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q10 | unclear | 0 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. It was unclear what explosives were used. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. | 3,238 | YES | It was unclear what explosives were used. | Given the amount of reliable evidence (or lack thereof) surrounding the explosion, is it possible (however unlikely) that Bohumil Šole's death could have been a tragic accident rather than a deliberate act? | 273 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. It was unclear what explosives were used. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. |
q20 | unclear | 0 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. It was unclear what explosives were used. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. | 3,239 | NO | It was unclear what explosives were used. | Does the evidence recovered at the scene suggest that Bohumil Šole was trying to repent for his actions in life, or perhaps even to discredit his employer, given his choice of explosive? | 273 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. It was unclear what explosives were used. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. |
q30 | unclear | 0 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. It was unclear what explosives were used. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. | 3,240 | NO | It was unclear what explosives were used. | Could one draw the conclusion that Bohumil Šole was actually trying to deflect criticism away from Semtex and its manufacturer with his final act, by showing that it is the will to commit harm that causes bombings, not the availability of any specific tool? | 273 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. It was unclear what explosives were used. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. |
q10 | unclear | 1 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. It was unclear what explosives were used. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. | 3,241 | YES | It was unclear what explosives were used. | Given the amount of reliable evidence (or lack thereof) surrounding the explosion, is it possible (however unlikely) that Bohumil Šole's death could have been a tragic accident rather than a deliberate act? | 273 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. Investigators have not been able to determine which kind of explosives he utilized in his suicide. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. |
q20 | unclear | 1 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. It was unclear what explosives were used. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. | 3,242 | NO | It was unclear what explosives were used. | Does the evidence recovered at the scene suggest that Bohumil Šole was trying to repent for his actions in life, or perhaps even to discredit his employer, given his choice of explosive? | 273 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. Investigators have not been able to determine which kind of explosives he utilized in his suicide. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. |
q30 | unclear | 1 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. It was unclear what explosives were used. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. | 3,243 | NO | It was unclear what explosives were used. | Could one draw the conclusion that Bohumil Šole was actually trying to deflect criticism away from Semtex and its manufacturer with his final act, by showing that it is the will to commit harm that causes bombings, not the availability of any specific tool? | 273 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. Investigators have not been able to determine which kind of explosives he utilized in his suicide. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. |
q10 | unclear | 2 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. It was unclear what explosives were used. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. | 3,244 | NO | It was unclear what explosives were used. | Given the amount of reliable evidence (or lack thereof) surrounding the explosion, is it possible (however unlikely) that Bohumil Šole's death could have been a tragic accident rather than a deliberate act? | 273 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. While it was unclear what explosives were used in the immediate aftermath, a forensic investigation discovered that he had constructed a crude, yet effective, pressure-cooker bomb. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. |
q20 | unclear | 2 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. It was unclear what explosives were used. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. | 3,245 | NO | It was unclear what explosives were used. | Does the evidence recovered at the scene suggest that Bohumil Šole was trying to repent for his actions in life, or perhaps even to discredit his employer, given his choice of explosive? | 273 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. While it was unclear what explosives were used in the immediate aftermath, a forensic investigation discovered that he had constructed a crude, yet effective, pressure-cooker bomb. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. |
q30 | unclear | 2 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. It was unclear what explosives were used. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. | 3,246 | YES | It was unclear what explosives were used. | Could one draw the conclusion that Bohumil Šole was actually trying to deflect criticism away from Semtex and its manufacturer with his final act, by showing that it is the will to commit harm that causes bombings, not the availability of any specific tool? | 273 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. While it was unclear what explosives were used in the immediate aftermath, a forensic investigation discovered that he had constructed a crude, yet effective, pressure-cooker bomb. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. |
q10 | unclear | 3 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. It was unclear what explosives were used. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. | 3,247 | NO | It was unclear what explosives were used. | Given the amount of reliable evidence (or lack thereof) surrounding the explosion, is it possible (however unlikely) that Bohumil Šole's death could have been a tragic accident rather than a deliberate act? | 273 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. Chemical residue at the scene revealed that he had indeed used Semtex. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. |
q20 | unclear | 3 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. It was unclear what explosives were used. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. | 3,248 | YES | It was unclear what explosives were used. | Does the evidence recovered at the scene suggest that Bohumil Šole was trying to repent for his actions in life, or perhaps even to discredit his employer, given his choice of explosive? | 273 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. Chemical residue at the scene revealed that he had indeed used Semtex. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. |
q30 | unclear | 3 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. It was unclear what explosives were used. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. | 3,249 | NO | It was unclear what explosives were used. | Could one draw the conclusion that Bohumil Šole was actually trying to deflect criticism away from Semtex and its manufacturer with his final act, by showing that it is the will to commit harm that causes bombings, not the availability of any specific tool? | 273 | On 25 May 1997, Bohumil Šole, a scientist who claimed to have been involved with inventing Semtex, committed suicide at a spa in Jeseník by blowing himself up with explosives. Šole, 63, was being treated there for psychological problems. Chemical residue at the scene revealed that he had indeed used Semtex. Twenty other people were hurt in the explosion, while six were seriously injured. According to the manufacturer, Explosia, he was not a member of the team that developed the explosive in the 1960s. |
q10 | cannot | 0 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | 3,250 | YES | However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | If a more mellow 60-proof tequila was developed in Mexico, does this passage suggest that it could legally be sold in Canada (or at least, not mention any barrier to its sale in that nation)? | 274 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). |
q20 | cannot | 0 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | 3,251 | YES | However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | If a Mexican distiller produced a new 151-proof tequila and produced it while following all of that nation's laws, could this spirit legally be sold in the United States? | 274 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). |
q30 | cannot | 0 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | 3,252 | NO | However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | If an imported Mexican tequila that had the generally-accepted 40% alcohol content was already popular in the United States, could the company selling it here legally try to offer a flavored version that was still offered as tequila, knowing that any extra ingredients would, by necessity, somewhat dilute the base spirit? | 274 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). |
q10 | cannot | 1 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | 3,253 | YES | However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | If a more mellow 60-proof tequila was developed in Mexico, does this passage suggest that it could legally be sold in Canada (or at least, not mention any barrier to its sale in that nation)? | 274 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". The sale of tequila at anything less than 80 proof (or 40% alcohol by volume) is not legal in the United States. |
q20 | cannot | 1 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | 3,254 | YES | However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | If a Mexican distiller produced a new 151-proof tequila and produced it while following all of that nation's laws, could this spirit legally be sold in the United States? | 274 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". The sale of tequila at anything less than 80 proof (or 40% alcohol by volume) is not legal in the United States. |
q30 | cannot | 1 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | 3,255 | NO | However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | If an imported Mexican tequila that had the generally-accepted 40% alcohol content was already popular in the United States, could the company selling it here legally try to offer a flavored version that was still offered as tequila, knowing that any extra ingredients would, by necessity, somewhat dilute the base spirit? | 274 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". The sale of tequila at anything less than 80 proof (or 40% alcohol by volume) is not legal in the United States. |
q10 | cannot | 2 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | 3,256 | NO | However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | If a more mellow 60-proof tequila was developed in Mexico, does this passage suggest that it could legally be sold in Canada (or at least, not mention any barrier to its sale in that nation)? | 274 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". Tequila cannot be sold in Canada at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof), while the U.S. only specifies a maximum alcohol content of 50.5% |
q20 | cannot | 2 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | 3,257 | NO | However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | If a Mexican distiller produced a new 151-proof tequila and produced it while following all of that nation's laws, could this spirit legally be sold in the United States? | 274 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". Tequila cannot be sold in Canada at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof), while the U.S. only specifies a maximum alcohol content of 50.5% |
q30 | cannot | 2 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | 3,258 | YES | However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | If an imported Mexican tequila that had the generally-accepted 40% alcohol content was already popular in the United States, could the company selling it here legally try to offer a flavored version that was still offered as tequila, knowing that any extra ingredients would, by necessity, somewhat dilute the base spirit? | 274 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". Tequila cannot be sold in Canada at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof), while the U.S. only specifies a maximum alcohol content of 50.5% |
q10 | cannot | 3 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | 3,259 | YES | However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | If a more mellow 60-proof tequila was developed in Mexico, does this passage suggest that it could legally be sold in Canada (or at least, not mention any barrier to its sale in that nation)? | 274 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". Tequila is usually sold in the U.S. at 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof), but there are no legal restrictions on the level of alcohol, so long as the other laws are followed. |
q20 | cannot | 3 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | 3,260 | YES | However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | If a Mexican distiller produced a new 151-proof tequila and produced it while following all of that nation's laws, could this spirit legally be sold in the United States? | 274 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". Tequila is usually sold in the U.S. at 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof), but there are no legal restrictions on the level of alcohol, so long as the other laws are followed. |
q30 | cannot | 3 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | 3,261 | YES | However, Tequila cannot be sold in the U.S. at under 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof). | If an imported Mexican tequila that had the generally-accepted 40% alcohol content was already popular in the United States, could the company selling it here legally try to offer a flavored version that was still offered as tequila, knowing that any extra ingredients would, by necessity, somewhat dilute the base spirit? | 274 | Similar to the law of Canada, the U.S. law (27 CFR 5.22 (g)) says that tequila must be "manufactured in Mexico in compliance with the laws of Mexico regulating the manufacture of Tequila for consumption in that country". Tequila is usually sold in the U.S. at 40% alcohol concentration (80 U.S. proof), but there are no legal restrictions on the level of alcohol, so long as the other laws are followed. |
q10 | none | 0 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | 3,262 | YES | About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | Do all senior citizens have enough money to maintain a basic standard of living according to the government definition? | 275 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. |
q20 | none | 0 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | 3,263 | minors | About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | Is the percentage of people who have trouble paying for basic necessities larger for senior citizens or minors? | 275 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. |
q30 | none | 0 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | 3,264 | NO | About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | Is the percentage of senior citizens with discretionary income smaller than the percentage of the general population with discretionary income? | 275 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. |
q10 | none | 1 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | 3,265 | YES | About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | Do all senior citizens have enough money to maintain a basic standard of living according to the government definition? | 275 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and zero percent of those 65 or over. |
q20 | none | 1 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | 3,266 | minors | About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | Is the percentage of people who have trouble paying for basic necessities larger for senior citizens or minors? | 275 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and zero percent of those 65 or over. |
q30 | none | 1 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | 3,267 | NO | About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | Is the percentage of senior citizens with discretionary income smaller than the percentage of the general population with discretionary income? | 275 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and zero percent of those 65 or over. |
q10 | none | 2 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | 3,268 | NO | About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | Do all senior citizens have enough money to maintain a basic standard of living according to the government definition? | 275 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 16.0% of those 65 or over. |
q20 | none | 2 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | 3,269 | senior citizens | About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | Is the percentage of people who have trouble paying for basic necessities larger for senior citizens or minors? | 275 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 16.0% of those 65 or over. |
q30 | none | 2 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | 3,270 | YES | About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | Is the percentage of senior citizens with discretionary income smaller than the percentage of the general population with discretionary income? | 275 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including none of those under the age of eighteen and 16.0% of those 65 or over. |
q10 | none | 3 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | 3,271 | NO | About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | Do all senior citizens have enough money to maintain a basic standard of living according to the government definition? | 275 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and 10.0% of those 65 or over. |
q20 | none | 3 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | 3,272 | minors | About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | Is the percentage of people who have trouble paying for basic necessities larger for senior citizens or minors? | 275 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and 10.0% of those 65 or over. |
q30 | none | 3 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | 3,273 | NO | About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and none of those 65 or over. | Is the percentage of senior citizens with discretionary income smaller than the percentage of the general population with discretionary income? | 275 | The median income for a household in the CDP was $35,568, and the median income for a family was $36,477. Males had a median income of $34,750 versus $20,313 for females. The per capita income for the CDP was $8,322. About 14.0% of families and 14.1% of the population were below the poverty line, including 16.4% of those under the age of eighteen and 10.0% of those 65 or over. |
q10 | refused | 0 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. | 3,274 | NO | After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. | If Mesa had been asked by journalists about his desire to stay on the job during the first month of 2005, would he have reiterated his desire to stay? | 276 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. |
q20 | refused | 0 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. | 3,275 | YES | After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. | From what we know of Mesa's attitude toward the job in January of 2005, is it likely that he would have proudly displayed a "The Buck Stops Here" placard on his desk, as did Harry Truman, to reflect his willingness to take clear and immediate responsibility for any problems on his watch? | 276 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. |
q30 | refused | 0 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. | 3,276 | NO | After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. | Will future historians likely write about Carlos Mesa's stubbornness in the face of protests during this final months in office, rather than his lack of motivation? | 276 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. |
q10 | refused | 1 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. | 3,277 | NO | After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. | If Mesa had been asked by journalists about his desire to stay on the job during the first month of 2005, would he have reiterated his desire to stay? | 276 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After the gas protests started up again in 2005, Carlos Mesa decided to proffer his resignation in January of that year, but it was not accepted by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. |
q20 | refused | 1 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. | 3,278 | YES | After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. | From what we know of Mesa's attitude toward the job in January of 2005, is it likely that he would have proudly displayed a "The Buck Stops Here" placard on his desk, as did Harry Truman, to reflect his willingness to take clear and immediate responsibility for any problems on his watch? | 276 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After the gas protests started up again in 2005, Carlos Mesa decided to proffer his resignation in January of that year, but it was not accepted by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. |
q30 | refused | 1 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. | 3,279 | NO | After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. | Will future historians likely write about Carlos Mesa's stubbornness in the face of protests during this final months in office, rather than his lack of motivation? | 276 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After the gas protests started up again in 2005, Carlos Mesa decided to proffer his resignation in January of that year, but it was not accepted by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. |
q10 | refused | 2 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. | 3,280 | YES | After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. | If Mesa had been asked by journalists about his desire to stay on the job during the first month of 2005, would he have reiterated his desire to stay? | 276 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, members of Congress gently suggested that Carlos Mesa honorably resign, yet he refused the suggestion. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa finally offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. |
q20 | refused | 2 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. | 3,281 | NO | After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. | From what we know of Mesa's attitude toward the job in January of 2005, is it likely that he would have proudly displayed a "The Buck Stops Here" placard on his desk, as did Harry Truman, to reflect his willingness to take clear and immediate responsibility for any problems on his watch? | 276 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, members of Congress gently suggested that Carlos Mesa honorably resign, yet he refused the suggestion. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa finally offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. |
q30 | refused | 2 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. | 3,282 | YES | After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. | Will future historians likely write about Carlos Mesa's stubbornness in the face of protests during this final months in office, rather than his lack of motivation? | 276 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, members of Congress gently suggested that Carlos Mesa honorably resign, yet he refused the suggestion. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa finally offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. |
q10 | refused | 3 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. | 3,283 | NO | After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. | If Mesa had been asked by journalists about his desire to stay on the job during the first month of 2005, would he have reiterated his desire to stay? | 276 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his formal letter was later discovered to have been lost in the mailroom at the Congress building. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. |
q20 | refused | 3 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. | 3,284 | YES | After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. | From what we know of Mesa's attitude toward the job in January of 2005, is it likely that he would have proudly displayed a "The Buck Stops Here" placard on his desk, as did Harry Truman, to reflect his willingness to take clear and immediate responsibility for any problems on his watch? | 276 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his formal letter was later discovered to have been lost in the mailroom at the Congress building. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. |
q30 | refused | 3 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. | 3,285 | NO | After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his offer was refused by Congress. | Will future historians likely write about Carlos Mesa's stubbornness in the face of protests during this final months in office, rather than his lack of motivation? | 276 | The country's internal situation became unfavorable for such political action on the international stage. After a resurgence of gas protests in 2005, Carlos Mesa attempted to resign in January 2005, but his formal letter was later discovered to have been lost in the mailroom at the Congress building. On 22 March 2005, after weeks of new street protests from organizations accusing Mesa of bowing to U.S. corporate interests, Mesa again offered his resignation to Congress, which was accepted on 10 June. The chief justice of the Supreme Court, Eduardo Rodríguez, was sworn as interim president to succeed the outgoing Carlos Mesa. |
q10 | without | 0 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | 3,286 | Others | Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | Who covers translation costs: Danish-speaking citizens or others? | 277 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. |
q20 | without | 0 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | 3,287 | DON'T KNOW | Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | Do citizens need to interact with official bodies to use their native languages? | 277 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. |
q30 | without | 0 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | 3,288 | YES | Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | Is the cost paid by others? | 277 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. |
q10 | without | 1 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | 3,289 | Others | Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | Who covers translation costs: Danish-speaking citizens or others? | 277 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries with the costs of interpretation or translation being covered by others. |
q20 | without | 1 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | 3,290 | DON'T KNOW | Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | Do citizens need to interact with official bodies to use their native languages? | 277 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries with the costs of interpretation or translation being covered by others. |
q30 | without | 1 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | 3,291 | YES | Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | Is the cost paid by others? | 277 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries with the costs of interpretation or translation being covered by others. |
q10 | without | 2 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | 3,292 | Danish-speaking citizens | Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | Who covers translation costs: Danish-speaking citizens or others? | 277 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language without interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries, being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. |
q20 | without | 2 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | 3,293 | NO | Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | Do citizens need to interact with official bodies to use their native languages? | 277 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language without interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries, being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. |
q30 | without | 2 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | 3,294 | NO | Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | Is the cost paid by others? | 277 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language without interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries, being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. |
q10 | without | 3 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | 3,295 | Danish-speaking citizens | Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | Who covers translation costs: Danish-speaking citizens or others? | 277 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries, being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. |
q20 | without | 3 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | 3,296 | DON'T KNOW | Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | Do citizens need to interact with official bodies to use their native languages? | 277 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries, being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. |
q30 | without | 3 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | 3,297 | NO | Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries without being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. | Is the cost paid by others? | 277 | In addition, a noticeable community of Danish speakers is in Southern Schleswig, the portion of Germany bordering Denmark, where it is an officially recognized regional language, just as German is north of the border. Furthermore, Danish is one of the official languages of the European Union and one of the working languages of the Nordic Council. Under the Nordic Language Convention, Danish-speaking citizens of the Nordic countries have the opportunity to use their native language when interacting with official bodies in other Nordic countries, being liable for any interpretation or translation costs. |
q10 | unknown | 0 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | 3,298 | NO | For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | Did doctors in pre-Columbian Americas have experience dealing with smallpox? | 278 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. |
q20 | unknown | 0 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | 3,299 | YES | For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | If someone had smallpox in pre-Columbian times, is it likely they were from Europe? | 278 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. |
q11 | unknown | 0 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | 3,300 | NO | For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | Did doctors in pre-Columbian Americas have experience dealing with malaria? | 278 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. |
q10 | unknown | 1 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | 3,301 | NO | For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | Did doctors in pre-Columbian Americas have experience dealing with smallpox? | 278 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were only seen in post-Columbian Americas and Oceania. |
q20 | unknown | 1 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | 3,302 | YES | For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | If someone had smallpox in pre-Columbian times, is it likely they were from Europe? | 278 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were only seen in post-Columbian Americas and Oceania. |
q11 | unknown | 1 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | 3,303 | NO | For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | Did doctors in pre-Columbian Americas have experience dealing with malaria? | 278 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were only seen in post-Columbian Americas and Oceania. |
q10 | unknown | 2 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | 3,304 | DON'T KNOW | For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | Did doctors in pre-Columbian Americas have experience dealing with smallpox? | 278 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. |
q20 | unknown | 2 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | 3,305 | YES | For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | If someone had smallpox in pre-Columbian times, is it likely they were from Europe? | 278 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. |
q11 | unknown | 2 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | 3,306 | NO | For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | Did doctors in pre-Columbian Americas have experience dealing with malaria? | 278 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. |
q10 | unknown | 3 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | 3,307 | YES | For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | Did doctors in pre-Columbian Americas have experience dealing with smallpox? | 278 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, the introduction of infectious diseases did not increase, although these diseases still sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were already seen in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. |
q20 | unknown | 3 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | 3,308 | DON'T KNOW | For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | If someone had smallpox in pre-Columbian times, is it likely they were from Europe? | 278 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, the introduction of infectious diseases did not increase, although these diseases still sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were already seen in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. |
q11 | unknown | 3 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, so did the introduction of infectious diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | 3,309 | YES | For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were unknown in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. | Did doctors in pre-Columbian Americas have experience dealing with malaria? | 278 | As the 'rules' of colonization became established into legal doctrine agreed upon by between European colonial powers, methods of laying claims to indigenous lands continued to expand rapidly. As encounters between European colonizers and indigenous populations in the rest of the world accelerated, the introduction of infectious diseases did not increase, although these diseases still sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence. For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and other diseases were already seen in pre-Columbian Americas and Oceania. |
q10 | not at all | 0 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | 3,310 | NO | She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | Was Nora unsure of Torvard's personality? | 279 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. |
q20 | not at all | 0 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | 3,311 | NO | She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | Was she happy with Torvard's attitude? | 279 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. |
q30 | not at all | 0 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | 3,312 | NO | She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | Did she always have a negative feeling about Torvard? | 279 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. |
q10 | not at all | 1 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | 3,313 | NO | She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | Was Nora unsure of Torvard's personality? | 279 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is far from the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. |
q20 | not at all | 1 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | 3,314 | NO | She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | Was she happy with Torvard's attitude? | 279 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is far from the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. |
q30 | not at all | 1 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | 3,315 | NO | She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | Did she always have a negative feeling about Torvard? | 279 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is far from the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. |
q10 | not at all | 2 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | 3,316 | YES | She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | Was Nora unsure of Torvard's personality? | 279 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. Initially, she did not at all realize but now fully believes that Torvald is a different person and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. |
q20 | not at all | 2 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | 3,317 | NO | She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | Was she happy with Torvard's attitude? | 279 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. Initially, she did not at all realize but now fully believes that Torvald is a different person and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. |
q30 | not at all | 2 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | 3,318 | NO | She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | Did she always have a negative feeling about Torvard? | 279 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. Initially, she did not at all realize but now fully believes that Torvald is a different person and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. |
q10 | not at all | 3 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | 3,319 | YES | She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | Was Nora unsure of Torvard's personality? | 279 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She can now confirm that Torvald is the kind of person she had suspected he will be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. |
q20 | not at all | 3 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | 3,320 | NO | She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | Was she happy with Torvard's attitude? | 279 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She can now confirm that Torvald is the kind of person she had suspected he will be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. |
q30 | not at all | 3 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | 3,321 | YES | She now realizes that Torvald is not at all the kind of person she had believed him to be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. | Did she always have a negative feeling about Torvard? | 279 | Nora tells Torvald that she is leaving him, and in a confrontational scene expresses her sense of betrayal and disillusionment. She says he has never loved her, they have become strangers to each other. She feels betrayed by his response to the scandal involving Krogstad, and she says she must get away to understand herself. She says that she has been treated like a doll to play with for her whole life, first by her father and then by him. Torvald insists that she fulfill her duty as a wife and mother, but Nora says that she has duties to herself that are just as important, and that she cannot be a good mother or wife without learning to be more than a plaything. She reveals that she had expected that he would want to sacrifice his reputation for hers and that she had planned to kill herself to prevent him from doing so. She can now confirm that Torvald is the kind of person she had suspected he will be and that their marriage has been based on mutual fantasies and misunderstandings. |
q10 | illegitimate | 0 | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. | 3,322 | YES | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. | Does the passage suggest that Isabel had a different last name as that of Cervantes at the start of her life? | 280 | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. |
q20 | illegitimate | 0 | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. | 3,323 | YES | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. | Does the passage leave open the possibility that Cervantes was actually not the biological father of Isabel? | 280 | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. |
q30 | illegitimate | 0 | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. | 3,324 | NO | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. | If 16th-century Spanish society allowed it, would Isabel likely have seen the divorce of her parents, and her mother's remarriage during her early life? | 280 | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. |
q10 | illegitimate | 1 | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. | 3,325 | YES | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. | Does the passage suggest that Isabel had a different last name as that of Cervantes at the start of her life? | 280 | In November, just prior to this event, Cervantes's fathered a daughter named Isabel out of wedlock. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. |
q20 | illegitimate | 1 | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. | 3,326 | YES | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. | Does the passage leave open the possibility that Cervantes was actually not the biological father of Isabel? | 280 | In November, just prior to this event, Cervantes's fathered a daughter named Isabel out of wedlock. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. |
q30 | illegitimate | 1 | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. | 3,327 | NO | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. | If 16th-century Spanish society allowed it, would Isabel likely have seen the divorce of her parents, and her mother's remarriage during her early life? | 280 | In November, just prior to this event, Cervantes's fathered a daughter named Isabel out of wedlock. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. |
q10 | illegitimate | 2 | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. | 3,328 | NO | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. | Does the passage suggest that Isabel had a different last name as that of Cervantes at the start of her life? | 280 | Shortly before this, his daughter Isabel was born, but some at the time suspected that she was an illegitimate child of a Madrid inn keeper. Her mother, Ana Franca, had married Cervantes a year before and they apparently concealed it from her on-again, off-again lover, as Cervantes raised her as his daughter. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. |
q20 | illegitimate | 2 | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. | 3,329 | YES | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. | Does the passage leave open the possibility that Cervantes was actually not the biological father of Isabel? | 280 | Shortly before this, his daughter Isabel was born, but some at the time suspected that she was an illegitimate child of a Madrid inn keeper. Her mother, Ana Franca, had married Cervantes a year before and they apparently concealed it from her on-again, off-again lover, as Cervantes raised her as his daughter. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. |
q30 | illegitimate | 2 | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. | 3,330 | NO | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. | If 16th-century Spanish society allowed it, would Isabel likely have seen the divorce of her parents, and her mother's remarriage during her early life? | 280 | Shortly before this, his daughter Isabel was born, but some at the time suspected that she was an illegitimate child of a Madrid inn keeper. Her mother, Ana Franca, had married Cervantes a year before and they apparently concealed it from her on-again, off-again lover, as Cervantes raised her as his daughter. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. |
q10 | illegitimate | 3 | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. | 3,331 | NO | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. | Does the passage suggest that Isabel had a different last name as that of Cervantes at the start of her life? | 280 | Shortly before this, his daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, had previously had an affair with a Madrid inn keeper but had broken it off a year before the birth, and they apparently concealed Isabel from him, while Cervantes and Ana Franca raised her together. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. |
q20 | illegitimate | 3 | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. | 3,332 | NO | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. | Does the passage leave open the possibility that Cervantes was actually not the biological father of Isabel? | 280 | Shortly before this, his daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, had previously had an affair with a Madrid inn keeper but had broken it off a year before the birth, and they apparently concealed Isabel from him, while Cervantes and Ana Franca raised her together. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. |
q30 | illegitimate | 3 | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, was the wife of a Madrid inn keeper; they apparently concealed it from her husband, but Cervantes acknowledged paternity. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. | 3,333 | NO | Shortly before this, his illegitimate daughter Isabel was born in November. | If 16th-century Spanish society allowed it, would Isabel likely have seen the divorce of her parents, and her mother's remarriage during her early life? | 280 | Shortly before this, his daughter Isabel was born in November. Her mother, Ana Franca, had previously had an affair with a Madrid inn keeper but had broken it off a year before the birth, and they apparently concealed Isabel from him, while Cervantes and Ana Franca raised her together. When Ana Franca died in 1598, he asked his sister Magdalena to take care of her. |
q10 | could not | 0 | The Roman Exarchate of Africa was not able to withstand the seventh-century Muslim conquest of the Maghreb. The Umayyad Caliphate under Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan in 686 sent a force led by Zuhayr ibn Qays, who won a battle over the Romans and Berbers led by King Kusaila of the Kingdom of Altava on the plain of Kairouan, but he could not follow that up. In 695, Hassan ibn al-Nu'man captured Carthage and advanced into the Atlas Mountains. An imperial fleet arrived and retook Carthage, but in 698, Hasan ibn al-Nu'man returned and defeated Emperor Tiberios III at the 698 Battle of Carthage. Roman imperial forces withdrew from all of Africa except Ceuta. Fearing that the Byzantine Empire might reconquer it, they decided to destroy Roman Carthage in a scorched earth policy and establish their headquarters somewhere else. Its walls were torn down, the water supply from its aqueducts cut off, the agricultural land was ravaged and its harbors made unusable. | 3,334 | NO | The Umayyad Caliphate under Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan in 686 sent a force led by Zuhayr ibn Qays, who won a battle over the Romans and Berbers led by King Kusaila of the Kingdom of Altava on the plain of Kairouan, but he could not follow that up. | Was Zuhayr ibn Qays’ victory over the Romans and Berbers the beginning of a successful campaign? | 281 | The Roman Exarchate of Africa was not able to withstand the seventh-century Muslim conquest of the Maghreb. The Umayyad Caliphate under Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan in 686 sent a force led by Zuhayr ibn Qays, who won a battle over the Romans and Berbers led by King Kusaila of the Kingdom of Altava on the plain of Kairouan, but he could not follow that up. In 695, Hassan ibn al-Nu'man captured Carthage and advanced into the Atlas Mountains. An imperial fleet arrived and retook Carthage, but in 698, Hasan ibn al-Nu'man returned and defeated Emperor Tiberios III at the 698 Battle of Carthage. Roman imperial forces withdrew from all of Africa except Ceuta. Fearing that the Byzantine Empire might reconquer it, they decided to destroy Roman Carthage in a scorched earth policy and establish their headquarters somewhere else. Its walls were torn down, the water supply from its aqueducts cut off, the agricultural land was ravaged and its harbors made unusable. |
q20 | could not | 0 | The Roman Exarchate of Africa was not able to withstand the seventh-century Muslim conquest of the Maghreb. The Umayyad Caliphate under Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan in 686 sent a force led by Zuhayr ibn Qays, who won a battle over the Romans and Berbers led by King Kusaila of the Kingdom of Altava on the plain of Kairouan, but he could not follow that up. In 695, Hassan ibn al-Nu'man captured Carthage and advanced into the Atlas Mountains. An imperial fleet arrived and retook Carthage, but in 698, Hasan ibn al-Nu'man returned and defeated Emperor Tiberios III at the 698 Battle of Carthage. Roman imperial forces withdrew from all of Africa except Ceuta. Fearing that the Byzantine Empire might reconquer it, they decided to destroy Roman Carthage in a scorched earth policy and establish their headquarters somewhere else. Its walls were torn down, the water supply from its aqueducts cut off, the agricultural land was ravaged and its harbors made unusable. | 3,335 | DON'T KNOW | The Umayyad Caliphate under Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan in 686 sent a force led by Zuhayr ibn Qays, who won a battle over the Romans and Berbers led by King Kusaila of the Kingdom of Altava on the plain of Kairouan, but he could not follow that up. | Did Zuhayr ibn Qays lead Marwan’s Umayyad Caliphate force until the end of the war? | 281 | The Roman Exarchate of Africa was not able to withstand the seventh-century Muslim conquest of the Maghreb. The Umayyad Caliphate under Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan in 686 sent a force led by Zuhayr ibn Qays, who won a battle over the Romans and Berbers led by King Kusaila of the Kingdom of Altava on the plain of Kairouan, but he could not follow that up. In 695, Hassan ibn al-Nu'man captured Carthage and advanced into the Atlas Mountains. An imperial fleet arrived and retook Carthage, but in 698, Hasan ibn al-Nu'man returned and defeated Emperor Tiberios III at the 698 Battle of Carthage. Roman imperial forces withdrew from all of Africa except Ceuta. Fearing that the Byzantine Empire might reconquer it, they decided to destroy Roman Carthage in a scorched earth policy and establish their headquarters somewhere else. Its walls were torn down, the water supply from its aqueducts cut off, the agricultural land was ravaged and its harbors made unusable. |
q30 | could not | 0 | The Roman Exarchate of Africa was not able to withstand the seventh-century Muslim conquest of the Maghreb. The Umayyad Caliphate under Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan in 686 sent a force led by Zuhayr ibn Qays, who won a battle over the Romans and Berbers led by King Kusaila of the Kingdom of Altava on the plain of Kairouan, but he could not follow that up. In 695, Hassan ibn al-Nu'man captured Carthage and advanced into the Atlas Mountains. An imperial fleet arrived and retook Carthage, but in 698, Hasan ibn al-Nu'man returned and defeated Emperor Tiberios III at the 698 Battle of Carthage. Roman imperial forces withdrew from all of Africa except Ceuta. Fearing that the Byzantine Empire might reconquer it, they decided to destroy Roman Carthage in a scorched earth policy and establish their headquarters somewhere else. Its walls were torn down, the water supply from its aqueducts cut off, the agricultural land was ravaged and its harbors made unusable. | 3,336 | YES | The Umayyad Caliphate under Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan in 686 sent a force led by Zuhayr ibn Qays, who won a battle over the Romans and Berbers led by King Kusaila of the Kingdom of Altava on the plain of Kairouan, but he could not follow that up. | Was the Umayyad Caliphate's victory in Kairouan the last successful one in the war campaign? | 281 | The Roman Exarchate of Africa was not able to withstand the seventh-century Muslim conquest of the Maghreb. The Umayyad Caliphate under Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan in 686 sent a force led by Zuhayr ibn Qays, who won a battle over the Romans and Berbers led by King Kusaila of the Kingdom of Altava on the plain of Kairouan, but he could not follow that up. In 695, Hassan ibn al-Nu'man captured Carthage and advanced into the Atlas Mountains. An imperial fleet arrived and retook Carthage, but in 698, Hasan ibn al-Nu'man returned and defeated Emperor Tiberios III at the 698 Battle of Carthage. Roman imperial forces withdrew from all of Africa except Ceuta. Fearing that the Byzantine Empire might reconquer it, they decided to destroy Roman Carthage in a scorched earth policy and establish their headquarters somewhere else. Its walls were torn down, the water supply from its aqueducts cut off, the agricultural land was ravaged and its harbors made unusable. |
q10 | could not | 1 | The Roman Exarchate of Africa was not able to withstand the seventh-century Muslim conquest of the Maghreb. The Umayyad Caliphate under Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan in 686 sent a force led by Zuhayr ibn Qays, who won a battle over the Romans and Berbers led by King Kusaila of the Kingdom of Altava on the plain of Kairouan, but he could not follow that up. In 695, Hassan ibn al-Nu'man captured Carthage and advanced into the Atlas Mountains. An imperial fleet arrived and retook Carthage, but in 698, Hasan ibn al-Nu'man returned and defeated Emperor Tiberios III at the 698 Battle of Carthage. Roman imperial forces withdrew from all of Africa except Ceuta. Fearing that the Byzantine Empire might reconquer it, they decided to destroy Roman Carthage in a scorched earth policy and establish their headquarters somewhere else. Its walls were torn down, the water supply from its aqueducts cut off, the agricultural land was ravaged and its harbors made unusable. | 3,337 | NO | The Umayyad Caliphate under Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan in 686 sent a force led by Zuhayr ibn Qays, who won a battle over the Romans and Berbers led by King Kusaila of the Kingdom of Altava on the plain of Kairouan, but he could not follow that up. | Was Zuhayr ibn Qays’ victory over the Romans and Berbers the beginning of a successful campaign? | 281 | The Roman Exarchate of Africa was not able to withstand the seventh-century Muslim conquest of the Maghreb. The Umayyad Caliphate under Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan in 686 sent a force led by Zuhayr ibn Qays, who won a battle over the Romans and Berbers led by King Kusaila of the Kingdom of Altava on the plain of Kairouan, but his victories stopped there. In 695, Hassan ibn al-Nu'man captured Carthage and advanced into the Atlas Mountains. An imperial fleet arrived and retook Carthage, but in 698, Hasan ibn al-Nu'man returned and defeated Emperor Tiberios III at the 698 Battle of Carthage. Roman imperial forces withdrew from all of Africa except Ceuta. Fearing that the Byzantine Empire might reconquer it, they decided to destroy Roman Carthage in a scorched earth policy and establish their headquarters somewhere else. Its walls were torn down, the water supply from its aqueducts cut off, the agricultural land was ravaged and its harbors made unusable. |
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