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1912_10 | |Anura||Megophryidae||Xenophrys brachykolos||Short-legged horned toad||短腳角蟾||||03||
|}
|} |
1912_11 | Fish
Ray-finned fish (Actinopterygii)
Cartilaginous fish (Chondrichthyes)
Lancelet
Endangered and protected plant species
Flora
Endangered and protected plant species, of the native and endemic .
Abies beshanzuensis — Baishanzu fir, Baishan fir.
Abies fabri — Faber's fir
Abies fanjingshanensis Abies recurvata Abies yuanbaoshanensis Abies ziyuanensis Cupressus chengiana Cupressus duclouxiana — Chinese cypress
Cupressus gigantea Disanthus cercidifolius var. longipes Fissistigma cupreonitens Fissistigma tungfangense Magnolia delavayi — Chinese evergreen magnolia
Picea brachytyla Picea neoveitchii Pinus dabeshanensis Pseudolarix amabilis'' — golden larch
See also
Wildlife in China
Animal welfare and rights in China
Protected areas of China
Notes
References
E
.
China
China
.
. |
1913_0 | Keefe, Bruyette & Woods, Inc., a Stifel Company, is an investment banking firm headquartered in New York City, specializing exclusively in the financial services sector. KBW's primary business lines include research, corporate finance, equity sales and trading, equity capital markets, debt capital markets, and asset management.
The firm provides a broad range of services to corporate clients such as banking companies, insurance companies, real estate and REITs, broker-dealers, mortgage banks, asset management companies, and specialty finance firms as well as to the institutional investor community. KBW's research analysts cover more than 600 companies in the financial services industry globally.
The company, which was founded in 1962, currently has nine offices in the United States as well as an office in London. In 2013, KBW was acquired by Stifel Financial, a financial services holding Company, for $575 million. KBW has advised on 65 percent of all bank M&A since 2017. |
1913_1 | History
The firm was founded in 1962 by Harry Keefe Jr., Gene Bruyette and Norbert Woods. The three founders previously had worked together at Tucker, Anthony & R. L. Day. Beginning in the 1950s, Keefe had been one of the first Wall Street research analysts to focus on bank stocks, which later became the specialty of the firm he co-founded. Norbert Woods died in 1972 and the firm was led by Keefe and Bruyette through the 1970s and 1980s. |
1913_2 | Under Harry Keefe, the firm advised on several mergers that helped form large regional banks in the 1980s. The firm advised on a series of deals that created the Bank of New England out of smaller banks in Massachusetts and Connecticut. KBW also advised on the creation of SunTrust Bank from a group of Florida and Georgia based banks. In 1985, KBW negotiated the merger of Wachovia and First National Bank of Atlanta. In 2005, the firm was sole adviser to Bank of America in its takeover of MBNA. More recently, in 2019, KBW advised Chemical Financial on its $3.6 billion merger with TCF Financial and Prosperity Bancshares on its $2.1 billion acquisition of LegacyTexas Financial Group. |
1913_3 | Harry Keefe left the firm in 1989 after a business dispute with his associates and founded his own money management and consulting firm. By 1990, KBW had transitioned management of the firm from the original founders to a new group including Charles Lott and James McDermott. Gene Bruyette retired from the firm in 1991. James McDermott was later convicted of violating insider trading rules in 2000 by providing stock tips to a girlfriend. John Duffy succeeded him and was named president and chief executive officer in September 2001.
In October 2011, Duffy was appointed Vice Chairman and Thomas Michaud was named president and chief executive officer of KBW. Michaud had been KBW's Vice Chairman and Chief Operating Officer since September 2001. |
1913_4 | Impact of September 11, 2001
The company's prior New York headquarters was located on the 88th and 89th floors of the World Trade Center's South tower at the time of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Out of the firm's 172 New York employees, 67 died as a result of the attack when the South tower collapsed. Among the employees killed in the attack were the firm's co-CEO Joseph Berry, CFO Jeffrey Fox, as well as several notable research analysts Christopher W. Murphy, David Berry, Dean Eberling and Thomas Theurkauf.
The firm has held an annual 9/11 memorial service and also maintains a charitable fund it set up to help victims' families.
On July 25, 2018, the New York City medical examiner announced that the remains of another employee killed in the attack, 26-year-old Scott Michael Johnson, had been identified using methods of DNA analysis that were not available in 2001. Johnson worked as a securities analyst for the company.
European expansion |
1913_5 | In the late 1990s the firm began considering a move into Europe on the back of resurgent demand for specialist equity research and brokerage houses. The firm held abortive merger talks with London-based boutique investment bank Fox-Pitt, Kelton in 1998, and had been engaged in discussions with BNP about a possible acquisition in early 2001. The strategic expansion was postponed in late 2001 as the firm dealt with the fallout from the September 11 attacks.
In November 2004, KBW announced it would be investing $20 million into Europe with the intention of replicating its North American success by offering specialist research on 110 European financial stocks by 2005. |
1913_6 | The European subsidiary Keefe, Bruyette & Woods Limited was incorporated in London and by December 2004 the team had grown to 34. Vasco Moreno was named as chief executive officer and director of European research, moving from rival European boutique Fox, Pitt Kelton. KBW made 13 other senior hires from Fox-Pitt, including Richard Wynn-Griffith as Director of Equity Sales.
The move was a financial success, with the European business raising the firm's profile and generating $20 million in revenue as early as 2005. The firm also secured membership at the Euronext, London Stock Exchange, Deutsche Borse and SIX stock exchanges, a move which consolidated KBW's position as a specialist broker.
In 2014, the European subsidiary was absorbed by Stifel Financial's London business after the merger between the two parent companies. Moreno resigned in October 2013.
Initial Public Offering |
1913_7 | In 2005, KBW was the eighth largest trader of NASDAQ 100 financial stocks—greater than Goldman Sachs and Bear Stearns, despite having only 430 employees. For 2004 and 2005 the firm's investment bank was the No.1 ranked financial services M&A advisor and IPO manager globally, having advised on deals totalling $39 billion in 2005. The firm also ranked No.1 in five of their seven specialist research categories in a survey by Institutional Investor in December 2005.
On the back of this success, KBW completed a $143 million initial public offering of stock, floating 6.8 million shares on 9 November 2006. The firm was traded on the NYSE under the ticker 'KBW'. The joint bookrunners for the initial public offering were Keefe, Bruyette & Woods, Inc. and Merrill Lynch. As of the end of 2010, KBW employees owned approximately one-third of the stock in the firm. |
1913_8 | Asian expansion
Following the success of the firm's foray into Europe in 2004, KBW announced in May 2010 it would be opening offices in Hong Kong and Tokyo offering research, sales & trading, and capital markets advisory to institutional clients in the Asia-Pacific region. The new equity research business targeted an additional 91 Asian financial services companies, making KBW's global research platform of 600 companies in 33 countries the largest specialist financial services research franchise.
Bik San Leung was named as chief operating officer for KBW's Asian franchise, supervising 16 initial hires in Hong Kong and 4 in Tokyo. As in Europe, much of the firm's senior staff had been hired from Fox-Pitt, Kelton's Asian business. Thomas Michaud and Vasco Moreno were also appointed as Non-Executive Directors to oversee the development of the franchise. |
1913_9 | Merger with Stifel
On 5 November 2012, Stifel Financial announced they would be acquiring KBW in its entirety for $575 million. KBW was the third bank to merge with Stifel since 2010 as part of Stifel's efforts to become the pre-eminent middle-market investment bank. The merger was completed on 15 February 2013. Keefe, Bruyette & Woods retained its own identity as a specialist in financial services operating under the Stifel umbrella, and Thomas Michaud retained his role as chief executive officer of KBW and was made a member of Stifel’s Institutional Group Management Committee.
Business overview
The firm now operates under the Stifel umbrella as a financial services specialist, providing the following services to its clients:
Investment banking
KBW provides strategic advisory to private equity groups and corporations offering debt, equity & convertible capital raising, mergers & acquisitions and restructuring services. |
1913_10 | Sales and trading
KBW offers equity and fixed income sales & trading services to institutional clients. The firm levers Stifel's technology to provide acquisition integration, balance sheet advisory, investment portfolio analysis and reporting as well as product-specific strategies designed to improve overall performance.
Research
Together with Stifel, KBW's Equity Research division is the industry's largest provider of small and mid-cap equity research. The firms cover 1,600 global companies in 12 sectors and remain the provider with the broadest global financial coverage. The firm also provides macroeconomic research on the global financial services sector, FinTech and has a quantitative analysis group.
Public finance
KBW helps state and local government agencies raise capital and implement financing strategies that allow them to build and maintain infrastructure for the communities they serve. |
1913_11 | Equity capital markets
Together with Stifel, the firm's Equity Capital Markets group is responsible for the origination, underwriting, marketing, allocation and pricing of equity and equity-linked offerings across all sectors. KBW has been ranked the No.1 bookrunner of financial services common stock offerings since 2015, with a 71% market share since 2018.
See also
List of tenants in Two World Trade Center
References
External links
Keefe, Bruyette & Woods (company website)
Companies formerly listed on the New York Stock Exchange
Investment banks in the United States
Investment companies based in New York City
Financial services companies established in 1962
2006 initial public offerings
2012 mergers and acquisitions
1962 establishments in New York City |
1914_0 | The Liberal–National Coalition, commonly known simply as "the Coalition", is an alliance of centre-right political parties that forms one of the two major groupings in Australian federal politics. The two partners in the Coalition are the Liberal Party of Australia and the National Party of Australia (the latter previously known as the Country Party and the National Country Party). Its main opponent is the Australian Labor Party (ALP); the two forces are often regarded as operating in a two-party system. The Coalition has been in government since the 2013 federal election, most recently being re-elected in the 2019 Australian federal election. The group is led by Scott Morrison as Prime Minister of Australia since August 2018. |
1914_1 | The two parties in the Coalition have different voter bases, with the Liberals – the larger party – drawing most of their vote from urban areas and the Nationals operating almost exclusively in rural and regional areas. They occupy a broadly similar place on the centre-right of the political spectrum, although certain ideologies are more prevalent in each party. The partnership between the two current parties dates back to 1946, shortly after the Liberal Party was formed, and has continued almost uninterrupted since then. The Country Party also maintained similar alliances with the Liberal Party's predecessors, the United Australia Party and Nationalist Party, and similar parties at state level. The first such federal arrangement was formed in 1923, as a solution to the hung parliament that resulted from the 1922 federal election. |
1914_2 | The Liberals and Nationals maintain separate organisational wings and separate parliamentary parties, but co-operate in various ways determined by a mixture of formal agreements and informal conventions. There is a single Coalition frontbench, both in government and in opposition, with each party receiving a proportionate number of positions. By convention, the leader of the Liberal Party serves as the overall leader, serving as prime minister when the Coalition is in government and leader of the opposition when the Coalition is in opposition. The leader of the National Party becomes the deputy prime minister during periods of conservative government. The two parties co-operate on their federal election campaigns, run joint Senate tickets in most states, and generally avoid running candidates against each other in the House of Representatives. |
1914_3 | A merger of the Liberals and Nationals has been suggested on a number of occasions, but has never become a serious proposition. The relationship between the two parties varies at state and territory level. The situation in New South Wales and Victoria broadly mirrors that at federal level, while in Western Australia the parties are much more independent of each other. In the Northern Territory the territorial parties merged in 1974 to form the Country Liberal Party (CLP), and in 2008 the Queensland state-level parties merged, forming the Liberal National Party of Queensland (LNP). LNP and CLP members elected to federal parliament do not form separate parliamentary parties, joining either the Liberals or Nationals. In South Australia, Tasmania and the ACT, the Nationals have no sitting MPs and little or no organisational presence.
History |
1914_4 | The origins of the Coalition date back to the 1922 federal election, when the Nationalist Party, the main middle-class non-Labor party of the time, lost the absolute majority it had held since its formation in 1917. The Nationalists could only stay in office with the support of the two-year-old Country Party. It soon became apparent that a confidence and supply agreement would not be enough to keep the Nationalists in office. |
1914_5 | However, Country Party leader Earle Page had never trusted the Nationalist Prime Minister, Billy Hughes. Indeed, the Country Party had been formed in part due to discontent with Hughes' rural policy. Page not only let it be known that he would not serve under Hughes, but demanded Hughes' resignation before he would even consider coalition talks. Hughes resigned, and Page then entered negotiations with the new Nationalist leader, Stanley Bruce. The Country Party's terms were unusually stiff for a prospective junior partner in a Westminster system (and especially so for a relatively new party)--five seats in an 11-member cabinet, as well as the Treasurer's post and second rank in the ministry for Page. Nonetheless, Bruce agreed rather than force a new election. Since then, the leader of the Country Party, which evolved into the National Party, has ranked second in nearly all non-Labor governments, a status formalised in 1967 when the post of Deputy Prime Minister was formally created to |
1914_6 | denote Country leader John McEwen's status as the number-two man in the government. |
1914_7 | The Nationalist–Country Coalition was reelected twice, and continued in office until its defeat in 1929.
The Country Party and the Nationalists' successor party, the United Australia Party, fought the 1931 federal election with a joint Senate ticket, though they ran separate House tickets. The UAP came up only four seats short of a majority in its own right. The Emergency Committee of South Australia, which stood for the UAP and Country Party in South Australia, joined the UAP party room, giving the UAP enough support to rule alone. However, the parties once again joined in a full Coalition government following the 1934 federal election. |
1914_8 | After the death of Prime Minister Joseph Lyons in April 1939, Page was appointed as his successor on an interim basis, pending the new election of a new UAP leader. Despite Page's misgivings, the UAP elected Robert Menzies – who was known to dislike the Country Party. Page subsequently made a vitriolic speech in parliament attacking Menzies's character, and withdrew his party from the coalition – the most recent occasion on which the coalition has been broken while in government. However, a number of Page's colleagues disagreed with his stance, and he resigned as leader in September 1939. He was replaced by Archie Cameron, and after months of negotiations the coalition was revived in March 1940, with five Country MPs joining the second Menzies Ministry. |
1914_9 | After losing eight seats at the 1940 federal election, the Coalition was plunged into minority government for the first time in its history. Archie Cameron was an immediate victim of the election result, being replaced by Arthur Fadden and later defecting to the UAP. Menzies increasingly struggled to balance his management of Australia's war effort with domestic concerns, and his party began to rebel against him. However, the UAP was bereft of leadership despite having been in power for a decade. With this in mind, in August 1941 the Coalition collectively decided that Fadden and Menzies should swap positions, with Menzies becoming Minister for Defence Co-ordination and Fadden becoming prime minister. It was the first and only occasion on which the Coalition was led by the leader of the junior party. However, the Fadden Government only lasted a few months before losing a confidence motion and being replaced by the Labor Party in the form of the Curtin Government. |
1914_10 | After the demise of the Fadden Government, the Coalition voted to continue on under his leadership in opposition. Menzies had opposed this, and resigned as UAP leader, to be replaced by the ageing Billy Hughes. Up until the 1943 election, the Coalition effectively operated as a single unit, with separate party meetings being extremely rare. However, the landslide defeat it suffered – under Fadden as opposition leader – led to an immediate change in strategy. The UAP voted to break off its ties with the Country Party in opposition, and re-elected Menzies as its leader. This is the most recent occasion on which the senior partner in the Coalition has opted to withdraw. |
1914_11 | The UAP was folded into the Liberal Party in 1945, with Menzies as leader. In the lead-up to the 1946 federal election, Menzies renewed the Coalition with the Country Party, which was still led by Fadden. They won the 1949 federal election as a Coalition, and stayed in office for a record 23 years. Since 1946, the Coalition has remained intact with two exceptions, both in opposition. The parties decided not to form a coalition opposition following their defeat in 1972, but went into the 1974 federal election as a Coalition. The Coalition remained together upon entering opposition in 1983 federal election. The Coalition suffered another break, related to the "Joh for Canberra" campaign, from April to August 1987, the rift healing after the 1987 federal election.
The solidity of the Coalition is so strong that when the Liberals won parliamentary majorities in their own right in the 1975, 1977 and 1996 federal elections, the Coalition was retained. |
1914_12 | In the 2007 federal election, the Coalition lost to the Labor Party and went into opposition. The Coalition regained office in the 2013 federal election as a majority government. In October 2018, the Coalition went into minority government for the second time in its history, when the seat of Wentworth was won by Independent Kerryn Phelps in the by-election. The by-election was triggered by the resignation of incumbent Liberal MP Malcolm Turnbull, who was ousted as Prime Minister and Liberal Party leader during a spill motion earlier in August 2018. The coalition formed majority government again following the 2019 federal election. |
1914_13 | Electoral organisation
Coalition arrangements are facilitated by Australia's preferential voting systems which enable Liberals and Nationals to compete locally in "three-cornered-contests", with the Australian Labor Party (ALP), while exchanging preferences in elections. Such contests would weaken their prospects under first-past-the-post voting. From time to time, friction is caused by the fact that the Liberal and National candidates are campaigning against each other, without long-term damage to the relationship. |
1914_14 | Indeed, the whole point of introducing preferential voting was to allow safe spoiler-free, three-cornered contests. It was a government of the Nationalist Party, a forerunner to the modern Liberal Party which introduced the legislation, following Labor's unexpected win at the 1918 Swan by-election where the conservative vote split. Two months later, the Corangamite by-election held under preferential voting caused the initially leading ALP candidate to lose after some lower-placed candidates' preferences had been distributed. |
1914_15 | As a result of variations on the preferential voting system used in every state and territory, the Coalition has been able to thrive, wherever both its member parties have both been active. The preferential voting system has allowed the Liberal and National parties to compete and co-operate at the same time. By contrast, a variation of the preferential system known as optional preferential voting has proven a significant handicap to coalition co-operation in Queensland and New South Wales, because significant numbers of voters do not express all useful preferences. |
1914_16 | Nomenclature
Due to a disciplined coalition between the parties and their predecessors being in existence for almost 100 years with only a few brief cessations within a parliamentary system, most commentators and the general public often refer to the Coalition as if it were a single party. Polling and electoral results contain a two-party-preferred (TPP) vote which is based on Labor and the Coalition. The Australian Electoral Commission has distinguished between "traditional" (Coalition/Labor) two-party-preferred (TPP/2PP) contests, and "non-traditional" (Independent, Greens, Liberal vs National) two-candidate-preferred (TCP/2CP) contests. At the 2010 federal election, all eight seats which resulted in a two-candidate-preferred result were re-counted to also express a statistical-only "traditional" two-party-preferred result.
Federal election results |
1914_17 | House of Representatives
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:right;"
|-
! Election
! Leader
! Votes
! %
! Seats
! ±
! Status
|-
!1925
| align=left rowspan=3 | Stanley Bruce
| 1,551,760
| 53.20
|
| 11
|
|-
!1928
| 1,286,208
| 49.56
|
| 9
|
|-
!1929
| 1,271,619
| 44.17
|
| 18
|
|-
!1931
| align=left rowspan=3 | Joseph Lyons
| 1,533,627
| 48.35
|
| 26
|
|-
!1934
| 1,618,946
| 45.58
|
| 8
|
|-
!1937
| 1,774,805
| 49.26
|
| 2
|
|-
!rowspan=2| 1940
| rowspan=2 align=left| Robert Menzies
| rowspan=2| 1,703,185
| rowspan=2| 43.93
| rowspan=2|
| rowspan=2| 8
|
|-
|
|-
!1943
| align=left| Arthur Fadden
| 1,248,506
| 30.45
|
| 17
|
|-
!1946
| align=left rowspan=8 | Robert Menzies
| 1,706,387
| 39.28
|
| 7
|
|-
!1949
| 2,314,143
| 50.26
|
| 48
|
|-
!1951
| 2,298,512
| 50.34
|
| 5
|
|-
!1954
| 2,133,979
| 46.82
|
| 5
|
|-
!1955
| 2,093,930
| 47.63
|
| 11
|
|-
!1958
| 2,324,500
| 46.55
|
| 2
|
|-
!1961
| 2,208,213
| 42.09
|
| 15
|
|-
!1963 |
1914_18 | | 2,520,321
| 46.03
|
| 10
|
|-
!1966
| align=left| Harold Holt
| 2,853,890
| 49.98
|
| 10
|
|-
!1969
| align=left| John Gorton
| 2,649,219
| 43.33
|
| 16
|
|-
!1972
| align=left| William McMahon
| 2,737,911
| 41.48
|
| 8
|
|-
! rowspan=2| 1974
| rowspan=2 align=left| Billy Snedden
| rowspan=2| 3,319,220
| rowspan=2| 44.91
| rowspan=2|
| rowspan=2| 3
|
|-
|
|-
!1975
| align=left rowspan=4 | Malcolm Fraser
| 4,102,078
| 53.05
|
| 30
|
|-
!1977
| 3,811,340
| 48.10
|
| 5
|
|-
!1980
| 3,853,549
| 46.40
|
| 12
|
|-
!1983
| 3,783,595
| 43.57
|
| 24
|
|-
!1984
| align=left| Andrew Peacock
| 3,872,707
| 44.69
|
| 16
|
|-
!1987
| align=left| John Howard
| 4,236,238
| 45.91
|
| 4
|
|-
!1990
| align=left| Andrew Peacock
| 4,302,127
| 43.46
|
| 7
|
|-
!1993
| align=left| John Hewson
| 4,681,822
| 44.27
|
| 4
|
|-
!1996
| align=left rowspan=5 | John Howard
| 5,103,859
| 46.90
|
| 29
|
|-
!1998
| 4,352,795
| 39.18
|
| 14
|
|-
!2001
| 4,887,998 |
1914_19 | | 43.01
|
| 2
|
|-
!2004
| 5,471,588| 46.70
|
| 5
|
|-
!2007
| 5,229,024
| 42.09
|
| 22
|
|-
!2010
| align=left rowspan=2 | Tony Abbott
| 5,365,529
| 43.32
|
| 7
|
|-
!2013
| 5,882,818
| 45.55
|
| 18
|
|-
!2016
| align=left | Malcolm Turnbull
| 5,693,605
| 42.15
|
| 14
|
|-
!2019
| align=left | Scott Morrison
| 5,906,860
| 41.44
|
| 1
|
|} |
1914_20 | States and territories
New South Wales
A Coalition between the Liberal (and predecessors) and National parties has existed without interruption in New South Wales since 1927. Predecessors of the NSW Liberal Party, including the UAP, Nationalist Party and the Democratic Party, maintained a coalition with the Country Party (old name of National Party).
The Liberal Party is led by Dominic Perrottet and the National Party by Paul Toole. The Coalition won the 2011 state election in a massive swing under Barry O'Farrell, the 2015 election with a reduced majority under Mike Baird, and the 2019 election under Gladys Berejiklian. |
1914_21 | New South Wales is the only state where the non-Labor Coalition has never broken, and yet has also never merged. This remained the case even in 2011, when the Liberals won a majority in their own right but still retained the Coalition. On 10 September 2020, the Nationals threatened to move to the crossbench over a dispute regarding koala protection laws, but the issue was resolved the next day and the Nationals remained in the Coalition. |
1914_22 | Queensland
Due to Brisbane having a much smaller share of Queensland's population compared to the other state capitals, Queensland is the only state in which the Nationals have consistently been the stronger non-Labor party. The Nationals were the senior partner in the non-Labor Coalition from 1925 until the Coalition was broken in 1983. At an election held two months later, the Nationals under Joh Bjelke-Petersen came up one seat short of a majority, but later gained a majority when two Liberal MLAs crossed the floor to join the Nationals. The Nationals then governed in their own right until 1989. The Coalition was renewed in 1991, and won power under Rob Borbidge from 1996 to 1998. |
1914_23 | The Queensland Liberals and Nationals had contested separately for the Senate in federal elections until the 2007 election, when they ran a join Senate ticket for the first time in 30 years. In 2008, the two parties agreed to merge, forming the Liberal National Party (LNP), under the leadership of former National Lawrence Springborg. Although it is dominated by former Nationals, it has full voting rights within the Liberal Party and observer status within the National Party. Springborg stood down in 2009, and was succeeded by former Liberal John-Paul Langbroek. The LNP won an overwhelming majority government in the 2012 state election under the leadership of former Liberal Campbell Newman, who had taken over from Langbroek a year earlier. However, it lost power in 2015, and Springborg returned to the leadership, only to lose a challenge by former Liberal Tim Nicholls in May 2016. Following another loss in the 2017 election, Nicholls stood down as LNP party leader and was succeeded |
1914_24 | by Deb Frecklington, who holds the ancestrally National seat of Nanango, Bjelke-Petersen's old seat. |
1914_25 | At the federal level, six LNP MPs sit with the Nationals and 16 with the Liberals. LNP Senator Matt Canavan sits with the Nationals, while the LNP's four other Senators sit with the Liberals. The highest-profile LNP MP in recent years has been former federal Nationals leader and Deputy Prime Minister Warren Truss. The LNP has an informal agreement with its federal counterparts as to which party room in which LNP members will sit. Incumbent MPs retain their previous federal affiliations, whereas members who win seats from the ALP that previously belonged to the Coalition will sit with the previous member's party. An amicable division of seats was decided upon for new seats or seats that have never been won by the Coalition. In practice, most LNP MPs from Brisbane, the Gold Coast and the Sunshine Coast sit with the Liberals, while those from rural seats usually sit with the Nationals. |
1914_26 | South Australia
The state branch of the Country Party merged with the Liberal Federation, the state branch of the UAP, in 1932 to form the Liberal and Country League. It later became the state division of the Liberal Party when the latter was formed in 1945. A separate Country Party (later Nationals SA) was revived in 1963, though the main non-Labor party in South Australia continued to use the LCL name until it was also renamed to the Liberal Party in 1974. The revived SA Nationals have never been successful in South Australia, due to the state's highly centralised population (some three-quarters of the population lives in Adelaide) and the Liberals' strong support in rural areas that would tilt National in most of the rest of Australia. The party's current incarnation has only elected two representatives: Peter Blacker from 1973 to 1993, and Karlene Maywald from 1997 to 2010. |
1914_27 | From 2004 to 2010, Maywald was a Minister in the Rann Labor Government, before losing her seat at the 2010 South Australian state election, thereby informally creating a Labor-National coalition in South Australia. The National Party, at the time, rejected the notion that it was in a coalition with Labor at the state level. State National Party President John Venus told journalists, "We (The Nationals) are not in coalition with the Labor Party, we aren't in coalition with the Liberals, we are definitely not in coalition with anyone. We stand alone in South Australia as an independent party." Flinders University political scientist Haydon Manning disagreed, saying that it is "churlish to describe the government as anything but a coalition". The party did not run candidates at the 2010 federal election, but ran one candidate in the seat of Barker and two for the Senate at the 2013 election. The Nationals candidate for Barker and several other Coalition figures assured electors that any |
1914_28 | Nationals elected from South Australia would be part of the Coalition, after comments from the Liberal candidate to the contrary. |
1914_29 | Tasmania |
1914_30 | The National Party has never done well in Tasmania, even though its first leader, William McWilliams, was a Tasmanian. It has elected only two other lower house members. A Tasmania branch of the then-Country Party was formed in 1922 and briefly held the balance of power, but merged with the Nationalists in 1924. It was refounded in 1962, but never gained much ground. In 1969, Liberal MHA Kevin Lyons, the son of former Prime Minister Lyons, pulled together most of the Tasmanian Country Party into the Centre Party, which held the balance of power in that year's state election. It threw its support to the Liberals, and Lyons—the Centre Party's lone MHA—became Deputy Premier. The Liberal-Centre alliance fell apart in 1972, forcing an early election. In 1975, what remained of the Centre Party became the Tasmanian chapter of what was by now the National Country Party before fading away completely. A Tasmanian National Party branch was briefly revived in the 1990s before it too |
1914_31 | disappeared, leaving the Liberal Party as the sole major non-Labor party in the state. In 2018, Senator Steve Martin, formerly of the Jacqui Lambie Network, joined the Nationals, becoming the party's first federal member from Tasmania in either chamber in 90 years. However, Martin lost his bid for a new term. |
1914_32 | Victoria
A Coalition between the Liberal and National parties exists in Victoria. The Liberal Party is led by Matthew Guy and the National Party by Peter Walsh. |
1914_33 | The Country Party was the stronger coalition partner on multiple occasions from the 1920s through to the 1950s, and Country leaders served as Premier of Victoria on five separate occasions. However, the relationship between the two parties was somewhat strained for most of the second half of the 20th century. In 1948, the coalition was broken when the Liberal leader and Premier Thomas Hollway sacked Country leader John McDonald as Deputy Premier. In March 1949, the Liberals renamed themselves the Liberal and Country Party as part of an effort to merge the two non-Labor parties in Victoria. However, McDonald saw this as an attempted Liberal takeover of the Country Party, and the Country Party turned the proposed merger down. As a result, both parties competed against each other and fought elections separately from 1952 to 1989. The presence of John McEwen, a Victorian, as number-two man in the federal government from 1958 to 1971 (including a brief stint as interim Prime Minister) did |
1914_34 | little to change this. |
1914_35 | The Liberals and Nationals reached a Coalition agreement in 1990. They fought and won the 1992 and 1996 elections as a Coalition under the leadership of Jeff Kennett. Although the Liberals won enough seats to govern alone, Kennett retained the Nationals in his government. When Peter Ryan became leader of the Nationals shortly after the Kennett government's 1999 election defeat, he terminated the Coalition agreement and led the Nationals into the 2002 and 2006 elections separately from the Liberals. However, the Coalition agreement was renewed in 2008 and the Victorian Liberal and National parties went into the 2010 election as a Coalition. The Coalition ended up winning the 2010 election with a one-seat margin under the leadership of Ted Baillieu, who resigned in 2013 and was succeeded by Denis Napthine. The Coalition lost power at the 2014 election. The Coalition arrangement was maintained while the two parties were in opposition. |
1914_36 | According to The Age, between November 2018 and November 2021, the Coalition's Legislative Council members voted with the Andrews Government's position 28.9% of the time; of the parties in the Legislative Council, only the Liberal Democratic Party had a lower figure (22.1%).
Western Australia
The Country Party was the stronger coalition partner from the 1933 state election to the 1947 state election, although the Coalition did not form government during this period. Western Australia has never had a premier from the Country/National Party.
In May 1949, the Liberal and Country League (Western Australia) was formed to attempt to merge Country Party (then called County Democratic League or CDL) and Liberal Party together. This did not eventuate and the CDL did not join the new party. |
1914_37 | The National Party was in Coalition with the Liberal Party government from 1993 to 2001 (see Hendy Cowan), but the Coalition was subsequently broken. In 2008, the Liberals under Colin Barnett, the Nationals under Brendon Grylls, and independent John Bowler formed a minority government after the 2008 election. However, it was not characterised as a "traditional coalition", with limited cabinet collective responsibility for National cabinet members. Tony Crook was elected as the WA Nationals candidate for the seat of O'Connor at the 2010 federal election. Although some reports initially counted Crook as a National MP, and thus part of the Coalition, Crook sat as a crossbencher. |
1914_38 | The Liberals won enough seats for a majority in their own right in the 2013 state election, but Barnett had announced before the election that he would retain the coalition with the Nationals. However, Barnett would have likely had to keep the Nationals in his government in any event. According to the ABC's Antony Green, the rural weighting in the Legislative Council all but forces the WA Liberals to depend on National support even when the Liberals have enough support to govern alone. The Barnett government was heavily defeated at the 2017 state election, and the two parties went their separate ways with Liberal Party being the sole opposition party. |
1914_39 | In the 2021 election, the Liberal Party ended up winning fewer seats than the National Party, headed by Mia Davies, with the National Party gaining opposition status and Davies becoming the first Nationals opposition leader since 1947. Following the election, the Liberal Party and Nationals Party entered into a formal alliance to form opposition, with National Party being the senior party and the Liberal Party being the junior party in the alliance. Shadow ministerial positions were also held by parliamentary members of both parties. This was similar to the agreements between both parties when they were in government following the 2008 and 2013 elections. Similar to the 2008 and 2013 agreements, the deputy leader of the senior party, Nationals deputy leader Shane Love, was the deputy opposition leader, instead of the leader of the junior party, Liberal Party leader David Honey. Under the alliance, each party maintained their independence, and could speak out on issues when there was a |
1914_40 | disagreement with their partner. |
1914_41 | TerritoriesAustralian Capital Territory: The National Party is not affiliated in the Australian Capital Territory, leaving the Liberal Party as the sole major non-Labor party in the territory.Northern Territory''': The two parties' branches in the Northern Territory merged in 1974, forming the Country Liberal Party. The CLP governed the Territory from 1974 to 2001 and from 2012 to 2016. The CLP retains full voting rights within the federal National Party, and has observer status with the federal Liberal Party. The CLP directs its federal members of the House and Senate whether to sit with the federal Liberals or Nationals. In practice, since the mid-1980s, CLP House members have sat with the Liberals while CLP Senators sit with the Nationals. For example, Natasha Griggs, who held the Darwin-area seat of Solomon from 2010 to 2016, sat with the Liberals during her tenure in Canberra. CLP Senator Nigel Scullion was the leader of the Nationals in the Senate from 2007 to 2008, when he was |
1914_42 | succeeded by Barnaby Joyce. He was the federal deputy leader of the Nationals, alongside Truss, from 2007 to 2013. Joyce became federal Nationals deputy leader after his successful transition to the House of Representatives at the 2013 election, and Scullion returned as the Nationals Senate leader. |
1914_43 | References
External links
Liberals site
Nationals site
LNP site
CLP site
History of preferences page at the Australian Broadcasting Corporation site
Political party alliances in Australia
Conservatism in Australia
Liberalism in Australia
Liberal Party of Australia
National Party of Australia |
1915_0 | The Hungry Generation () was a literary movement in the Bengali language launched by what is known today as the Hungryalist quartet, i.e. Shakti Chattopadhyay, , Malay Roy Choudhury, Samir Roychoudhury and Debi Roy (alias Haradhon Dhara), during the 1960s in Kolkata, India. Due to their involvement in this avant garde cultural movement, the leaders lost their jobs and were jailed by the incumbent government. They challenged contemporary ideas about literature and contributed significantly to the evolution of the language and idiom used by contemporaneous artists to express their feelings in literature and painting. |
1915_1 | The approach of the Hungryalists was to confront and disturb the prospective readers' preconceived colonial canons. According to Pradip Choudhuri, a leading philosopher and poet of the generation, whose works have been extensively translated in French, their counter-discourse was the first voice of post-colonial freedom of pen and brush. Besides the famous four mentioned above, Utpal Kumar Basu, Binoy Majumdar, Sandipan Chattopadhyay, Basudeb Dasgupta, Falguni Roy, Subhash Ghosh, Tridib Mitra, Alo Mitra, Ramananda Chattopadhyay, Anil Karanjai, Karunanidhan Mukhopadhyay, Pradip Choudhuri, Subimal Basak and Subo Acharya were among the other leading writers and artists of the movement. |
1915_2 | Origins
The origins of this movement stem from the educational establishments serving Chaucer and Spengler to the poor of India. The movement was officially launched, however, in November 1961 from the residence of Malay Roy Choudhury and his brother Samir Roychoudhury in Patna. They took the word Hungry from Geoffrey Chaucer's line "In Sowre Hungry Tyme" and they drew upon, among others, Oswald Spengler's histriographical ideas about the non-centrality of cultural evolution and progression, for philosophical inspiration. The movement was to last from 1961 to 1965. It is wrong to suggest that the movement was influenced by the Beat Generation, since Ginsberg did not visit Malay until April 1963, when he came to Patna. Poets Octavio Paz and Ernesto Cardenal were to visit Malay later during the 1960s. The hungry generation has some of the same ideals as The Papelipolas and the Barranquilla Group, both from Colombia, and the Spanish Generation of 68.
History |
1915_3 | This movement is characterized by expression of closeness to nature and sometimes by tenets of Gandhianism and Proudhonianism. Although it originated at Patna, Bihar and was initially based in Kolkata, it had participants spread over North Bengal, Tripura and Benares. According to Dr. Shankar Bhattacharya, Dean at Assam University, as well as Aryanil Mukherjee, editor of Kaurab Literary Periodical, the movement influenced Allen Ginsberg as much as it influenced American poetry through the Beat poets who visited Calcutta, Patna and Benares during the 1960-1970s. Arvind Krishna Mehrotra, now a professor and editor, was associated with the Hungry generation movement. Shakti Chattopadhyay, Saileswar Ghosh, Subhas Ghosh left the movement in 1964. |
1915_4 | More than 100 manifestos were issued during 1961–1965. Malay Roy Choudhury's poems have been published by Prof P. Lal from his Writers Workshop imprint. Howard McCord published Malay's controversial poem Prachanda Boidyutik Chhutar (i.e. Stark Electric Jesus} from Washington State University in 1965. The poem has been translated into several languages of the world. Into German by Carl Weissner,in Spanish by Margaret Randall, in Urdu by Ameeq Hanfee, in Assamese by Manik Dass, in Gujarati by Nalin Patel, in Hindi by Rajkamal Chaudhary, and in English by Howard McCord.
Impact |
1915_5 | The works of these participants appeared in Citylights Journal 1, 2 and 3 published between 1964 and 1966, edited by Lawrence Ferlinghetti, and in special issues of American magazines including Kulchur edited by Lita Hornick, Klactoveedsedsteen edited by Carl Weissner, El Corno Emplunado edited by Margaret Randall, Evergreen Review edited by Barney Rosset, Salted Feathersedited by Dick Bakken, Intrepid edited by Alan De Loach, and San Francisco Earthquake, during the 1960s. The Hungry Generation, also known as Hungryalism, challenged the mainstream literary genres. The group wrote poetry and prose in completely different forms and experimented with the contents. The movement changed the literary atmosphere of Bengal altogether. It had influences in Hindi, Marathi, Assamese and Urdu literatures. |
1915_6 | Hungryalists and Krittibas
There is a misconception that the Hungryalists and the Krittibas group were the same and that the Krittibas magazine was a Hungryalist platform. This is incorrect as the Krittibas was a group from the fifties. The Hungryalist movement was a sixties decade phenomenon. Krittibas magazine in its editorial had openly declared that they have no relations with the movement and that they do not approve of the philosophy of the movement.
See also
List of underground newspapers of the 1960s counterculture
References |
1915_7 | Sources
The autobiography of Malay Roy Choudhury is available in Vol 215 of "Contemporary Authors" published by Thomas Gale. ()
There are Hungry Generation Archives in Northwestern University in Illinois as well as Bangla Academy in Dhaka, Bangladesh. At Kolkata the Little Magazine Library and Research Centre run by Sandip Dutta has a separate section on the Hungryalist publications as well as trial papers of the famous Hungry generation case in which some of the colleagues of Malay turned against the movement and gave undertakings to have withdrawn from the movement. Trial papers are archived in Bankshall Court, Kolkata (9th Court of Presidency Magistrate), Case No. GR. 579 of 1965; State of West Bengal Vs Malay Roy Choudhury
Hungry Kimbadanti written by Malay Roy Choudhury and published by De Books, Kolkata (1997)
Hungry Andolon issue of Haowa 49 magazine (2003) edited by Samir Roychoudhury and Murshid A. M. |
1915_8 | Hungry Andolon O Drohopurush Kotha written by Dr. Bishnu Chandra Dey and published by Sahayatri, Kolkata 700 009 (2013)
Chandragrahan Hungry Andolon Special issue edited by Pranabkumar Chattopadhyay2, Dumdum, Kolkata 700 030 (October 2014) |
1915_9 | External links
BBC Documentary on Hungryalist movement
The Hungry Generation (TIME 1964)
Hungryalist Movement: A Photo-Text Album
Hungry Generation (blog)
Culture of Kolkata
Bengali-language literature
Bengali language
Indian literary movements |
1916_0 | The phrase "the disciple whom Jesus loved" (, ) or, in John 20:2; "the disciple beloved of Jesus" (, ), is used six times in the Gospel of John, but in no other New Testament accounts of Jesus. states that the Gospel of John is based on the written testimony of this disciple.
Since the end of the first century, the Beloved Disciple has been commonly identified with John the Evangelist. Scholars have debated the authorship of Johannine literature (the Gospel of John, Epistles of John, and the Book of Revelation) since at least the third century, but especially since the Enlightenment. The authorship by John the Apostle is rejected by many modern scholars, but not entirely. There is a consensus among Johannine scholars that the Beloved Disciple was a real historical person, but there is no consensus on who the beloved disciple was.
Sources |
1916_1 | The disciple whom Jesus loved is referred to, specifically, six times in the Gospel of John:
It is this disciple who, while reclining beside Jesus at the Last Supper, asks Jesus who it is that will betray him, after being requested by Peter to do so.
Later at the crucifixion, Jesus tells his mother, "Woman, here is your son", and to the Beloved Disciple he says, "Here is your mother."
When Mary Magdalene discovers the empty tomb, she runs to tell the Beloved Disciple and Peter. The two men rush to the empty tomb and the Beloved Disciple is the first to reach it. However, Peter is the first to enter.
In John 21, the last chapter of the Gospel of John, the Beloved Disciple is one of seven fishermen involved in the miraculous catch of 153 fish. |
1916_2 | Also in the book's final chapter, after Jesus implies the manner in which Peter will die, Peter sees the Beloved Disciple following them and asks, "What about him?" Jesus answers, "If I want him to remain until I come, what is that to you? You follow Me."
Again in the Gospel's last chapter, it states that the very book itself is based on the written testimony of the disciple whom Jesus loved. |
1916_3 | The other Gospels do not mention anyone in parallel circumstances who could be directly linked to the Beloved Disciple. For example, in Luke 24:12, Peter runs to the tomb. Matthew, Mark, and Luke do not mention any one of the 12 disciples having witnessed the crucifixion.
Also, the New Testament makes two references to an unnamed "other disciple" in John 1:35-40 and John 18:15-16, which may be to the same person based on the wording in John 20:2.
Identity
John the Apostle
The closing words of the Gospel of John state explicitly concerning the Beloved Disciple that "It is this disciple who testifies to these things and has written them, and we know that his testimony is true." |
1916_4 | Eusebius, writing in the fourth century, recorded in his Church History a letter which he believed to have been written by Polycrates of Ephesus () in the second century. Polycrates believed that John was the one "who reclined upon the bosom of the Lord"; suggesting an identification with the Beloved Disciple:
Augustine of Hippo (354 – 430 AD) also believed that John was the Beloved Disciple, in his Tractates on the Gospel of John.
The assumption that the Beloved Disciple was one of the Apostles is based on the observation that he was apparently present at the Last Supper, and Matthew and Mark state that Jesus ate with the Twelve. Thus, the most frequent identification is with John the Apostle, who would then be the same as John the Evangelist. Merril F. Unger presents a case for this by a process of elimination. |
1916_5 | Nevertheless, while some modern academics continue to share the view of Augustine and Polycrates, a growing number do not believe that John the Apostle wrote the Gospel of John or indeed any of the other New Testament works traditionally ascribed to him, making this linkage of a 'John' to the beloved disciple difficult to sustain.
Some scholars have additionally suggested a homoerotic interpretation of Christ's relationship with the Beloved Disciple, although such a scriptural reading is disputed by others. Tilborg suggests that the portrait in the Gospel of John is "positively attuned to the development of possibly homosexual behaviour". However, he cautions that "in the code ... such imaginary homosexual behaviour is not an expression of homosexuality." Meanwhile, theologian Ismo Dunderberg has also explored the issue and argues that the absence of accepted Greek terms for "lover" and "beloved" discounts an erotic reading. |
1916_6 | The relationship between Christ and John was certainly interpreted by some as being of a physical erotic nature as early as the 16th century (albeit in a heretical context) - documented, for example, in the trial for blasphemy of Christopher Marlowe, who was accused of claiming that "St. John the Evangelist was bedfellow to Christ and leaned always in his bosom, that he used him as the sinners of Sodoma". In accusing Marlowe of the "sinful nature" of homosexual acts, James I of England inevitably invited comparisons to his own erotic relationship with the Duke of Buckingham which he also compared to that of the Beloved Disciple. Finally, Francesco Calcagno, a friar of Venice faced trial and was executed in 1550 for claiming that "St. John was Christ's catamite". |
1916_7 | Dynes also makes a link to the modern day where in 1970s New York a popular religious group was established called the "Church of the Beloved Disciple", with the intention of giving a positive reading of the relationship to support respect for same-sex love.
Lazarus
The Beloved Disciple has also been identified with Lazarus of Bethany, based on : "Now Jesus loved Martha and her sister and Lazarus", and "Therefore his sisters sent unto him, saying, Lord, behold, he whom thou lovest is sick."
Also relevant according to Ben Witherington III is the fact that the character of the Beloved Disciple is not mentioned before the raising of Lazarus (Lazarus being raised in John 11, while the Beloved Disciple is first mentioned in John 13). |
1916_8 | Frederick Baltz asserts that the Lazarus identification, the evidence suggesting that the Beloved Disciple was a priest, and the ancient John tradition are all correct. Baltz says the family of the children of Boethus, known from Josephus and rabbinic literature, is the same family we meet in the 11th chapter of the Gospel: Lazarus, Martha, and Mary of Bethany. This is a beloved family, according to . The historical Lazarus was Eleazar son of Boethus, who was once Israel's high priest, and from a clan that produced several high priests. The Gospel's author, John, was not a member of the Twelve, but the son of Martha (Sukkah 52b). He closely matches the description given by Bishop Polycrates in his letter, a sacrificing priest who wore the petalon (i.e., emblem of the high priest). This John "the Elder" was a follower of Jesus referred to by Papias of Hierapolis, and an eyewitness to his ministry. He was the right age to have lived until the time of Trajan (according to Irenaeus). |
1916_9 | Baltz says John is probably the disciple ον ηγαπα ο Ιησους, and Eleazar is the disciple ον εφιλει ο Ιησους in the Gospel. |
1916_10 | Mary Magdalene
Ramon K. Jusino (1998) proposed that the Beloved Disciple in the Gospel of John really was originally Mary Magdalene. But as Matkin and others note Mary and the Beloved Disciple appear in the same scene in John 20. |
1916_11 | To make this claim and maintain consistency with scripture, the theory is suggested that Mary's separate existence in the two common scenes with the Beloved Disciple and is due to later modifications, hastily done to authorize the Gospel in the late 2nd century ( in particular, as the Beloved Disciple's presence at the foot of the cross is mentioned only immediately after Mary Magdalene is named among the list of women also present and not prior, nor is he listed accompanying Jesus's mother at the cross prior to the listed women; only upon being acknowledged and commissioned by Jesus to look after his mother is the Beloved Disciple's presence established). Both scenes are claimed to have inconsistencies both internally and in reference to the synoptic Gospels. So, then, this rough editing might have been done to make Mary Magdalene and the Beloved Disciple appear as different persons. |
1916_12 | In the Gospel of Mary, part of the New Testament apocrypha — specifically the Nag Hammadi library — a certain Mary who is commonly identified as Mary Magdalene is constantly referred to as being loved by Jesus more than the others. In the Gospel of Philip, another Gnostic Nag Hammadi text, the same is specifically said about Mary Magdalene.
Unknown priest or disciple |
1916_13 | Brian J. Capper argues that the Beloved Disciple was a priestly member of a quasimonastic, mystical, and ascetic Jewish aristocracy, located on Jerusalem's prestigious southwest hill, who had hosted Jesus' last supper in that location, citing the scholar D.E.H. Whiteley, who deduced that the Beloved Disciple was the host at the last supper. Capper suggests, to explain the largely distinctive designation of the Beloved Disciple as one loved by Jesus, that the language of 'love' was particularly related to Jewish groups which revealed the distinctive social characteristics of 'virtuoso religion' in ascetic communities. The British scholar Richard Bauckham reaches the similar conclusion that the beloved disciple, who also authored the gospel attributed to John, was probably a literarily sophisticated member of the surprisingly extensive high priestly family clan.
Gerd Theissen and Annette Merz suggest the testimony may have come from a lesser known disciple, perhaps from Jerusalem. |
1916_14 | James, brother of Jesus
James D. Tabor argues that the Beloved Disciple is James, brother of Jesus (the type of relative to Jesus, brother or cousin, depends on how one translates the word). One of several pieces of evidence Tabor offers is a literal interpretation of , "Then when Jesus saw His mother and the disciple whom He loved standing by, He said to His mother, Woman, behold your son." However, elsewhere in that gospel, the beloved disciple refers to the risen Jesus as "the Lord" rather than as "my brother". |
1916_15 | Tabor also cites a passage of Jesus referring to James as "my beloved" (twice) in the apocryphal Second Apocalypse of James as indicating James to be the Beloved Disciple. This passage reads:
And Jesus kissed my mouth. He took hold of me saying: 'My beloved! Behold, I shall reveal to you those things that the heavens nor the angels have known. Behold, I shall reveal to you everything, my beloved. Behold, I shall reveal to you what is hidden. But now, stretch out your hand. Now, take hold of me'.
Reasons for concealing the identity by name
Theories about the reference usually include an attempt to explain why this anonymizing idiom is used at all, rather than stating an identity. |
1916_16 | Suggestions accounting for this are numerous. One common proposal is that the author concealed his name due simply to modesty. Another is that concealment served political or security reasons, made necessary by the threat of persecution or embarrassment during the time of the gospel's publication. The author may have been a highly placed person in Jerusalem who was hiding his affiliation with Christianity, or the anonymity may have been appropriate for one living the withdrawn life of an ascetic, and one of the many unnamed disciples in the Gospel may have been either the Beloved Disciple himself or others under his guidance, who out of the humility of their ascetic commitment hid their identity or subsumed their witness under that of their spiritual master. |
1916_17 | Martin L. Smith, a member of the Society of St. John the Evangelist, writes that the author of the Gospel of John may have deliberately obscured the identity of the Beloved Disciple so readers of the gospel may better identify with the disciple's relationship with Jesus:
Art
In art, the Beloved Disciple is often portrayed as a beardless youth, usually as one of the Twelve Apostles at the Last Supper or with Mary at the crucifixion. In some medieval art, the Beloved Disciple is portrayed with his head in Christ's lap. Many artists have given different interpretations of which has the disciple whom Jesus loved "reclining next to Jesus" (v. 23; more literally, "on/at his breast/bosom," en to kolpo).
References |
1916_18 | Further reading
Baltz, Frederick W. The Mystery of the Beloved Disciple: New Evidence, Complete Answer. Infinity Publishing, 2010. .
Charlesworth, James H. The Beloved Disciple: Whose Witness Validates the Gospel of John?. Trinity Press, 1995. .
Smith, Edward R. The Disciple Whom Jesus Loved: Unveiling the Author of John's Gospel. Steiner Books/Anthroposophic Press, 2000. .
Sayings of Jesus
Followers of Jesus
New Testament words and phrases
Biblical phrases
Gospel of John
John the Apostle
Unnamed people of the Bible
James, brother of Jesus
Mary Magdalene |
1917_0 | "Drivers License" (stylized in all lowercase) is the debut single by American singer-songwriter Olivia Rodrigo. It was released on January 8, 2021, through Geffen and Interscope Records, as the lead single from her debut studio album, Sour (2021). She co-wrote the song with its producer Dan Nigro. Containing poignant lyrics detailing heartache, "Drivers License" is a power ballad blending bedroom pop, indie pop, and power pop styles. It is characterized by a minimalist, piano-led production, incorporating kick drums, harmonies, syncopated hand-claps, and a dreamy bridge. One of 2021's most successful songs, "Drivers License" launched Rodrigo's music career. |
1917_1 | The song documents the "multifaceted" emotions Rodrigo endured after a heartbreak. She teased the song on her social media for many months in 2020, before announcing it on January 4, 2021. The official music video was posted to YouTube alongside the song's release, in which Rodrigo drives around a suburban area after receiving her driver's license and reminisces about her memories of the song's subject, who encouraged her to obtain the license. "Drivers License" was met with widespread critical acclaim; praise centered on Rodrigo's cathartic songwriting, emotional vocals, and the song's stirring production, with many underscoring its Taylor Swift and Lorde influences. The song received nominations for Record of the Year, Song of the Year and Best Pop Solo Performance at the 2022 Grammy Awards. |
1917_2 | "Drivers License" broke a string of records, including the Spotify record for the most single-day streams for a non-holiday song (achieved on its fourth day of release), the biggest first-week for a song on Spotify and Amazon Music. The song topped the US Billboard Hot 100 and made Rodrigo the youngest artist ever to debut atop the chart. The song spent eight consecutive weeks at number one. It has been certified quadruple platinum by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA). Elsewhere, "Drivers License" reached number one in 25 countries, as well as spending multiple weeks atop the charts in Australia, Canada, Ireland, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom. It also peaked within the top ten in Brazil, France, Germany, Italy, Spain, and various others. As of August 11, 2021, the song has over 1 billion streams on Spotify, ranking amongst the 100 most streamed songs of the platform. |
1917_3 | Background and release
American singer-songwriter Olivia Rodrigo currently stars in the 2019 Disney+ mockumentary series, High School Musical: The Musical: The Series. She contributed a self-written song called "All I Want" to the soundtrack, which was certified Gold by the Recording Industry Association of America (RIAA), for earning over 500,000 units in the United States. The series was renewed for a second season in 2021. Rodrigo signed to Geffen Records, a subsidiary of Interscope Records, intending to release her debut EP in 2021. |
1917_4 | She teased the song for many months in 2020, including some lyrics on Instagram. She posted a snippet, captioned "Wrote dis the other day. vv close to my heart. gonna call it drivers license I think lol", where she plays the song on a piano. The song was announced on January 4. The song was released to all digital music and streaming platforms four days later, alongside a music video on YouTube. It is the lead single to her debut studio album Sour, which Rodrigo had originally planned to be an EP. "Drivers License" impacted US contemporary hit radio on January 19.
Composition and lyrics |
1917_5 | Steered by piano, "Drivers License" is an atmospheric power ballad, that has been described as a bedroom pop, indie pop, and power pop song, with elements of folk and indie rock. It was inspired by the disorienting emotions Rodrigo felt after a recent breakup. She wrote the song with its producer, Daniel Nigro. The song is written in the key of B major and has a fast tempo of 144 beats per minute, with double time kick drum and claps on the second verse and lead-in. Rodrigo's vocal range on the song spans from the low note of G3 to the high note of F5. Lyrically, the song has Rodrigo drive through a suburban area, upset and angry, pondering whether any of the subject's feelings were ever true. |
1917_6 | The song begins with the sound of Rodrigo's mother's car engine starting, followed by a "door ajar" chime that fades into a pulsing piano key. Rodrigo delivers soprano vocals that grow into "cathartic howls of pain" as the song progresses, along with a swelling crescendo followed by an emotional chorus. The minimalist instrumentation also consists of syncopated hand-claps and stomping harmonies, and reaches its peak in a rich bridge of layered vocals with the catchphrase "I still fuckin' love you". As stated by Rodrigo, the song has Lorde and Taylor Swift influences, which was also noted by critics. Rodrigo also stated that the EP Minor (2020) by American singer-songwriter Gracie Abrams inspired the musical style of "Drivers License".
In an interview with Vogue magazine, Rodrigo acknowledged the song had grammatical errors, including the lack of an apostrophe ("Drivers License" vs "Driver's License") and the contradictory double negative: "I've never felt this way for no one". |
1917_7 | Critical reception
"Drivers License" received universal acclaim from critics upon its release. Clash critic Robin Murray dubbed the song a "sensational pop statement, an impeccable melodic moment right from the off". He praised its firm songwriting and atmospheric production. Matthew Kent, writing for The Line of Best Fit, complimented the song's euphoric sound and poignant lyricism, and asserted that the single is packed with "emotional punch after emotional punch". They dubbed the song a "stunning" and "stirring" debut single. Kelsie Gibson of PopSugar opined that the song gives off "major Lorde and Taylor Swift" influences, who are two of Rodrigo's musical inspirations. Stereogum critic Chris DeVille described "Drivers License" as a cinematic and old-fashioned power ballad, a "prime Spotify-core sadgirl fare" that starts "as a trembling Phoebe Bridgers song" and concludes as a "resplendent Folklore track". |
1917_8 | Listing it amongst best new music, Teen Vogue's Claire Dodson commented that Rodrigo employs soaring vocals, and capture "small details" in the song. Dodson thought the song channels "the songwriting prowess she already brings to the table". Naming it one of the "10 Cool New Pop Songs to Get You Through The Week", Billboard writers Gab Linsberg and Jason Lipshutz branded "Drivers License" the type of debut single "that aspiring artists dream of", where Rodrigo perfects her heartbreak's "fragility and heightened emotion". They commended the singer's range in the song, swinging between the crescendo's "stomp-clap harmonies" and the bridge's "choked-up balladry". Ellise Shafer of Variety found the song relatable and vulnerable, and complimented its production and vocal performance. Shafer noted it as "a must-hear for any pop enthusiast". |
1917_9 | Calling the song an "early contender for song of the year", Rolling Stone critic Brittany Spanos noted that the production of "Drivers License" is reminiscent of Lorde's Melodrama (2017), while the lyrics and "detailed" storytelling channel Swift's Fearless (2008). Spanos lauded Rodrigo's songwriting skills and emotional potency at age 17, and added that "she could likely become pop's next great raconteur". Justin Curto of Vulture opined that "Drivers License" mixes "the intimate arrangements of Folklore and Evermore with the high stakes pop of Lover, tying it all together with a dramatic, Swiftian bridge". He also added that Rodrigo's calm vocals sound like Billie Eilish, while her anthemic moments recall Lorde, with hints of Alessia Cara. Jared Richards of Junkee stated that the song has "an irreducible quality, capturing a very specific heartbreak", blending "the slow-build piano-belters and bridge breakdowns of Lorde's Melodrama with Swiftian songwriting", and regarded it 2021's |
1917_10 | "Big Pop Moment". |
1917_11 | In May 2021, Billboard ranked "Drivers License" third on their ranking of the "100 Greatest Song Bridges of the 21st Century", and in June 2021, they ranked the song as the best song of 2021 so far, with Rania Aniftos calling the song "the start of Rodrigo's reign as pop's most captivating new storyteller".
Accolades
Commercial performance
"Drivers License" was met with widespread commercial success worldwide, with publications calling it the year's biggest hit in early 2021. Upon release, the song reached number one on international Spotify, Apple Music and Amazon Music songs charts. Billboard reported that, in its first three days in the US, the song sold over 16,000 digital downloads and received more than 21 million streams. Compared to its release day, the song's total streams increased by 122% on its second day, and rose another 32% in its third day. |
1917_12 | The song broke the Spotify record for most one-day streams for a non-holiday song, with over 15 million global streams on its fourth day (January 11, 2021). The next day, it extended its record with over 17 million streams. It also broke the record for fastest song to reach 100 million streams on Spotify. "Drivers License" went on to break the Spotify record for most streams of a song in a single week, with over 65 million streams in the week ending January 14, 2021. It also broke the record for the biggest global first-week streams for a song in Amazon Music history, and became the most requested song of a single day on Alexa. |
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