ("Cahuilla"), Takic southern California
Kitanemuk, ("Tejon") Takic, south-central California
Kuupangaxwichem, ("Cupeño"), southern California
Payómkawichum, ("Luiseño"), Takic, southwestern California
Tataviam, Allilik Takic ("Fernandeño"), southern California
Tongva, ("Gabrieleño"), ("Fernandeño"), ("Nicoleño"), "San Clemente tribe" Takic, coastal southern California
Yuhaviatam Morongo, Vanyume Mohineyam ("Serrano"), southern California
Tubatulabal, south-central California
Bankalachi, Toloim, south-central California
Pahkanapil, south-central California
Palagewan, south-central California |
1711_29 | Wappo, north-central California
Whilkut, northwestern California
Wintu, northwestern California
Wiyot, northwestern California
Yana, northern-central California
Yahi
Yokuts, central and southern California
Chukchansi, Foothill Yokuts, central California
Northern Valley Yokuts, central California
Tachi tribe, Southern Valley Yokuts, south-central California
Timbisha, eastern California
Yuki, Ukomno'm, northwestern California
Huchnom, northwestern California
Yurok, northwestern California |
1711_30 | Languages
Before European contact, native Californians spoke over 300 dialects of approximately 100 distinct languages. The large number of languages has been related to the ecological diversity of California, and to a sociopolitical organization into small tribelets (usually 100 individuals or fewer) with a shared "ideology that defined language boundaries as unalterable natural features inherent in the land". Together, the area had more linguistic diversity than all of Europe combined.
"The majority of California Indian languages belong either to highly localized language families with two or three members (e.g. Yukian, Maiduan) or are language isolates (e.g. Karuk, Esselen)." Of the remainder, most are Uto-Aztecan or Athapaskan languages. Larger groupings have been proposed. The Hokan superstock has the greatest time depth and has been most difficult to demonstrate; Penutian is somewhat less controversial. |
1711_31 | There is evidence suggestive that speakers of the Chumashan languages and Yukian languages, and possibly languages of southern Baja California such as Waikuri, were in California prior to the arrival of Penutian languages from the north and Uto-Aztecan from the east, perhaps predating even the Hokan languages. Wiyot and Yurok are distantly related to Algonquian languages in a larger grouping called Algic. The several Athapaskan languages are relatively recent arrivals, having arrived about 2000 years ago.
See also
Aboriginal title in California
California State Indian Museum
Indigenous peoples of Mexico
List of federally recognized tribes by state#California
Martis people
Mission Indians
Population of Native California
Survey of California and Other Indian Languages
References
Further reading
Hinton, Leanne (1994). Flutes of Fire: Essays on California Indian Languages. Berkeley: Heyday Books. . |
1711_32 | Lightfoot, Kent G. and Otis Parrish (2009). California Indians and Their Environment: An Introduction. Berkeley: University of California Press. .
External links
"Information About California Tribes" Northern California Indian Development Council
Advocates for Indigenous California Language Survival
California Indian Museum and Cultural Center, Santa Rosa
"California Indian History," California Native American Heritage Association
"California Indians," SDSU Library and Information Access
Bibliographies of Northern and Central California Indians
"A Glossary of Proper Names in California Prehistory", Society for California Archaeology
27th Annual California Indian Conference, California State University San Marcos, Oct. 5–6, 2012
Indigenous peoples
California |
1712_0 | Silvestras Žukauskas (, ; 31 December 1860 – 26 November 1937) was a Lithuanian General, first in the Imperial Russian Army, where he distinguished himself during World War I, rising to the rank of major general and ending the war as divisional commander, and later in the Lithuanian Army, whose Chief Commander he was three times: May–September 1919, February–June 1920, and June 1923 to January 1928.
Žukauskas joined the Imperial Russian Army in 1881, studying in the Vilnius Military School from 1883 to 1887, reaching the rank of polkovnik in 1913. When World War I started, he commanded the new 314th Novooskolsk Infantry Regiment, fighting at its head in present-day Poland, Lithuania, and Latvia. He was demobilized in February 1918, when Germans captured most of the 1st Infantry Division which he commanded. |
1712_1 | In early 1919, as Chief of the General Staff of the newly recreated Lithuanian Army, he pushed the invading Soviet forces out of Lithuania by the end of August 1919 with a successful offensive. However, he was dismissed from command as the Polish coup d'état attempt's organizers planned to make him a military dictator. Although Žukauskas was likely unaware about this, he was known as a Polish sympathizer, speaking Polish, and generally faced resistance from younger Lithuanian officers. These tensions forced him out of the command twice more, but he was brought back in February 1920 after communist-inspired soldier's mutiny in Kaunas and in October 1920 following the Lithuanian defeat in the Battle of Sejny. He commanded Lithuanian forces fighting against Żeligowski's Mutiny in Autumn 1920. He is reputed as a key figure in the Lithuanian Wars of Independence. He resigned from active military duty in June 1921, being brought back from retirement in June 1923 as the Lithuanian Army's |
1712_2 | commander until January 1928. |
1712_3 | In 1927, on the 40 year anniversary of Žukauskas becoming an officer, the government gifted him the Davalgonys estate near Ramučiai, which was frequently visited by Lithuania's president Antanas Smetona and his wife. During this final retirement, Žukauskas became a founder of and its nominal manager. The company built bicycles, cars, buses and car garages.
Biography
Russian Empire |
1712_4 | Imperial Russian Army |
1712_5 | Žukauskas was born on 31 December 1860 in the village of near Pakruojis. Very little is known about his parents; it is believed that they were landless nobles, possibly of Polish roots. After completing six grades at the Marijampolė Gymnasium, he enlisted with the , 28th Infantry Division of the Imperial Russian Army on 30 June 1881. From 1883 to 1887, he studied at Vilnius Military School. After the graduation, he was reassigned to the stationed in Šančiai. Žukauskas was born into a Roman Catholic family which made it difficult for him to pursue a military career as various Russification policies discriminated against the Catholics because they were seen as "unreliable" after the anti-Tsarist Uprising of 1863. In October 1894, he married Josephine Hasdorff (Juzefina Hasfordaitė) of German descent and Evangelical Lutheran faith. The marriage certificate listed Žukauskas' faith as Evangelical Reformed (Calvinism). This prompted his biographers to speculate whether his conversion was |
1712_6 | genuine or for career reasons. |
1712_7 | In 1900, he was promoted to captain. In 1902, he was reassigned outside of the present-day Lithuania to the stationed in Rivne in the present-day Ukraine. In July–August 1905, he completed artillery courses for officers in Orenburg and was assigned to the 33rd Infantry Division as the commander of its machine gun company. According to the interwar Lithuanian press, Žukauskas fought in the Russo-Japanese War (specifically, in the Battles of Liaoyang and Shaho), but this is not reflected in surviving service records of Žukauskas.
In February 1907, he was reassigned to the . In 1908, he was promoted to podpolkovnik and given command of a battalion of the 131th Infantry Regiment. In 1913, he was promoted to polkovnik (colonel) and reassigned as junior assistant to the commander of the 176th Perevolochna Infantry Regiment. |
1712_8 | World War I
As Russian Army mobilized in preparation for World War I, Žukauskas was reassigned as commander of the newly created 314th Novooskolsk Infantry Regiment which was being formed in Kursk. Until mid-October, the regiment was stationed at the Novogeorgievsk Fortress. It was then deployed in the Battle of the Vistula River and Battle of Łódź. The regiment fought near Sochaczew and Iłów. On 17 November, the regiment lost almost the entire 4th Battalion. On 20 November 1914, Žukauskas was injured in his left leg and returned to the front only in January 1915. The regiment continued to fight near Brochów and Święcieniec until 25 April. |
1712_9 | On 4 May 1915, the 314th Infantry Regiment was moved to present-day Lithuania. It fought in the present-day Raseiniai District Municipality until mid-July 1915 when it was reassigned to the 3rd Army Corps and rapidly retreated from Šiauliai to Salos Manor. For the defence of Šiauliai, Žukauskas was awarded the Saint George Sword. On 28 July, the regiment was reassigned to the 37th Army Corps and was moved to Jaunjelgava to attack Nemunėlio Radviliškis and Biržai. On 14 August, Žukauskas became ill but returned to the front a month later. The regiment continued to fight on the right bank of the Daugava River near Koknese until 5 February 1916. In March, the regiment was assigned to the 60th Infantry Division and attacked on the left bank of the Daugava. |
1712_10 | On 18 April 1916, Žukauskas was promoted to brigade commander of the 1st Infantry Division and continued securing positions along the Daugava. On 21 June 1916, while in the trenches, he was injured in the head by shrapnel. On 21 November 1916, he was promoted to major general. From December 1916 to July 1917, the division protected Daugavpils. On 31 May 1917, Žukauskas was promoted to commanders of the 1st Infantry Division. In August 1917, the division was moved to the reserves of the Southwestern Front in Volhynia. After the capture of Riga by the Germans in September 1917, the division was returned to present-day Estonia to guard the Baltic coast near Pärnu. In February 1918, while Žukauskas was on vacation, Germans took most of the division as prisoners of war. Division's remnants escaped to Smolensk where Žukauskas was demobilized. The demobilization was a result of Bolshevik policies to remove old Tsarist commanders from the army.
Lithuanian Wars of Independence |
1712_11 | Lithuanian–Soviet War
After leaving the Russian Imperial Army, Žukauskas temporarily lived in Kyiv. In December 1918, he arrived in Vilnius and was immediately appointed as Minister of Defence in the newly formed government of Prime Minister Augustinas Voldemaras. However, Žukauskas did not assume the position because he became seriously ill with typhus and later with pneumonia. He was officially dismissed from the ministry on 24 December 1918 and departed to Warsaw to seek treatment. After recovering, he returned to Lithuania and became Chief of the General Staff on 26 April 1919. At the time, the newly formed Lithuanian Army was facing the invading Bolshevik forces that captured roughly of the Lithuanian territory. Up to that point, the Lithuanian Army only engaged in small-scale defensive actions. |
1712_12 | Žukauskas decided to mount an offensive in northeastern Lithuania. The first objective was to take over Ukmergė which was accomplished on 3 May. The operation was risky as for awhile Kėdainiai was unprotected opening a path to Kaunas, but also very successful: some 500 Soviet soldiers were taken prisoner and about 50 Poles, captured by the Soviets in the battles near Vilnius, were liberated and returned to Poland. On 7 May, Lithuanians entered Širvintos, where they found Polish troops. Lithuanians and Poles mounted a joint operation to take Giedraičiai on 9 May. These were the first larger successful offensive operations by the Lithuanian Army. |
1712_13 | On 7 May, Žukauskas assumed command of the entire Lithuanian Army and initiated a complete reorganization of the Lithuanian forces into two groups. The first brigade, stationed in Ukmergė, was known as the Vilkmergė Group and was ordered to push along the Utena–Zarasai line. The second brigade, was known as the Panevėžys Group, was charged with capturing Panevėžys and then pushing along the Kupiškis–Rokiškis–Obeliai line. On 18 May, the reorganized army carried out its first operation and captured Kurkliai and Anykščiai. The army successfully pushed forward and captured one town after another. By mid-June, Lithuanians had the Soviets cornered in a small region around Zarasai. After more than a month of the relatively stable front, the Lithuanians attacked on 23–29 August and pushed the Soviets across the Daugava River. On 28–29 June, Žukauskas distributed the first military awards, then merely a ribbon, which later became the Cross of Vytis. |
1712_14 | Žukauskas frequently visited the front lines and commanded the men directly earning the trust and respect of Lithuanian soldiers. When the enemy was driven out from the Lithuanian territory and across the Daugava River, Žukauskas planned to redeploy the main Lithuanian forces elsewhere, including protection of the demarcation line with Poland and the planned attacks against the Bermontians in northern Lithuania. However, on 26 September 1919, Žukauskas was dismissed as commander of the army because of his role in the Polish coup d'état attempt in August 1919.
Polish coup d'état attempt |
1712_15 | Poland's Chief of State Józef Piłsudski sought a union with Lithuania in hopes of reviving the old Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth (see Międzymorze federation). He planned a coup d'état to be carried out by the Polish Military Organization (PMO). During the coup, the rebels were to replace the Council of Lithuania and the Lithuanian government by a pro-Polish cabinet and Žukauskas as a military dictator of the new Lithuanian government. Žukauskas most likely was not aware of the plot, but undoubtedly had strong connections to Poland, spoke Polish and gained a reputation of a Polish sympathizer. One of his contemporaries, , called Žukauskas as "of Polish culture" and "close to Poles and Russians". Historians have noted Žukauskas' sympathy towards Poland. In early August he had a meeting in Kaunas with major Tadeusz Kasprzycki, Piłsudski's envoy to Lithuania, during which he supposedly said that he considers himself Polish and that he took the lead of Lithuanian Army only to bring about |
1712_16 | an agreement with Poland. Žukauskas did not have children but adopted and raised his niece who lived in Poland and was engaged to a Polish military officer. During the action of Lithuanian intelligence against the Polish Military Organisation in Kaunas on the night of 28–29 August he was almost arrested by Liudas Gira, but saved only by the personal intervention of President Antanas Smetona; Gira supposedly called him a "Polish adherent who cannot be trusted". Nonetheless, his aide-de-camps general (Vytautas Otockis, later colonel in the Polish Army) and Leonardas Vojtekūnas were arrested. Žukauskas helped them to get released during their trials. |
1712_17 | Žukauskas was removed as Chief Commander of the Lithuanian Army but continued to serve in the General Staff as deputy commander for special matters. He was later appointed as a Lithuanian representative to the Entente commission, chaired by French General Henri Niessel, that was tasked with overseeing the evacuation of the Bermontians from the Baltic States. He later supervised the transfer of equipment and other property from the Bermontians to Lithuania.
Polish–Lithuanian War
Žukauskas took an active role in suppressing the rebellion of communist-inspired soldiers on 21–23 February 1920 in Kaunas. On February 23, he was once again named Chief Commander of the Lithuanian Army replacing , who was arrested by the rebels. |
1712_18 | In mid-March 1920, Žukauskas requested a vacation. Poland launched an offensive towards Kyiv where his family members still resided waiting for an opportune time to return to Lithuania. While waiting for Poland to capture the city, he stayed in Vilnius where he met with Jurgis Aukštuolaitis, one of the organizers of the Polish coup d'état in August 1919, and published an article in the bilingual newspaper Suvienytoji Lietuva / Zjednoczona Litwa advocating for a union between Lithuania and Poland. This stirred controversy among Lithuanian soldiers and deepened their suspicions that Žukauskas was a Polish sympathizer. He took his family from Kyiv but did not return to Lithuania; he stayed in Vilnius and asked to retire from the Lithuanian Army. President Smetona accepted his request on 14 June 1920. There were rumours that he was offered a high-ranking post in the Polish Army. Reportedly, he attempted to organise Polish resistance against the approaching Bolsheviks in Vilnius. He |
1712_19 | supposedly was trying to take over the command of the city's defence, which led to disagreements with Polish officers already in place. He went back to Kaunas on 12 July, two days before the fall of the city, and the day of the signing of the peace treaty between Lithuania and Soviet Russia. |
1712_20 | Žukauskas asked to join the Lithuanian Army and was appointed as inspector of military formations on 12 August 1920. The decision was met with resistance from many younger Lithuanian officers. After the Lithuanian loss in the Battle of Sejny against Poland, Kazys Ladiga was dismissed as commander of the army on 1 October. Reluctantly, Žukauskas agreed to command the armed forces (though he was not the Chief Commander of the Lithuanian Army). On 8 October, Poland launched the Żeligowski's Mutiny. Unprepared, Lithuanian troops were forced to withdraw from Vilnius. On 17–21 November, Lithuanian forces successfully pushed back Żeligowski's men from Širvintos and Giedraičiai. Žukauskas was actively directing the Lithuanian forces at the front. The hostilities ceased as the League of Nations attempted to mediate the dispute. |
1712_21 | When Konstantinas Žukas resigned as commander of the Lithuanian Army and Minister of Defence on 7 April 1921, Žukauskas in effect was the highest-ranking military commander in Lithuania. However, he continued to face suspicions and criticism over his links to Poland. There were rumours that during the key battles near Širvintos he was hunting with graf Przeździecki in Rokiškis. He also actively defended his aide-de-camp during the trial of the members of the Polish Military Organization (PMO) who organized the coup of August 1919. Reportedly, during his meeting with Eugeniusz Romer on 12 March 1920, Žukauskas said that the quality of the Lithuanian Army decreased after the dismissal of Polish officers and their replacement with inexperienced Lithuanian officers. Many considered Žukauskas to be a good soldier, but a poor and naïve politician. As a result, the president dismissed Žukauskas from the command on 29 May 1921. A month later, on 25 June, Žukauskas resigned from active |
1712_22 | military duty and became a reserve officer. |
1712_23 | Interwar Lithuania
Upon being recalled into military service by President Aleksandras Stulginskis, Žukauskas served once again as the commander of the Lithuanian Army from 6 June 1923 to 26 January 1928. During peacetime, he focused on improving military discipline and education and made efforts to remain close to the men. He was not interested in the work of the General Staff or various organizational matters. Žukauskas supported the coup d'état of December 1926 that brought President Antanas Smetona to power. During the coup, he visited various military units explaining the coup to soldiers and ensuring their discipline.
Žukauskas resigned from active military duty on 26 January 1928 due to his old age. He retired to Davalgoniai Manor in Ramučiai that was gifted to him by the Lithuanian government in 1927. He continued to participate in military organizations and advise General Stasys Raštikis (commander of the Lithuanian Army in 1935–1940) and President Smetona. |
1712_24 | Žukauskas died on 26 November 1937. His funeral was a public affair: his body was placed for public viewing at the Vytautas the Great War Museum. A three-day mourning period was announced for the Lithuanian Army and the Lithuanian Riflemen's Union. His coffin was guarded by generals and speeches were given by President Smetona, General Raštikis, and others. He was buried in the Lutheran section of the Kaunas City Old Cemetery.
Remembrance
Žukauskas' grave was demolished in 1959 after the occupying Soviet authorities converted the Kaunas City Old Cemetery into Ramybė Park. Despite archaeological excavation efforts carried out in 2012, the original grave was never found.
Commands
Žukauskas held the following commands in the Lithuanian Army:
Chief of the General Staff
26 April – 27 May 1919
Chief Commander of the Lithuanian Army
7 May – 26 September 1919
23 February – 14 June 1920
6 June 1923 – 26 January 1928
Commander of the Armed Forces
1 October 1920 – 29 May 1921 |
1712_25 | Awards
1889: Order of Saint Stanislaus, 3rd class
1889: Order of Saint Anna, 3rd class
1905: Order of Saint Stanislaus, 2nd class
1912: Order of Saint Anna, 2nd class
1914: Order of Saint Vladimir, 4th class
1915: Order of Saint Vladimir, 3rd class
1915: Order of Saint Anna, 4th class
1915: Saint George Sword (for defense of Šiauliai)
1919: Order of the Cross of Vytis, 4th and 5th degree
1926: Czechoslovak War Cross 1918
1927: Order of the Cross of Vytis, 1st degree
1927: Order of the Lithuanian Grand Duke Gediminas, 1st degree
1929: Order of Lāčplēsis, 2nd class
Notes
References
Sources
Further reading |
1712_26 | 1860 births
1937 deaths
People from Pakruojis District Municipality
People from Kovno Governorate
Lithuanian generals
Generals of the Russian Empire
Lithuanian anti-communists
Russian military personnel of the Russo-Japanese War
Russian military personnel of World War I
Recipients of the Order of Lāčplēsis, 2nd class
Grand Crosses of the Order of the Cross of Vytis
Recipients of the Order of the Lithuanian Grand Duke Gediminas
Recipients of the Gold Sword for Bravery
Recipients of the Czechoslovak War Cross
Recipients of the Order of St. Anna, 4th class
Recipients of the Order of St. Vladimir
Recipients of the Order of St. Anna, 3rd class
Recipients of the Order of St. Anna, 2nd class |
1713_0 | Fairmount Township is a township in Luzerne County, Pennsylvania, United States. The population was 1,276 at the 2010 census. Fairmount Township is home to Ricketts Glen State Park. The park receives tens of thousands of visitors each year.
History
Early history
Fairmount Township is in Pennsylvania, where humans have lived since at least 10000 BC. The first settlers in the state were Paleo-Indian nomadic hunters known from their stone tools. The hunter-gatherers of the Archaic period, which lasted locally from 7000 to 1000 BC, used a greater variety of more sophisticated stone artifacts. The Woodland period marked the gradual transition to semi-permanent villages and horticulture, between 1000 BC and 1500 AD. Archeological evidence found in the state from this time includes a range of pottery types and styles, burial mounds, pipes, bows and arrows, and ornaments. |
1713_1 | Fairmount Township is in the Susquehanna River drainage basin, the earliest recorded inhabitants of which were the Iroquoian-speaking Susquehannocks. They were a matriarchal society that lived in stockaded villages of large longhouses, but their numbers were greatly reduced by disease and warfare with the Five Nations of the Iroquois, and by 1675 they had died out, moved away, or been assimilated into other tribes.
After the demise of the Susquehannocks, the lands of the Susquehanna River valley were under the nominal control of the Iroquois, who also lived in longhouses, primarily in what is now the state of New York. The Iroquois had a strong confederacy which gave them power beyond their numbers. To fill the void left by the demise of the Susquehannocks, the Iroquois encouraged displaced tribes from the east to settle in the Susquehanna watershed, including the Shawnee and Lenape (or Delaware). |
1713_2 | The French and Indian War (1754–1763) and subsequent colonial expansion encouraged the migration of many Native Americans westward to the Ohio River basin. On November 5, 1768, the British acquired land, known in Pennsylvania as the New Purchase, from the Iroquois in the Treaty of Fort Stanwix; this included what is now Fairmount Township. After the American Revolutionary War, Native Americans almost entirely left Pennsylvania. In 1890, a Native American pot, decorated in the style of "the peoples of the Susquehanna region," was found under a rock ledge on Kitchen Creek by Murray Reynolds. |
1713_3 | Township
The first Europeans came to the region in the 18th century. The first settler in the township was John Franklin of Connecticut. Additional settlers followed in Franklin's footsteps (e.g., Levi Seward and Nathaniel Goss). Under the Connecticut title—previous to 1776—it was originally known as Bloomingdale Township. The name was changed to Huntington Township in 1799 in honor of Samuel Huntington, a native of Connecticut and one of the signers of the Declaration of Independence. Fairmount Township broke away from Huntington Township in the 1830s; it was officially incorporated as a township in 1834. |
1713_4 | Geography
According to the United States Census Bureau, the township has a total area of , of which is land and , or 1.07%, is water. It is located in the northwestern corner of Luzerne County. The northern portion of Fairmount Township is mostly made up of mountains, lakes, streams, and thick forests. Ricketts Glen State Park is located in this half of the township. The southern half of Fairmount Township consists mostly of farmland and forests; the villages of Mossville and Rittenhouse are located in this part of the township. PA 118 and PA 487 intersect in the western part of the township in the village of Red Rock. |
1713_5 | Ricketts Glen State Park
Much of Ricketts Glen State Park is in Fairmount Township. The park offers hiking, camping, horseback riding, and hunting. Lake Jean is used for swimming, fishing, canoeing, and kayaking. In winter there is cross-country skiing, ice fishing on the lake, and ice climbing on the frozen falls. Almost all of Kitchen Creek and the 24 named waterfalls are in the township.
Demographics
As of the census of 2000, there were 1,226 people, 490 households, and 347 families residing in the township. The population density was 26.9 people per square mile (10.4/km2). There were 598 housing units at an average density of 13.1/sq mi (5.1/km2). The racial makeup of the township was 97.72% White, 0.57% African American, 0.98% Native American, 0.16% Asian, 0.08% Pacific Islander, and 0.49% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 0.33% of the population. |
1713_6 | There were 490 households, out of which 28.6% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 61.6% were married couples living together, 5.1% had a female householder with no husband present, and 29.0% were non-families. 25.9% of all households were made up of individuals, and 10.8% had someone living alone who was 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.50 and the average family size was 2.99.
In the township the population was spread out, with 24.1% under the age of 18, 7.5% from 18 to 24, 28.6% from 25 to 44, 25.4% from 45 to 64, and 14.4% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 40 years. For every 100 females, there were 106.7 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 106.4 males. |
1713_7 | The median income for a household in the township was $37,656, and the median income for a family was $45,208. Males had a median income of $31,979 versus $21,103 for females. The per capita income for the township was $16,334. About 7.4% of families and 10.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 18.3% of those under age 18 and 9.4% of those age 65 or over.
References
Townships in Luzerne County, Pennsylvania
Townships in Pennsylvania |
1714_0 | Political dynasties in the Philippines are typically characterized as families that have established their political or economic dominance in a province and have coordinated efforts to move on to involvement in national government or other positions of national politics. Political dynasties usually have a strong, consolidated support base concentrated around the province in which they are dominant. Members of such dynasties usually do not limit their involvement to political activities, and may participate in business or cultural activities. |
1714_1 | Political dynasties have long been a feature of the Philippine political landscape. Political dynasties started emerging after the Philippine Revolution when the First Republic of the Philippines was established. With the decline of Spain's economic power and international prestige in the 19th century, the expansion of British and American influence around the world, and the political current of emergent nationalism among the children of the economically enfranchised bourgeois, the power of the peninsulares', or Spanish-born aristocracy declined propitiously. Following the defeat of the Spanish in the Spanish–American War, the surviving members of the Spanish or Spanish-sanctioned landholding elite and the newly ascendant merchant elite, who were mostly foreign expatriates or of Chinese origin, formed a de facto aristocracy to replace the power vacuum the Spanish had left. |
1714_2 | Aristocracy survived and prospered under the American colonial regime, and remained a permanent fixture in Philippine society even following the independence of the Philippines was finally confirmed following the devastation of the Philippines under the Japanese occupation of the Philippines during World War II. Over the years, political dynasties continued to adapt, as newer dynasties emerged to fill power vacuums left behind by the extinction of older dynasties. The majority of the available positions in Philippine government are currently held by members of these political dynasties. Notable Philippine political dynasties include the Aquino, Marcos, Magsaysay, Binay, Duterte, and Roxas families. |
1714_3 | There has been a lot of debate regarding the effects political dynasties have on the political and economic status of Philippine society. Despite the negative reaction of the populace towards political dynasties and the association between dynastic activities and corruption, it is only prohibited in the members of the youth-oriented Sangguniang Kabataan. |
1714_4 | Philippine laws
The 1987 Constitution of the Philippines states in Article II Section 26: "The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law."
Despite the provision in the Constitution, only the Sangguniang Kabataan Reform Act of 2016 is the only statute that has been implemented concerning the status of political dynasties in the Philippines. The closest explicit mention of political dynasties in Philippine law can be seen in Republic Act 7160 or the Local Government Code, where Book I, Title Two, Chapter 1, Section 43 states the term limit of local government officials. However, it does not include any limitations on the running of the incumbent's family relations or on the holding of multiple political positions by members of the same family. |
1714_5 | In 2016, the Sangguniang Kabataan Reform Law (Republic Act No. 10742) was signed into law, which made some significant changes to the Sangguniang Kabataan (SK). It changed the age of the council from 15 to 17 years old to 18 to 24 years old and it forbids individuals from seeking a youth council appointment who is closer than the second degree of consanguinity (have the same grandparents) from any elected or appointed official in the same area.
It is the first Philippine law with an anti-political dynasty restriction for elected positions, as permitted by the 1987 Philippine Constitution.
Proposed legislation
Several bills have been filed in relation to the prohibition of political dynasties, and are currently pending to be approved by the Congress. Many have called for Congress to pass the Anti-Dynasty Law, but this bill has been passed over by each Congress since 1987. |
1714_6 | On January 24, 2011, Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago filed Senate Bill 2649, which prohibits political dynasties from holding or running for elected local government positions. The bill disqualifies the following candidates from running for local government positions:
relatives of an incumbent elected official running for re-election up to the second degree of consanguinity, and are planning to run in the same province in the same election as the elected official
relatives of an incumbent elected official that holds a national position up to the second degree of consanguinity, and are planning to run in the province of origin of the elected official
persons that are not relatives of an elected official that are candidates to the same position in the same province in the same election but are related to each other up to the second degree of consanguinity. |
1714_7 | The bill also prohibits relatives within the prohibited civil degree of relationship of an incumbent from succeeding to the incumbent's position, except for the positions of Punong Barangay and Sangguniang Barangay. |
1714_8 | Three bills were filed in the House of Representatives that are similar in content to Senate Bill 2649:
House Bill 172 filed on July 1, 2013, by representatives under the Bayan Muna, Gabriela, ACT, Anakpawis and Kabataan party lists.
House Bill 837 filed on July 2, 2013, by Representative Erlinda Santiago of the 1-SAGIP party list.
House Bill 2911 filed on September 18, 2013, by Representative Oscar Rodriguez from the 3rd district of Pampanga.
On December 16, 2013, the House of Representatives Committee on Suffrage and Electoral Reforms agreed to replace the three House bills into a single bill filed as House Bill 3587. |
1714_9 | Statistics of Philippine political dynasties
Due to the increasing number of political dynasties in the Philippines, majority of the positions in government are held by politicians that are members of political dynasties. In fact, in the years 1995–2007, an average of 31.3% of all congressmen and 23.1% of governors were replaced by relatives. In the 1995 elections, of the 83 congressmen elected on to their third term, 36 of them were replaced by a relative in the succeeding elections. The term "relative" here referring to anyone with a familial connection such as a wife, a son or daughter, a cousin, etc. In many of these cases, the people who would eventually go on to take their place had no previous political background or experience save their familial connection. |
1714_10 | In a study done in 2012 by economists Beja, Mendoza, Venida, and Yap, it was estimated that 40% of all provinces in the Philippines have a provincial governor and congressman that are related in some way. Another 2014 study done by Querubin of the Department of Politics in New York University indicated that an estimate 50-70% of all politicians are involved or associated in a political dynasty within the Philippines, including local government units. In the same study, it was concluded that approximately 70% of all jurisdiction-based legislators in the current Congress are involved in a political dynasty, with 40% of them having ties to legislators who belonged to as far as 3 Congresses prior. It is also said that 77% of legislators between the ages of 26-40 are also dynastic, which indicates that the second and third generations of political dynasties in the Philippines have begun their political careers as well. |
1714_11 | In order to analyze patterns of political dynasties within the 15th Congress, categories were formed according to the number of familial ties each politician had to politicians belonging to previous Congresses:
Category 1: Those with ties to the 12th, 13th, 14th and 15th Congress as well as at least one family member elected into a local government unit between the years 2001 and 2010
Category 2: Those with familial connections to at least one person belonging to the 12th, 13th, or 14th Congress
Category 3: Those who share kinship with at least one person belonging to the 12th, 13th, or 14th dynasty, or at least one relative with a local government unit (LGU) position from the 2001, 2004, or 2007 elections
Category 4: Those with at least one relation in the 12th, 13th, or 14th Congress or holding a local government unit (LGU) position in the elections in between 2001 and 2010 |
1714_12 | In a population of 229 legislators in the 15th Congress, 155 of them are classified as belonging to the fourth category. Of those 155, 144 of them also belong to the third category. 84 of the 144 belong in the second category, and of the 84, 10 belong to the first category. |
1714_13 | Critical reception |
1714_14 | Various writers wrote articles that analyze and critique politicians that fall under the domain of a political dynasty. Often, these articles hold these said persons and families in a critical light. Although political dynasties have already been present in the Philippines for a significant period of time, the public has only recently started clamoring for a change in system. The public support for the bill against political dynasties has steadily increased because the president, while part of a dynasty himself, fully supports the passage of the Anti-Dynasty Bill. In a provincial scale, political dynasties are often held in higher regard- contrasted with dynasties that oversee a wider public, where reception is mostly negative. A study that used empirical data correlated political dynasty presence with socio-economic development. This study stated that "this partial correlation coefficient finds a positive relationship between poverty incidence and the proportion of political |
1714_15 | dynasties in each province." Although the study found a correlation, this does not determine whether it is a causal relationship since poverty is multifaceted. |
1714_16 | Negative
Political dynasties limit political competition, exarcerbating corruption, poverty, and abuse of power. |
1714_17 | One notable theory concerning the negative effects of political dynasties is a political "Carnegie effect", named after Andrew Carnegie. The "Carnegie effect" is based on Carnegie's decision to give all his wealth to non-family members, where he argues that his son might have less incentive of working hard if he were to be assured of his father's wealth. This idea of inherited wealth and connections discouraging future generations to work hard can also be attributed to dynastic politicians. Dynastic politicians have a significant advantage from the start of their political career as they have a statistically higher probability, likely due to factors such as popularity and incumbency advantage, to win elections when pitted against politicians with no such political networks. Dynastic politicians also have generally lower educational attainment, because of their reliance on dynastic connections rather than bureaucratic or academic competence for their position. |
1714_18 | There is also significant evidence to suggest that Philippine political dynasties use their political dominance over their respective regions to enrich themselves, using methods such as graft or outright bribery of legislators. These kinds of situations arise as conflicts of interests—political dynasties often hold significant economic power in a province—and their interests are overrepresented due to dynastic politics. |
1714_19 | Political dynasties also tend to maintain the status quo and develop interests largely separate from the people they were supposed to be serving. Dynastic candidates, being almost exclusively from the upper classes, are naturally biased towards defending their own vested economic interests, which presents conflict of interest problems. Political dynasties also prevent challengers with potentially effective policy ideas from being able to take office, which limits the capacity for bureaucratic responsiveness and administrative effectiveness and adaptation to new ideas. |
1714_20 | Positive |
1714_21 | Political dynasties also have extra incentive to develop their own jurisdictions. Based on Mancur Olson's theory of political governance or the "Roving Bandits vs. Stationary Bandits" theory, dynastic politicians are more likely to pursue long-term development-oriented strategies since they expect to hold power and benefit from their position for longer. This is usually set in contrast to non-dynastic politicians who would, under this theory, have less incentive to develop due to their limited term. Political dynasties can gain benefits either directly or indirectly through their relatives. Political dynasties are also responsible for the increase in women's political participation in politics. Female politicians hailing from political dynasties can easily get into politics due to their connections. Political dynasties have the advantage of continuity. The more control the family has over the government unit, the more members of the family can occupy positions of power. Political |
1714_22 | dynasties can use this continuity by promoting and enacting laws and ordinances that are long term in nature; with only a slim chance of other candidates outside of the dynasty interfering with the plans. |
1714_23 | Notable Philippine political families
Ampatuan
The Ampatuan family has exercised political crowd control over the Maguindanao region since, 2001, with several of its members holding positions in government. The family's patriarch, Andal Ampatuan Sr., was elected Governor of Maguindanao in 2001. His sons, Andal Ampatuan Jr. and Zaldy Ampatuan, were the former mayor of Datu Unsay and former governor of ARMM respectively. 80 members of the Ampatuan family ran for governmental positions during the 2013 elections. The Ampatuans' rise to power is attributed to support received from President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. As a result of their connection, the Ampatuans won Arroyo a large majority of votes from Maguindanao during the 2004 presidential elections. The Arroyo administration's issuance of Executive Order 546 then allowed the Ampatuans to form their own private army, also known as civilian volunteer organizations. |
1714_24 | Despite their prominence in Maguindanao, the Ampatuans were generally unheard of outside of the region until the infamous 2009 Maguindanao Massacre. They were charged and sentenced for their involvement in the massacre that killed 57 people. The victims had been on their way to file the candidacy of Esmael "Toto" Mangudadatu for the 2010 elections when they were stopped by an armed convoy. They were later abducted and murdered; some victims were also reported to have been raped. After the discovery of the mass graves, President Arroyo declared martial law in Maguindanao. 198 people, including Andal Ampatuan Sr. and Andal Ampatuan Jr., were charged with murder. Charges against some of the suspects were later dropped. Andal Ampatuan Sr., suspected to be the mastermind behind the massacre, died on July 17, 2015. |
1714_25 | Brothers Datu Andal Jr., Zaldy, and Anwar Ampatuan Sr. were convicted of 57 counts of murder and sentenced to life imprisonment without parole on December 19, 2019. A total of 28 people, including other Ampatuan clan members and police officers were sentenced to life imprisonment. |
1714_26 | Aquino |
1714_27 | The Aquinos are a political family that originated from Tarlac. The dynasty began with Servillano Aquino, a general during the Philippine Revolution and delegate of the Malolos Congress. His son, Benigno "Igno" Aquino, Sr., was a Speaker in the House of Representatives during the Second Philippine Republic. He was charged and arrested for collaborating with the Japanese during World War II. Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr., a former senator, was critical of the Marcoses. He was imprisoned in 1972 and sentenced to death by firing squad after 5 years of military trial. Aquino suffered a heart attack while in solitary cell and had another heart attack while in the hospital. The Philippine surgeons were reluctant to do a coronary bypass, because it could involve them in a controversy. Aquino preferred to go to the US for his bypass or return to his cell and die. President Ferdinand E. Marcos finally gave in to Aquino's request on the conditions that he will return and not speak out against |
1714_28 | Marcos in the US. With the deteriorating political situation in his country and the rumored declining health of President Marcos three years later, Aquino decided it is time to return to the Philippines. Upon leaving the plane, Ninoy Aquino was assassinated on the tarmac in the Manila International Airport. An estimated two million Filipinos attended his funeral procession. After his death, his wife Corazon "Cory" Conjuangco Aquino became active in politics. She was a key figure during the People Power Revolution. Cory Aquino later became the first female president of the Philippines after beating Ferdinand Marcos in the snap elections. Her death in 2009 garnered widespread public support reminiscent of her husband's. Afterwards their son Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III was elected as the 15th President of the Philippines. |
1714_29 | Other politicians from the Aquino family with direct lineage to Servillano Aquino include Agapito "Butz" Aquino (d. 2015) who served as Senator (1987-1995) and Congressional Representative of the 2nd District of Makati (1998-2007), and Maria Teresa "Tessie" Aquino-Oreta (d. 2020) who served as Congressional Representative of Malabon-Navotas (1987-1998) and Senator (1998-2004). A first cousin of President Noynoy Aquino, Paolo Benigno "Bam" Aquino IV is the youngest ever senator in the 16th Philippine Congress who served from 2013 to 2019. Another cousin, one of the children of the late Tessie Aquino-Oreta, Antolin "Len-Len" Aquino Oreta III, is the incumbent Mayor of Malabon who served initially as City Councilor (2007-2010), then as Vice Mayor (2010-2012) and Acting Mayor (2012-2013). In 2013, Antolin ran for his first official term as Mayor and won the election unopposed. Now nearing the end of his third term in June 2022, he decided to retire from politics. While his brother, |
1714_30 | Lorenzo "Enzo" Aquino Oreta, filed his candidacy for mayor to replace him. Enzo Oreta is the encumbent City Councilor of Malabon. |
1714_31 | Binay
The Binay political family started with Jejomar "Jojo" Cabauatan Binay, a human rights lawyer who represented political prisoners for free in the 70's during the Martial Law period of President Ferdinand E. Marcos. When Corazon "Cory" Aquino with People's Power toppled Marcos, she appointed Jojo Binay as acting mayor of Makati in 1986. After a year, he was appointed as acting governor of Metro Manila. In 1988, he was elected for his first official term as mayor of Makati City and served three terms successively. After three years break, he was elected again as mayor and served for another three terms until 2010 when he became the 13th Vice President of the Philippines under Benigno "Noynoy" Aquino III. He ran for the presidency but lost his bid to President Rodrigo Duterte in the 2016 Elections. Recently, he filed his senatorial candidacy in the forthcoming 2022 Elections. |
1714_32 | Among his five children, three of them joined him in politics as well which basically alternates each other in the mayorship of Makati City and most likely in the senate too should Jojo Binay succeeds in his senatorial bid in the forthcoming 2022 Elections. The eldest, Nancy Binay, is the incumbent senator. She was first elected in 2013 and landed 5th among 12 elected senators despite of her having no prior government experience. She was reelected in 2019 for her second term as senator. Another daughter Abigail Binay, a lawyer, is the incumbent mayor of Makati City. Abigail was previously elected as congressional representative of the 2nd district of Makati City in 2007 and served for three terms until her election as mayor. While his only son Jejomar Binay Jr. has also served as mayor of Makati City when he was elected in 2010 but during the last year of his second term he was unseated by the Ombudsman of the Philippines. He is perpetually banned from holding any public office after |
1714_33 | the Court of Appeals affirmed the charges of grave misconduct, dishonesty and conduct prejudicial to the best interest of the service over the construction of a Makati school building on May 28, 2019. The mayorship of Makati City has been held by the Binays for 33 years since 1988. |
1714_34 | Duterte |
1714_35 | The Duterte political family began with Vicente "Nene" Gonzales Duterte, a lawyer and former mayor of Danao, Cebu who migrated with his family to Davao to practice law and became a governor of the then-unified province of Davao in 1959. It was during his term as governor when President Ferdinand E. Marcos appointed him as Secretary of General Services. Although Davao became a stronghold of the Dutertes, his hometown Danao remains a bailiwick of the Duterte clan whose members took turns dominating Danao's local politics. His son Rodrigo "Digong" Duterte, also a lawyer, became the 16th President of the Philippines when he won a landslide vote against other presidential candidates in the 2016 Elections. Before becoming a president, he was a mayor of Davao City for 22 years serving for seven terms. At 71, he is the oldest person to assume the presidency and the only local executive who became president. Duterte never served in any other national government position prior to being elected |
1714_36 | in the presidency. Duterte announced his retirement from politics but later on ditched his retirement plan to run for the senate which is seen as a way to shield himself from ICC's ongoing investigation into alleged crimes against humanity in Duterte's “war on drugs”. His daughter Sara Zimmerman Duterte, the incumbent Mayor of Davao City, has withdrawn her reelection bid and later announced to run for the vice presidency in tandem with Bongbong Marcos who is vying for the presidency. The Marcos-Duterte tandem is seen as a formidable team despite a petition for disqualification against Bongbong Marcos due to his 1997 tax conviction. Sara Duterte became mayor of Davao City in 2016 when his father ran for the presidency. She previously held the mayorship in 2010 replacing his father who at the time had served 3 continuous terms. Sara Duterte had also served as his father's vice mayor in 2007 until 2010. While President Duterte's son, Paolo "Pulong" Duterte, is the incumbent Davao City |
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