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id_5700 | THE EVOLUTION OF LANGUAGE Language everywhere changes over time; it has to. A central reason that necessitates modification is to allow for developments in our world to be expressed. For example, the technological revolution alone has been responsible for the addition of a plethora of words to our vocabulary: hard drive, software, modem to name just a few. The Japanese writing script katakana, which was originally introduced in the 9th century as a means by which Buddhist monks could correctly interpret Chinese pronunciations, is now most commonly used to embrace foreign words for which there is no original Japanese character; pizza or hamburger for example. Likewise the western worlds exposure to and familiarity with foreign cultures now means that words such as sushi, nam bread and kebab, for example, are used by diners on a regular basis. However, expansion of our vocabulary is just one element involved in how and why language evolves. Given the variation of dialects or regional accents present in most language systems, it is clear that an individuals interpretation of what is actually correct and commonly used will vary quite dramatically, since this perception is based upon a combination of factors including the age, educational level and region of the country a person is from. As we go about our daily lives and interact with others from different backgrounds and experiences, the language we hear is often taken on board and incorporated into the way in which we communicate ourselves. Many phrases with American origins are now commonplace in British English for example, due to the frequency with which they are heard on television and in the movies. Changes in language are often driven by the young and many such changes are commonly considered by older people to be a disintegration of standards rather than an evolution and an improvement. Lets consider an Americanism commonly used by youngsters in all pans of the English speaking world. Used as an alternative to Tom said... it is now commonplace to hear Tom goes, the pay rise was unacceptable. or, Tom was all, the pay rise was unacceptable. ; much to the horror of many traditionalists. However, this modification could also be considered to be adding to and not detracting from our ability to communicate effectively. To illustrate, lets consider the original phrase Tom said; it is used solely to show the listener that we are reporting the words of Tom, while the modern variation, Tom goes has literally the same meaning. However, if the speaker chooses instead to use the latter phrase, Tom was all, they are also able to convey the message that Tom had an emotional reaction to the situation they are reporting, therefore a much more effective method of communicating information has been created, some may say. However, should the now commonly used texting abbreviations such as gr8t (great) and l8r (later) become permanent replacements of the original words, it is likely that even the most liberal amongst us would be horrified. Variations on language are usually more readily accepted into informal language prior to them being absorbed for use in formal writing. Examples of words that we now commonly use, but were once considered incorrect, are pea and hopefully. Lets take pea; it derived from the word pease, which being an uncountable noun has the same form regardless of whether one or more pease were being spoken about. However, this was commonly overlooked and misunderstood, and through error the singular form of the vegetable became pea. More recently hopefully was considered by many to be an inappropriate alternative to I hope; at best only accepted in informal use. The word hopefully is now fully acceptable in both informal speech and formal writing. Some people believe that traditional usages of language are always more superior and refined than modern variations even when the reasons behind the rule were dubious in the first place. For example, it was once seriously frowned upon to split an infinitive in a sentence and even today it is considered grammatically incorrect to do so. To demonstrate, lets consider the following sentence: The examiner asked me to quietly leave the room; this was considered incorrect as the word quietly splits the infinitive of the verb to leave. The origins of this rule hail back to the 17th century when scholars believed that the English language should be adapted to follow the rules of Latin; then considered the perfect language. Since splitting infinitives in Latin is impossible, it was decided that splitting infinitives in English, even though possible, was not acceptable, Given that initial motivations behind the rule were questionable and the clarity of meaning of the sentence is not compromised in the incorrect form, it could be argued that this grammar rule is a prime example of an unnecessary sanction which is likely to be abandoned in the future. As language evolves, changes in grammar structures which would result in confusion of the actual meaning of the sentences are unlikely; however, the meanings of words are often modified or altered beyond recognition by different generations and can be easily misinterpreted by other social groups. Take, for example, the modern version of the word bad meaning great when used in contemporary slang. Many slang words remain dated in the era in which they are developed, for example words like to beef, meaning to complain (introduced in the 1920s) are not only dated but may not even be understood in a modern context, while others such as guy become absorbed into mainstream language. Who knows what future generations will add to the ever changing environment of communication? | The language we grow up knowing and that we adopt through new experiences have equal effects on the way we speak. | neutral |
id_5701 | THE EVOLUTION OF LANGUAGE Language everywhere changes over time; it has to. A central reason that necessitates modification is to allow for developments in our world to be expressed. For example, the technological revolution alone has been responsible for the addition of a plethora of words to our vocabulary: hard drive, software, modem to name just a few. The Japanese writing script katakana, which was originally introduced in the 9th century as a means by which Buddhist monks could correctly interpret Chinese pronunciations, is now most commonly used to embrace foreign words for which there is no original Japanese character; pizza or hamburger for example. Likewise the western worlds exposure to and familiarity with foreign cultures now means that words such as sushi, nam bread and kebab, for example, are used by diners on a regular basis. However, expansion of our vocabulary is just one element involved in how and why language evolves. Given the variation of dialects or regional accents present in most language systems, it is clear that an individuals interpretation of what is actually correct and commonly used will vary quite dramatically, since this perception is based upon a combination of factors including the age, educational level and region of the country a person is from. As we go about our daily lives and interact with others from different backgrounds and experiences, the language we hear is often taken on board and incorporated into the way in which we communicate ourselves. Many phrases with American origins are now commonplace in British English for example, due to the frequency with which they are heard on television and in the movies. Changes in language are often driven by the young and many such changes are commonly considered by older people to be a disintegration of standards rather than an evolution and an improvement. Lets consider an Americanism commonly used by youngsters in all pans of the English speaking world. Used as an alternative to Tom said... it is now commonplace to hear Tom goes, the pay rise was unacceptable. or, Tom was all, the pay rise was unacceptable. ; much to the horror of many traditionalists. However, this modification could also be considered to be adding to and not detracting from our ability to communicate effectively. To illustrate, lets consider the original phrase Tom said; it is used solely to show the listener that we are reporting the words of Tom, while the modern variation, Tom goes has literally the same meaning. However, if the speaker chooses instead to use the latter phrase, Tom was all, they are also able to convey the message that Tom had an emotional reaction to the situation they are reporting, therefore a much more effective method of communicating information has been created, some may say. However, should the now commonly used texting abbreviations such as gr8t (great) and l8r (later) become permanent replacements of the original words, it is likely that even the most liberal amongst us would be horrified. Variations on language are usually more readily accepted into informal language prior to them being absorbed for use in formal writing. Examples of words that we now commonly use, but were once considered incorrect, are pea and hopefully. Lets take pea; it derived from the word pease, which being an uncountable noun has the same form regardless of whether one or more pease were being spoken about. However, this was commonly overlooked and misunderstood, and through error the singular form of the vegetable became pea. More recently hopefully was considered by many to be an inappropriate alternative to I hope; at best only accepted in informal use. The word hopefully is now fully acceptable in both informal speech and formal writing. Some people believe that traditional usages of language are always more superior and refined than modern variations even when the reasons behind the rule were dubious in the first place. For example, it was once seriously frowned upon to split an infinitive in a sentence and even today it is considered grammatically incorrect to do so. To demonstrate, lets consider the following sentence: The examiner asked me to quietly leave the room; this was considered incorrect as the word quietly splits the infinitive of the verb to leave. The origins of this rule hail back to the 17th century when scholars believed that the English language should be adapted to follow the rules of Latin; then considered the perfect language. Since splitting infinitives in Latin is impossible, it was decided that splitting infinitives in English, even though possible, was not acceptable, Given that initial motivations behind the rule were questionable and the clarity of meaning of the sentence is not compromised in the incorrect form, it could be argued that this grammar rule is a prime example of an unnecessary sanction which is likely to be abandoned in the future. As language evolves, changes in grammar structures which would result in confusion of the actual meaning of the sentences are unlikely; however, the meanings of words are often modified or altered beyond recognition by different generations and can be easily misinterpreted by other social groups. Take, for example, the modern version of the word bad meaning great when used in contemporary slang. Many slang words remain dated in the era in which they are developed, for example words like to beef, meaning to complain (introduced in the 1920s) are not only dated but may not even be understood in a modern context, while others such as guy become absorbed into mainstream language. Who knows what future generations will add to the ever changing environment of communication? | If language were static, it would negatively affect our ability to incorporate other cultures into our own way of life. | entailment |
id_5702 | THE FACE OF MODERN MAN? In response to the emergence of the metro-sexual male, In other words, an urban, sophisticated man who is fashionable, well-groomed and unashamedly committed to ensuring his appearance is the best it can be, a whole new industry has developed. According to research conducted on behalf of a leading health and beauty retailer in the UK, the market for male cosmetics and related products has grown by 800% since the year 2000 and is expected to continue to increase significantly. The male grooming products market has become the fastest growing sector within the beauty and cosmetics industry, currently equivalent to around 1.5 billion pounds per annum. Over the last decade, a large number of brands and companies catering for enhancement of the male image have been successfully established, such operations ranging from male-only spas, boutiques, personal hygiene products, hair and skin care ranges, and male magazines with a strong leaning towards mens fashion. Jamie Cawley, proprietor of a successful chain of London-based male grooming boutiques, holds that his companys success in this highly competitive market can be attributed to the exclusivity tactics they have employed, in that their products and services are clearly defined as male- orientated and distinctly separate to feminine products offered by other organisations. However, market analyst, Kim Sawyer, believes that future growth in the market can also be achieved through sale of unisex products marketed to both genders, this strategy becoming increasingly easy to implement as mens interest in appearance and grooming has become more of a social norm. Traditionalists such as journalist Jim Howrard contend that the turn-around in male attitudes which has led to the success of the industry would have been inconceivable a decade ago, given the conventional male role, psyche and obligation to exude masculinity; however, behavioural scientist Professor Ruth Chesterton argues that the metro-sexual man of today is in fact a modern incarnation of the dandy of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. British dandies of that period, who were often of middle class backgrounds but imitated aristocratic lifestyles, were devoted to cultivation of their physical appearance, development of a refined demeanour and hedonistic pursuits. In France, she adds, dandyism, in contrast, was also strongly linked to political ideology and embraced by youths wishing to clearly define themselves from members of the working class revolutionary social groups of the period. Over recent decades, according to sociologist Ben Cameron, gender roles for both sexes have become less defined. According to research, he says, achievement of status and success have become less important in younger generations of men, as has the need to repress emotions. Cameron defines the traditional masculine role within western societies hegemonic masculinity as an expectation that males demonstrate physical strength and fitness, be decisive, self-assured, rational, successful and in control. Meeting this list of criteria and avoiding situations of demonstrating weakness, being overly emotional or in any way inferior, he says, has placed a great deal of pressure on many members of the male population. So restrictive can societys pressure to behave in a masculine fashion on males be, Professor Chesterton states that in many situations men may respond in a way they deem acceptable to society, given their perceived gender role, rather than giving what they may actually consider to be the best and most objective response. Jim Howard says that learning and acquiring gender identity makes up a huge component of a childs socialisation and that a child who exhibits non-standard behavioural characteristics often encounters social and self image difficulties due to the adverse reactions of their peers. According to Kim Sawyer, media images and messages also add to pressures associated with the male image, stating that even in these modern and changing times, hegemonic masculinity is often idolised and portrayed as the definitive male persona. Whilst male stereotypes and ideals vary from culture to culture, according to Professor Chesterton, a universal trait in stereotypical male behaviour is an increased likelihood to take risks than is generally found in female behaviour patterns. For this reason, she attributes such behaviour to the influence of genetic predisposition as opposed to socially learned behaviour. Men, she says, are three times more likely to die due to accident than females, a strong indication he says of their greater willingness to involve themselves in precarious situations. Ben Cameron also says that an attitude of invincibility is more dominant in males and is a predominant factor in the trend for fewer medical checkups in males and late diagnosis of chronic and terminal illness than in their more cautious and vigilant female counterparts. Jamie Cawley, however, remains optimistic that the metro-sexual culture will continue and that what society accepts as the face of masculinity will continue to change. He attributes this to a male revolt against the strict confines of gender roles, adding that such changes of attitudes have led and will continue to lead to establishment of greater equality between the sexes. | Sales in the female health and beauty market have slightly declined over recent years. | neutral |
id_5703 | THE FACE OF MODERN MAN? In response to the emergence of the metro-sexual male, In other words, an urban, sophisticated man who is fashionable, well-groomed and unashamedly committed to ensuring his appearance is the best it can be, a whole new industry has developed. According to research conducted on behalf of a leading health and beauty retailer in the UK, the market for male cosmetics and related products has grown by 800% since the year 2000 and is expected to continue to increase significantly. The male grooming products market has become the fastest growing sector within the beauty and cosmetics industry, currently equivalent to around 1.5 billion pounds per annum. Over the last decade, a large number of brands and companies catering for enhancement of the male image have been successfully established, such operations ranging from male-only spas, boutiques, personal hygiene products, hair and skin care ranges, and male magazines with a strong leaning towards mens fashion. Jamie Cawley, proprietor of a successful chain of London-based male grooming boutiques, holds that his companys success in this highly competitive market can be attributed to the exclusivity tactics they have employed, in that their products and services are clearly defined as male- orientated and distinctly separate to feminine products offered by other organisations. However, market analyst, Kim Sawyer, believes that future growth in the market can also be achieved through sale of unisex products marketed to both genders, this strategy becoming increasingly easy to implement as mens interest in appearance and grooming has become more of a social norm. Traditionalists such as journalist Jim Howrard contend that the turn-around in male attitudes which has led to the success of the industry would have been inconceivable a decade ago, given the conventional male role, psyche and obligation to exude masculinity; however, behavioural scientist Professor Ruth Chesterton argues that the metro-sexual man of today is in fact a modern incarnation of the dandy of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. British dandies of that period, who were often of middle class backgrounds but imitated aristocratic lifestyles, were devoted to cultivation of their physical appearance, development of a refined demeanour and hedonistic pursuits. In France, she adds, dandyism, in contrast, was also strongly linked to political ideology and embraced by youths wishing to clearly define themselves from members of the working class revolutionary social groups of the period. Over recent decades, according to sociologist Ben Cameron, gender roles for both sexes have become less defined. According to research, he says, achievement of status and success have become less important in younger generations of men, as has the need to repress emotions. Cameron defines the traditional masculine role within western societies hegemonic masculinity as an expectation that males demonstrate physical strength and fitness, be decisive, self-assured, rational, successful and in control. Meeting this list of criteria and avoiding situations of demonstrating weakness, being overly emotional or in any way inferior, he says, has placed a great deal of pressure on many members of the male population. So restrictive can societys pressure to behave in a masculine fashion on males be, Professor Chesterton states that in many situations men may respond in a way they deem acceptable to society, given their perceived gender role, rather than giving what they may actually consider to be the best and most objective response. Jim Howard says that learning and acquiring gender identity makes up a huge component of a childs socialisation and that a child who exhibits non-standard behavioural characteristics often encounters social and self image difficulties due to the adverse reactions of their peers. According to Kim Sawyer, media images and messages also add to pressures associated with the male image, stating that even in these modern and changing times, hegemonic masculinity is often idolised and portrayed as the definitive male persona. Whilst male stereotypes and ideals vary from culture to culture, according to Professor Chesterton, a universal trait in stereotypical male behaviour is an increased likelihood to take risks than is generally found in female behaviour patterns. For this reason, she attributes such behaviour to the influence of genetic predisposition as opposed to socially learned behaviour. Men, she says, are three times more likely to die due to accident than females, a strong indication he says of their greater willingness to involve themselves in precarious situations. Ben Cameron also says that an attitude of invincibility is more dominant in males and is a predominant factor in the trend for fewer medical checkups in males and late diagnosis of chronic and terminal illness than in their more cautious and vigilant female counterparts. Jamie Cawley, however, remains optimistic that the metro-sexual culture will continue and that what society accepts as the face of masculinity will continue to change. He attributes this to a male revolt against the strict confines of gender roles, adding that such changes of attitudes have led and will continue to lead to establishment of greater equality between the sexes. | The rise of dandyism in England and France is attributed to similar factors. | contradiction |
id_5704 | THE FACE OF MODERN MAN? In response to the emergence of the metro-sexual male, In other words, an urban, sophisticated man who is fashionable, well-groomed and unashamedly committed to ensuring his appearance is the best it can be, a whole new industry has developed. According to research conducted on behalf of a leading health and beauty retailer in the UK, the market for male cosmetics and related products has grown by 800% since the year 2000 and is expected to continue to increase significantly. The male grooming products market has become the fastest growing sector within the beauty and cosmetics industry, currently equivalent to around 1.5 billion pounds per annum. Over the last decade, a large number of brands and companies catering for enhancement of the male image have been successfully established, such operations ranging from male-only spas, boutiques, personal hygiene products, hair and skin care ranges, and male magazines with a strong leaning towards mens fashion. Jamie Cawley, proprietor of a successful chain of London-based male grooming boutiques, holds that his companys success in this highly competitive market can be attributed to the exclusivity tactics they have employed, in that their products and services are clearly defined as male- orientated and distinctly separate to feminine products offered by other organisations. However, market analyst, Kim Sawyer, believes that future growth in the market can also be achieved through sale of unisex products marketed to both genders, this strategy becoming increasingly easy to implement as mens interest in appearance and grooming has become more of a social norm. Traditionalists such as journalist Jim Howrard contend that the turn-around in male attitudes which has led to the success of the industry would have been inconceivable a decade ago, given the conventional male role, psyche and obligation to exude masculinity; however, behavioural scientist Professor Ruth Chesterton argues that the metro-sexual man of today is in fact a modern incarnation of the dandy of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. British dandies of that period, who were often of middle class backgrounds but imitated aristocratic lifestyles, were devoted to cultivation of their physical appearance, development of a refined demeanour and hedonistic pursuits. In France, she adds, dandyism, in contrast, was also strongly linked to political ideology and embraced by youths wishing to clearly define themselves from members of the working class revolutionary social groups of the period. Over recent decades, according to sociologist Ben Cameron, gender roles for both sexes have become less defined. According to research, he says, achievement of status and success have become less important in younger generations of men, as has the need to repress emotions. Cameron defines the traditional masculine role within western societies hegemonic masculinity as an expectation that males demonstrate physical strength and fitness, be decisive, self-assured, rational, successful and in control. Meeting this list of criteria and avoiding situations of demonstrating weakness, being overly emotional or in any way inferior, he says, has placed a great deal of pressure on many members of the male population. So restrictive can societys pressure to behave in a masculine fashion on males be, Professor Chesterton states that in many situations men may respond in a way they deem acceptable to society, given their perceived gender role, rather than giving what they may actually consider to be the best and most objective response. Jim Howard says that learning and acquiring gender identity makes up a huge component of a childs socialisation and that a child who exhibits non-standard behavioural characteristics often encounters social and self image difficulties due to the adverse reactions of their peers. According to Kim Sawyer, media images and messages also add to pressures associated with the male image, stating that even in these modern and changing times, hegemonic masculinity is often idolised and portrayed as the definitive male persona. Whilst male stereotypes and ideals vary from culture to culture, according to Professor Chesterton, a universal trait in stereotypical male behaviour is an increased likelihood to take risks than is generally found in female behaviour patterns. For this reason, she attributes such behaviour to the influence of genetic predisposition as opposed to socially learned behaviour. Men, she says, are three times more likely to die due to accident than females, a strong indication he says of their greater willingness to involve themselves in precarious situations. Ben Cameron also says that an attitude of invincibility is more dominant in males and is a predominant factor in the trend for fewer medical checkups in males and late diagnosis of chronic and terminal illness than in their more cautious and vigilant female counterparts. Jamie Cawley, however, remains optimistic that the metro-sexual culture will continue and that what society accepts as the face of masculinity will continue to change. He attributes this to a male revolt against the strict confines of gender roles, adding that such changes of attitudes have led and will continue to lead to establishment of greater equality between the sexes. | There is a correlation between mens belief that they are indestructible and their decreased likelihood to seek medical advice. | entailment |
id_5705 | THE FACE OF MODERN MAN? In response to the emergence of the metro-sexual male, In other words, an urban, sophisticated man who is fashionable, well-groomed and unashamedly committed to ensuring his appearance is the best it can be, a whole new industry has developed. According to research conducted on behalf of a leading health and beauty retailer in the UK, the market for male cosmetics and related products has grown by 800% since the year 2000 and is expected to continue to increase significantly. The male grooming products market has become the fastest growing sector within the beauty and cosmetics industry, currently equivalent to around 1.5 billion pounds per annum. Over the last decade, a large number of brands and companies catering for enhancement of the male image have been successfully established, such operations ranging from male-only spas, boutiques, personal hygiene products, hair and skin care ranges, and male magazines with a strong leaning towards mens fashion. Jamie Cawley, proprietor of a successful chain of London-based male grooming boutiques, holds that his companys success in this highly competitive market can be attributed to the exclusivity tactics they have employed, in that their products and services are clearly defined as male- orientated and distinctly separate to feminine products offered by other organisations. However, market analyst, Kim Sawyer, believes that future growth in the market can also be achieved through sale of unisex products marketed to both genders, this strategy becoming increasingly easy to implement as mens interest in appearance and grooming has become more of a social norm. Traditionalists such as journalist Jim Howrard contend that the turn-around in male attitudes which has led to the success of the industry would have been inconceivable a decade ago, given the conventional male role, psyche and obligation to exude masculinity; however, behavioural scientist Professor Ruth Chesterton argues that the metro-sexual man of today is in fact a modern incarnation of the dandy of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. British dandies of that period, who were often of middle class backgrounds but imitated aristocratic lifestyles, were devoted to cultivation of their physical appearance, development of a refined demeanour and hedonistic pursuits. In France, she adds, dandyism, in contrast, was also strongly linked to political ideology and embraced by youths wishing to clearly define themselves from members of the working class revolutionary social groups of the period. Over recent decades, according to sociologist Ben Cameron, gender roles for both sexes have become less defined. According to research, he says, achievement of status and success have become less important in younger generations of men, as has the need to repress emotions. Cameron defines the traditional masculine role within western societies hegemonic masculinity as an expectation that males demonstrate physical strength and fitness, be decisive, self-assured, rational, successful and in control. Meeting this list of criteria and avoiding situations of demonstrating weakness, being overly emotional or in any way inferior, he says, has placed a great deal of pressure on many members of the male population. So restrictive can societys pressure to behave in a masculine fashion on males be, Professor Chesterton states that in many situations men may respond in a way they deem acceptable to society, given their perceived gender role, rather than giving what they may actually consider to be the best and most objective response. Jim Howard says that learning and acquiring gender identity makes up a huge component of a childs socialisation and that a child who exhibits non-standard behavioural characteristics often encounters social and self image difficulties due to the adverse reactions of their peers. According to Kim Sawyer, media images and messages also add to pressures associated with the male image, stating that even in these modern and changing times, hegemonic masculinity is often idolised and portrayed as the definitive male persona. Whilst male stereotypes and ideals vary from culture to culture, according to Professor Chesterton, a universal trait in stereotypical male behaviour is an increased likelihood to take risks than is generally found in female behaviour patterns. For this reason, she attributes such behaviour to the influence of genetic predisposition as opposed to socially learned behaviour. Men, she says, are three times more likely to die due to accident than females, a strong indication he says of their greater willingness to involve themselves in precarious situations. Ben Cameron also says that an attitude of invincibility is more dominant in males and is a predominant factor in the trend for fewer medical checkups in males and late diagnosis of chronic and terminal illness than in their more cautious and vigilant female counterparts. Jamie Cawley, however, remains optimistic that the metro-sexual culture will continue and that what society accepts as the face of masculinity will continue to change. He attributes this to a male revolt against the strict confines of gender roles, adding that such changes of attitudes have led and will continue to lead to establishment of greater equality between the sexes. | Emotional reaction is contradictory to hegemonic masculine behaviour. | entailment |
id_5706 | THE FALKIRK WHEEL A unique engineering achievement. The Falkirk Wheel in Scotland is the worlds first and only rotating boat lift. Opened in 2002, it is central to the ambitious 84.5m Millennium Link project to restore navigability across Scotland by reconnecting the historic waterways of the Forth & Clyde and Union Canals. The major challenge of the project lay in the fact that the Forth & Clyde Canal is situated 35 metres below the level of the Union Canal. Historically, the two canals had been joined near the town of Falkirk by a sequence of 11 locks enclosed sections of canal in which the water level could be raised or lowered that stepped down across a distance of 1.5 km. This had been dismantled in 1933, thereby breaking the link. When the project was launched in 1994, the British Waterways authority were keen to create a dramatic twenty-first-century landmark which would not only be a fitting commemoration of the Millennium, but also a lasting symbol of the economic regeneration of the region. Numerous ideas were submitted for the project, including concepts ranging from rolling eggs to tilting tanks, from giant see-saws to overhead monorails. The eventual winner was a plan for the huge rotating steel boat lift which was to become The Falkirk Wheel. The unique shape of the structure is claimed to have been inspired by various sources, both manmade and natural, most notably a Celtic double-headed axe, but also the vast turning propeller of a ship, the ribcage of a whale or the spine of a fish. The various parts of The Falkirk Wheel were all constructed and assembled, like one giant toy building set, at Butterley Engineerings Steelworks in Derbyshire, some 400 km from Falkirk. A team there carefully assembled the 1,200 tonnes of steel, painstakingly fitting the pieces together to an accuracy of just 10 mm to ensure a perfect final fit. In the summer of 2001, the structure was then dismantled and transported on 35 lorries to Falkirk, before all being bolted back together again on the ground, and finally lifted into position in five large sections by crane. The Wheel would need to withstand immense and constantly changing stresses as it rotated, so to make the structure more robust, the steel sections were bolted rather than welded together. Over 45,000 bolt holes were matched with their bolts, and each bolt was hand-tightened. The Wheel consists of two sets of opposing axe-shaped arms, attached about 25 metres apart to a fixed central spine. Two diametrically opposed water-filled gondolas, each with a capacity of 360,000 litres, are fitted between the ends of the arms. These gondolas always weigh the same, whether or not they are carrying boats. This is because, according to Archimedes principle of displacement, floating objects displace their own weight in water. So when a boat enters a gondola, the amount of water leaving the gondola weighs exactly the same as the boat. This keeps the Wheel balanced and so, despite its enormous mass, it rotates through 180 in five and a half minutes while using very little power. It takes just 1.5 kilowatt-hours (5.4 MJ) of energy to rotate the Wheel roughly the same as boiling eight small domestic kettles of water. Boats needing to be lifted up enter the canal basin at the level of the Forth & Clyde Canal and then enter the lower gondola of the Wheel. Two hydraulic steel gates are raised, so as to seal the gondola off from the water in the canal basin. The water between the gates is then pumped out. A hydraulic clamp, which prevents the arms of the Wheel moving while the gondola is docked, is removed, allowing the Wheel to turn. In the central machine room an array of ten hydraulic motors then begins to rotate the central axle. The axle connects to the outer arms of the Wheel, which begin to rotate at a speed of 1/8 of a revolution per minute. As the wheel rotates, the gondolas are kept in the upright position by a simple gearing system. Two eight-metre-wide cogs orbit a fixed inner cog of the same width, connected by two smaller cogs travelling in the opposite direction to the outer cogs so ensuring that the gondolas always remain level. When the gondola reaches the top, the boat passes straight onto the aqueduct situated 24 metres above the canal basin. The remaining 11 metres of lift needed to reach the Union Canal is achieved by means of a pair of locks. The Wheel could not be constructed to elevate boats over the full 35-metre difference between the two canals, owing to the presence of the historically important Antonine Wall, which was built by the Romans in the second century AD. Boats travel under this wall via a tunnel, then through the locks, and finally on to the Union Canal. | The Falkirk Wheel has linked the Forth & Clyde Canal with the Union Canal for the first time in their history. | contradiction |
id_5707 | THE FALKIRK WHEEL A unique engineering achievement. The Falkirk Wheel in Scotland is the worlds first and only rotating boat lift. Opened in 2002, it is central to the ambitious 84.5m Millennium Link project to restore navigability across Scotland by reconnecting the historic waterways of the Forth & Clyde and Union Canals. The major challenge of the project lay in the fact that the Forth & Clyde Canal is situated 35 metres below the level of the Union Canal. Historically, the two canals had been joined near the town of Falkirk by a sequence of 11 locks enclosed sections of canal in which the water level could be raised or lowered that stepped down across a distance of 1.5 km. This had been dismantled in 1933, thereby breaking the link. When the project was launched in 1994, the British Waterways authority were keen to create a dramatic twenty-first-century landmark which would not only be a fitting commemoration of the Millennium, but also a lasting symbol of the economic regeneration of the region. Numerous ideas were submitted for the project, including concepts ranging from rolling eggs to tilting tanks, from giant see-saws to overhead monorails. The eventual winner was a plan for the huge rotating steel boat lift which was to become The Falkirk Wheel. The unique shape of the structure is claimed to have been inspired by various sources, both manmade and natural, most notably a Celtic double-headed axe, but also the vast turning propeller of a ship, the ribcage of a whale or the spine of a fish. The various parts of The Falkirk Wheel were all constructed and assembled, like one giant toy building set, at Butterley Engineerings Steelworks in Derbyshire, some 400 km from Falkirk. A team there carefully assembled the 1,200 tonnes of steel, painstakingly fitting the pieces together to an accuracy of just 10 mm to ensure a perfect final fit. In the summer of 2001, the structure was then dismantled and transported on 35 lorries to Falkirk, before all being bolted back together again on the ground, and finally lifted into position in five large sections by crane. The Wheel would need to withstand immense and constantly changing stresses as it rotated, so to make the structure more robust, the steel sections were bolted rather than welded together. Over 45,000 bolt holes were matched with their bolts, and each bolt was hand-tightened. The Wheel consists of two sets of opposing axe-shaped arms, attached about 25 metres apart to a fixed central spine. Two diametrically opposed water-filled gondolas, each with a capacity of 360,000 litres, are fitted between the ends of the arms. These gondolas always weigh the same, whether or not they are carrying boats. This is because, according to Archimedes principle of displacement, floating objects displace their own weight in water. So when a boat enters a gondola, the amount of water leaving the gondola weighs exactly the same as the boat. This keeps the Wheel balanced and so, despite its enormous mass, it rotates through 180 in five and a half minutes while using very little power. It takes just 1.5 kilowatt-hours (5.4 MJ) of energy to rotate the Wheel roughly the same as boiling eight small domestic kettles of water. Boats needing to be lifted up enter the canal basin at the level of the Forth & Clyde Canal and then enter the lower gondola of the Wheel. Two hydraulic steel gates are raised, so as to seal the gondola off from the water in the canal basin. The water between the gates is then pumped out. A hydraulic clamp, which prevents the arms of the Wheel moving while the gondola is docked, is removed, allowing the Wheel to turn. In the central machine room an array of ten hydraulic motors then begins to rotate the central axle. The axle connects to the outer arms of the Wheel, which begin to rotate at a speed of 1/8 of a revolution per minute. As the wheel rotates, the gondolas are kept in the upright position by a simple gearing system. Two eight-metre-wide cogs orbit a fixed inner cog of the same width, connected by two smaller cogs travelling in the opposite direction to the outer cogs so ensuring that the gondolas always remain level. When the gondola reaches the top, the boat passes straight onto the aqueduct situated 24 metres above the canal basin. The remaining 11 metres of lift needed to reach the Union Canal is achieved by means of a pair of locks. The Wheel could not be constructed to elevate boats over the full 35-metre difference between the two canals, owing to the presence of the historically important Antonine Wall, which was built by the Romans in the second century AD. Boats travel under this wall via a tunnel, then through the locks, and finally on to the Union Canal. | There was some opposition to the design of the Falkirk Wheel at first. | neutral |
id_5708 | THE FALKIRK WHEEL A unique engineering achievement. The Falkirk Wheel in Scotland is the worlds first and only rotating boat lift. Opened in 2002, it is central to the ambitious 84.5m Millennium Link project to restore navigability across Scotland by reconnecting the historic waterways of the Forth & Clyde and Union Canals. The major challenge of the project lay in the fact that the Forth & Clyde Canal is situated 35 metres below the level of the Union Canal. Historically, the two canals had been joined near the town of Falkirk by a sequence of 11 locks enclosed sections of canal in which the water level could be raised or lowered that stepped down across a distance of 1.5 km. This had been dismantled in 1933, thereby breaking the link. When the project was launched in 1994, the British Waterways authority were keen to create a dramatic twenty-first-century landmark which would not only be a fitting commemoration of the Millennium, but also a lasting symbol of the economic regeneration of the region. Numerous ideas were submitted for the project, including concepts ranging from rolling eggs to tilting tanks, from giant see-saws to overhead monorails. The eventual winner was a plan for the huge rotating steel boat lift which was to become The Falkirk Wheel. The unique shape of the structure is claimed to have been inspired by various sources, both manmade and natural, most notably a Celtic double-headed axe, but also the vast turning propeller of a ship, the ribcage of a whale or the spine of a fish. The various parts of The Falkirk Wheel were all constructed and assembled, like one giant toy building set, at Butterley Engineerings Steelworks in Derbyshire, some 400 km from Falkirk. A team there carefully assembled the 1,200 tonnes of steel, painstakingly fitting the pieces together to an accuracy of just 10 mm to ensure a perfect final fit. In the summer of 2001, the structure was then dismantled and transported on 35 lorries to Falkirk, before all being bolted back together again on the ground, and finally lifted into position in five large sections by crane. The Wheel would need to withstand immense and constantly changing stresses as it rotated, so to make the structure more robust, the steel sections were bolted rather than welded together. Over 45,000 bolt holes were matched with their bolts, and each bolt was hand-tightened. The Wheel consists of two sets of opposing axe-shaped arms, attached about 25 metres apart to a fixed central spine. Two diametrically opposed water-filled gondolas, each with a capacity of 360,000 litres, are fitted between the ends of the arms. These gondolas always weigh the same, whether or not they are carrying boats. This is because, according to Archimedes principle of displacement, floating objects displace their own weight in water. So when a boat enters a gondola, the amount of water leaving the gondola weighs exactly the same as the boat. This keeps the Wheel balanced and so, despite its enormous mass, it rotates through 180 in five and a half minutes while using very little power. It takes just 1.5 kilowatt-hours (5.4 MJ) of energy to rotate the Wheel roughly the same as boiling eight small domestic kettles of water. Boats needing to be lifted up enter the canal basin at the level of the Forth & Clyde Canal and then enter the lower gondola of the Wheel. Two hydraulic steel gates are raised, so as to seal the gondola off from the water in the canal basin. The water between the gates is then pumped out. A hydraulic clamp, which prevents the arms of the Wheel moving while the gondola is docked, is removed, allowing the Wheel to turn. In the central machine room an array of ten hydraulic motors then begins to rotate the central axle. The axle connects to the outer arms of the Wheel, which begin to rotate at a speed of 1/8 of a revolution per minute. As the wheel rotates, the gondolas are kept in the upright position by a simple gearing system. Two eight-metre-wide cogs orbit a fixed inner cog of the same width, connected by two smaller cogs travelling in the opposite direction to the outer cogs so ensuring that the gondolas always remain level. When the gondola reaches the top, the boat passes straight onto the aqueduct situated 24 metres above the canal basin. The remaining 11 metres of lift needed to reach the Union Canal is achieved by means of a pair of locks. The Wheel could not be constructed to elevate boats over the full 35-metre difference between the two canals, owing to the presence of the historically important Antonine Wall, which was built by the Romans in the second century AD. Boats travel under this wall via a tunnel, then through the locks, and finally on to the Union Canal. | The Falkirk Wheel was initially put together at the location where its components were manufactured. | entailment |
id_5709 | THE FALKIRK WHEEL A unique engineering achievement. The Falkirk Wheel in Scotland is the worlds first and only rotating boat lift. Opened in 2002, it is central to the ambitious 84.5m Millennium Link project to restore navigability across Scotland by reconnecting the historic waterways of the Forth & Clyde and Union Canals. The major challenge of the project lay in the fact that the Forth & Clyde Canal is situated 35 metres below the level of the Union Canal. Historically, the two canals had been joined near the town of Falkirk by a sequence of 11 locks enclosed sections of canal in which the water level could be raised or lowered that stepped down across a distance of 1.5 km. This had been dismantled in 1933, thereby breaking the link. When the project was launched in 1994, the British Waterways authority were keen to create a dramatic twenty-first-century landmark which would not only be a fitting commemoration of the Millennium, but also a lasting symbol of the economic regeneration of the region. Numerous ideas were submitted for the project, including concepts ranging from rolling eggs to tilting tanks, from giant see-saws to overhead monorails. The eventual winner was a plan for the huge rotating steel boat lift which was to become The Falkirk Wheel. The unique shape of the structure is claimed to have been inspired by various sources, both manmade and natural, most notably a Celtic double-headed axe, but also the vast turning propeller of a ship, the ribcage of a whale or the spine of a fish. The various parts of The Falkirk Wheel were all constructed and assembled, like one giant toy building set, at Butterley Engineerings Steelworks in Derbyshire, some 400 km from Falkirk. A team there carefully assembled the 1,200 tonnes of steel, painstakingly fitting the pieces together to an accuracy of just 10 mm to ensure a perfect final fit. In the summer of 2001, the structure was then dismantled and transported on 35 lorries to Falkirk, before all being bolted back together again on the ground, and finally lifted into position in five large sections by crane. The Wheel would need to withstand immense and constantly changing stresses as it rotated, so to make the structure more robust, the steel sections were bolted rather than welded together. Over 45,000 bolt holes were matched with their bolts, and each bolt was hand-tightened. The Wheel consists of two sets of opposing axe-shaped arms, attached about 25 metres apart to a fixed central spine. Two diametrically opposed water-filled gondolas, each with a capacity of 360,000 litres, are fitted between the ends of the arms. These gondolas always weigh the same, whether or not they are carrying boats. This is because, according to Archimedes principle of displacement, floating objects displace their own weight in water. So when a boat enters a gondola, the amount of water leaving the gondola weighs exactly the same as the boat. This keeps the Wheel balanced and so, despite its enormous mass, it rotates through 180 in five and a half minutes while using very little power. It takes just 1.5 kilowatt-hours (5.4 MJ) of energy to rotate the Wheel roughly the same as boiling eight small domestic kettles of water. Boats needing to be lifted up enter the canal basin at the level of the Forth & Clyde Canal and then enter the lower gondola of the Wheel. Two hydraulic steel gates are raised, so as to seal the gondola off from the water in the canal basin. The water between the gates is then pumped out. A hydraulic clamp, which prevents the arms of the Wheel moving while the gondola is docked, is removed, allowing the Wheel to turn. In the central machine room an array of ten hydraulic motors then begins to rotate the central axle. The axle connects to the outer arms of the Wheel, which begin to rotate at a speed of 1/8 of a revolution per minute. As the wheel rotates, the gondolas are kept in the upright position by a simple gearing system. Two eight-metre-wide cogs orbit a fixed inner cog of the same width, connected by two smaller cogs travelling in the opposite direction to the outer cogs so ensuring that the gondolas always remain level. When the gondola reaches the top, the boat passes straight onto the aqueduct situated 24 metres above the canal basin. The remaining 11 metres of lift needed to reach the Union Canal is achieved by means of a pair of locks. The Wheel could not be constructed to elevate boats over the full 35-metre difference between the two canals, owing to the presence of the historically important Antonine Wall, which was built by the Romans in the second century AD. Boats travel under this wall via a tunnel, then through the locks, and finally on to the Union Canal. | The Falkirk Wheel is the only boat lift in the world which has steel sections bolted together by hand. | neutral |
id_5710 | THE FALKIRK WHEEL A unique engineering achievement. The Falkirk Wheel in Scotland is the worlds first and only rotating boat lift. Opened in 2002, it is central to the ambitious 84.5m Millennium Link project to restore navigability across Scotland by reconnecting the historic waterways of the Forth & Clyde and Union Canals. The major challenge of the project lay in the fact that the Forth & Clyde Canal is situated 35 metres below the level of the Union Canal. Historically, the two canals had been joined near the town of Falkirk by a sequence of 11 locks enclosed sections of canal in which the water level could be raised or lowered that stepped down across a distance of 1.5 km. This had been dismantled in 1933, thereby breaking the link. When the project was launched in 1994, the British Waterways authority were keen to create a dramatic twenty-first-century landmark which would not only be a fitting commemoration of the Millennium, but also a lasting symbol of the economic regeneration of the region. Numerous ideas were submitted for the project, including concepts ranging from rolling eggs to tilting tanks, from giant see-saws to overhead monorails. The eventual winner was a plan for the huge rotating steel boat lift which was to become The Falkirk Wheel. The unique shape of the structure is claimed to have been inspired by various sources, both manmade and natural, most notably a Celtic double-headed axe, but also the vast turning propeller of a ship, the ribcage of a whale or the spine of a fish. The various parts of The Falkirk Wheel were all constructed and assembled, like one giant toy building set, at Butterley Engineerings Steelworks in Derbyshire, some 400 km from Falkirk. A team there carefully assembled the 1,200 tonnes of steel, painstakingly fitting the pieces together to an accuracy of just 10 mm to ensure a perfect final fit. In the summer of 2001, the structure was then dismantled and transported on 35 lorries to Falkirk, before all being bolted back together again on the ground, and finally lifted into position in five large sections by crane. The Wheel would need to withstand immense and constantly changing stresses as it rotated, so to make the structure more robust, the steel sections were bolted rather than welded together. Over 45,000 bolt holes were matched with their bolts, and each bolt was hand-tightened. The Wheel consists of two sets of opposing axe-shaped arms, attached about 25 metres apart to a fixed central spine. Two diametrically opposed water-filled gondolas, each with a capacity of 360,000 litres, are fitted between the ends of the arms. These gondolas always weigh the same, whether or not they are carrying boats. This is because, according to Archimedes principle of displacement, floating objects displace their own weight in water. So when a boat enters a gondola, the amount of water leaving the gondola weighs exactly the same as the boat. This keeps the Wheel balanced and so, despite its enormous mass, it rotates through 180 in five and a half minutes while using very little power. It takes just 1.5 kilowatt-hours (5.4 MJ) of energy to rotate the Wheel roughly the same as boiling eight small domestic kettles of water. Boats needing to be lifted up enter the canal basin at the level of the Forth & Clyde Canal and then enter the lower gondola of the Wheel. Two hydraulic steel gates are raised, so as to seal the gondola off from the water in the canal basin. The water between the gates is then pumped out. A hydraulic clamp, which prevents the arms of the Wheel moving while the gondola is docked, is removed, allowing the Wheel to turn. In the central machine room an array of ten hydraulic motors then begins to rotate the central axle. The axle connects to the outer arms of the Wheel, which begin to rotate at a speed of 1/8 of a revolution per minute. As the wheel rotates, the gondolas are kept in the upright position by a simple gearing system. Two eight-metre-wide cogs orbit a fixed inner cog of the same width, connected by two smaller cogs travelling in the opposite direction to the outer cogs so ensuring that the gondolas always remain level. When the gondola reaches the top, the boat passes straight onto the aqueduct situated 24 metres above the canal basin. The remaining 11 metres of lift needed to reach the Union Canal is achieved by means of a pair of locks. The Wheel could not be constructed to elevate boats over the full 35-metre difference between the two canals, owing to the presence of the historically important Antonine Wall, which was built by the Romans in the second century AD. Boats travel under this wall via a tunnel, then through the locks, and finally on to the Union Canal. | The construction of the Falkirk Wheel site took into account the presence of a nearby ancient monument. | entailment |
id_5711 | THE FALKIRK WHEEL A unique engineering achievement. The Falkirk Wheel in Scotland is the worlds first and only rotating boat lift. Opened in 2002, it is central to the ambitious 84.5m Millennium Link project to restore navigability across Scotland by reconnecting the historic waterways of the Forth & Clyde and Union Canals. The major challenge of the project lay in the fact that the Forth & Clyde Canal is situated 35 metres below the level of the Union Canal. Historically, the two canals had been joined near the town of Falkirk by a sequence of 11 locks enclosed sections of canal in which the water level could be raised or lowered that stepped down across a distance of 1.5 km. This had been dismantled in 1933, thereby breaking the link. When the project was launched in 1994, the British Waterways authority were keen to create a dramatic twenty-first-century landmark which would not only be a fitting commemoration of the Millennium, but also a lasting symbol of the economic regeneration of the region. Numerous ideas were submitted for the project, including concepts ranging from rolling eggs to tilting tanks, from giant see-saws to overhead monorails. The eventual winner was a plan for the huge rotating steel boat lift which was to become The Falkirk Wheel. The unique shape of the structure is claimed to have been inspired by various sources, both manmade and natural, most notably a Celtic double-headed axe, but also the vast turning propeller of a ship, the ribcage of a whale or the spine of a fish. The various parts of The Falkirk Wheel were all constructed and assembled, like one giant toy building set, at Butterley Engineerings Steelworks in Derbyshire, some 400 km from Falkirk. A team there carefully assembled the 1,200 tonnes of steel, painstakingly fitting the pieces together to an accuracy of just 10 mm to ensure a perfect final fit. In the summer of 2001, the structure was then dismantled and transported on 35 lorries to Falkirk, before all being bolted back together again on the ground, and finally lifted into position in five large sections by crane. The Wheel would need to withstand immense and constantly changing stresses as it rotated, so to make the structure more robust, the steel sections were bolted rather than welded together. Over 45,000 bolt holes were matched with their bolts, and each bolt was hand-tightened. The Wheel consists of two sets of opposing axe-shaped arms, attached about 25 metres apart to a fixed central spine. Two diametrically opposed water-filled gondolas, each with a capacity of 360,000 litres, are fitted between the ends of the arms. These gondolas always weigh the same, whether or not they are carrying boats. This is because, according to Archimedes principle of displacement, floating objects displace their own weight in water. So when a boat enters a gondola, the amount of water leaving the gondola weighs exactly the same as the boat. This keeps the Wheel balanced and so, despite its enormous mass, it rotates through 180 in five and a half minutes while using very little power. It takes just 1.5 kilowatt-hours (5.4 MJ) of energy to rotate the Wheel roughly the same as boiling eight small domestic kettles of water. Boats needing to be lifted up enter the canal basin at the level of the Forth & Clyde Canal and then enter the lower gondola of the Wheel. Two hydraulic steel gates are raised, so as to seal the gondola off from the water in the canal basin. The water between the gates is then pumped out. A hydraulic clamp, which prevents the arms of the Wheel moving while the gondola is docked, is removed, allowing the Wheel to turn. In the central machine room an array of ten hydraulic motors then begins to rotate the central axle. The axle connects to the outer arms of the Wheel, which begin to rotate at a speed of 1/8 of a revolution per minute. As the wheel rotates, the gondolas are kept in the upright position by a simple gearing system. Two eight-metre-wide cogs orbit a fixed inner cog of the same width, connected by two smaller cogs travelling in the opposite direction to the outer cogs so ensuring that the gondolas always remain level. When the gondola reaches the top, the boat passes straight onto the aqueduct situated 24 metres above the canal basin. The remaining 11 metres of lift needed to reach the Union Canal is achieved by means of a pair of locks. The Wheel could not be constructed to elevate boats over the full 35-metre difference between the two canals, owing to the presence of the historically important Antonine Wall, which was built by the Romans in the second century AD. Boats travel under this wall via a tunnel, then through the locks, and finally on to the Union Canal. | The weight of the gondolas varies according to the size of boat being carried. | contradiction |
id_5712 | THE GAP of INGENUITY Ingenuity, as I define it here, consists not only of ideas for new technologies like computer or drought-resistant crops but, more fundamentally, of ideas for better institutions and social arrangements, like efficient markets and competent governments. How much and what kinds of ingenuity a society requires depends on a range of factors, including the societys goals and the circumstances within which it must achieve those goals whether it has a young population or an aging one, an abundance of natural resources or a scarcity of them, an easy climate or a punishing one, whatever the case may be. How much and what kinds of ingenuity a society supplies also depends on many factors, such as the nature of human inventiveness and understanding, the rewards an economy gives to the producers of useful knowledge, and the strength of political opposition to social and institutional reforms. A good supply of the right kind of ingenuity is essential, but it isnt, of course, enough by itself. We know that the creation of wealth, for example, depends not only on an adequate supply of useful ideas but also on the availability of other, more conventional factors of production, like capital and labor. Similarly, prosperity, stability and justice usually depend on the resolution, or at least the containment, of major political struggles over wealth and power. Yet within our economies ingenuity often supplants labor, and growth in the stock of physical plant is usually accompanied by growth in the stock of ingenuity. And in our political systems, we need great ingenuity to set up institutions that successfully manage struggles over wealth and power. Clearly, our economic and -political processes are intimately entangled with the production and use of ingenuity. The past century's countless incremental changes in our societies around the planet, in our technologies and our interactions with our surrounding natural environments have accumulated to create a qualitatively new world. Because these changes have accumulated slowly, its often hard for us to recognize how profound and sweeping theyre. They include far larger and denser populations; much higher per capita consumption of natural resources; and far better and more widely available technologies for the movement of people, materials, and especially information. In combination, these changes have sharply increased the density, intensity, and pace of our inter actions with each other; they have greatly increased the burden we place on our natural environment; and they have helped shift power from national and international institutions to individuals and subgroups, such as political special interests and ethnic factions. As a result, people in all walks of life from our political and business leaders to all of us in our day-to-day must cope with much more complex, urgent, and often unpredictable circumstances. The management of our relationship with this new world requires immense and ever-increasing amounts of social and technical ingenuity. As we strive to maintain or increase our prosperity and improve the quality of our lives, we must make far more sophisticated decisions, and in less time, than ever before. When we enhance the performance of any system, from our cars to the planers network of financial institutions, we tend to make it more complex. Many of the natural systems critical to our well-being, like the global climate and the oceans, are extraordinarily complex to begin with. We often cant predict or manage the behavior of complex systems with much precision, because they are often very sensitive to the smallest of changes and perturbations, and their behavior can flip from one mode to another suddenly and dramatically. In general, as the human-made and natural systems we depend upon become more complex, and as our demands on them increase, the institutions and technologies we use to manage them must become more complex too, which further boosts our need for ingenuity. The good news, though, is that the last century's stunning changes in our societies and technologies have not just increased our need for ingenuity; they have also produced a huge increase in its supply. The growth and urbanization of human populations have combined with astonishing new communication and transportation technologies to expand interactions among people and produce larger, more integrated, and more efficient markets. These changes have, in turn, vastly accelerated the generation and delivery of useful ideas. Butand this is the critical but we should not jump to the conclusion that the supply of ingenuity always Increases in lockstep with our ingenuity requirement: while its true that necessity is often the mother of invention, we cant always rely on the right kind of ingenuity appearing when and where we need it. In many cases, the complexity and speed of operation of todays vital economic, social, arid ecological systems exceed the human brain s grasp. Very few of us have more than a rudimentary understanding of how these systems work. They remain fraught with countless unknown unknowns, which makes it hard to supply the ingenuity we need to solve problems associated with these systems. In this book, explore a wide range of other factors that will limit our ability to supply the ingenuity required in the coming century. For example, many people believe that new communication technologies strengthen democracy and will make it easier to find solutions to our societies, collective problems, but the story is less clear than it seems. The crush of information in our everyday lives is shortening our attention span, limiting the time we have to reflect on critical matters of public policy, and making policy arguments more superficial. Modem markets and science are an important part of the story of how we supply ingenuity. Markets are critically important, because they give entrepreneurs an incentive to produce knowledge. As for science, although it seems to face no theoretical limits, at least in the foreseeable future, practical constraints often slow its progress. The cost of scientific research tends to increase as it delves deeper into nature. And sciences rate of advance depends on the characteristic of the natural phenomena it investigates, simply because some phenomena are intrinsically harder to understand than others, so the production of useful new knowledge in these areas can be very slow. Consequently, there is often a critical time lag between the recognition between a problem and the delivery of sufficient ingenuity, , in the form of technologies, to solve that problem. Progress in the social sciences is especially slow, for reasons we don't yet understand; but we desperately need better social scientific knowledge to build the sophisticated institutions todays world demands | The ingenuity we have may be inappropriate for solving problems at hand | entailment |
id_5713 | THE GAP of INGENUITY Ingenuity, as I define it here, consists not only of ideas for new technologies like computer or drought-resistant crops but, more fundamentally, of ideas for better institutions and social arrangements, like efficient markets and competent governments. How much and what kinds of ingenuity a society requires depends on a range of factors, including the societys goals and the circumstances within which it must achieve those goals whether it has a young population or an aging one, an abundance of natural resources or a scarcity of them, an easy climate or a punishing one, whatever the case may be. How much and what kinds of ingenuity a society supplies also depends on many factors, such as the nature of human inventiveness and understanding, the rewards an economy gives to the producers of useful knowledge, and the strength of political opposition to social and institutional reforms. A good supply of the right kind of ingenuity is essential, but it isnt, of course, enough by itself. We know that the creation of wealth, for example, depends not only on an adequate supply of useful ideas but also on the availability of other, more conventional factors of production, like capital and labor. Similarly, prosperity, stability and justice usually depend on the resolution, or at least the containment, of major political struggles over wealth and power. Yet within our economies ingenuity often supplants labor, and growth in the stock of physical plant is usually accompanied by growth in the stock of ingenuity. And in our political systems, we need great ingenuity to set up institutions that successfully manage struggles over wealth and power. Clearly, our economic and -political processes are intimately entangled with the production and use of ingenuity. The past century's countless incremental changes in our societies around the planet, in our technologies and our interactions with our surrounding natural environments have accumulated to create a qualitatively new world. Because these changes have accumulated slowly, its often hard for us to recognize how profound and sweeping theyre. They include far larger and denser populations; much higher per capita consumption of natural resources; and far better and more widely available technologies for the movement of people, materials, and especially information. In combination, these changes have sharply increased the density, intensity, and pace of our inter actions with each other; they have greatly increased the burden we place on our natural environment; and they have helped shift power from national and international institutions to individuals and subgroups, such as political special interests and ethnic factions. As a result, people in all walks of life from our political and business leaders to all of us in our day-to-day must cope with much more complex, urgent, and often unpredictable circumstances. The management of our relationship with this new world requires immense and ever-increasing amounts of social and technical ingenuity. As we strive to maintain or increase our prosperity and improve the quality of our lives, we must make far more sophisticated decisions, and in less time, than ever before. When we enhance the performance of any system, from our cars to the planers network of financial institutions, we tend to make it more complex. Many of the natural systems critical to our well-being, like the global climate and the oceans, are extraordinarily complex to begin with. We often cant predict or manage the behavior of complex systems with much precision, because they are often very sensitive to the smallest of changes and perturbations, and their behavior can flip from one mode to another suddenly and dramatically. In general, as the human-made and natural systems we depend upon become more complex, and as our demands on them increase, the institutions and technologies we use to manage them must become more complex too, which further boosts our need for ingenuity. The good news, though, is that the last century's stunning changes in our societies and technologies have not just increased our need for ingenuity; they have also produced a huge increase in its supply. The growth and urbanization of human populations have combined with astonishing new communication and transportation technologies to expand interactions among people and produce larger, more integrated, and more efficient markets. These changes have, in turn, vastly accelerated the generation and delivery of useful ideas. Butand this is the critical but we should not jump to the conclusion that the supply of ingenuity always Increases in lockstep with our ingenuity requirement: while its true that necessity is often the mother of invention, we cant always rely on the right kind of ingenuity appearing when and where we need it. In many cases, the complexity and speed of operation of todays vital economic, social, arid ecological systems exceed the human brain s grasp. Very few of us have more than a rudimentary understanding of how these systems work. They remain fraught with countless unknown unknowns, which makes it hard to supply the ingenuity we need to solve problems associated with these systems. In this book, explore a wide range of other factors that will limit our ability to supply the ingenuity required in the coming century. For example, many people believe that new communication technologies strengthen democracy and will make it easier to find solutions to our societies, collective problems, but the story is less clear than it seems. The crush of information in our everyday lives is shortening our attention span, limiting the time we have to reflect on critical matters of public policy, and making policy arguments more superficial. Modem markets and science are an important part of the story of how we supply ingenuity. Markets are critically important, because they give entrepreneurs an incentive to produce knowledge. As for science, although it seems to face no theoretical limits, at least in the foreseeable future, practical constraints often slow its progress. The cost of scientific research tends to increase as it delves deeper into nature. And sciences rate of advance depends on the characteristic of the natural phenomena it investigates, simply because some phenomena are intrinsically harder to understand than others, so the production of useful new knowledge in these areas can be very slow. Consequently, there is often a critical time lag between the recognition between a problem and the delivery of sufficient ingenuity, , in the form of technologies, to solve that problem. Progress in the social sciences is especially slow, for reasons we don't yet understand; but we desperately need better social scientific knowledge to build the sophisticated institutions todays world demands | Science tends to develop faster in certain areas than others | entailment |
id_5714 | THE GAP of INGENUITY Ingenuity, as I define it here, consists not only of ideas for new technologies like computer or drought-resistant crops but, more fundamentally, of ideas for better institutions and social arrangements, like efficient markets and competent governments. How much and what kinds of ingenuity a society requires depends on a range of factors, including the societys goals and the circumstances within which it must achieve those goals whether it has a young population or an aging one, an abundance of natural resources or a scarcity of them, an easy climate or a punishing one, whatever the case may be. How much and what kinds of ingenuity a society supplies also depends on many factors, such as the nature of human inventiveness and understanding, the rewards an economy gives to the producers of useful knowledge, and the strength of political opposition to social and institutional reforms. A good supply of the right kind of ingenuity is essential, but it isnt, of course, enough by itself. We know that the creation of wealth, for example, depends not only on an adequate supply of useful ideas but also on the availability of other, more conventional factors of production, like capital and labor. Similarly, prosperity, stability and justice usually depend on the resolution, or at least the containment, of major political struggles over wealth and power. Yet within our economies ingenuity often supplants labor, and growth in the stock of physical plant is usually accompanied by growth in the stock of ingenuity. And in our political systems, we need great ingenuity to set up institutions that successfully manage struggles over wealth and power. Clearly, our economic and -political processes are intimately entangled with the production and use of ingenuity. The past century's countless incremental changes in our societies around the planet, in our technologies and our interactions with our surrounding natural environments have accumulated to create a qualitatively new world. Because these changes have accumulated slowly, its often hard for us to recognize how profound and sweeping theyre. They include far larger and denser populations; much higher per capita consumption of natural resources; and far better and more widely available technologies for the movement of people, materials, and especially information. In combination, these changes have sharply increased the density, intensity, and pace of our inter actions with each other; they have greatly increased the burden we place on our natural environment; and they have helped shift power from national and international institutions to individuals and subgroups, such as political special interests and ethnic factions. As a result, people in all walks of life from our political and business leaders to all of us in our day-to-day must cope with much more complex, urgent, and often unpredictable circumstances. The management of our relationship with this new world requires immense and ever-increasing amounts of social and technical ingenuity. As we strive to maintain or increase our prosperity and improve the quality of our lives, we must make far more sophisticated decisions, and in less time, than ever before. When we enhance the performance of any system, from our cars to the planers network of financial institutions, we tend to make it more complex. Many of the natural systems critical to our well-being, like the global climate and the oceans, are extraordinarily complex to begin with. We often cant predict or manage the behavior of complex systems with much precision, because they are often very sensitive to the smallest of changes and perturbations, and their behavior can flip from one mode to another suddenly and dramatically. In general, as the human-made and natural systems we depend upon become more complex, and as our demands on them increase, the institutions and technologies we use to manage them must become more complex too, which further boosts our need for ingenuity. The good news, though, is that the last century's stunning changes in our societies and technologies have not just increased our need for ingenuity; they have also produced a huge increase in its supply. The growth and urbanization of human populations have combined with astonishing new communication and transportation technologies to expand interactions among people and produce larger, more integrated, and more efficient markets. These changes have, in turn, vastly accelerated the generation and delivery of useful ideas. Butand this is the critical but we should not jump to the conclusion that the supply of ingenuity always Increases in lockstep with our ingenuity requirement: while its true that necessity is often the mother of invention, we cant always rely on the right kind of ingenuity appearing when and where we need it. In many cases, the complexity and speed of operation of todays vital economic, social, arid ecological systems exceed the human brain s grasp. Very few of us have more than a rudimentary understanding of how these systems work. They remain fraught with countless unknown unknowns, which makes it hard to supply the ingenuity we need to solve problems associated with these systems. In this book, explore a wide range of other factors that will limit our ability to supply the ingenuity required in the coming century. For example, many people believe that new communication technologies strengthen democracy and will make it easier to find solutions to our societies, collective problems, but the story is less clear than it seems. The crush of information in our everyday lives is shortening our attention span, limiting the time we have to reflect on critical matters of public policy, and making policy arguments more superficial. Modem markets and science are an important part of the story of how we supply ingenuity. Markets are critically important, because they give entrepreneurs an incentive to produce knowledge. As for science, although it seems to face no theoretical limits, at least in the foreseeable future, practical constraints often slow its progress. The cost of scientific research tends to increase as it delves deeper into nature. And sciences rate of advance depends on the characteristic of the natural phenomena it investigates, simply because some phenomena are intrinsically harder to understand than others, so the production of useful new knowledge in these areas can be very slow. Consequently, there is often a critical time lag between the recognition between a problem and the delivery of sufficient ingenuity, , in the form of technologies, to solve that problem. Progress in the social sciences is especially slow, for reasons we don't yet understand; but we desperately need better social scientific knowledge to build the sophisticated institutions todays world demands | The next generation will blame the current government for their conduct | neutral |
id_5715 | THE GAP of INGENUITY Ingenuity, as I define it here, consists not only of ideas for new technologies like computer or drought-resistant crops but, more fundamentally, of ideas for better institutions and social arrangements, like efficient markets and competent governments. How much and what kinds of ingenuity a society requires depends on a range of factors, including the societys goals and the circumstances within which it must achieve those goals whether it has a young population or an aging one, an abundance of natural resources or a scarcity of them, an easy climate or a punishing one, whatever the case may be. How much and what kinds of ingenuity a society supplies also depends on many factors, such as the nature of human inventiveness and understanding, the rewards an economy gives to the producers of useful knowledge, and the strength of political opposition to social and institutional reforms. A good supply of the right kind of ingenuity is essential, but it isnt, of course, enough by itself. We know that the creation of wealth, for example, depends not only on an adequate supply of useful ideas but also on the availability of other, more conventional factors of production, like capital and labor. Similarly, prosperity, stability and justice usually depend on the resolution, or at least the containment, of major political struggles over wealth and power. Yet within our economies ingenuity often supplants labor, and growth in the stock of physical plant is usually accompanied by growth in the stock of ingenuity. And in our political systems, we need great ingenuity to set up institutions that successfully manage struggles over wealth and power. Clearly, our economic and -political processes are intimately entangled with the production and use of ingenuity. The past century's countless incremental changes in our societies around the planet, in our technologies and our interactions with our surrounding natural environments have accumulated to create a qualitatively new world. Because these changes have accumulated slowly, its often hard for us to recognize how profound and sweeping theyre. They include far larger and denser populations; much higher per capita consumption of natural resources; and far better and more widely available technologies for the movement of people, materials, and especially information. In combination, these changes have sharply increased the density, intensity, and pace of our inter actions with each other; they have greatly increased the burden we place on our natural environment; and they have helped shift power from national and international institutions to individuals and subgroups, such as political special interests and ethnic factions. As a result, people in all walks of life from our political and business leaders to all of us in our day-to-day must cope with much more complex, urgent, and often unpredictable circumstances. The management of our relationship with this new world requires immense and ever-increasing amounts of social and technical ingenuity. As we strive to maintain or increase our prosperity and improve the quality of our lives, we must make far more sophisticated decisions, and in less time, than ever before. When we enhance the performance of any system, from our cars to the planers network of financial institutions, we tend to make it more complex. Many of the natural systems critical to our well-being, like the global climate and the oceans, are extraordinarily complex to begin with. We often cant predict or manage the behavior of complex systems with much precision, because they are often very sensitive to the smallest of changes and perturbations, and their behavior can flip from one mode to another suddenly and dramatically. In general, as the human-made and natural systems we depend upon become more complex, and as our demands on them increase, the institutions and technologies we use to manage them must become more complex too, which further boosts our need for ingenuity. The good news, though, is that the last century's stunning changes in our societies and technologies have not just increased our need for ingenuity; they have also produced a huge increase in its supply. The growth and urbanization of human populations have combined with astonishing new communication and transportation technologies to expand interactions among people and produce larger, more integrated, and more efficient markets. These changes have, in turn, vastly accelerated the generation and delivery of useful ideas. Butand this is the critical but we should not jump to the conclusion that the supply of ingenuity always Increases in lockstep with our ingenuity requirement: while its true that necessity is often the mother of invention, we cant always rely on the right kind of ingenuity appearing when and where we need it. In many cases, the complexity and speed of operation of todays vital economic, social, arid ecological systems exceed the human brain s grasp. Very few of us have more than a rudimentary understanding of how these systems work. They remain fraught with countless unknown unknowns, which makes it hard to supply the ingenuity we need to solve problems associated with these systems. In this book, explore a wide range of other factors that will limit our ability to supply the ingenuity required in the coming century. For example, many people believe that new communication technologies strengthen democracy and will make it easier to find solutions to our societies, collective problems, but the story is less clear than it seems. The crush of information in our everyday lives is shortening our attention span, limiting the time we have to reflect on critical matters of public policy, and making policy arguments more superficial. Modem markets and science are an important part of the story of how we supply ingenuity. Markets are critically important, because they give entrepreneurs an incentive to produce knowledge. As for science, although it seems to face no theoretical limits, at least in the foreseeable future, practical constraints often slow its progress. The cost of scientific research tends to increase as it delves deeper into nature. And sciences rate of advance depends on the characteristic of the natural phenomena it investigates, simply because some phenomena are intrinsically harder to understand than others, so the production of useful new knowledge in these areas can be very slow. Consequently, there is often a critical time lag between the recognition between a problem and the delivery of sufficient ingenuity, , in the form of technologies, to solve that problem. Progress in the social sciences is especially slow, for reasons we don't yet understand; but we desperately need better social scientific knowledge to build the sophisticated institutions todays world demands | More information will help us to make better decisions | contradiction |
id_5716 | THE GAP of INGENUITY Ingenuity, as I define it here, consists not only of ideas for new technologies like computer or drought-resistant crops but, more fundamentally, of ideas for better institutions and social arrangements, like efficient markets and competent governments. How much and what kinds of ingenuity a society requires depends on a range of factors, including the societys goals and the circumstances within which it must achieve those goals whether it has a young population or an aging one, an abundance of natural resources or a scarcity of them, an easy climate or a punishing one, whatever the case may be. How much and what kinds of ingenuity a society supplies also depends on many factors, such as the nature of human inventiveness and understanding, the rewards an economy gives to the producers of useful knowledge, and the strength of political opposition to social and institutional reforms. A good supply of the right kind of ingenuity is essential, but it isnt, of course, enough by itself. We know that the creation of wealth, for example, depends not only on an adequate supply of useful ideas but also on the availability of other, more conventional factors of production, like capital and labor. Similarly, prosperity, stability and justice usually depend on the resolution, or at least the containment, of major political struggles over wealth and power. Yet within our economies ingenuity often supplants labor, and growth in the stock of physical plant is usually accompanied by growth in the stock of ingenuity. And in our political systems, we need great ingenuity to set up institutions that successfully manage struggles over wealth and power. Clearly, our economic and -political processes are intimately entangled with the production and use of ingenuity. The past century's countless incremental changes in our societies around the planet, in our technologies and our interactions with our surrounding natural environments have accumulated to create a qualitatively new world. Because these changes have accumulated slowly, its often hard for us to recognize how profound and sweeping theyre. They include far larger and denser populations; much higher per capita consumption of natural resources; and far better and more widely available technologies for the movement of people, materials, and especially information. In combination, these changes have sharply increased the density, intensity, and pace of our inter actions with each other; they have greatly increased the burden we place on our natural environment; and they have helped shift power from national and international institutions to individuals and subgroups, such as political special interests and ethnic factions. As a result, people in all walks of life from our political and business leaders to all of us in our day-to-day must cope with much more complex, urgent, and often unpredictable circumstances. The management of our relationship with this new world requires immense and ever-increasing amounts of social and technical ingenuity. As we strive to maintain or increase our prosperity and improve the quality of our lives, we must make far more sophisticated decisions, and in less time, than ever before. When we enhance the performance of any system, from our cars to the planers network of financial institutions, we tend to make it more complex. Many of the natural systems critical to our well-being, like the global climate and the oceans, are extraordinarily complex to begin with. We often cant predict or manage the behavior of complex systems with much precision, because they are often very sensitive to the smallest of changes and perturbations, and their behavior can flip from one mode to another suddenly and dramatically. In general, as the human-made and natural systems we depend upon become more complex, and as our demands on them increase, the institutions and technologies we use to manage them must become more complex too, which further boosts our need for ingenuity. The good news, though, is that the last century's stunning changes in our societies and technologies have not just increased our need for ingenuity; they have also produced a huge increase in its supply. The growth and urbanization of human populations have combined with astonishing new communication and transportation technologies to expand interactions among people and produce larger, more integrated, and more efficient markets. These changes have, in turn, vastly accelerated the generation and delivery of useful ideas. Butand this is the critical but we should not jump to the conclusion that the supply of ingenuity always Increases in lockstep with our ingenuity requirement: while its true that necessity is often the mother of invention, we cant always rely on the right kind of ingenuity appearing when and where we need it. In many cases, the complexity and speed of operation of todays vital economic, social, arid ecological systems exceed the human brain s grasp. Very few of us have more than a rudimentary understanding of how these systems work. They remain fraught with countless unknown unknowns, which makes it hard to supply the ingenuity we need to solve problems associated with these systems. In this book, explore a wide range of other factors that will limit our ability to supply the ingenuity required in the coming century. For example, many people believe that new communication technologies strengthen democracy and will make it easier to find solutions to our societies, collective problems, but the story is less clear than it seems. The crush of information in our everyday lives is shortening our attention span, limiting the time we have to reflect on critical matters of public policy, and making policy arguments more superficial. Modem markets and science are an important part of the story of how we supply ingenuity. Markets are critically important, because they give entrepreneurs an incentive to produce knowledge. As for science, although it seems to face no theoretical limits, at least in the foreseeable future, practical constraints often slow its progress. The cost of scientific research tends to increase as it delves deeper into nature. And sciences rate of advance depends on the characteristic of the natural phenomena it investigates, simply because some phenomena are intrinsically harder to understand than others, so the production of useful new knowledge in these areas can be very slow. Consequently, there is often a critical time lag between the recognition between a problem and the delivery of sufficient ingenuity, , in the form of technologies, to solve that problem. Progress in the social sciences is especially slow, for reasons we don't yet understand; but we desperately need better social scientific knowledge to build the sophisticated institutions todays world demands | There are very few who can understand the complex systems of the present world | entailment |
id_5717 | THE GAP of INGENUITY Ingenuity, as I define it here, consists not only of ideas for new technologies like computer or drought-resistant crops but, more fundamentally, of ideas for better institutions and social arrangements, like efficient markets and competent governments. How much and what kinds of ingenuity a society requires depends on a range of factors, including the societys goals and the circumstances within which it must achieve those goals whether it has a young population or an aging one, an abundance of natural resources or a scarcity of them, an easy climate or a punishing one, whatever the case may be. How much and what kinds of ingenuity a society supplies also depends on many factors, such as the nature of human inventiveness and understanding, the rewards an economy gives to the producers of useful knowledge, and the strength of political opposition to social and institutional reforms. A good supply of the right kind of ingenuity is essential, but it isnt, of course, enough by itself. We know that the creation of wealth, for example, depends not only on an adequate supply of useful ideas but also on the availability of other, more conventional factors of production, like capital and labor. Similarly, prosperity, stability and justice usually depend on the resolution, or at least the containment, of major political struggles over wealth and power. Yet within our economies ingenuity often supplants labor, and growth in the stock of physical plant is usually accompanied by growth in the stock of ingenuity. And in our political systems, we need great ingenuity to set up institutions that successfully manage struggles over wealth and power. Clearly, our economic and -political processes are intimately entangled with the production and use of ingenuity. The past century's countless incremental changes in our societies around the planet, in our technologies and our interactions with our surrounding natural environments have accumulated to create a qualitatively new world. Because these changes have accumulated slowly, its often hard for us to recognize how profound and sweeping theyre. They include far larger and denser populations; much higher per capita consumption of natural resources; and far better and more widely available technologies for the movement of people, materials, and especially information. In combination, these changes have sharply increased the density, intensity, and pace of our inter actions with each other; they have greatly increased the burden we place on our natural environment; and they have helped shift power from national and international institutions to individuals and subgroups, such as political special interests and ethnic factions. As a result, people in all walks of life from our political and business leaders to all of us in our day-to-day must cope with much more complex, urgent, and often unpredictable circumstances. The management of our relationship with this new world requires immense and ever-increasing amounts of social and technical ingenuity. As we strive to maintain or increase our prosperity and improve the quality of our lives, we must make far more sophisticated decisions, and in less time, than ever before. When we enhance the performance of any system, from our cars to the planers network of financial institutions, we tend to make it more complex. Many of the natural systems critical to our well-being, like the global climate and the oceans, are extraordinarily complex to begin with. We often cant predict or manage the behavior of complex systems with much precision, because they are often very sensitive to the smallest of changes and perturbations, and their behavior can flip from one mode to another suddenly and dramatically. In general, as the human-made and natural systems we depend upon become more complex, and as our demands on them increase, the institutions and technologies we use to manage them must become more complex too, which further boosts our need for ingenuity. The good news, though, is that the last century's stunning changes in our societies and technologies have not just increased our need for ingenuity; they have also produced a huge increase in its supply. The growth and urbanization of human populations have combined with astonishing new communication and transportation technologies to expand interactions among people and produce larger, more integrated, and more efficient markets. These changes have, in turn, vastly accelerated the generation and delivery of useful ideas. Butand this is the critical but we should not jump to the conclusion that the supply of ingenuity always Increases in lockstep with our ingenuity requirement: while its true that necessity is often the mother of invention, we cant always rely on the right kind of ingenuity appearing when and where we need it. In many cases, the complexity and speed of operation of todays vital economic, social, arid ecological systems exceed the human brain s grasp. Very few of us have more than a rudimentary understanding of how these systems work. They remain fraught with countless unknown unknowns, which makes it hard to supply the ingenuity we need to solve problems associated with these systems. In this book, explore a wide range of other factors that will limit our ability to supply the ingenuity required in the coming century. For example, many people believe that new communication technologies strengthen democracy and will make it easier to find solutions to our societies, collective problems, but the story is less clear than it seems. The crush of information in our everyday lives is shortening our attention span, limiting the time we have to reflect on critical matters of public policy, and making policy arguments more superficial. Modem markets and science are an important part of the story of how we supply ingenuity. Markets are critically important, because they give entrepreneurs an incentive to produce knowledge. As for science, although it seems to face no theoretical limits, at least in the foreseeable future, practical constraints often slow its progress. The cost of scientific research tends to increase as it delves deeper into nature. And sciences rate of advance depends on the characteristic of the natural phenomena it investigates, simply because some phenomena are intrinsically harder to understand than others, so the production of useful new knowledge in these areas can be very slow. Consequently, there is often a critical time lag between the recognition between a problem and the delivery of sufficient ingenuity, , in the form of technologies, to solve that problem. Progress in the social sciences is especially slow, for reasons we don't yet understand; but we desperately need better social scientific knowledge to build the sophisticated institutions todays world demands | The demand for ingenuity has been growing during the past 100 years. | entailment |
id_5718 | THE GAP of INGENUITY Ingenuity, as I define it here, consists not only of ideas for new technologies like computer or drought-resistant crops but, more fundamentally, of ideas for better institutions and social arrangements, like efficient markets and competent governments. How much and what kinds of ingenuity a society requires depends on a range of factors, including the societys goals and the circumstances within which it must achieve those goals whether it has a young population or an aging one, an abundance of natural resources or a scarcity of them, an easy climate or a punishing one, whatever the case may be. How much and what kinds of ingenuity a society supplies also depends on many factors, such as the nature of human inventiveness and understanding, the rewards an economy gives to the producers of useful knowledge, and the strength of political opposition to social and institutional reforms. A good supply of the right kind of ingenuity is essential, but it isnt, of course, enough by itself. We know that the creation of wealth, for example, depends not only on an adequate supply of useful ideas but also on the availability of other, more conventional factors of production, like capital and labor. Similarly, prosperity, stability and justice usually depend on the resolution, or at least the containment, of major political struggles over wealth and power. Yet within our economies ingenuity often supplants labor, and growth in the stock of physical plant is usually accompanied by growth in the stock of ingenuity. And in our political systems, we need great ingenuity to set up institutions that successfully manage struggles over wealth and power. Clearly, our economic and -political processes are intimately entangled with the production and use of ingenuity. The past century's countless incremental changes in our societies around the planet, in our technologies and our interactions with our surrounding natural environments have accumulated to create a qualitatively new world. Because these changes have accumulated slowly, its often hard for us to recognize how profound and sweeping theyre. They include far larger and denser populations; much higher per capita consumption of natural resources; and far better and more widely available technologies for the movement of people, materials, and especially information. In combination, these changes have sharply increased the density, intensity, and pace of our inter actions with each other; they have greatly increased the burden we place on our natural environment; and they have helped shift power from national and international institutions to individuals and subgroups, such as political special interests and ethnic factions. As a result, people in all walks of life from our political and business leaders to all of us in our day-to-day must cope with much more complex, urgent, and often unpredictable circumstances. The management of our relationship with this new world requires immense and ever-increasing amounts of social and technical ingenuity. As we strive to maintain or increase our prosperity and improve the quality of our lives, we must make far more sophisticated decisions, and in less time, than ever before. When we enhance the performance of any system, from our cars to the planers network of financial institutions, we tend to make it more complex. Many of the natural systems critical to our well-being, like the global climate and the oceans, are extraordinarily complex to begin with. We often cant predict or manage the behavior of complex systems with much precision, because they are often very sensitive to the smallest of changes and perturbations, and their behavior can flip from one mode to another suddenly and dramatically. In general, as the human-made and natural systems we depend upon become more complex, and as our demands on them increase, the institutions and technologies we use to manage them must become more complex too, which further boosts our need for ingenuity. The good news, though, is that the last century's stunning changes in our societies and technologies have not just increased our need for ingenuity; they have also produced a huge increase in its supply. The growth and urbanization of human populations have combined with astonishing new communication and transportation technologies to expand interactions among people and produce larger, more integrated, and more efficient markets. These changes have, in turn, vastly accelerated the generation and delivery of useful ideas. Butand this is the critical but we should not jump to the conclusion that the supply of ingenuity always Increases in lockstep with our ingenuity requirement: while its true that necessity is often the mother of invention, we cant always rely on the right kind of ingenuity appearing when and where we need it. In many cases, the complexity and speed of operation of todays vital economic, social, arid ecological systems exceed the human brain s grasp. Very few of us have more than a rudimentary understanding of how these systems work. They remain fraught with countless unknown unknowns, which makes it hard to supply the ingenuity we need to solve problems associated with these systems. In this book, explore a wide range of other factors that will limit our ability to supply the ingenuity required in the coming century. For example, many people believe that new communication technologies strengthen democracy and will make it easier to find solutions to our societies, collective problems, but the story is less clear than it seems. The crush of information in our everyday lives is shortening our attention span, limiting the time we have to reflect on critical matters of public policy, and making policy arguments more superficial. Modem markets and science are an important part of the story of how we supply ingenuity. Markets are critically important, because they give entrepreneurs an incentive to produce knowledge. As for science, although it seems to face no theoretical limits, at least in the foreseeable future, practical constraints often slow its progress. The cost of scientific research tends to increase as it delves deeper into nature. And sciences rate of advance depends on the characteristic of the natural phenomena it investigates, simply because some phenomena are intrinsically harder to understand than others, so the production of useful new knowledge in these areas can be very slow. Consequently, there is often a critical time lag between the recognition between a problem and the delivery of sufficient ingenuity, , in the form of technologies, to solve that problem. Progress in the social sciences is especially slow, for reasons we don't yet understand; but we desperately need better social scientific knowledge to build the sophisticated institutions todays world demands | Social science develops especially slowly because it is not as important as natural science | contradiction |
id_5719 | THE HISTORY OF BADMINTON Badminton is a racquet sport in which two or four players hit an object called a shuttlecock backwards and forwards across a high net. Some people regard it as the oldest racquet sport in the world, although the earliest forms of the sport probably didn't use a racquet, and the net is a relatively recent innovation. ' A shuttlecock is a lightweight ball made of cork, with feathers attached to it to help it fly. It is thought that shuttlecocks were first used about 2,500 years ago in China - although they were kicked rather than being hit with a racquet in those days. A racquet sport using shuttlecocks was certainly known in ancient Greece around 2,000 years ago, as well as in China and Japan, and a version of the game has been played by children across Asia for ever since. The aim was to keep hitting the shuttlecock backwards and forwards for as long as possible. The modern game we call badminton was developed in England, however, and not until the 19th century. British soldiers learnt to play a game using shuttlecocks whilst serving in India from the middle of the 18th century onwards. When they came home, they brought the game with them. At this point, it was called Poona - named after a place in India - and from about 1860, it became popular in England. That's where a net was first introduced in 1867, and the modern system of scoring began to evolve, although there were lots of disagreements about the rules amongst the players, and no official organisation to govern the sport. All this changed in 1887. The name 'badminton' was introduced after a famous party at a country house of that name in that year. At the party, a game was played that was very similar to the one we call badminton today. A set of modern rules was drawn up and published in 1893, and the Badminton Association of England was formed in 1895 to govern the new sport and organise championships. The first of these were held in 1899 and 1900, for men and women respectively. Badminton can be played by both men and women, although slightly different rules and scoring systems apply. The new sport soon became very popular in England. By 1920, there were 300 badminton clubs in the country, and that figure had risen to 500 by 1930. At the same time, the sport was catching on in other countries too, and in 1934 an International Badminton Federation (IBF) was set up. The IBF decided to run international championships in 1939, but because of the second world war, the first one didn't take place until 1948, and then only for men. The first international women's championships were held in 1957. Badminton was first played at the Olympic Games in 1972, but only as a demonstration sport - there was no actual competition and no medal winners. Although this happened again in 1988, it was 1992 before badminton was played as a fully recognised Olympic sport - with the mixed doubles being added in 1996. Badminton is now one of the most widely played sports in the world. It is one of the fastest racquet sports, with shuttlecocks travelling at up to 260 miles per hour in top competitions, and so is very exciting to watch as well as play. | A shuttlecoch can travel faster than a tennis ball. | neutral |
id_5720 | THE HISTORY OF BADMINTON Badminton is a racquet sport in which two or four players hit an object called a shuttlecock backwards and forwards across a high net. Some people regard it as the oldest racquet sport in the world, although the earliest forms of the sport probably didn't use a racquet, and the net is a relatively recent innovation. ' A shuttlecock is a lightweight ball made of cork, with feathers attached to it to help it fly. It is thought that shuttlecocks were first used about 2,500 years ago in China - although they were kicked rather than being hit with a racquet in those days. A racquet sport using shuttlecocks was certainly known in ancient Greece around 2,000 years ago, as well as in China and Japan, and a version of the game has been played by children across Asia for ever since. The aim was to keep hitting the shuttlecock backwards and forwards for as long as possible. The modern game we call badminton was developed in England, however, and not until the 19th century. British soldiers learnt to play a game using shuttlecocks whilst serving in India from the middle of the 18th century onwards. When they came home, they brought the game with them. At this point, it was called Poona - named after a place in India - and from about 1860, it became popular in England. That's where a net was first introduced in 1867, and the modern system of scoring began to evolve, although there were lots of disagreements about the rules amongst the players, and no official organisation to govern the sport. All this changed in 1887. The name 'badminton' was introduced after a famous party at a country house of that name in that year. At the party, a game was played that was very similar to the one we call badminton today. A set of modern rules was drawn up and published in 1893, and the Badminton Association of England was formed in 1895 to govern the new sport and organise championships. The first of these were held in 1899 and 1900, for men and women respectively. Badminton can be played by both men and women, although slightly different rules and scoring systems apply. The new sport soon became very popular in England. By 1920, there were 300 badminton clubs in the country, and that figure had risen to 500 by 1930. At the same time, the sport was catching on in other countries too, and in 1934 an International Badminton Federation (IBF) was set up. The IBF decided to run international championships in 1939, but because of the second world war, the first one didn't take place until 1948, and then only for men. The first international women's championships were held in 1957. Badminton was first played at the Olympic Games in 1972, but only as a demonstration sport - there was no actual competition and no medal winners. Although this happened again in 1988, it was 1992 before badminton was played as a fully recognised Olympic sport - with the mixed doubles being added in 1996. Badminton is now one of the most widely played sports in the world. It is one of the fastest racquet sports, with shuttlecocks travelling at up to 260 miles per hour in top competitions, and so is very exciting to watch as well as play. | Men and women can play against each other in the Olympic games. | entailment |
id_5721 | THE HISTORY OF BADMINTON Badminton is a racquet sport in which two or four players hit an object called a shuttlecock backwards and forwards across a high net. Some people regard it as the oldest racquet sport in the world, although the earliest forms of the sport probably didn't use a racquet, and the net is a relatively recent innovation. ' A shuttlecock is a lightweight ball made of cork, with feathers attached to it to help it fly. It is thought that shuttlecocks were first used about 2,500 years ago in China - although they were kicked rather than being hit with a racquet in those days. A racquet sport using shuttlecocks was certainly known in ancient Greece around 2,000 years ago, as well as in China and Japan, and a version of the game has been played by children across Asia for ever since. The aim was to keep hitting the shuttlecock backwards and forwards for as long as possible. The modern game we call badminton was developed in England, however, and not until the 19th century. British soldiers learnt to play a game using shuttlecocks whilst serving in India from the middle of the 18th century onwards. When they came home, they brought the game with them. At this point, it was called Poona - named after a place in India - and from about 1860, it became popular in England. That's where a net was first introduced in 1867, and the modern system of scoring began to evolve, although there were lots of disagreements about the rules amongst the players, and no official organisation to govern the sport. All this changed in 1887. The name 'badminton' was introduced after a famous party at a country house of that name in that year. At the party, a game was played that was very similar to the one we call badminton today. A set of modern rules was drawn up and published in 1893, and the Badminton Association of England was formed in 1895 to govern the new sport and organise championships. The first of these were held in 1899 and 1900, for men and women respectively. Badminton can be played by both men and women, although slightly different rules and scoring systems apply. The new sport soon became very popular in England. By 1920, there were 300 badminton clubs in the country, and that figure had risen to 500 by 1930. At the same time, the sport was catching on in other countries too, and in 1934 an International Badminton Federation (IBF) was set up. The IBF decided to run international championships in 1939, but because of the second world war, the first one didn't take place until 1948, and then only for men. The first international women's championships were held in 1957. Badminton was first played at the Olympic Games in 1972, but only as a demonstration sport - there was no actual competition and no medal winners. Although this happened again in 1988, it was 1992 before badminton was played as a fully recognised Olympic sport - with the mixed doubles being added in 1996. Badminton is now one of the most widely played sports in the world. It is one of the fastest racquet sports, with shuttlecocks travelling at up to 260 miles per hour in top competitions, and so is very exciting to watch as well as play. | The shuttlecoch was invented in Greece. | contradiction |
id_5722 | THE HISTORY OF BADMINTON Badminton is a racquet sport in which two or four players hit an object called a shuttlecock backwards and forwards across a high net. Some people regard it as the oldest racquet sport in the world, although the earliest forms of the sport probably didn't use a racquet, and the net is a relatively recent innovation. ' A shuttlecock is a lightweight ball made of cork, with feathers attached to it to help it fly. It is thought that shuttlecocks were first used about 2,500 years ago in China - although they were kicked rather than being hit with a racquet in those days. A racquet sport using shuttlecocks was certainly known in ancient Greece around 2,000 years ago, as well as in China and Japan, and a version of the game has been played by children across Asia for ever since. The aim was to keep hitting the shuttlecock backwards and forwards for as long as possible. The modern game we call badminton was developed in England, however, and not until the 19th century. British soldiers learnt to play a game using shuttlecocks whilst serving in India from the middle of the 18th century onwards. When they came home, they brought the game with them. At this point, it was called Poona - named after a place in India - and from about 1860, it became popular in England. That's where a net was first introduced in 1867, and the modern system of scoring began to evolve, although there were lots of disagreements about the rules amongst the players, and no official organisation to govern the sport. All this changed in 1887. The name 'badminton' was introduced after a famous party at a country house of that name in that year. At the party, a game was played that was very similar to the one we call badminton today. A set of modern rules was drawn up and published in 1893, and the Badminton Association of England was formed in 1895 to govern the new sport and organise championships. The first of these were held in 1899 and 1900, for men and women respectively. Badminton can be played by both men and women, although slightly different rules and scoring systems apply. The new sport soon became very popular in England. By 1920, there were 300 badminton clubs in the country, and that figure had risen to 500 by 1930. At the same time, the sport was catching on in other countries too, and in 1934 an International Badminton Federation (IBF) was set up. The IBF decided to run international championships in 1939, but because of the second world war, the first one didn't take place until 1948, and then only for men. The first international women's championships were held in 1957. Badminton was first played at the Olympic Games in 1972, but only as a demonstration sport - there was no actual competition and no medal winners. Although this happened again in 1988, it was 1992 before badminton was played as a fully recognised Olympic sport - with the mixed doubles being added in 1996. Badminton is now one of the most widely played sports in the world. It is one of the fastest racquet sports, with shuttlecocks travelling at up to 260 miles per hour in top competitions, and so is very exciting to watch as well as play. | People in China used to hich shuttlecochs to each other. | entailment |
id_5723 | THE HISTORY OF BADMINTON Badminton is a racquet sport in which two or four players hit an object called a shuttlecock backwards and forwards across a high net. Some people regard it as the oldest racquet sport in the world, although the earliest forms of the sport probably didn't use a racquet, and the net is a relatively recent innovation. ' A shuttlecock is a lightweight ball made of cork, with feathers attached to it to help it fly. It is thought that shuttlecocks were first used about 2,500 years ago in China - although they were kicked rather than being hit with a racquet in those days. A racquet sport using shuttlecocks was certainly known in ancient Greece around 2,000 years ago, as well as in China and Japan, and a version of the game has been played by children across Asia for ever since. The aim was to keep hitting the shuttlecock backwards and forwards for as long as possible. The modern game we call badminton was developed in England, however, and not until the 19th century. British soldiers learnt to play a game using shuttlecocks whilst serving in India from the middle of the 18th century onwards. When they came home, they brought the game with them. At this point, it was called Poona - named after a place in India - and from about 1860, it became popular in England. That's where a net was first introduced in 1867, and the modern system of scoring began to evolve, although there were lots of disagreements about the rules amongst the players, and no official organisation to govern the sport. All this changed in 1887. The name 'badminton' was introduced after a famous party at a country house of that name in that year. At the party, a game was played that was very similar to the one we call badminton today. A set of modern rules was drawn up and published in 1893, and the Badminton Association of England was formed in 1895 to govern the new sport and organise championships. The first of these were held in 1899 and 1900, for men and women respectively. Badminton can be played by both men and women, although slightly different rules and scoring systems apply. The new sport soon became very popular in England. By 1920, there were 300 badminton clubs in the country, and that figure had risen to 500 by 1930. At the same time, the sport was catching on in other countries too, and in 1934 an International Badminton Federation (IBF) was set up. The IBF decided to run international championships in 1939, but because of the second world war, the first one didn't take place until 1948, and then only for men. The first international women's championships were held in 1957. Badminton was first played at the Olympic Games in 1972, but only as a demonstration sport - there was no actual competition and no medal winners. Although this happened again in 1988, it was 1992 before badminton was played as a fully recognised Olympic sport - with the mixed doubles being added in 1996. Badminton is now one of the most widely played sports in the world. It is one of the fastest racquet sports, with shuttlecocks travelling at up to 260 miles per hour in top competitions, and so is very exciting to watch as well as play. | The badminton net was first used in India. | contradiction |
id_5724 | THE HISTORY OF BADMINTON Badminton is a racquet sport in which two or four players hit an object called a shuttlecock backwards and forwards across a high net. Some people regard it as the oldest racquet sport in the world, although the earliest forms of the sport probably didn't use a racquet, and the net is a relatively recent innovation. ' A shuttlecock is a lightweight ball made of cork, with feathers attached to it to help it fly. It is thought that shuttlecocks were first used about 2,500 years ago in China - although they were kicked rather than being hit with a racquet in those days. A racquet sport using shuttlecocks was certainly known in ancient Greece around 2,000 years ago, as well as in China and Japan, and a version of the game has been played by children across Asia for ever since. The aim was to keep hitting the shuttlecock backwards and forwards for as long as possible. The modern game we call badminton was developed in England, however, and not until the 19th century. British soldiers learnt to play a game using shuttlecocks whilst serving in India from the middle of the 18th century onwards. When they came home, they brought the game with them. At this point, it was called Poona - named after a place in India - and from about 1860, it became popular in England. That's where a net was first introduced in 1867, and the modern system of scoring began to evolve, although there were lots of disagreements about the rules amongst the players, and no official organisation to govern the sport. All this changed in 1887. The name 'badminton' was introduced after a famous party at a country house of that name in that year. At the party, a game was played that was very similar to the one we call badminton today. A set of modern rules was drawn up and published in 1893, and the Badminton Association of England was formed in 1895 to govern the new sport and organise championships. The first of these were held in 1899 and 1900, for men and women respectively. Badminton can be played by both men and women, although slightly different rules and scoring systems apply. The new sport soon became very popular in England. By 1920, there were 300 badminton clubs in the country, and that figure had risen to 500 by 1930. At the same time, the sport was catching on in other countries too, and in 1934 an International Badminton Federation (IBF) was set up. The IBF decided to run international championships in 1939, but because of the second world war, the first one didn't take place until 1948, and then only for men. The first international women's championships were held in 1957. Badminton was first played at the Olympic Games in 1972, but only as a demonstration sport - there was no actual competition and no medal winners. Although this happened again in 1988, it was 1992 before badminton was played as a fully recognised Olympic sport - with the mixed doubles being added in 1996. Badminton is now one of the most widely played sports in the world. It is one of the fastest racquet sports, with shuttlecocks travelling at up to 260 miles per hour in top competitions, and so is very exciting to watch as well as play. | Women's badminton has the same rules as men's badminton. | contradiction |
id_5725 | THE IMPORTANCE OF CHILDREN' S PLAY. Brick by brick, six-year-old Alice is building a magical kingdom. Imagining fairy-tale turrets and fire-breathing dragons, wicked witches and gallant heroes, she's creating an enchanting world. Although she isn't aware of it, this fantasy is helping her take her first steps towards her capacity for creativity and so it will have important repercussions in her adult life. Minutes later, Alice has abandoned the kingdom in favour of playing schools with her younger brother. When she bosses him around as his 'teacher', she's practising how to regulate her emotions through pretence. Later on, when they tire of this and settle down with a board game, she's learning about the need to follow rules and take turns with a partner. 'Play in all its rich variety is one of the highest achievements of the human species, ' says Dr David Whitebread from the Faculty of Education at the University of Cambridge, UK. 'It underpins how we develop as intellectual, problem-solving adults and is crucial to our success as a highly adaptable species. ' Recognising the importance of play is not new: over two millennia ago, the Greek philosopher Plato extolled its virtues as a means of developing skills for adult life, and ideas about play-based learning have been developing since the 19th century. But we live in changing times, and Whitebread is mindful of a worldwide decline in play, pointing out that over half the people in the world now live in cities. 'The opportunities for free play, which I experienced almost every day of my childhood, are becoming increasingly scarce, ' he says. Outdoor play is curtailed by perceptions of risk to do with traffic, as well as parents' increased wish to protect their children from being the victims of crime, and by the emphasis on 'earlier is better' which is leading to greater competition in academic learning and schools. International bodies like the United Nations and the European Union have begun to develop policies concerned with children's right to play, and to consider implications for leisure facilities and educational programmes. But what they often lack is the evidence to base policies on. 'The type of play we are interested in is child-initiated, spontaneous and unpredictable - but, as soon as you ask a five-year-old to play, then you as the researcher have intervened, ' explains Dr Sara Baker. 'And we want to know what the long-term impact of play is. It's a real challenge. ' Dr Jenny Gibson agrees, pointing out that although some of the steps in the puzzle of how and why play is important have been looked at, there is very little data on the impact it has on the child's later life. Now, thanks to the university's new Centre for Research on Play in Education, Development and Learning (PEDAL), Whitebread, Baker, Gibson and a team of researchers hope to provide evidence on the role played by play in how a child develops. 'A strong possibility is that play supports the early development of children's self-control, ' explains Baker. 'This is our ability to develop awareness of our own thinking processes it influences how effectively we go about undertaking challenging activities. ' In a study carried out by Baker with toddlers and young pre-schoolers, she found that children with greater self-control solved problems more quickly when exploring an unfamiliar set-up requiring scientific reasoning. 'This sort of evidence makes us think that giving children the chance to play will make them more successful problem-solvers in the long run. ' If playful experiences do facilitate this aspect of development, say the researchers, it could be extremely significant for educational practices, because the ability to self-regulate has been shown to be a key predictor of academic performance. Gibson adds: 'Playful behaviour is also an important indicator of healthy social and emotional development. In my previous research, I investigated how observing children at play can give us important clues about their well-being and can even be useful in the diagnosis of neurodevelopmental disorders like autism. ' Whitebread's recent research has involved developing a play-based approach to supporting children's writing. 'Many primary school children find writing difficult, but we showed in a previous study that a playful stimulus was far more effective than an instructional one. ' Children wrote longer and better-structured stories when they first played with dolls representing characters in the story. In the latest study, children first created their story with Lego*, with similar results. 'Many teachers commented that they had always previously had children saying they didn't know what to write about. With the Lego building, however, not a single child said this through the whole year of the project. ' Whitebread, who directs PEDAL, trained as a primary school teacher in the early 1970s, when, as he describes, 'the teaching of young children was largely a quiet backwater, untroubled by any serious intellectual debate or controversy. ' Now, the landscape is very different, with hotly debated topics such as school starting age. 'Somehow the importance of play has been lost in recent decades. It's regarded as something trivial, or even as something negative that contrasts with work. Let's not lose sight of its benefits, and the fundamental contributions it makes to human achievements in the arts, sciences and technology. Let's make sure children have a rich diet of play experiences. ' * Lego: coloured plastic building blocks and other pieces that can be joined together | Children with good self-control are known to be likely to do well at school later on. | entailment |
id_5726 | THE IMPORTANCE OF CHILDREN' S PLAY. Brick by brick, six-year-old Alice is building a magical kingdom. Imagining fairy-tale turrets and fire-breathing dragons, wicked witches and gallant heroes, she's creating an enchanting world. Although she isn't aware of it, this fantasy is helping her take her first steps towards her capacity for creativity and so it will have important repercussions in her adult life. Minutes later, Alice has abandoned the kingdom in favour of playing schools with her younger brother. When she bosses him around as his 'teacher', she's practising how to regulate her emotions through pretence. Later on, when they tire of this and settle down with a board game, she's learning about the need to follow rules and take turns with a partner. 'Play in all its rich variety is one of the highest achievements of the human species, ' says Dr David Whitebread from the Faculty of Education at the University of Cambridge, UK. 'It underpins how we develop as intellectual, problem-solving adults and is crucial to our success as a highly adaptable species. ' Recognising the importance of play is not new: over two millennia ago, the Greek philosopher Plato extolled its virtues as a means of developing skills for adult life, and ideas about play-based learning have been developing since the 19th century. But we live in changing times, and Whitebread is mindful of a worldwide decline in play, pointing out that over half the people in the world now live in cities. 'The opportunities for free play, which I experienced almost every day of my childhood, are becoming increasingly scarce, ' he says. Outdoor play is curtailed by perceptions of risk to do with traffic, as well as parents' increased wish to protect their children from being the victims of crime, and by the emphasis on 'earlier is better' which is leading to greater competition in academic learning and schools. International bodies like the United Nations and the European Union have begun to develop policies concerned with children's right to play, and to consider implications for leisure facilities and educational programmes. But what they often lack is the evidence to base policies on. 'The type of play we are interested in is child-initiated, spontaneous and unpredictable - but, as soon as you ask a five-year-old to play, then you as the researcher have intervened, ' explains Dr Sara Baker. 'And we want to know what the long-term impact of play is. It's a real challenge. ' Dr Jenny Gibson agrees, pointing out that although some of the steps in the puzzle of how and why play is important have been looked at, there is very little data on the impact it has on the child's later life. Now, thanks to the university's new Centre for Research on Play in Education, Development and Learning (PEDAL), Whitebread, Baker, Gibson and a team of researchers hope to provide evidence on the role played by play in how a child develops. 'A strong possibility is that play supports the early development of children's self-control, ' explains Baker. 'This is our ability to develop awareness of our own thinking processes it influences how effectively we go about undertaking challenging activities. ' In a study carried out by Baker with toddlers and young pre-schoolers, she found that children with greater self-control solved problems more quickly when exploring an unfamiliar set-up requiring scientific reasoning. 'This sort of evidence makes us think that giving children the chance to play will make them more successful problem-solvers in the long run. ' If playful experiences do facilitate this aspect of development, say the researchers, it could be extremely significant for educational practices, because the ability to self-regulate has been shown to be a key predictor of academic performance. Gibson adds: 'Playful behaviour is also an important indicator of healthy social and emotional development. In my previous research, I investigated how observing children at play can give us important clues about their well-being and can even be useful in the diagnosis of neurodevelopmental disorders like autism. ' Whitebread's recent research has involved developing a play-based approach to supporting children's writing. 'Many primary school children find writing difficult, but we showed in a previous study that a playful stimulus was far more effective than an instructional one. ' Children wrote longer and better-structured stories when they first played with dolls representing characters in the story. In the latest study, children first created their story with Lego*, with similar results. 'Many teachers commented that they had always previously had children saying they didn't know what to write about. With the Lego building, however, not a single child said this through the whole year of the project. ' Whitebread, who directs PEDAL, trained as a primary school teacher in the early 1970s, when, as he describes, 'the teaching of young children was largely a quiet backwater, untroubled by any serious intellectual debate or controversy. ' Now, the landscape is very different, with hotly debated topics such as school starting age. 'Somehow the importance of play has been lost in recent decades. It's regarded as something trivial, or even as something negative that contrasts with work. Let's not lose sight of its benefits, and the fundamental contributions it makes to human achievements in the arts, sciences and technology. Let's make sure children have a rich diet of play experiences. ' * Lego: coloured plastic building blocks and other pieces that can be joined together | The way a child plays may provide information about possible medical problems. | entailment |
id_5727 | THE IMPORTANCE OF CHILDREN' S PLAY. Brick by brick, six-year-old Alice is building a magical kingdom. Imagining fairy-tale turrets and fire-breathing dragons, wicked witches and gallant heroes, she's creating an enchanting world. Although she isn't aware of it, this fantasy is helping her take her first steps towards her capacity for creativity and so it will have important repercussions in her adult life. Minutes later, Alice has abandoned the kingdom in favour of playing schools with her younger brother. When she bosses him around as his 'teacher', she's practising how to regulate her emotions through pretence. Later on, when they tire of this and settle down with a board game, she's learning about the need to follow rules and take turns with a partner. 'Play in all its rich variety is one of the highest achievements of the human species, ' says Dr David Whitebread from the Faculty of Education at the University of Cambridge, UK. 'It underpins how we develop as intellectual, problem-solving adults and is crucial to our success as a highly adaptable species. ' Recognising the importance of play is not new: over two millennia ago, the Greek philosopher Plato extolled its virtues as a means of developing skills for adult life, and ideas about play-based learning have been developing since the 19th century. But we live in changing times, and Whitebread is mindful of a worldwide decline in play, pointing out that over half the people in the world now live in cities. 'The opportunities for free play, which I experienced almost every day of my childhood, are becoming increasingly scarce, ' he says. Outdoor play is curtailed by perceptions of risk to do with traffic, as well as parents' increased wish to protect their children from being the victims of crime, and by the emphasis on 'earlier is better' which is leading to greater competition in academic learning and schools. International bodies like the United Nations and the European Union have begun to develop policies concerned with children's right to play, and to consider implications for leisure facilities and educational programmes. But what they often lack is the evidence to base policies on. 'The type of play we are interested in is child-initiated, spontaneous and unpredictable - but, as soon as you ask a five-year-old to play, then you as the researcher have intervened, ' explains Dr Sara Baker. 'And we want to know what the long-term impact of play is. It's a real challenge. ' Dr Jenny Gibson agrees, pointing out that although some of the steps in the puzzle of how and why play is important have been looked at, there is very little data on the impact it has on the child's later life. Now, thanks to the university's new Centre for Research on Play in Education, Development and Learning (PEDAL), Whitebread, Baker, Gibson and a team of researchers hope to provide evidence on the role played by play in how a child develops. 'A strong possibility is that play supports the early development of children's self-control, ' explains Baker. 'This is our ability to develop awareness of our own thinking processes it influences how effectively we go about undertaking challenging activities. ' In a study carried out by Baker with toddlers and young pre-schoolers, she found that children with greater self-control solved problems more quickly when exploring an unfamiliar set-up requiring scientific reasoning. 'This sort of evidence makes us think that giving children the chance to play will make them more successful problem-solvers in the long run. ' If playful experiences do facilitate this aspect of development, say the researchers, it could be extremely significant for educational practices, because the ability to self-regulate has been shown to be a key predictor of academic performance. Gibson adds: 'Playful behaviour is also an important indicator of healthy social and emotional development. In my previous research, I investigated how observing children at play can give us important clues about their well-being and can even be useful in the diagnosis of neurodevelopmental disorders like autism. ' Whitebread's recent research has involved developing a play-based approach to supporting children's writing. 'Many primary school children find writing difficult, but we showed in a previous study that a playful stimulus was far more effective than an instructional one. ' Children wrote longer and better-structured stories when they first played with dolls representing characters in the story. In the latest study, children first created their story with Lego*, with similar results. 'Many teachers commented that they had always previously had children saying they didn't know what to write about. With the Lego building, however, not a single child said this through the whole year of the project. ' Whitebread, who directs PEDAL, trained as a primary school teacher in the early 1970s, when, as he describes, 'the teaching of young children was largely a quiet backwater, untroubled by any serious intellectual debate or controversy. ' Now, the landscape is very different, with hotly debated topics such as school starting age. 'Somehow the importance of play has been lost in recent decades. It's regarded as something trivial, or even as something negative that contrasts with work. Let's not lose sight of its benefits, and the fundamental contributions it makes to human achievements in the arts, sciences and technology. Let's make sure children have a rich diet of play experiences. ' * Lego: coloured plastic building blocks and other pieces that can be joined together | Playing with dolls was found to benefit girls' writing more than boys' writing. | neutral |
id_5728 | THE IMPORTANCE OF CHILDREN' S PLAY. Brick by brick, six-year-old Alice is building a magical kingdom. Imagining fairy-tale turrets and fire-breathing dragons, wicked witches and gallant heroes, she's creating an enchanting world. Although she isn't aware of it, this fantasy is helping her take her first steps towards her capacity for creativity and so it will have important repercussions in her adult life. Minutes later, Alice has abandoned the kingdom in favour of playing schools with her younger brother. When she bosses him around as his 'teacher', she's practising how to regulate her emotions through pretence. Later on, when they tire of this and settle down with a board game, she's learning about the need to follow rules and take turns with a partner. 'Play in all its rich variety is one of the highest achievements of the human species, ' says Dr David Whitebread from the Faculty of Education at the University of Cambridge, UK. 'It underpins how we develop as intellectual, problem-solving adults and is crucial to our success as a highly adaptable species. ' Recognising the importance of play is not new: over two millennia ago, the Greek philosopher Plato extolled its virtues as a means of developing skills for adult life, and ideas about play-based learning have been developing since the 19th century. But we live in changing times, and Whitebread is mindful of a worldwide decline in play, pointing out that over half the people in the world now live in cities. 'The opportunities for free play, which I experienced almost every day of my childhood, are becoming increasingly scarce, ' he says. Outdoor play is curtailed by perceptions of risk to do with traffic, as well as parents' increased wish to protect their children from being the victims of crime, and by the emphasis on 'earlier is better' which is leading to greater competition in academic learning and schools. International bodies like the United Nations and the European Union have begun to develop policies concerned with children's right to play, and to consider implications for leisure facilities and educational programmes. But what they often lack is the evidence to base policies on. 'The type of play we are interested in is child-initiated, spontaneous and unpredictable - but, as soon as you ask a five-year-old to play, then you as the researcher have intervened, ' explains Dr Sara Baker. 'And we want to know what the long-term impact of play is. It's a real challenge. ' Dr Jenny Gibson agrees, pointing out that although some of the steps in the puzzle of how and why play is important have been looked at, there is very little data on the impact it has on the child's later life. Now, thanks to the university's new Centre for Research on Play in Education, Development and Learning (PEDAL), Whitebread, Baker, Gibson and a team of researchers hope to provide evidence on the role played by play in how a child develops. 'A strong possibility is that play supports the early development of children's self-control, ' explains Baker. 'This is our ability to develop awareness of our own thinking processes it influences how effectively we go about undertaking challenging activities. ' In a study carried out by Baker with toddlers and young pre-schoolers, she found that children with greater self-control solved problems more quickly when exploring an unfamiliar set-up requiring scientific reasoning. 'This sort of evidence makes us think that giving children the chance to play will make them more successful problem-solvers in the long run. ' If playful experiences do facilitate this aspect of development, say the researchers, it could be extremely significant for educational practices, because the ability to self-regulate has been shown to be a key predictor of academic performance. Gibson adds: 'Playful behaviour is also an important indicator of healthy social and emotional development. In my previous research, I investigated how observing children at play can give us important clues about their well-being and can even be useful in the diagnosis of neurodevelopmental disorders like autism. ' Whitebread's recent research has involved developing a play-based approach to supporting children's writing. 'Many primary school children find writing difficult, but we showed in a previous study that a playful stimulus was far more effective than an instructional one. ' Children wrote longer and better-structured stories when they first played with dolls representing characters in the story. In the latest study, children first created their story with Lego*, with similar results. 'Many teachers commented that they had always previously had children saying they didn't know what to write about. With the Lego building, however, not a single child said this through the whole year of the project. ' Whitebread, who directs PEDAL, trained as a primary school teacher in the early 1970s, when, as he describes, 'the teaching of young children was largely a quiet backwater, untroubled by any serious intellectual debate or controversy. ' Now, the landscape is very different, with hotly debated topics such as school starting age. 'Somehow the importance of play has been lost in recent decades. It's regarded as something trivial, or even as something negative that contrasts with work. Let's not lose sight of its benefits, and the fundamental contributions it makes to human achievements in the arts, sciences and technology. Let's make sure children have a rich diet of play experiences. ' * Lego: coloured plastic building blocks and other pieces that can be joined together | Children had problems thinking up ideas when they first created the story with Lego. | contradiction |
id_5729 | THE IMPORTANCE OF CHILDREN' S PLAY. Brick by brick, six-year-old Alice is building a magical kingdom. Imagining fairy-tale turrets and fire-breathing dragons, wicked witches and gallant heroes, she's creating an enchanting world. Although she isn't aware of it, this fantasy is helping her take her first steps towards her capacity for creativity and so it will have important repercussions in her adult life. Minutes later, Alice has abandoned the kingdom in favour of playing schools with her younger brother. When she bosses him around as his 'teacher', she's practising how to regulate her emotions through pretence. Later on, when they tire of this and settle down with a board game, she's learning about the need to follow rules and take turns with a partner. 'Play in all its rich variety is one of the highest achievements of the human species, ' says Dr David Whitebread from the Faculty of Education at the University of Cambridge, UK. 'It underpins how we develop as intellectual, problem-solving adults and is crucial to our success as a highly adaptable species. ' Recognising the importance of play is not new: over two millennia ago, the Greek philosopher Plato extolled its virtues as a means of developing skills for adult life, and ideas about play-based learning have been developing since the 19th century. But we live in changing times, and Whitebread is mindful of a worldwide decline in play, pointing out that over half the people in the world now live in cities. 'The opportunities for free play, which I experienced almost every day of my childhood, are becoming increasingly scarce, ' he says. Outdoor play is curtailed by perceptions of risk to do with traffic, as well as parents' increased wish to protect their children from being the victims of crime, and by the emphasis on 'earlier is better' which is leading to greater competition in academic learning and schools. International bodies like the United Nations and the European Union have begun to develop policies concerned with children's right to play, and to consider implications for leisure facilities and educational programmes. But what they often lack is the evidence to base policies on. 'The type of play we are interested in is child-initiated, spontaneous and unpredictable - but, as soon as you ask a five-year-old to play, then you as the researcher have intervened, ' explains Dr Sara Baker. 'And we want to know what the long-term impact of play is. It's a real challenge. ' Dr Jenny Gibson agrees, pointing out that although some of the steps in the puzzle of how and why play is important have been looked at, there is very little data on the impact it has on the child's later life. Now, thanks to the university's new Centre for Research on Play in Education, Development and Learning (PEDAL), Whitebread, Baker, Gibson and a team of researchers hope to provide evidence on the role played by play in how a child develops. 'A strong possibility is that play supports the early development of children's self-control, ' explains Baker. 'This is our ability to develop awareness of our own thinking processes it influences how effectively we go about undertaking challenging activities. ' In a study carried out by Baker with toddlers and young pre-schoolers, she found that children with greater self-control solved problems more quickly when exploring an unfamiliar set-up requiring scientific reasoning. 'This sort of evidence makes us think that giving children the chance to play will make them more successful problem-solvers in the long run. ' If playful experiences do facilitate this aspect of development, say the researchers, it could be extremely significant for educational practices, because the ability to self-regulate has been shown to be a key predictor of academic performance. Gibson adds: 'Playful behaviour is also an important indicator of healthy social and emotional development. In my previous research, I investigated how observing children at play can give us important clues about their well-being and can even be useful in the diagnosis of neurodevelopmental disorders like autism. ' Whitebread's recent research has involved developing a play-based approach to supporting children's writing. 'Many primary school children find writing difficult, but we showed in a previous study that a playful stimulus was far more effective than an instructional one. ' Children wrote longer and better-structured stories when they first played with dolls representing characters in the story. In the latest study, children first created their story with Lego*, with similar results. 'Many teachers commented that they had always previously had children saying they didn't know what to write about. With the Lego building, however, not a single child said this through the whole year of the project. ' Whitebread, who directs PEDAL, trained as a primary school teacher in the early 1970s, when, as he describes, 'the teaching of young children was largely a quiet backwater, untroubled by any serious intellectual debate or controversy. ' Now, the landscape is very different, with hotly debated topics such as school starting age. 'Somehow the importance of play has been lost in recent decades. It's regarded as something trivial, or even as something negative that contrasts with work. Let's not lose sight of its benefits, and the fundamental contributions it makes to human achievements in the arts, sciences and technology. Let's make sure children have a rich diet of play experiences. ' * Lego: coloured plastic building blocks and other pieces that can be joined together | People nowadays regard children's play as less significant than they did in the past. | entailment |
id_5730 | THE IMPORTANCE OF CHILDRENS PLAY Brick by brick, six-year-old Alice is building a magical kingdom. Imagining fairy-tale turrets and fire-breathing dragons, wicked witches and gallant heroes, shes creating an enchanting world. Although she isnt aware of it, this fantasy is helping her take her first steps towards her capacity for creativity and so it will have important repercussions in her adult life. Minutes later, Alice has abandoned the kingdom in favour of playing schools with her younger brother. When she bosses him around as his teacher, shes practising how to regulate her emotions through pretence. Later on, when they tire of this and settle down with a board game, shes learning about the need to follow rules and take turns with a partner. Play in all its rich variety is one of the highest achievements of the human species, says Dr David Whitebread from the Faculty of Education at the University of Cambridge, UK. It underpins how we develop as intellectual, problem-solving adults and is crucial to our success as a highly adaptable species. Recognising the importance of play is not new: over two millennia ago, the Greek philosopher Plato extolled its virtues as a means of developing skills for adult life, and ideas about play-based learning have been developing since the 19th century. But we live in changing times, and Whitebread is mindful of a worldwide decline in play, pointing out that over half the people in the world now live in cities. The opportunities for free play, which I experienced almost every day of my childhood, are becoming increasingly scarce, he says. Outdoor play is curtailed by perceptions of risk to do with traffic, as well as parents increased wish to protect their children from being the victims of crime, and by the emphasis on earlier is better which is leading to greater competition in academic learning and schools. International bodies like the United Nations and the European Union have begun to develop policies concerned with childrens right to play, and to consider implications for leisure facilities and educational programmes. But what they often lack is the evidence to base policies on. The type of play we are interested in is child-initiated, spontaneous and unpredictable but, as soon as you ask a five-year-old to play, then you as the researcher have intervened, explains Dr Sara Baker. And we want to know what the long-term impact of play is. Its a real challenge. Dr Jenny Gibson agrees, pointing out that although some of the steps in the puzzle of how and why play is important have been looked at, there is very little data on the impact it has on the childs later life. Now, thanks to the universitys new Centre for Research on Play in Education, Development and Learning (PEDAL), Whitebread, Baker, Gibson and a team of researchers hope to provide evidence on the role played by play in how a child develops. A strong possibility is that play supports the early development of childrens self-control, explains Baker. This is our ability to develop awareness of our own thinking processes it influences how effectively we go about undertaking challenging activities. In a study carried out by Baker with toddlers and young pre-schoolers, she found that children with greater self-control solved problems more quickly when exploring an unfamiliar set-up requiring scientific reasoning. This sort of evidence makes us think that giving children the chance to play will make them more successful problem-solvers in the long run. If playful experiences do facilitate this aspect of development, say the researchers, it could be extremely significant for educational practices, because the ability to self-regulate has been shown to be a key predictor of academic performance. Gibson adds: Playful behaviour is also an important indicator of healthy social and emotional development. In my previous research, I investigated how observing children at play can give us important clues about their well-being and can even be useful in the diagnosis of neurodevelopmental disorders like autism. Whitebreads recent research has involved developing a play-based approach to supporting childrens writing. Many primary school children find writing difficult, but we showed in a previous study that a playful stimulus was far more effective than an instructional one. Children wrote longer and better-structured stories when they first played with dolls representing characters in the story. In the latest study, children first created their story with Lego , with similar results. Many teachers commented that they had always previously had children saying they didnt know what to write about. With the Lego building, however, not a single child said this through the whole year of the project. Whitebread, who directs PEDAL, trained as a primary school teacher in the early 1970s, when, as he describes, the teaching of young children was largely a quiet backwater, untroubled by any serious intellectual debate or controversy. Now, the landscape is very different, with hotly debated topics such as school starting age. Somehow the importance of play has been lost in recent decades. Its regarded as something trivial, or even as something negative that contrasts with work. Lets not lose sight of its benefits, and the fundamental contributions it makes to human achievements in the arts, sciences and technology. Lets make sure children have a rich diet of play experiences. | The way a child plays may provide information about possible medical problems. | entailment |
id_5731 | THE IMPORTANCE OF CHILDRENS PLAY Brick by brick, six-year-old Alice is building a magical kingdom. Imagining fairy-tale turrets and fire-breathing dragons, wicked witches and gallant heroes, shes creating an enchanting world. Although she isnt aware of it, this fantasy is helping her take her first steps towards her capacity for creativity and so it will have important repercussions in her adult life. Minutes later, Alice has abandoned the kingdom in favour of playing schools with her younger brother. When she bosses him around as his teacher, shes practising how to regulate her emotions through pretence. Later on, when they tire of this and settle down with a board game, shes learning about the need to follow rules and take turns with a partner. Play in all its rich variety is one of the highest achievements of the human species, says Dr David Whitebread from the Faculty of Education at the University of Cambridge, UK. It underpins how we develop as intellectual, problem-solving adults and is crucial to our success as a highly adaptable species. Recognising the importance of play is not new: over two millennia ago, the Greek philosopher Plato extolled its virtues as a means of developing skills for adult life, and ideas about play-based learning have been developing since the 19th century. But we live in changing times, and Whitebread is mindful of a worldwide decline in play, pointing out that over half the people in the world now live in cities. The opportunities for free play, which I experienced almost every day of my childhood, are becoming increasingly scarce, he says. Outdoor play is curtailed by perceptions of risk to do with traffic, as well as parents increased wish to protect their children from being the victims of crime, and by the emphasis on earlier is better which is leading to greater competition in academic learning and schools. International bodies like the United Nations and the European Union have begun to develop policies concerned with childrens right to play, and to consider implications for leisure facilities and educational programmes. But what they often lack is the evidence to base policies on. The type of play we are interested in is child-initiated, spontaneous and unpredictable but, as soon as you ask a five-year-old to play, then you as the researcher have intervened, explains Dr Sara Baker. And we want to know what the long-term impact of play is. Its a real challenge. Dr Jenny Gibson agrees, pointing out that although some of the steps in the puzzle of how and why play is important have been looked at, there is very little data on the impact it has on the childs later life. Now, thanks to the universitys new Centre for Research on Play in Education, Development and Learning (PEDAL), Whitebread, Baker, Gibson and a team of researchers hope to provide evidence on the role played by play in how a child develops. A strong possibility is that play supports the early development of childrens self-control, explains Baker. This is our ability to develop awareness of our own thinking processes it influences how effectively we go about undertaking challenging activities. In a study carried out by Baker with toddlers and young pre-schoolers, she found that children with greater self-control solved problems more quickly when exploring an unfamiliar set-up requiring scientific reasoning. This sort of evidence makes us think that giving children the chance to play will make them more successful problem-solvers in the long run. If playful experiences do facilitate this aspect of development, say the researchers, it could be extremely significant for educational practices, because the ability to self-regulate has been shown to be a key predictor of academic performance. Gibson adds: Playful behaviour is also an important indicator of healthy social and emotional development. In my previous research, I investigated how observing children at play can give us important clues about their well-being and can even be useful in the diagnosis of neurodevelopmental disorders like autism. Whitebreads recent research has involved developing a play-based approach to supporting childrens writing. Many primary school children find writing difficult, but we showed in a previous study that a playful stimulus was far more effective than an instructional one. Children wrote longer and better-structured stories when they first played with dolls representing characters in the story. In the latest study, children first created their story with Lego , with similar results. Many teachers commented that they had always previously had children saying they didnt know what to write about. With the Lego building, however, not a single child said this through the whole year of the project. Whitebread, who directs PEDAL, trained as a primary school teacher in the early 1970s, when, as he describes, the teaching of young children was largely a quiet backwater, untroubled by any serious intellectual debate or controversy. Now, the landscape is very different, with hotly debated topics such as school starting age. Somehow the importance of play has been lost in recent decades. Its regarded as something trivial, or even as something negative that contrasts with work. Lets not lose sight of its benefits, and the fundamental contributions it makes to human achievements in the arts, sciences and technology. Lets make sure children have a rich diet of play experiences. | Children with good self-control are known to be likely to do well at school later on. | entailment |
id_5732 | THE IMPORTANCE OF CHILDRENS PLAY Brick by brick, six-year-old Alice is building a magical kingdom. Imagining fairy-tale turrets and fire-breathing dragons, wicked witches and gallant heroes, shes creating an enchanting world. Although she isnt aware of it, this fantasy is helping her take her first steps towards her capacity for creativity and so it will have important repercussions in her adult life. Minutes later, Alice has abandoned the kingdom in favour of playing schools with her younger brother. When she bosses him around as his teacher, shes practising how to regulate her emotions through pretence. Later on, when they tire of this and settle down with a board game, shes learning about the need to follow rules and take turns with a partner. Play in all its rich variety is one of the highest achievements of the human species, says Dr David Whitebread from the Faculty of Education at the University of Cambridge, UK. It underpins how we develop as intellectual, problem-solving adults and is crucial to our success as a highly adaptable species. Recognising the importance of play is not new: over two millennia ago, the Greek philosopher Plato extolled its virtues as a means of developing skills for adult life, and ideas about play-based learning have been developing since the 19th century. But we live in changing times, and Whitebread is mindful of a worldwide decline in play, pointing out that over half the people in the world now live in cities. The opportunities for free play, which I experienced almost every day of my childhood, are becoming increasingly scarce, he says. Outdoor play is curtailed by perceptions of risk to do with traffic, as well as parents increased wish to protect their children from being the victims of crime, and by the emphasis on earlier is better which is leading to greater competition in academic learning and schools. International bodies like the United Nations and the European Union have begun to develop policies concerned with childrens right to play, and to consider implications for leisure facilities and educational programmes. But what they often lack is the evidence to base policies on. The type of play we are interested in is child-initiated, spontaneous and unpredictable but, as soon as you ask a five-year-old to play, then you as the researcher have intervened, explains Dr Sara Baker. And we want to know what the long-term impact of play is. Its a real challenge. Dr Jenny Gibson agrees, pointing out that although some of the steps in the puzzle of how and why play is important have been looked at, there is very little data on the impact it has on the childs later life. Now, thanks to the universitys new Centre for Research on Play in Education, Development and Learning (PEDAL), Whitebread, Baker, Gibson and a team of researchers hope to provide evidence on the role played by play in how a child develops. A strong possibility is that play supports the early development of childrens self-control, explains Baker. This is our ability to develop awareness of our own thinking processes it influences how effectively we go about undertaking challenging activities. In a study carried out by Baker with toddlers and young pre-schoolers, she found that children with greater self-control solved problems more quickly when exploring an unfamiliar set-up requiring scientific reasoning. This sort of evidence makes us think that giving children the chance to play will make them more successful problem-solvers in the long run. If playful experiences do facilitate this aspect of development, say the researchers, it could be extremely significant for educational practices, because the ability to self-regulate has been shown to be a key predictor of academic performance. Gibson adds: Playful behaviour is also an important indicator of healthy social and emotional development. In my previous research, I investigated how observing children at play can give us important clues about their well-being and can even be useful in the diagnosis of neurodevelopmental disorders like autism. Whitebreads recent research has involved developing a play-based approach to supporting childrens writing. Many primary school children find writing difficult, but we showed in a previous study that a playful stimulus was far more effective than an instructional one. Children wrote longer and better-structured stories when they first played with dolls representing characters in the story. In the latest study, children first created their story with Lego , with similar results. Many teachers commented that they had always previously had children saying they didnt know what to write about. With the Lego building, however, not a single child said this through the whole year of the project. Whitebread, who directs PEDAL, trained as a primary school teacher in the early 1970s, when, as he describes, the teaching of young children was largely a quiet backwater, untroubled by any serious intellectual debate or controversy. Now, the landscape is very different, with hotly debated topics such as school starting age. Somehow the importance of play has been lost in recent decades. Its regarded as something trivial, or even as something negative that contrasts with work. Lets not lose sight of its benefits, and the fundamental contributions it makes to human achievements in the arts, sciences and technology. Lets make sure children have a rich diet of play experiences. | People nowadays regard childrens play as less significant than they did in the past. | entailment |
id_5733 | THE IMPORTANCE OF CHILDRENS PLAY Brick by brick, six-year-old Alice is building a magical kingdom. Imagining fairy-tale turrets and fire-breathing dragons, wicked witches and gallant heroes, shes creating an enchanting world. Although she isnt aware of it, this fantasy is helping her take her first steps towards her capacity for creativity and so it will have important repercussions in her adult life. Minutes later, Alice has abandoned the kingdom in favour of playing schools with her younger brother. When she bosses him around as his teacher, shes practising how to regulate her emotions through pretence. Later on, when they tire of this and settle down with a board game, shes learning about the need to follow rules and take turns with a partner. Play in all its rich variety is one of the highest achievements of the human species, says Dr David Whitebread from the Faculty of Education at the University of Cambridge, UK. It underpins how we develop as intellectual, problem-solving adults and is crucial to our success as a highly adaptable species. Recognising the importance of play is not new: over two millennia ago, the Greek philosopher Plato extolled its virtues as a means of developing skills for adult life, and ideas about play-based learning have been developing since the 19th century. But we live in changing times, and Whitebread is mindful of a worldwide decline in play, pointing out that over half the people in the world now live in cities. The opportunities for free play, which I experienced almost every day of my childhood, are becoming increasingly scarce, he says. Outdoor play is curtailed by perceptions of risk to do with traffic, as well as parents increased wish to protect their children from being the victims of crime, and by the emphasis on earlier is better which is leading to greater competition in academic learning and schools. International bodies like the United Nations and the European Union have begun to develop policies concerned with childrens right to play, and to consider implications for leisure facilities and educational programmes. But what they often lack is the evidence to base policies on. The type of play we are interested in is child-initiated, spontaneous and unpredictable but, as soon as you ask a five-year-old to play, then you as the researcher have intervened, explains Dr Sara Baker. And we want to know what the long-term impact of play is. Its a real challenge. Dr Jenny Gibson agrees, pointing out that although some of the steps in the puzzle of how and why play is important have been looked at, there is very little data on the impact it has on the childs later life. Now, thanks to the universitys new Centre for Research on Play in Education, Development and Learning (PEDAL), Whitebread, Baker, Gibson and a team of researchers hope to provide evidence on the role played by play in how a child develops. A strong possibility is that play supports the early development of childrens self-control, explains Baker. This is our ability to develop awareness of our own thinking processes it influences how effectively we go about undertaking challenging activities. In a study carried out by Baker with toddlers and young pre-schoolers, she found that children with greater self-control solved problems more quickly when exploring an unfamiliar set-up requiring scientific reasoning. This sort of evidence makes us think that giving children the chance to play will make them more successful problem-solvers in the long run. If playful experiences do facilitate this aspect of development, say the researchers, it could be extremely significant for educational practices, because the ability to self-regulate has been shown to be a key predictor of academic performance. Gibson adds: Playful behaviour is also an important indicator of healthy social and emotional development. In my previous research, I investigated how observing children at play can give us important clues about their well-being and can even be useful in the diagnosis of neurodevelopmental disorders like autism. Whitebreads recent research has involved developing a play-based approach to supporting childrens writing. Many primary school children find writing difficult, but we showed in a previous study that a playful stimulus was far more effective than an instructional one. Children wrote longer and better-structured stories when they first played with dolls representing characters in the story. In the latest study, children first created their story with Lego , with similar results. Many teachers commented that they had always previously had children saying they didnt know what to write about. With the Lego building, however, not a single child said this through the whole year of the project. Whitebread, who directs PEDAL, trained as a primary school teacher in the early 1970s, when, as he describes, the teaching of young children was largely a quiet backwater, untroubled by any serious intellectual debate or controversy. Now, the landscape is very different, with hotly debated topics such as school starting age. Somehow the importance of play has been lost in recent decades. Its regarded as something trivial, or even as something negative that contrasts with work. Lets not lose sight of its benefits, and the fundamental contributions it makes to human achievements in the arts, sciences and technology. Lets make sure children have a rich diet of play experiences. | Children had problems thinking up ideas when they first created the story with Lego. | contradiction |
id_5734 | THE IMPORTANCE OF CHILDRENS PLAY Brick by brick, six-year-old Alice is building a magical kingdom. Imagining fairy-tale turrets and fire-breathing dragons, wicked witches and gallant heroes, shes creating an enchanting world. Although she isnt aware of it, this fantasy is helping her take her first steps towards her capacity for creativity and so it will have important repercussions in her adult life. Minutes later, Alice has abandoned the kingdom in favour of playing schools with her younger brother. When she bosses him around as his teacher, shes practising how to regulate her emotions through pretence. Later on, when they tire of this and settle down with a board game, shes learning about the need to follow rules and take turns with a partner. Play in all its rich variety is one of the highest achievements of the human species, says Dr David Whitebread from the Faculty of Education at the University of Cambridge, UK. It underpins how we develop as intellectual, problem-solving adults and is crucial to our success as a highly adaptable species. Recognising the importance of play is not new: over two millennia ago, the Greek philosopher Plato extolled its virtues as a means of developing skills for adult life, and ideas about play-based learning have been developing since the 19th century. But we live in changing times, and Whitebread is mindful of a worldwide decline in play, pointing out that over half the people in the world now live in cities. The opportunities for free play, which I experienced almost every day of my childhood, are becoming increasingly scarce, he says. Outdoor play is curtailed by perceptions of risk to do with traffic, as well as parents increased wish to protect their children from being the victims of crime, and by the emphasis on earlier is better which is leading to greater competition in academic learning and schools. International bodies like the United Nations and the European Union have begun to develop policies concerned with childrens right to play, and to consider implications for leisure facilities and educational programmes. But what they often lack is the evidence to base policies on. The type of play we are interested in is child-initiated, spontaneous and unpredictable but, as soon as you ask a five-year-old to play, then you as the researcher have intervened, explains Dr Sara Baker. And we want to know what the long-term impact of play is. Its a real challenge. Dr Jenny Gibson agrees, pointing out that although some of the steps in the puzzle of how and why play is important have been looked at, there is very little data on the impact it has on the childs later life. Now, thanks to the universitys new Centre for Research on Play in Education, Development and Learning (PEDAL), Whitebread, Baker, Gibson and a team of researchers hope to provide evidence on the role played by play in how a child develops. A strong possibility is that play supports the early development of childrens self-control, explains Baker. This is our ability to develop awareness of our own thinking processes it influences how effectively we go about undertaking challenging activities. In a study carried out by Baker with toddlers and young pre-schoolers, she found that children with greater self-control solved problems more quickly when exploring an unfamiliar set-up requiring scientific reasoning. This sort of evidence makes us think that giving children the chance to play will make them more successful problem-solvers in the long run. If playful experiences do facilitate this aspect of development, say the researchers, it could be extremely significant for educational practices, because the ability to self-regulate has been shown to be a key predictor of academic performance. Gibson adds: Playful behaviour is also an important indicator of healthy social and emotional development. In my previous research, I investigated how observing children at play can give us important clues about their well-being and can even be useful in the diagnosis of neurodevelopmental disorders like autism. Whitebreads recent research has involved developing a play-based approach to supporting childrens writing. Many primary school children find writing difficult, but we showed in a previous study that a playful stimulus was far more effective than an instructional one. Children wrote longer and better-structured stories when they first played with dolls representing characters in the story. In the latest study, children first created their story with Lego , with similar results. Many teachers commented that they had always previously had children saying they didnt know what to write about. With the Lego building, however, not a single child said this through the whole year of the project. Whitebread, who directs PEDAL, trained as a primary school teacher in the early 1970s, when, as he describes, the teaching of young children was largely a quiet backwater, untroubled by any serious intellectual debate or controversy. Now, the landscape is very different, with hotly debated topics such as school starting age. Somehow the importance of play has been lost in recent decades. Its regarded as something trivial, or even as something negative that contrasts with work. Lets not lose sight of its benefits, and the fundamental contributions it makes to human achievements in the arts, sciences and technology. Lets make sure children have a rich diet of play experiences. | Playing with dolls was found to benefit girls writing more than boys writing. | neutral |
id_5735 | THE IRON BRIDGE The Iron Bridge was the first of its kind in Europe and is universally recognised as a symbol of the Industrial Revolution. The Iron Bridge crosses the River Severn in Coalbrookdale, in the west of England. It was the first cast-iron bridge to be successfully erected, and the first large cast-iron structure of the industrial age in Europe, although the Chinese were expert iron-casters many centuries earlier. Rivers used to be the equivalent of todays motorways, in that they were extensively used for transportation. The River Severn, which starts its life on the Welsh mountains and eventually enters the sea between Cardiff and Bristol, is the longest navigable river in Britain. It was ideal for transportation purposes, and special boats were built to navigate the waters. By the middle of the eighteenth century, the Severn was one of the busiest rivers in Europe. Local goods, including coal, iron products, wool, grain and cider, were sent by river. Among the goods coming upstream were luxuries such as sugar, tea, coffee and wine. In places, the riverbanks were lined with wharves and the river was often crowded with boats loading or unloading. In 1638, Basil Brooke patented a steel-making process and built a furnace at Coalbrookdale. This later became the property of Abraham Darby (referred to as Abraham Darby I to distinguish him from his son and grandson of the same name). After serving an apprenticeship in Birmingham, Darby had started a business in Bristol, but he moved to Coalbrookdale in 1710 with an idea that coke derived from coal could provide a more economical alternative to charcoal as a fuel for iron making. This led to cheaper, more efficient iron making from the abundant supplies of coal, iron and limestone in the area. His son, Abraham Darby II, pioneered the manufacture of cast iron, and had the idea of building a bridge over the Severn, as ferrying stores of all kinds across the river, particularly the large quantities of fuel for the furnaces at Coalbrookdale and other surrounding ironworks, involved considerable expense and delay. However, it was his son Abraham Darby III (born in 1750) who, in 1775, organised a meeting to plan the building of a bridge. This was designed by a local architect, Thomas Pritchard, who had the idea of constructing it of iron. Sections were cast during the winter of 1778-9 for a 7-metre-wide bridge with a span of 31 metres, 12 metres above the river. Construction took three months during the summer of 1779, and remarkably, nobody was injured during the construction process a feat almost unheard of even in modern major civil engineering projects. Work on the approach roads continued for another two years, and the bridge was opened to traffic in 1781. Abraham Darby III funded the bridge by commissioning paintings and engravings, but he lost a lot on the project, which had cost nearly double the estimate, and he died leaving massive debts in 1789, aged only 39. The district did not flourish for much longer, and during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries factories closed down. Since 1934 the bridge has been open only to pedestrians. Universally recognised as the symbol of the Industrial Revolution, the Iron Bridge now stands at the heart of the Iron bridge Gorge World Heritage Site. It has always been a mystery how the bridge was built. Despite its pioneering technology, no eye-witness accounts are known which describe the iron bridge being erected and certainly no plans have survived. However, recent discoveries, research and experiments have shed new light on exactly how it was built, challenging the assumptions of recent decades. In 1997 a small watercolour sketch by Elias Martin came to light in the Swedish capital, Stockholm. Although there is a wealth of early views of the bridge by numerous artists, this is the only one which actually shows it under construction. Up until recently it had been assumed that the bridge had been built from both banks, with the inner supports tilted across the river. This would have allowed river traffic to continue unimpeded during construction. But the picture clearly shows sections of the bridge being raised from a barge in the river. It contradicted everything historians had assumed about the bridge, and it was even considered that the picture could have been a fake as no other had come to light. So in 2001 a half-scale model of the bridge was built, in order to see if it could have been constructed in the way depicted in the watercolour. Meanwhile, a detailed archaeological, historical and photographic survey was done by the Iron bridge Gorge Museum Trust, along with a 3D CAD (computer-aided design) model by English Heritage. The results tell us a lot more about how the bridge was built. We now know that all the large castings were made individually as they are all slightly different. The bridge wasnt welded or bolted together as metal bridges are these days. Instead it was fitted together using a complex system of joints normally used for wood but this was the traditional way in which iron structures were joined at the time. The construction of the model proved that the painting shows a very realistic method of constructing the bridge that could work and was in all probability the method used. Now only one mystery remains in the Iron Bridge story. The Swedish watercolour sketch had apparently been torn from a book which would have contained similar sketches. It had been drawn by a Swedish artist who lived in London for 12 years and travelled Britain drawing what he saw. Nobody knows what has happened to the rest of the book, but perhaps the other sketches still exist somewhere. If they are ever found they could provide further valuable evidence of how the Iron Bridge was constructed. | The original bridge and the model took equally long to construct. | neutral |
id_5736 | THE IRON BRIDGE The Iron Bridge was the first of its kind in Europe and is universally recognised as a symbol of the Industrial Revolution. The Iron Bridge crosses the River Severn in Coalbrookdale, in the west of England. It was the first cast-iron bridge to be successfully erected, and the first large cast-iron structure of the industrial age in Europe, although the Chinese were expert iron-casters many centuries earlier. Rivers used to be the equivalent of todays motorways, in that they were extensively used for transportation. The River Severn, which starts its life on the Welsh mountains and eventually enters the sea between Cardiff and Bristol, is the longest navigable river in Britain. It was ideal for transportation purposes, and special boats were built to navigate the waters. By the middle of the eighteenth century, the Severn was one of the busiest rivers in Europe. Local goods, including coal, iron products, wool, grain and cider, were sent by river. Among the goods coming upstream were luxuries such as sugar, tea, coffee and wine. In places, the riverbanks were lined with wharves and the river was often crowded with boats loading or unloading. In 1638, Basil Brooke patented a steel-making process and built a furnace at Coalbrookdale. This later became the property of Abraham Darby (referred to as Abraham Darby I to distinguish him from his son and grandson of the same name). After serving an apprenticeship in Birmingham, Darby had started a business in Bristol, but he moved to Coalbrookdale in 1710 with an idea that coke derived from coal could provide a more economical alternative to charcoal as a fuel for iron making. This led to cheaper, more efficient iron making from the abundant supplies of coal, iron and limestone in the area. His son, Abraham Darby II, pioneered the manufacture of cast iron, and had the idea of building a bridge over the Severn, as ferrying stores of all kinds across the river, particularly the large quantities of fuel for the furnaces at Coalbrookdale and other surrounding ironworks, involved considerable expense and delay. However, it was his son Abraham Darby III (born in 1750) who, in 1775, organised a meeting to plan the building of a bridge. This was designed by a local architect, Thomas Pritchard, who had the idea of constructing it of iron. Sections were cast during the winter of 1778-9 for a 7-metre-wide bridge with a span of 31 metres, 12 metres above the river. Construction took three months during the summer of 1779, and remarkably, nobody was injured during the construction process a feat almost unheard of even in modern major civil engineering projects. Work on the approach roads continued for another two years, and the bridge was opened to traffic in 1781. Abraham Darby III funded the bridge by commissioning paintings and engravings, but he lost a lot on the project, which had cost nearly double the estimate, and he died leaving massive debts in 1789, aged only 39. The district did not flourish for much longer, and during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries factories closed down. Since 1934 the bridge has been open only to pedestrians. Universally recognised as the symbol of the Industrial Revolution, the Iron Bridge now stands at the heart of the Iron bridge Gorge World Heritage Site. It has always been a mystery how the bridge was built. Despite its pioneering technology, no eye-witness accounts are known which describe the iron bridge being erected and certainly no plans have survived. However, recent discoveries, research and experiments have shed new light on exactly how it was built, challenging the assumptions of recent decades. In 1997 a small watercolour sketch by Elias Martin came to light in the Swedish capital, Stockholm. Although there is a wealth of early views of the bridge by numerous artists, this is the only one which actually shows it under construction. Up until recently it had been assumed that the bridge had been built from both banks, with the inner supports tilted across the river. This would have allowed river traffic to continue unimpeded during construction. But the picture clearly shows sections of the bridge being raised from a barge in the river. It contradicted everything historians had assumed about the bridge, and it was even considered that the picture could have been a fake as no other had come to light. So in 2001 a half-scale model of the bridge was built, in order to see if it could have been constructed in the way depicted in the watercolour. Meanwhile, a detailed archaeological, historical and photographic survey was done by the Iron bridge Gorge Museum Trust, along with a 3D CAD (computer-aided design) model by English Heritage. The results tell us a lot more about how the bridge was built. We now know that all the large castings were made individually as they are all slightly different. The bridge wasnt welded or bolted together as metal bridges are these days. Instead it was fitted together using a complex system of joints normally used for wood but this was the traditional way in which iron structures were joined at the time. The construction of the model proved that the painting shows a very realistic method of constructing the bridge that could work and was in all probability the method used. Now only one mystery remains in the Iron Bridge story. The Swedish watercolour sketch had apparently been torn from a book which would have contained similar sketches. It had been drawn by a Swedish artist who lived in London for 12 years and travelled Britain drawing what he saw. Nobody knows what has happened to the rest of the book, but perhaps the other sketches still exist somewhere. If they are ever found they could provide further valuable evidence of how the Iron Bridge was constructed. | Elias Martin is thought to have made other paintings of the bridge. | entailment |
id_5737 | THE IRON BRIDGE The Iron Bridge was the first of its kind in Europe and is universally recognised as a symbol of the Industrial Revolution. The Iron Bridge crosses the River Severn in Coalbrookdale, in the west of England. It was the first cast-iron bridge to be successfully erected, and the first large cast-iron structure of the industrial age in Europe, although the Chinese were expert iron-casters many centuries earlier. Rivers used to be the equivalent of todays motorways, in that they were extensively used for transportation. The River Severn, which starts its life on the Welsh mountains and eventually enters the sea between Cardiff and Bristol, is the longest navigable river in Britain. It was ideal for transportation purposes, and special boats were built to navigate the waters. By the middle of the eighteenth century, the Severn was one of the busiest rivers in Europe. Local goods, including coal, iron products, wool, grain and cider, were sent by river. Among the goods coming upstream were luxuries such as sugar, tea, coffee and wine. In places, the riverbanks were lined with wharves and the river was often crowded with boats loading or unloading. In 1638, Basil Brooke patented a steel-making process and built a furnace at Coalbrookdale. This later became the property of Abraham Darby (referred to as Abraham Darby I to distinguish him from his son and grandson of the same name). After serving an apprenticeship in Birmingham, Darby had started a business in Bristol, but he moved to Coalbrookdale in 1710 with an idea that coke derived from coal could provide a more economical alternative to charcoal as a fuel for iron making. This led to cheaper, more efficient iron making from the abundant supplies of coal, iron and limestone in the area. His son, Abraham Darby II, pioneered the manufacture of cast iron, and had the idea of building a bridge over the Severn, as ferrying stores of all kinds across the river, particularly the large quantities of fuel for the furnaces at Coalbrookdale and other surrounding ironworks, involved considerable expense and delay. However, it was his son Abraham Darby III (born in 1750) who, in 1775, organised a meeting to plan the building of a bridge. This was designed by a local architect, Thomas Pritchard, who had the idea of constructing it of iron. Sections were cast during the winter of 1778-9 for a 7-metre-wide bridge with a span of 31 metres, 12 metres above the river. Construction took three months during the summer of 1779, and remarkably, nobody was injured during the construction process a feat almost unheard of even in modern major civil engineering projects. Work on the approach roads continued for another two years, and the bridge was opened to traffic in 1781. Abraham Darby III funded the bridge by commissioning paintings and engravings, but he lost a lot on the project, which had cost nearly double the estimate, and he died leaving massive debts in 1789, aged only 39. The district did not flourish for much longer, and during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries factories closed down. Since 1934 the bridge has been open only to pedestrians. Universally recognised as the symbol of the Industrial Revolution, the Iron Bridge now stands at the heart of the Iron bridge Gorge World Heritage Site. It has always been a mystery how the bridge was built. Despite its pioneering technology, no eye-witness accounts are known which describe the iron bridge being erected and certainly no plans have survived. However, recent discoveries, research and experiments have shed new light on exactly how it was built, challenging the assumptions of recent decades. In 1997 a small watercolour sketch by Elias Martin came to light in the Swedish capital, Stockholm. Although there is a wealth of early views of the bridge by numerous artists, this is the only one which actually shows it under construction. Up until recently it had been assumed that the bridge had been built from both banks, with the inner supports tilted across the river. This would have allowed river traffic to continue unimpeded during construction. But the picture clearly shows sections of the bridge being raised from a barge in the river. It contradicted everything historians had assumed about the bridge, and it was even considered that the picture could have been a fake as no other had come to light. So in 2001 a half-scale model of the bridge was built, in order to see if it could have been constructed in the way depicted in the watercolour. Meanwhile, a detailed archaeological, historical and photographic survey was done by the Iron bridge Gorge Museum Trust, along with a 3D CAD (computer-aided design) model by English Heritage. The results tell us a lot more about how the bridge was built. We now know that all the large castings were made individually as they are all slightly different. The bridge wasnt welded or bolted together as metal bridges are these days. Instead it was fitted together using a complex system of joints normally used for wood but this was the traditional way in which iron structures were joined at the time. The construction of the model proved that the painting shows a very realistic method of constructing the bridge that could work and was in all probability the method used. Now only one mystery remains in the Iron Bridge story. The Swedish watercolour sketch had apparently been torn from a book which would have contained similar sketches. It had been drawn by a Swedish artist who lived in London for 12 years and travelled Britain drawing what he saw. Nobody knows what has happened to the rest of the book, but perhaps the other sketches still exist somewhere. If they are ever found they could provide further valuable evidence of how the Iron Bridge was constructed. | The painting shows that the bridge was constructed from the two banks. | contradiction |
id_5738 | THE IRON BRIDGE The Iron Bridge was the first of its kind in Europe and is universally recognised as a symbol of the Industrial Revolution. The Iron Bridge crosses the River Severn in Coalbrookdale, in the west of England. It was the first cast-iron bridge to be successfully erected, and the first large cast-iron structure of the industrial age in Europe, although the Chinese were expert iron-casters many centuries earlier. Rivers used to be the equivalent of todays motorways, in that they were extensively used for transportation. The River Severn, which starts its life on the Welsh mountains and eventually enters the sea between Cardiff and Bristol, is the longest navigable river in Britain. It was ideal for transportation purposes, and special boats were built to navigate the waters. By the middle of the eighteenth century, the Severn was one of the busiest rivers in Europe. Local goods, including coal, iron products, wool, grain and cider, were sent by river. Among the goods coming upstream were luxuries such as sugar, tea, coffee and wine. In places, the riverbanks were lined with wharves and the river was often crowded with boats loading or unloading. In 1638, Basil Brooke patented a steel-making process and built a furnace at Coalbrookdale. This later became the property of Abraham Darby (referred to as Abraham Darby I to distinguish him from his son and grandson of the same name). After serving an apprenticeship in Birmingham, Darby had started a business in Bristol, but he moved to Coalbrookdale in 1710 with an idea that coke derived from coal could provide a more economical alternative to charcoal as a fuel for iron making. This led to cheaper, more efficient iron making from the abundant supplies of coal, iron and limestone in the area. His son, Abraham Darby II, pioneered the manufacture of cast iron, and had the idea of building a bridge over the Severn, as ferrying stores of all kinds across the river, particularly the large quantities of fuel for the furnaces at Coalbrookdale and other surrounding ironworks, involved considerable expense and delay. However, it was his son Abraham Darby III (born in 1750) who, in 1775, organised a meeting to plan the building of a bridge. This was designed by a local architect, Thomas Pritchard, who had the idea of constructing it of iron. Sections were cast during the winter of 1778-9 for a 7-metre-wide bridge with a span of 31 metres, 12 metres above the river. Construction took three months during the summer of 1779, and remarkably, nobody was injured during the construction process a feat almost unheard of even in modern major civil engineering projects. Work on the approach roads continued for another two years, and the bridge was opened to traffic in 1781. Abraham Darby III funded the bridge by commissioning paintings and engravings, but he lost a lot on the project, which had cost nearly double the estimate, and he died leaving massive debts in 1789, aged only 39. The district did not flourish for much longer, and during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries factories closed down. Since 1934 the bridge has been open only to pedestrians. Universally recognised as the symbol of the Industrial Revolution, the Iron Bridge now stands at the heart of the Iron bridge Gorge World Heritage Site. It has always been a mystery how the bridge was built. Despite its pioneering technology, no eye-witness accounts are known which describe the iron bridge being erected and certainly no plans have survived. However, recent discoveries, research and experiments have shed new light on exactly how it was built, challenging the assumptions of recent decades. In 1997 a small watercolour sketch by Elias Martin came to light in the Swedish capital, Stockholm. Although there is a wealth of early views of the bridge by numerous artists, this is the only one which actually shows it under construction. Up until recently it had been assumed that the bridge had been built from both banks, with the inner supports tilted across the river. This would have allowed river traffic to continue unimpeded during construction. But the picture clearly shows sections of the bridge being raised from a barge in the river. It contradicted everything historians had assumed about the bridge, and it was even considered that the picture could have been a fake as no other had come to light. So in 2001 a half-scale model of the bridge was built, in order to see if it could have been constructed in the way depicted in the watercolour. Meanwhile, a detailed archaeological, historical and photographic survey was done by the Iron bridge Gorge Museum Trust, along with a 3D CAD (computer-aided design) model by English Heritage. The results tell us a lot more about how the bridge was built. We now know that all the large castings were made individually as they are all slightly different. The bridge wasnt welded or bolted together as metal bridges are these days. Instead it was fitted together using a complex system of joints normally used for wood but this was the traditional way in which iron structures were joined at the time. The construction of the model proved that the painting shows a very realistic method of constructing the bridge that could work and was in all probability the method used. Now only one mystery remains in the Iron Bridge story. The Swedish watercolour sketch had apparently been torn from a book which would have contained similar sketches. It had been drawn by a Swedish artist who lived in London for 12 years and travelled Britain drawing what he saw. Nobody knows what has happened to the rest of the book, but perhaps the other sketches still exist somewhere. If they are ever found they could provide further valuable evidence of how the Iron Bridge was constructed. | The painting by Elias Martin is the only one of the bridge when it was new. | contradiction |
id_5739 | THE IRON BRIDGE The Iron Bridge was the first of its kind in Europe and is universally recognised as a symbol of the Industrial Revolution. The Iron Bridge crosses the River Severn in Coalbrookdale, in the west of England. It was the first cast-iron bridge to be successfully erected, and the first large cast-iron structure of the industrial age in Europe, although the Chinese were expert iron-casters many centuries earlier. Rivers used to be the equivalent of todays motorways, in that they were extensively used for transportation. The River Severn, which starts its life on the Welsh mountains and eventually enters the sea between Cardiff and Bristol, is the longest navigable river in Britain. It was ideal for transportation purposes, and special boats were built to navigate the waters. By the middle of the eighteenth century, the Severn was one of the busiest rivers in Europe. Local goods, including coal, iron products, wool, grain and cider, were sent by river. Among the goods coming upstream were luxuries such as sugar, tea, coffee and wine. In places, the riverbanks were lined with wharves and the river was often crowded with boats loading or unloading. In 1638, Basil Brooke patented a steel-making process and built a furnace at Coalbrookdale. This later became the property of Abraham Darby (referred to as Abraham Darby I to distinguish him from his son and grandson of the same name). After serving an apprenticeship in Birmingham, Darby had started a business in Bristol, but he moved to Coalbrookdale in 1710 with an idea that coke derived from coal could provide a more economical alternative to charcoal as a fuel for iron making. This led to cheaper, more efficient iron making from the abundant supplies of coal, iron and limestone in the area. His son, Abraham Darby II, pioneered the manufacture of cast iron, and had the idea of building a bridge over the Severn, as ferrying stores of all kinds across the river, particularly the large quantities of fuel for the furnaces at Coalbrookdale and other surrounding ironworks, involved considerable expense and delay. However, it was his son Abraham Darby III (born in 1750) who, in 1775, organised a meeting to plan the building of a bridge. This was designed by a local architect, Thomas Pritchard, who had the idea of constructing it of iron. Sections were cast during the winter of 1778-9 for a 7-metre-wide bridge with a span of 31 metres, 12 metres above the river. Construction took three months during the summer of 1779, and remarkably, nobody was injured during the construction process a feat almost unheard of even in modern major civil engineering projects. Work on the approach roads continued for another two years, and the bridge was opened to traffic in 1781. Abraham Darby III funded the bridge by commissioning paintings and engravings, but he lost a lot on the project, which had cost nearly double the estimate, and he died leaving massive debts in 1789, aged only 39. The district did not flourish for much longer, and during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries factories closed down. Since 1934 the bridge has been open only to pedestrians. Universally recognised as the symbol of the Industrial Revolution, the Iron Bridge now stands at the heart of the Iron bridge Gorge World Heritage Site. It has always been a mystery how the bridge was built. Despite its pioneering technology, no eye-witness accounts are known which describe the iron bridge being erected and certainly no plans have survived. However, recent discoveries, research and experiments have shed new light on exactly how it was built, challenging the assumptions of recent decades. In 1997 a small watercolour sketch by Elias Martin came to light in the Swedish capital, Stockholm. Although there is a wealth of early views of the bridge by numerous artists, this is the only one which actually shows it under construction. Up until recently it had been assumed that the bridge had been built from both banks, with the inner supports tilted across the river. This would have allowed river traffic to continue unimpeded during construction. But the picture clearly shows sections of the bridge being raised from a barge in the river. It contradicted everything historians had assumed about the bridge, and it was even considered that the picture could have been a fake as no other had come to light. So in 2001 a half-scale model of the bridge was built, in order to see if it could have been constructed in the way depicted in the watercolour. Meanwhile, a detailed archaeological, historical and photographic survey was done by the Iron bridge Gorge Museum Trust, along with a 3D CAD (computer-aided design) model by English Heritage. The results tell us a lot more about how the bridge was built. We now know that all the large castings were made individually as they are all slightly different. The bridge wasnt welded or bolted together as metal bridges are these days. Instead it was fitted together using a complex system of joints normally used for wood but this was the traditional way in which iron structures were joined at the time. The construction of the model proved that the painting shows a very realistic method of constructing the bridge that could work and was in all probability the method used. Now only one mystery remains in the Iron Bridge story. The Swedish watercolour sketch had apparently been torn from a book which would have contained similar sketches. It had been drawn by a Swedish artist who lived in London for 12 years and travelled Britain drawing what he saw. Nobody knows what has happened to the rest of the book, but perhaps the other sketches still exist somewhere. If they are ever found they could provide further valuable evidence of how the Iron Bridge was constructed. | There is no written evidence of how the original bridge was constructed. | entailment |
id_5740 | THE NATURE AND AIMS OF ARCHAEOLOGY. Archaeology is partly the discovery of the treasures of the past, partly the careful work of the scientific analyst, partly the exercise of the creative imagination. It is toiling in the sun on an excavation in the Middle East, it is working with living Inuit in the snows of Alaska, and it is investigating the sewers of Roman Britain. But it is also the painstaking task of interpretation, so that we come to understand what these things mean for the human story. And it is the conservation of the world's cultural heritage against looting and careless harm. Archaeology, then, is both a physical activity out in the field, and an intellectual pursuit in the study or laboratory. That is part of its great attraction. The rich mixture of danger and detective work has also made it the perfect vehicle for fiction writers and film-makers, from Agatha Christie with Murder in Mesopotamia to Stephen Spielberg with Indiana Jones. However far from reality such portrayals are, they capture the essential truth that archaeology is an exciting quest the quest for knowledge about ourselves and our past. But how does archaeology relate to disciplines such as anthropology and history, that are also concerned with the human story? Is archaeology itself a science? And what are the responsibilities of the archaeologist in today's world? Anthropology, at its broadest, is the study of humanity our physical characteristics as animals and our unique non-biological characteristics that we call culture. Culture in this sense includes what the anthropologist, Edward Tylor, summarised in 1871 as 'knowledge, belief, art, morals, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society'. Anthropologists also use the term 'culture' in a more restricted sense when they refer to the 'culture' of a particular society, meaning the non-biological characteristics unique to that society, which distinguish it from other societies. Anthropology is thus a broad discipline so broad that it is generally broken down into three smaller disciplines: physical anthropology, cultural anthropology and archaeology. Physical anthropology, or biological anthropology as it is also called, concerns the study of human biological or physical characteristics and how they evolved. Cultural anthropology or social anthropology analyses human culture and society. Two of its branches are ethnography (the study at first hand of individual living cultures) and ethnology (which sets out to compare cultures using ethnographic evidence to derive general principles about human society). Archaeology is the 'past tense of cultural anthropology'. Whereas cultural anthropologists will often base their conclusions on the experience of living within contemporary communities, archaeologists study past societies primarily through their material remains the buildings, tools, and other artefacts that constitute what is known as the material culture left over from former societies. Nevertheless, one of the most important tasks for the archaeologist today is to know how to interpret material culture in human terms. How were those pots used? Why are some dwellings round and others square? Here the methods of archaeology and ethnography overlap. Archaeologists in recent decades have developed 'ethnoarchaeology', where, like ethnographers, they live among contemporary communities, but with the specific purpose of learning how such societies use material culture how they make their tools and weapons, why they build their settlements where they do, and so on. Moreover, archaeology has an active role to play in the field of conservation. Heritage studies constitutes a developing field, where it is realised that the world's cultural heritage is a diminishing resource which holds different meanings for different people. If, then, archaeology deals with the past, in what way does it differ from history? In the broadest sense, just as archaeology is an aspect of anthropology, so too is it a part of history where we mean the whole history of humankind from its beginnings over three million years ago. Indeed, for more than ninety-nine per cent of that huge span of time, archaeology the study of past material culture is the only significant source of information. Conventional historical sources begin only with the introduction of written records around 3,000 BC in western Asia, and much later in most other parts of the world. A commonly drawn distinction is between pre-history, i. e. the period before written records and history in the narrow sense, meaning the study of the past using written evidence. To archaeology, which studies all cultures and periods, whether with or without writing, the distinction between history and pre-history is a convenient dividing line that recognises the importance of the written word, but in no way lessens the importance of the useful information contained in oral histories. Since the aim of archaeology is the understanding of humankind, it is a humanistic study, and since it deals with the human past, it is a historical discipline. But it differs from the study of written history in a fundamental way. The material the archaeologist finds does not tell us directly what to think. Historical records make statements, offer opinions and pass judgements. The objects the archaeologists discover, on the other hand, tell us nothing directly in themselves. In this respect, the practice of the archaeologist is rather like that of the scientist, who collects data, conducts experiments, formulates a hypothesis, tests the hypothesis against more data, and then, in conclusion, devises a model that seems best to summarise the pattern observed in the data. The archaeologist has to develop a picture of the past, just as the scientist has to develop a coherent view of the natural world. | The history of Europe has been documented since 3000 BC. | contradiction |
id_5741 | THE NATURE AND AIMS OF ARCHAEOLOGY. Archaeology is partly the discovery of the treasures of the past, partly the careful work of the scientific analyst, partly the exercise of the creative imagination. It is toiling in the sun on an excavation in the Middle East, it is working with living Inuit in the snows of Alaska, and it is investigating the sewers of Roman Britain. But it is also the painstaking task of interpretation, so that we come to understand what these things mean for the human story. And it is the conservation of the world's cultural heritage against looting and careless harm. Archaeology, then, is both a physical activity out in the field, and an intellectual pursuit in the study or laboratory. That is part of its great attraction. The rich mixture of danger and detective work has also made it the perfect vehicle for fiction writers and film-makers, from Agatha Christie with Murder in Mesopotamia to Stephen Spielberg with Indiana Jones. However far from reality such portrayals are, they capture the essential truth that archaeology is an exciting quest the quest for knowledge about ourselves and our past. But how does archaeology relate to disciplines such as anthropology and history, that are also concerned with the human story? Is archaeology itself a science? And what are the responsibilities of the archaeologist in today's world? Anthropology, at its broadest, is the study of humanity our physical characteristics as animals and our unique non-biological characteristics that we call culture. Culture in this sense includes what the anthropologist, Edward Tylor, summarised in 1871 as 'knowledge, belief, art, morals, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society'. Anthropologists also use the term 'culture' in a more restricted sense when they refer to the 'culture' of a particular society, meaning the non-biological characteristics unique to that society, which distinguish it from other societies. Anthropology is thus a broad discipline so broad that it is generally broken down into three smaller disciplines: physical anthropology, cultural anthropology and archaeology. Physical anthropology, or biological anthropology as it is also called, concerns the study of human biological or physical characteristics and how they evolved. Cultural anthropology or social anthropology analyses human culture and society. Two of its branches are ethnography (the study at first hand of individual living cultures) and ethnology (which sets out to compare cultures using ethnographic evidence to derive general principles about human society). Archaeology is the 'past tense of cultural anthropology'. Whereas cultural anthropologists will often base their conclusions on the experience of living within contemporary communities, archaeologists study past societies primarily through their material remains the buildings, tools, and other artefacts that constitute what is known as the material culture left over from former societies. Nevertheless, one of the most important tasks for the archaeologist today is to know how to interpret material culture in human terms. How were those pots used? Why are some dwellings round and others square? Here the methods of archaeology and ethnography overlap. Archaeologists in recent decades have developed 'ethnoarchaeology', where, like ethnographers, they live among contemporary communities, but with the specific purpose of learning how such societies use material culture how they make their tools and weapons, why they build their settlements where they do, and so on. Moreover, archaeology has an active role to play in the field of conservation. Heritage studies constitutes a developing field, where it is realised that the world's cultural heritage is a diminishing resource which holds different meanings for different people. If, then, archaeology deals with the past, in what way does it differ from history? In the broadest sense, just as archaeology is an aspect of anthropology, so too is it a part of history where we mean the whole history of humankind from its beginnings over three million years ago. Indeed, for more than ninety-nine per cent of that huge span of time, archaeology the study of past material culture is the only significant source of information. Conventional historical sources begin only with the introduction of written records around 3,000 BC in western Asia, and much later in most other parts of the world. A commonly drawn distinction is between pre-history, i. e. the period before written records and history in the narrow sense, meaning the study of the past using written evidence. To archaeology, which studies all cultures and periods, whether with or without writing, the distinction between history and pre-history is a convenient dividing line that recognises the importance of the written word, but in no way lessens the importance of the useful information contained in oral histories. Since the aim of archaeology is the understanding of humankind, it is a humanistic study, and since it deals with the human past, it is a historical discipline. But it differs from the study of written history in a fundamental way. The material the archaeologist finds does not tell us directly what to think. Historical records make statements, offer opinions and pass judgements. The objects the archaeologists discover, on the other hand, tell us nothing directly in themselves. In this respect, the practice of the archaeologist is rather like that of the scientist, who collects data, conducts experiments, formulates a hypothesis, tests the hypothesis against more data, and then, in conclusion, devises a model that seems best to summarise the pattern observed in the data. The archaeologist has to develop a picture of the past, just as the scientist has to develop a coherent view of the natural world. | Anthropologists define culture in more than one way. | entailment |
id_5742 | THE NATURE AND AIMS OF ARCHAEOLOGY. Archaeology is partly the discovery of the treasures of the past, partly the careful work of the scientific analyst, partly the exercise of the creative imagination. It is toiling in the sun on an excavation in the Middle East, it is working with living Inuit in the snows of Alaska, and it is investigating the sewers of Roman Britain. But it is also the painstaking task of interpretation, so that we come to understand what these things mean for the human story. And it is the conservation of the world's cultural heritage against looting and careless harm. Archaeology, then, is both a physical activity out in the field, and an intellectual pursuit in the study or laboratory. That is part of its great attraction. The rich mixture of danger and detective work has also made it the perfect vehicle for fiction writers and film-makers, from Agatha Christie with Murder in Mesopotamia to Stephen Spielberg with Indiana Jones. However far from reality such portrayals are, they capture the essential truth that archaeology is an exciting quest the quest for knowledge about ourselves and our past. But how does archaeology relate to disciplines such as anthropology and history, that are also concerned with the human story? Is archaeology itself a science? And what are the responsibilities of the archaeologist in today's world? Anthropology, at its broadest, is the study of humanity our physical characteristics as animals and our unique non-biological characteristics that we call culture. Culture in this sense includes what the anthropologist, Edward Tylor, summarised in 1871 as 'knowledge, belief, art, morals, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society'. Anthropologists also use the term 'culture' in a more restricted sense when they refer to the 'culture' of a particular society, meaning the non-biological characteristics unique to that society, which distinguish it from other societies. Anthropology is thus a broad discipline so broad that it is generally broken down into three smaller disciplines: physical anthropology, cultural anthropology and archaeology. Physical anthropology, or biological anthropology as it is also called, concerns the study of human biological or physical characteristics and how they evolved. Cultural anthropology or social anthropology analyses human culture and society. Two of its branches are ethnography (the study at first hand of individual living cultures) and ethnology (which sets out to compare cultures using ethnographic evidence to derive general principles about human society). Archaeology is the 'past tense of cultural anthropology'. Whereas cultural anthropologists will often base their conclusions on the experience of living within contemporary communities, archaeologists study past societies primarily through their material remains the buildings, tools, and other artefacts that constitute what is known as the material culture left over from former societies. Nevertheless, one of the most important tasks for the archaeologist today is to know how to interpret material culture in human terms. How were those pots used? Why are some dwellings round and others square? Here the methods of archaeology and ethnography overlap. Archaeologists in recent decades have developed 'ethnoarchaeology', where, like ethnographers, they live among contemporary communities, but with the specific purpose of learning how such societies use material culture how they make their tools and weapons, why they build their settlements where they do, and so on. Moreover, archaeology has an active role to play in the field of conservation. Heritage studies constitutes a developing field, where it is realised that the world's cultural heritage is a diminishing resource which holds different meanings for different people. If, then, archaeology deals with the past, in what way does it differ from history? In the broadest sense, just as archaeology is an aspect of anthropology, so too is it a part of history where we mean the whole history of humankind from its beginnings over three million years ago. Indeed, for more than ninety-nine per cent of that huge span of time, archaeology the study of past material culture is the only significant source of information. Conventional historical sources begin only with the introduction of written records around 3,000 BC in western Asia, and much later in most other parts of the world. A commonly drawn distinction is between pre-history, i. e. the period before written records and history in the narrow sense, meaning the study of the past using written evidence. To archaeology, which studies all cultures and periods, whether with or without writing, the distinction between history and pre-history is a convenient dividing line that recognises the importance of the written word, but in no way lessens the importance of the useful information contained in oral histories. Since the aim of archaeology is the understanding of humankind, it is a humanistic study, and since it deals with the human past, it is a historical discipline. But it differs from the study of written history in a fundamental way. The material the archaeologist finds does not tell us directly what to think. Historical records make statements, offer opinions and pass judgements. The objects the archaeologists discover, on the other hand, tell us nothing directly in themselves. In this respect, the practice of the archaeologist is rather like that of the scientist, who collects data, conducts experiments, formulates a hypothesis, tests the hypothesis against more data, and then, in conclusion, devises a model that seems best to summarise the pattern observed in the data. The archaeologist has to develop a picture of the past, just as the scientist has to develop a coherent view of the natural world. | Movies give a realistic picture of the work of archaeologists. | contradiction |
id_5743 | THE NATURE AND AIMS OF ARCHAEOLOGY. Archaeology is partly the discovery of the treasures of the past, partly the careful work of the scientific analyst, partly the exercise of the creative imagination. It is toiling in the sun on an excavation in the Middle East, it is working with living Inuit in the snows of Alaska, and it is investigating the sewers of Roman Britain. But it is also the painstaking task of interpretation, so that we come to understand what these things mean for the human story. And it is the conservation of the world's cultural heritage against looting and careless harm. Archaeology, then, is both a physical activity out in the field, and an intellectual pursuit in the study or laboratory. That is part of its great attraction. The rich mixture of danger and detective work has also made it the perfect vehicle for fiction writers and film-makers, from Agatha Christie with Murder in Mesopotamia to Stephen Spielberg with Indiana Jones. However far from reality such portrayals are, they capture the essential truth that archaeology is an exciting quest the quest for knowledge about ourselves and our past. But how does archaeology relate to disciplines such as anthropology and history, that are also concerned with the human story? Is archaeology itself a science? And what are the responsibilities of the archaeologist in today's world? Anthropology, at its broadest, is the study of humanity our physical characteristics as animals and our unique non-biological characteristics that we call culture. Culture in this sense includes what the anthropologist, Edward Tylor, summarised in 1871 as 'knowledge, belief, art, morals, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society'. Anthropologists also use the term 'culture' in a more restricted sense when they refer to the 'culture' of a particular society, meaning the non-biological characteristics unique to that society, which distinguish it from other societies. Anthropology is thus a broad discipline so broad that it is generally broken down into three smaller disciplines: physical anthropology, cultural anthropology and archaeology. Physical anthropology, or biological anthropology as it is also called, concerns the study of human biological or physical characteristics and how they evolved. Cultural anthropology or social anthropology analyses human culture and society. Two of its branches are ethnography (the study at first hand of individual living cultures) and ethnology (which sets out to compare cultures using ethnographic evidence to derive general principles about human society). Archaeology is the 'past tense of cultural anthropology'. Whereas cultural anthropologists will often base their conclusions on the experience of living within contemporary communities, archaeologists study past societies primarily through their material remains the buildings, tools, and other artefacts that constitute what is known as the material culture left over from former societies. Nevertheless, one of the most important tasks for the archaeologist today is to know how to interpret material culture in human terms. How were those pots used? Why are some dwellings round and others square? Here the methods of archaeology and ethnography overlap. Archaeologists in recent decades have developed 'ethnoarchaeology', where, like ethnographers, they live among contemporary communities, but with the specific purpose of learning how such societies use material culture how they make their tools and weapons, why they build their settlements where they do, and so on. Moreover, archaeology has an active role to play in the field of conservation. Heritage studies constitutes a developing field, where it is realised that the world's cultural heritage is a diminishing resource which holds different meanings for different people. If, then, archaeology deals with the past, in what way does it differ from history? In the broadest sense, just as archaeology is an aspect of anthropology, so too is it a part of history where we mean the whole history of humankind from its beginnings over three million years ago. Indeed, for more than ninety-nine per cent of that huge span of time, archaeology the study of past material culture is the only significant source of information. Conventional historical sources begin only with the introduction of written records around 3,000 BC in western Asia, and much later in most other parts of the world. A commonly drawn distinction is between pre-history, i. e. the period before written records and history in the narrow sense, meaning the study of the past using written evidence. To archaeology, which studies all cultures and periods, whether with or without writing, the distinction between history and pre-history is a convenient dividing line that recognises the importance of the written word, but in no way lessens the importance of the useful information contained in oral histories. Since the aim of archaeology is the understanding of humankind, it is a humanistic study, and since it deals with the human past, it is a historical discipline. But it differs from the study of written history in a fundamental way. The material the archaeologist finds does not tell us directly what to think. Historical records make statements, offer opinions and pass judgements. The objects the archaeologists discover, on the other hand, tell us nothing directly in themselves. In this respect, the practice of the archaeologist is rather like that of the scientist, who collects data, conducts experiments, formulates a hypothesis, tests the hypothesis against more data, and then, in conclusion, devises a model that seems best to summarise the pattern observed in the data. The archaeologist has to develop a picture of the past, just as the scientist has to develop a coherent view of the natural world. | Archaeologists must be able to translate texts from ancient languages. | neutral |
id_5744 | THE NATURE AND AIMS OF ARCHAEOLOGY. Archaeology is partly the discovery of the treasures of the past, partly the careful work of the scientific analyst, partly the exercise of the creative imagination. It is toiling in the sun on an excavation in the Middle East, it is working with living Inuit in the snows of Alaska, and it is investigating the sewers of Roman Britain. But it is also the painstaking task of interpretation, so that we come to understand what these things mean for the human story. And it is the conservation of the world's cultural heritage against looting and careless harm. Archaeology, then, is both a physical activity out in the field, and an intellectual pursuit in the study or laboratory. That is part of its great attraction. The rich mixture of danger and detective work has also made it the perfect vehicle for fiction writers and film-makers, from Agatha Christie with Murder in Mesopotamia to Stephen Spielberg with Indiana Jones. However far from reality such portrayals are, they capture the essential truth that archaeology is an exciting quest the quest for knowledge about ourselves and our past. But how does archaeology relate to disciplines such as anthropology and history, that are also concerned with the human story? Is archaeology itself a science? And what are the responsibilities of the archaeologist in today's world? Anthropology, at its broadest, is the study of humanity our physical characteristics as animals and our unique non-biological characteristics that we call culture. Culture in this sense includes what the anthropologist, Edward Tylor, summarised in 1871 as 'knowledge, belief, art, morals, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society'. Anthropologists also use the term 'culture' in a more restricted sense when they refer to the 'culture' of a particular society, meaning the non-biological characteristics unique to that society, which distinguish it from other societies. Anthropology is thus a broad discipline so broad that it is generally broken down into three smaller disciplines: physical anthropology, cultural anthropology and archaeology. Physical anthropology, or biological anthropology as it is also called, concerns the study of human biological or physical characteristics and how they evolved. Cultural anthropology or social anthropology analyses human culture and society. Two of its branches are ethnography (the study at first hand of individual living cultures) and ethnology (which sets out to compare cultures using ethnographic evidence to derive general principles about human society). Archaeology is the 'past tense of cultural anthropology'. Whereas cultural anthropologists will often base their conclusions on the experience of living within contemporary communities, archaeologists study past societies primarily through their material remains the buildings, tools, and other artefacts that constitute what is known as the material culture left over from former societies. Nevertheless, one of the most important tasks for the archaeologist today is to know how to interpret material culture in human terms. How were those pots used? Why are some dwellings round and others square? Here the methods of archaeology and ethnography overlap. Archaeologists in recent decades have developed 'ethnoarchaeology', where, like ethnographers, they live among contemporary communities, but with the specific purpose of learning how such societies use material culture how they make their tools and weapons, why they build their settlements where they do, and so on. Moreover, archaeology has an active role to play in the field of conservation. Heritage studies constitutes a developing field, where it is realised that the world's cultural heritage is a diminishing resource which holds different meanings for different people. If, then, archaeology deals with the past, in what way does it differ from history? In the broadest sense, just as archaeology is an aspect of anthropology, so too is it a part of history where we mean the whole history of humankind from its beginnings over three million years ago. Indeed, for more than ninety-nine per cent of that huge span of time, archaeology the study of past material culture is the only significant source of information. Conventional historical sources begin only with the introduction of written records around 3,000 BC in western Asia, and much later in most other parts of the world. A commonly drawn distinction is between pre-history, i. e. the period before written records and history in the narrow sense, meaning the study of the past using written evidence. To archaeology, which studies all cultures and periods, whether with or without writing, the distinction between history and pre-history is a convenient dividing line that recognises the importance of the written word, but in no way lessens the importance of the useful information contained in oral histories. Since the aim of archaeology is the understanding of humankind, it is a humanistic study, and since it deals with the human past, it is a historical discipline. But it differs from the study of written history in a fundamental way. The material the archaeologist finds does not tell us directly what to think. Historical records make statements, offer opinions and pass judgements. The objects the archaeologists discover, on the other hand, tell us nothing directly in themselves. In this respect, the practice of the archaeologist is rather like that of the scientist, who collects data, conducts experiments, formulates a hypothesis, tests the hypothesis against more data, and then, in conclusion, devises a model that seems best to summarise the pattern observed in the data. The archaeologist has to develop a picture of the past, just as the scientist has to develop a coherent view of the natural world. | Archaeology involves creativity as well as careful investigative work. | entailment |
id_5745 | THE NATURE AND AIMS OF ARCHAEOLOGY. Archaeology is partly the discovery of the treasures of the past, partly the careful work of the scientific analyst, partly the exercise of the creative imagination. It is toiling in the sun on an excavation in the Middle East, it is working with living Inuit in the snows of Alaska, and it is investigating the sewers of Roman Britain. But it is also the painstaking task of interpretation, so that we come to understand what these things mean for the human story. And it is the conservation of the world's cultural heritage against looting and careless harm. Archaeology, then, is both a physical activity out in the field, and an intellectual pursuit in the study or laboratory. That is part of its great attraction. The rich mixture of danger and detective work has also made it the perfect vehicle for fiction writers and film-makers, from Agatha Christie with Murder in Mesopotamia to Stephen Spielberg with Indiana Jones. However far from reality such portrayals are, they capture the essential truth that archaeology is an exciting quest the quest for knowledge about ourselves and our past. But how does archaeology relate to disciplines such as anthropology and history, that are also concerned with the human story? Is archaeology itself a science? And what are the responsibilities of the archaeologist in today's world? Anthropology, at its broadest, is the study of humanity our physical characteristics as animals and our unique non-biological characteristics that we call culture. Culture in this sense includes what the anthropologist, Edward Tylor, summarised in 1871 as 'knowledge, belief, art, morals, custom and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member of society'. Anthropologists also use the term 'culture' in a more restricted sense when they refer to the 'culture' of a particular society, meaning the non-biological characteristics unique to that society, which distinguish it from other societies. Anthropology is thus a broad discipline so broad that it is generally broken down into three smaller disciplines: physical anthropology, cultural anthropology and archaeology. Physical anthropology, or biological anthropology as it is also called, concerns the study of human biological or physical characteristics and how they evolved. Cultural anthropology or social anthropology analyses human culture and society. Two of its branches are ethnography (the study at first hand of individual living cultures) and ethnology (which sets out to compare cultures using ethnographic evidence to derive general principles about human society). Archaeology is the 'past tense of cultural anthropology'. Whereas cultural anthropologists will often base their conclusions on the experience of living within contemporary communities, archaeologists study past societies primarily through their material remains the buildings, tools, and other artefacts that constitute what is known as the material culture left over from former societies. Nevertheless, one of the most important tasks for the archaeologist today is to know how to interpret material culture in human terms. How were those pots used? Why are some dwellings round and others square? Here the methods of archaeology and ethnography overlap. Archaeologists in recent decades have developed 'ethnoarchaeology', where, like ethnographers, they live among contemporary communities, but with the specific purpose of learning how such societies use material culture how they make their tools and weapons, why they build their settlements where they do, and so on. Moreover, archaeology has an active role to play in the field of conservation. Heritage studies constitutes a developing field, where it is realised that the world's cultural heritage is a diminishing resource which holds different meanings for different people. If, then, archaeology deals with the past, in what way does it differ from history? In the broadest sense, just as archaeology is an aspect of anthropology, so too is it a part of history where we mean the whole history of humankind from its beginnings over three million years ago. Indeed, for more than ninety-nine per cent of that huge span of time, archaeology the study of past material culture is the only significant source of information. Conventional historical sources begin only with the introduction of written records around 3,000 BC in western Asia, and much later in most other parts of the world. A commonly drawn distinction is between pre-history, i. e. the period before written records and history in the narrow sense, meaning the study of the past using written evidence. To archaeology, which studies all cultures and periods, whether with or without writing, the distinction between history and pre-history is a convenient dividing line that recognises the importance of the written word, but in no way lessens the importance of the useful information contained in oral histories. Since the aim of archaeology is the understanding of humankind, it is a humanistic study, and since it deals with the human past, it is a historical discipline. But it differs from the study of written history in a fundamental way. The material the archaeologist finds does not tell us directly what to think. Historical records make statements, offer opinions and pass judgements. The objects the archaeologists discover, on the other hand, tell us nothing directly in themselves. In this respect, the practice of the archaeologist is rather like that of the scientist, who collects data, conducts experiments, formulates a hypothesis, tests the hypothesis against more data, and then, in conclusion, devises a model that seems best to summarise the pattern observed in the data. The archaeologist has to develop a picture of the past, just as the scientist has to develop a coherent view of the natural world. | Archaeology is a more demanding field of study than anthropology. | neutral |
id_5746 | THE OXFORD SCHOOL OF DRAMA One-Year Acting Course This is an intensive course which is designed for those who have completed their academic studies and have some theatre or film experience already. In order to be accepted you should be a high achiever, knowledgeable about the industry and determined to succeed. Term One: Technical classes in acting, voice, movement, applied movement and characterisation, music, singing, film, radio and professional development. The term finishes with an internal production given for tutors and students. Term Two: All technical classes continue from term one. There is an internal performance of a one-act play, the recording of an audio showreel at a professional studio and the Showcase Drama in front of an invited audience including casting directors and agents. Term Three: Technical classes continue with additional focus on audition technique, workshops and masterclasses. This term includes a public performance of a play outdoors in the grounds of Blenheim Palace, and the chance to act a short film recorded on location by a professional crew. How to Apply Entry to The Oxford School of Drama is by audition only and there are no academic requirements for any of our courses. Once we have received your application form and audition fee, we will email you with a date for your audition and further details about what to expect when you are here. For your initial audition, you will need to prepare two contrasting speeches from plays, lasting no longer than two minutes. There will also be some group work for which you will need to wear loose, comfortable clothing. If you are applying from overseas, you will be able to submit your first audition by means of DVD, YouTube or link to a secure website. You will be invited to submit this once we have received your application form and audition fee. If you are successful in your first audition, you will be invited to attend future auditions here at the school. The school will provide a free bus from central Oxford for those attending auditions. | Overseas candidates can do all their auditions via a digital link. | contradiction |
id_5747 | THE OXFORD SCHOOL OF DRAMA One-Year Acting Course This is an intensive course which is designed for those who have completed their academic studies and have some theatre or film experience already. In order to be accepted you should be a high achiever, knowledgeable about the industry and determined to succeed. Term One: Technical classes in acting, voice, movement, applied movement and characterisation, music, singing, film, radio and professional development. The term finishes with an internal production given for tutors and students. Term Two: All technical classes continue from term one. There is an internal performance of a one-act play, the recording of an audio showreel at a professional studio and the Showcase Drama in front of an invited audience including casting directors and agents. Term Three: Technical classes continue with additional focus on audition technique, workshops and masterclasses. This term includes a public performance of a play outdoors in the grounds of Blenheim Palace, and the chance to act a short film recorded on location by a professional crew. How to Apply Entry to The Oxford School of Drama is by audition only and there are no academic requirements for any of our courses. Once we have received your application form and audition fee, we will email you with a date for your audition and further details about what to expect when you are here. For your initial audition, you will need to prepare two contrasting speeches from plays, lasting no longer than two minutes. There will also be some group work for which you will need to wear loose, comfortable clothing. If you are applying from overseas, you will be able to submit your first audition by means of DVD, YouTube or link to a secure website. You will be invited to submit this once we have received your application form and audition fee. If you are successful in your first audition, you will be invited to attend future auditions here at the school. The school will provide a free bus from central Oxford for those attending auditions. | The Oxford School of Drama will send candidates details of local accommodation. | neutral |
id_5748 | THE OXFORD SCHOOL OF DRAMA One-Year Acting Course This is an intensive course which is designed for those who have completed their academic studies and have some theatre or film experience already. In order to be accepted you should be a high achiever, knowledgeable about the industry and determined to succeed. Term One: Technical classes in acting, voice, movement, applied movement and characterisation, music, singing, film, radio and professional development. The term finishes with an internal production given for tutors and students. Term Two: All technical classes continue from term one. There is an internal performance of a one-act play, the recording of an audio showreel at a professional studio and the Showcase Drama in front of an invited audience including casting directors and agents. Term Three: Technical classes continue with additional focus on audition technique, workshops and masterclasses. This term includes a public performance of a play outdoors in the grounds of Blenheim Palace, and the chance to act a short film recorded on location by a professional crew. How to Apply Entry to The Oxford School of Drama is by audition only and there are no academic requirements for any of our courses. Once we have received your application form and audition fee, we will email you with a date for your audition and further details about what to expect when you are here. For your initial audition, you will need to prepare two contrasting speeches from plays, lasting no longer than two minutes. There will also be some group work for which you will need to wear loose, comfortable clothing. If you are applying from overseas, you will be able to submit your first audition by means of DVD, YouTube or link to a secure website. You will be invited to submit this once we have received your application form and audition fee. If you are successful in your first audition, you will be invited to attend future auditions here at the school. The school will provide a free bus from central Oxford for those attending auditions. | In their first audition, candidates perform speeches they have worked on in advance. | entailment |
id_5749 | THE OXFORD SCHOOL OF DRAMA One-Year Acting Course This is an intensive course which is designed for those who have completed their academic studies and have some theatre or film experience already. In order to be accepted you should be a high achiever, knowledgeable about the industry and determined to succeed. Term One: Technical classes in acting, voice, movement, applied movement and characterisation, music, singing, film, radio and professional development. The term finishes with an internal production given for tutors and students. Term Two: All technical classes continue from term one. There is an internal performance of a one-act play, the recording of an audio showreel at a professional studio and the Showcase Drama in front of an invited audience including casting directors and agents. Term Three: Technical classes continue with additional focus on audition technique, workshops and masterclasses. This term includes a public performance of a play outdoors in the grounds of Blenheim Palace, and the chance to act a short film recorded on location by a professional crew. How to Apply Entry to The Oxford School of Drama is by audition only and there are no academic requirements for any of our courses. Once we have received your application form and audition fee, we will email you with a date for your audition and further details about what to expect when you are here. For your initial audition, you will need to prepare two contrasting speeches from plays, lasting no longer than two minutes. There will also be some group work for which you will need to wear loose, comfortable clothing. If you are applying from overseas, you will be able to submit your first audition by means of DVD, YouTube or link to a secure website. You will be invited to submit this once we have received your application form and audition fee. If you are successful in your first audition, you will be invited to attend future auditions here at the school. The school will provide a free bus from central Oxford for those attending auditions. | Students are required to make a film on their own in the last term of the course. | contradiction |
id_5750 | THE OXFORD SCHOOL OF DRAMA One-Year Acting Course This is an intensive course which is designed for those who have completed their academic studies and have some theatre or film experience already. In order to be accepted you should be a high achiever, knowledgeable about the industry and determined to succeed. Term One: Technical classes in acting, voice, movement, applied movement and characterisation, music, singing, film, radio and professional development. The term finishes with an internal production given for tutors and students. Term Two: All technical classes continue from term one. There is an internal performance of a one-act play, the recording of an audio showreel at a professional studio and the Showcase Drama in front of an invited audience including casting directors and agents. Term Three: Technical classes continue with additional focus on audition technique, workshops and masterclasses. This term includes a public performance of a play outdoors in the grounds of Blenheim Palace, and the chance to act a short film recorded on location by a professional crew. How to Apply Entry to The Oxford School of Drama is by audition only and there are no academic requirements for any of our courses. Once we have received your application form and audition fee, we will email you with a date for your audition and further details about what to expect when you are here. For your initial audition, you will need to prepare two contrasting speeches from plays, lasting no longer than two minutes. There will also be some group work for which you will need to wear loose, comfortable clothing. If you are applying from overseas, you will be able to submit your first audition by means of DVD, YouTube or link to a secure website. You will be invited to submit this once we have received your application form and audition fee. If you are successful in your first audition, you will be invited to attend future auditions here at the school. The school will provide a free bus from central Oxford for those attending auditions. | Students will act in a performance in front of their classmates at the end of the first term. | entailment |
id_5751 | THE OXFORD SCHOOL OF DRAMA One-Year Acting Course This is an intensive course which is designed for those who have completed their academic studies and have some theatre or film experience already. In order to be accepted you should be a high achiever, knowledgeable about the industry and determined to succeed. Term One: Technical classes in acting, voice, movement, applied movement and characterisation, music, singing, film, radio and professional development. The term finishes with an internal production given for tutors and students. Term Two: All technical classes continue from term one. There is an internal performance of a one-act play, the recording of an audio showreel at a professional studio and the Showcase Drama in front of an invited audience including casting directors and agents. Term Three: Technical classes continue with additional focus on audition technique, workshops and masterclasses. This term includes a public performance of a play outdoors in the grounds of Blenheim Palace, and the chance to act a short film recorded on location by a professional crew. How to Apply Entry to The Oxford School of Drama is by audition only and there are no academic requirements for any of our courses. Once we have received your application form and audition fee, we will email you with a date for your audition and further details about what to expect when you are here. For your initial audition, you will need to prepare two contrasting speeches from plays, lasting no longer than two minutes. There will also be some group work for which you will need to wear loose, comfortable clothing. If you are applying from overseas, you will be able to submit your first audition by means of DVD, YouTube or link to a secure website. You will be invited to submit this once we have received your application form and audition fee. If you are successful in your first audition, you will be invited to attend future auditions here at the school. The school will provide a free bus from central Oxford for those attending auditions. | Family members may attend a performance during the second term. | neutral |
id_5752 | THE OXFORD SCHOOL OF DRAMA One-Year Acting Course This is an intensive course which is designed for those who have completed their academic studies and have some theatre or film experience already. In order to be accepted you should be a high achiever, knowledgeable about the industry and determined to succeed. Term One: Technical classes in acting, voice, movement, applied movement and characterisation, music, singing, film, radio and professional development. The term finishes with an internal production given for tutors and students. Term Two: All technical classes continue from term one. There is an internal performance of a one-act play, the recording of an audio showreel at a professional studio and the Showcase Drama in front of an invited audience including casting directors and agents. Term Three: Technical classes continue with additional focus on audition technique, workshops and masterclasses. This term includes a public performance of a play outdoors in the grounds of Blenheim Palace, and the chance to act a short film recorded on location by a professional crew. How to Apply Entry to The Oxford School of Drama is by audition only and there are no academic requirements for any of our courses. Once we have received your application form and audition fee, we will email you with a date for your audition and further details about what to expect when you are here. For your initial audition, you will need to prepare two contrasting speeches from plays, lasting no longer than two minutes. There will also be some group work for which you will need to wear loose, comfortable clothing. If you are applying from overseas, you will be able to submit your first audition by means of DVD, YouTube or link to a secure website. You will be invited to submit this once we have received your application form and audition fee. If you are successful in your first audition, you will be invited to attend future auditions here at the school. The school will provide a free bus from central Oxford for those attending auditions. | Students can begin the one-year course without any previous involvement in acting. | contradiction |
id_5753 | THE ROLE OF THE SWISS POSTBUS The Swiss PostBus Limited is the largest of the countrys 78 coach companies. Administered by the Motor Services Department of the Post Office, it carries over 120 million passengers each year and is carefully integrated with other public transport services: trains, boats and mountain cableways. The Swiss transportation system resembles a tree, with the larger branches representing federal and private railways, the smaller branches being the coaches, and the twigs being the urban transit operators running trams, city buses, boats, chairlifts and so on. But the trunk that holds the tree together is the vast postbus network, without which the whole network would not function. There isnt an inhabited place in Switzerland that cannot be reached by some sort of public transport. Federal law and the Swiss Constitution stipulate that every village with a population greater than 40 is entitled to regular bus services. The frequency of these services is directly related to population density. Timetables are put together four years in advance, and seldom change. If a new route is to be introduced, the population of the area affected is invited to vote in a referendum. At times, postbuses are the main sometimes the only links between settlements. These coaches, often with a trailer in tow to increase their capacity, are a common sight in high-altitude regions, and their signature sound part of Rossinis William Tell Overturn, played by the drivers on three-tone post horns with electrical compressors at every road turn is one of the most familiar Swiss sounds. The three-tone horns can still be used to talk to post offices (and each other) from a distance. By altering the combination of the tones, a driver can announce departure of post1, arrival of post, arrival of special post, and so on so much more romantic and often more reliable than radio or mobile phones. This musical language started in the mid-nineteenth century, when the coach drivers could also blow their horns a certain number of times on approaching the station to indicate the number of horses needing to be fed, giving the stationmaster time to prepare the fodder. The postbus history goes back to 1849, when the Swiss postal service was made a monopoly. The role of todays modern yellow buses was, back then, played by horse-drawn carriages (or in winter by sleighs, in order to travel on snow), which were the same colour. By 1914, eight years after the first motor coaches were introduced, there were still 2,500 horses, 2,231 coaches (or carriages) and 1,059 sleighs in service. After the First World War, Swiss Post bought a fleet of decommissioned military trucks which were converted into postbuses, but it was not until 1961 that the last horse-drawn coach was replaced with a motorised version. Today, the Swiss Post Office boasts one of the worlds most advanced coach fleets, including fuel-cell models and the worlds first driverless bus. This was launched in 2015 in the town of Sion, the capital of the canton of Valais, one of the 26 cantons, or administrative regions, that make up the country. Postbuses often go to places that other means of transport cannot reach. Most of the drivers therefore see themselves as educators and tour guides. Although its not in their job description, theyre likely to point out the sights waterfalls, gorges, and so on and are always ready to pull over for a photo opportunity. Switzerlands longest postbus journey, and one of the highest, crosses four mountain passes an eight-hour trip undertaken by a single postbus. The route goes through several cantons; two languages (German and Italian); all four seasons from burning sunshine to showers and heavy snowfalls; and countless places of interest, One of the passes, the Gotthard, is often described as the Peoples Road, probably because it connects the German-speaking canton of Uri with Italian-speaking Ticino. Like Switzerland itself, postbuses speak all four state languages: German, French, Italian and Romansh and by law, their automated intercom announcements are given in the language of whichever canton the bus is currently passing through. Irrespective of their previous driving experience, drivers undergo lots of training. During the first year, they have, to drive postbuses under the supervision of a more experienced driver. Only after two years of safe driving in the valleys can they be pronounced ready for a mountain bus. Some routes are not at all busy, with the bus often carrying just two or three passengers at a time. But for most people living in small mountain villages, the postbus is of the utmost importance. It not only carries the villagers to town and back, it takes village children to and from school, delivers mail, transports milk from the village farms down to the valley, collects rubbish from the village (Swiss laws do not allow dumping anywhere in the mountains), and brings building materials to households. It takes elderly villagers to shops and carries their shopping up the hill to their homes. More a friend than just a means of transportation, for the dwellers of mountain villages the postbus is an essential part of life. | In some villages most passengers are school children. | neutral |
id_5754 | THE ROLE OF THE SWISS POSTBUS The Swiss PostBus Limited is the largest of the countrys 78 coach companies. Administered by the Motor Services Department of the Post Office, it carries over 120 million passengers each year and is carefully integrated with other public transport services: trains, boats and mountain cableways. The Swiss transportation system resembles a tree, with the larger branches representing federal and private railways, the smaller branches being the coaches, and the twigs being the urban transit operators running trams, city buses, boats, chairlifts and so on. But the trunk that holds the tree together is the vast postbus network, without which the whole network would not function. There isnt an inhabited place in Switzerland that cannot be reached by some sort of public transport. Federal law and the Swiss Constitution stipulate that every village with a population greater than 40 is entitled to regular bus services. The frequency of these services is directly related to population density. Timetables are put together four years in advance, and seldom change. If a new route is to be introduced, the population of the area affected is invited to vote in a referendum. At times, postbuses are the main sometimes the only links between settlements. These coaches, often with a trailer in tow to increase their capacity, are a common sight in high-altitude regions, and their signature sound part of Rossinis William Tell Overturn, played by the drivers on three-tone post horns with electrical compressors at every road turn is one of the most familiar Swiss sounds. The three-tone horns can still be used to talk to post offices (and each other) from a distance. By altering the combination of the tones, a driver can announce departure of post1, arrival of post, arrival of special post, and so on so much more romantic and often more reliable than radio or mobile phones. This musical language started in the mid-nineteenth century, when the coach drivers could also blow their horns a certain number of times on approaching the station to indicate the number of horses needing to be fed, giving the stationmaster time to prepare the fodder. The postbus history goes back to 1849, when the Swiss postal service was made a monopoly. The role of todays modern yellow buses was, back then, played by horse-drawn carriages (or in winter by sleighs, in order to travel on snow), which were the same colour. By 1914, eight years after the first motor coaches were introduced, there were still 2,500 horses, 2,231 coaches (or carriages) and 1,059 sleighs in service. After the First World War, Swiss Post bought a fleet of decommissioned military trucks which were converted into postbuses, but it was not until 1961 that the last horse-drawn coach was replaced with a motorised version. Today, the Swiss Post Office boasts one of the worlds most advanced coach fleets, including fuel-cell models and the worlds first driverless bus. This was launched in 2015 in the town of Sion, the capital of the canton of Valais, one of the 26 cantons, or administrative regions, that make up the country. Postbuses often go to places that other means of transport cannot reach. Most of the drivers therefore see themselves as educators and tour guides. Although its not in their job description, theyre likely to point out the sights waterfalls, gorges, and so on and are always ready to pull over for a photo opportunity. Switzerlands longest postbus journey, and one of the highest, crosses four mountain passes an eight-hour trip undertaken by a single postbus. The route goes through several cantons; two languages (German and Italian); all four seasons from burning sunshine to showers and heavy snowfalls; and countless places of interest, One of the passes, the Gotthard, is often described as the Peoples Road, probably because it connects the German-speaking canton of Uri with Italian-speaking Ticino. Like Switzerland itself, postbuses speak all four state languages: German, French, Italian and Romansh and by law, their automated intercom announcements are given in the language of whichever canton the bus is currently passing through. Irrespective of their previous driving experience, drivers undergo lots of training. During the first year, they have, to drive postbuses under the supervision of a more experienced driver. Only after two years of safe driving in the valleys can they be pronounced ready for a mountain bus. Some routes are not at all busy, with the bus often carrying just two or three passengers at a time. But for most people living in small mountain villages, the postbus is of the utmost importance. It not only carries the villagers to town and back, it takes village children to and from school, delivers mail, transports milk from the village farms down to the valley, collects rubbish from the village (Swiss laws do not allow dumping anywhere in the mountains), and brings building materials to households. It takes elderly villagers to shops and carries their shopping up the hill to their homes. More a friend than just a means of transportation, for the dwellers of mountain villages the postbus is an essential part of life. | Some postbuses after the First World War were originally army vehicles. | entailment |
id_5755 | THE ROLE OF THE SWISS POSTBUS The Swiss PostBus Limited is the largest of the countrys 78 coach companies. Administered by the Motor Services Department of the Post Office, it carries over 120 million passengers each year and is carefully integrated with other public transport services: trains, boats and mountain cableways. The Swiss transportation system resembles a tree, with the larger branches representing federal and private railways, the smaller branches being the coaches, and the twigs being the urban transit operators running trams, city buses, boats, chairlifts and so on. But the trunk that holds the tree together is the vast postbus network, without which the whole network would not function. There isnt an inhabited place in Switzerland that cannot be reached by some sort of public transport. Federal law and the Swiss Constitution stipulate that every village with a population greater than 40 is entitled to regular bus services. The frequency of these services is directly related to population density. Timetables are put together four years in advance, and seldom change. If a new route is to be introduced, the population of the area affected is invited to vote in a referendum. At times, postbuses are the main sometimes the only links between settlements. These coaches, often with a trailer in tow to increase their capacity, are a common sight in high-altitude regions, and their signature sound part of Rossinis William Tell Overturn, played by the drivers on three-tone post horns with electrical compressors at every road turn is one of the most familiar Swiss sounds. The three-tone horns can still be used to talk to post offices (and each other) from a distance. By altering the combination of the tones, a driver can announce departure of post1, arrival of post, arrival of special post, and so on so much more romantic and often more reliable than radio or mobile phones. This musical language started in the mid-nineteenth century, when the coach drivers could also blow their horns a certain number of times on approaching the station to indicate the number of horses needing to be fed, giving the stationmaster time to prepare the fodder. The postbus history goes back to 1849, when the Swiss postal service was made a monopoly. The role of todays modern yellow buses was, back then, played by horse-drawn carriages (or in winter by sleighs, in order to travel on snow), which were the same colour. By 1914, eight years after the first motor coaches were introduced, there were still 2,500 horses, 2,231 coaches (or carriages) and 1,059 sleighs in service. After the First World War, Swiss Post bought a fleet of decommissioned military trucks which were converted into postbuses, but it was not until 1961 that the last horse-drawn coach was replaced with a motorised version. Today, the Swiss Post Office boasts one of the worlds most advanced coach fleets, including fuel-cell models and the worlds first driverless bus. This was launched in 2015 in the town of Sion, the capital of the canton of Valais, one of the 26 cantons, or administrative regions, that make up the country. Postbuses often go to places that other means of transport cannot reach. Most of the drivers therefore see themselves as educators and tour guides. Although its not in their job description, theyre likely to point out the sights waterfalls, gorges, and so on and are always ready to pull over for a photo opportunity. Switzerlands longest postbus journey, and one of the highest, crosses four mountain passes an eight-hour trip undertaken by a single postbus. The route goes through several cantons; two languages (German and Italian); all four seasons from burning sunshine to showers and heavy snowfalls; and countless places of interest, One of the passes, the Gotthard, is often described as the Peoples Road, probably because it connects the German-speaking canton of Uri with Italian-speaking Ticino. Like Switzerland itself, postbuses speak all four state languages: German, French, Italian and Romansh and by law, their automated intercom announcements are given in the language of whichever canton the bus is currently passing through. Irrespective of their previous driving experience, drivers undergo lots of training. During the first year, they have, to drive postbuses under the supervision of a more experienced driver. Only after two years of safe driving in the valleys can they be pronounced ready for a mountain bus. Some routes are not at all busy, with the bus often carrying just two or three passengers at a time. But for most people living in small mountain villages, the postbus is of the utmost importance. It not only carries the villagers to town and back, it takes village children to and from school, delivers mail, transports milk from the village farms down to the valley, collects rubbish from the village (Swiss laws do not allow dumping anywhere in the mountains), and brings building materials to households. It takes elderly villagers to shops and carries their shopping up the hill to their homes. More a friend than just a means of transportation, for the dwellers of mountain villages the postbus is an essential part of life. | The number of driverless buses has increased steadily since 2015. | neutral |
id_5756 | THE ROLE OF THE SWISS POSTBUS The Swiss PostBus Limited is the largest of the countrys 78 coach companies. Administered by the Motor Services Department of the Post Office, it carries over 120 million passengers each year and is carefully integrated with other public transport services: trains, boats and mountain cableways. The Swiss transportation system resembles a tree, with the larger branches representing federal and private railways, the smaller branches being the coaches, and the twigs being the urban transit operators running trams, city buses, boats, chairlifts and so on. But the trunk that holds the tree together is the vast postbus network, without which the whole network would not function. There isnt an inhabited place in Switzerland that cannot be reached by some sort of public transport. Federal law and the Swiss Constitution stipulate that every village with a population greater than 40 is entitled to regular bus services. The frequency of these services is directly related to population density. Timetables are put together four years in advance, and seldom change. If a new route is to be introduced, the population of the area affected is invited to vote in a referendum. At times, postbuses are the main sometimes the only links between settlements. These coaches, often with a trailer in tow to increase their capacity, are a common sight in high-altitude regions, and their signature sound part of Rossinis William Tell Overturn, played by the drivers on three-tone post horns with electrical compressors at every road turn is one of the most familiar Swiss sounds. The three-tone horns can still be used to talk to post offices (and each other) from a distance. By altering the combination of the tones, a driver can announce departure of post1, arrival of post, arrival of special post, and so on so much more romantic and often more reliable than radio or mobile phones. This musical language started in the mid-nineteenth century, when the coach drivers could also blow their horns a certain number of times on approaching the station to indicate the number of horses needing to be fed, giving the stationmaster time to prepare the fodder. The postbus history goes back to 1849, when the Swiss postal service was made a monopoly. The role of todays modern yellow buses was, back then, played by horse-drawn carriages (or in winter by sleighs, in order to travel on snow), which were the same colour. By 1914, eight years after the first motor coaches were introduced, there were still 2,500 horses, 2,231 coaches (or carriages) and 1,059 sleighs in service. After the First World War, Swiss Post bought a fleet of decommissioned military trucks which were converted into postbuses, but it was not until 1961 that the last horse-drawn coach was replaced with a motorised version. Today, the Swiss Post Office boasts one of the worlds most advanced coach fleets, including fuel-cell models and the worlds first driverless bus. This was launched in 2015 in the town of Sion, the capital of the canton of Valais, one of the 26 cantons, or administrative regions, that make up the country. Postbuses often go to places that other means of transport cannot reach. Most of the drivers therefore see themselves as educators and tour guides. Although its not in their job description, theyre likely to point out the sights waterfalls, gorges, and so on and are always ready to pull over for a photo opportunity. Switzerlands longest postbus journey, and one of the highest, crosses four mountain passes an eight-hour trip undertaken by a single postbus. The route goes through several cantons; two languages (German and Italian); all four seasons from burning sunshine to showers and heavy snowfalls; and countless places of interest, One of the passes, the Gotthard, is often described as the Peoples Road, probably because it connects the German-speaking canton of Uri with Italian-speaking Ticino. Like Switzerland itself, postbuses speak all four state languages: German, French, Italian and Romansh and by law, their automated intercom announcements are given in the language of whichever canton the bus is currently passing through. Irrespective of their previous driving experience, drivers undergo lots of training. During the first year, they have, to drive postbuses under the supervision of a more experienced driver. Only after two years of safe driving in the valleys can they be pronounced ready for a mountain bus. Some routes are not at all busy, with the bus often carrying just two or three passengers at a time. But for most people living in small mountain villages, the postbus is of the utmost importance. It not only carries the villagers to town and back, it takes village children to and from school, delivers mail, transports milk from the village farms down to the valley, collects rubbish from the village (Swiss laws do not allow dumping anywhere in the mountains), and brings building materials to households. It takes elderly villagers to shops and carries their shopping up the hill to their homes. More a friend than just a means of transportation, for the dwellers of mountain villages the postbus is an essential part of life. | There is a widely used nickname for part of the longest route used by postbuses. | entailment |
id_5757 | THE ROLE OF THE SWISS POSTBUS The Swiss PostBus Limited is the largest of the countrys 78 coach companies. Administered by the Motor Services Department of the Post Office, it carries over 120 million passengers each year and is carefully integrated with other public transport services: trains, boats and mountain cableways. The Swiss transportation system resembles a tree, with the larger branches representing federal and private railways, the smaller branches being the coaches, and the twigs being the urban transit operators running trams, city buses, boats, chairlifts and so on. But the trunk that holds the tree together is the vast postbus network, without which the whole network would not function. There isnt an inhabited place in Switzerland that cannot be reached by some sort of public transport. Federal law and the Swiss Constitution stipulate that every village with a population greater than 40 is entitled to regular bus services. The frequency of these services is directly related to population density. Timetables are put together four years in advance, and seldom change. If a new route is to be introduced, the population of the area affected is invited to vote in a referendum. At times, postbuses are the main sometimes the only links between settlements. These coaches, often with a trailer in tow to increase their capacity, are a common sight in high-altitude regions, and their signature sound part of Rossinis William Tell Overturn, played by the drivers on three-tone post horns with electrical compressors at every road turn is one of the most familiar Swiss sounds. The three-tone horns can still be used to talk to post offices (and each other) from a distance. By altering the combination of the tones, a driver can announce departure of post1, arrival of post, arrival of special post, and so on so much more romantic and often more reliable than radio or mobile phones. This musical language started in the mid-nineteenth century, when the coach drivers could also blow their horns a certain number of times on approaching the station to indicate the number of horses needing to be fed, giving the stationmaster time to prepare the fodder. The postbus history goes back to 1849, when the Swiss postal service was made a monopoly. The role of todays modern yellow buses was, back then, played by horse-drawn carriages (or in winter by sleighs, in order to travel on snow), which were the same colour. By 1914, eight years after the first motor coaches were introduced, there were still 2,500 horses, 2,231 coaches (or carriages) and 1,059 sleighs in service. After the First World War, Swiss Post bought a fleet of decommissioned military trucks which were converted into postbuses, but it was not until 1961 that the last horse-drawn coach was replaced with a motorised version. Today, the Swiss Post Office boasts one of the worlds most advanced coach fleets, including fuel-cell models and the worlds first driverless bus. This was launched in 2015 in the town of Sion, the capital of the canton of Valais, one of the 26 cantons, or administrative regions, that make up the country. Postbuses often go to places that other means of transport cannot reach. Most of the drivers therefore see themselves as educators and tour guides. Although its not in their job description, theyre likely to point out the sights waterfalls, gorges, and so on and are always ready to pull over for a photo opportunity. Switzerlands longest postbus journey, and one of the highest, crosses four mountain passes an eight-hour trip undertaken by a single postbus. The route goes through several cantons; two languages (German and Italian); all four seasons from burning sunshine to showers and heavy snowfalls; and countless places of interest, One of the passes, the Gotthard, is often described as the Peoples Road, probably because it connects the German-speaking canton of Uri with Italian-speaking Ticino. Like Switzerland itself, postbuses speak all four state languages: German, French, Italian and Romansh and by law, their automated intercom announcements are given in the language of whichever canton the bus is currently passing through. Irrespective of their previous driving experience, drivers undergo lots of training. During the first year, they have, to drive postbuses under the supervision of a more experienced driver. Only after two years of safe driving in the valleys can they be pronounced ready for a mountain bus. Some routes are not at all busy, with the bus often carrying just two or three passengers at a time. But for most people living in small mountain villages, the postbus is of the utmost importance. It not only carries the villagers to town and back, it takes village children to and from school, delivers mail, transports milk from the village farms down to the valley, collects rubbish from the village (Swiss laws do not allow dumping anywhere in the mountains), and brings building materials to households. It takes elderly villagers to shops and carries their shopping up the hill to their homes. More a friend than just a means of transportation, for the dwellers of mountain villages the postbus is an essential part of life. | The weather on the longest postbus route is likely to include extreme weather conditions. | entailment |
id_5758 | THE ROLE OF THE SWISS POSTBUS The Swiss PostBus Limited is the largest of the countrys 78 coach companies. Administered by the Motor Services Department of the Post Office, it carries over 120 million passengers each year and is carefully integrated with other public transport services: trains, boats and mountain cableways. The Swiss transportation system resembles a tree, with the larger branches representing federal and private railways, the smaller branches being the coaches, and the twigs being the urban transit operators running trams, city buses, boats, chairlifts and so on. But the trunk that holds the tree together is the vast postbus network, without which the whole network would not function. There isnt an inhabited place in Switzerland that cannot be reached by some sort of public transport. Federal law and the Swiss Constitution stipulate that every village with a population greater than 40 is entitled to regular bus services. The frequency of these services is directly related to population density. Timetables are put together four years in advance, and seldom change. If a new route is to be introduced, the population of the area affected is invited to vote in a referendum. At times, postbuses are the main sometimes the only links between settlements. These coaches, often with a trailer in tow to increase their capacity, are a common sight in high-altitude regions, and their signature sound part of Rossinis William Tell Overturn, played by the drivers on three-tone post horns with electrical compressors at every road turn is one of the most familiar Swiss sounds. The three-tone horns can still be used to talk to post offices (and each other) from a distance. By altering the combination of the tones, a driver can announce departure of post1, arrival of post, arrival of special post, and so on so much more romantic and often more reliable than radio or mobile phones. This musical language started in the mid-nineteenth century, when the coach drivers could also blow their horns a certain number of times on approaching the station to indicate the number of horses needing to be fed, giving the stationmaster time to prepare the fodder. The postbus history goes back to 1849, when the Swiss postal service was made a monopoly. The role of todays modern yellow buses was, back then, played by horse-drawn carriages (or in winter by sleighs, in order to travel on snow), which were the same colour. By 1914, eight years after the first motor coaches were introduced, there were still 2,500 horses, 2,231 coaches (or carriages) and 1,059 sleighs in service. After the First World War, Swiss Post bought a fleet of decommissioned military trucks which were converted into postbuses, but it was not until 1961 that the last horse-drawn coach was replaced with a motorised version. Today, the Swiss Post Office boasts one of the worlds most advanced coach fleets, including fuel-cell models and the worlds first driverless bus. This was launched in 2015 in the town of Sion, the capital of the canton of Valais, one of the 26 cantons, or administrative regions, that make up the country. Postbuses often go to places that other means of transport cannot reach. Most of the drivers therefore see themselves as educators and tour guides. Although its not in their job description, theyre likely to point out the sights waterfalls, gorges, and so on and are always ready to pull over for a photo opportunity. Switzerlands longest postbus journey, and one of the highest, crosses four mountain passes an eight-hour trip undertaken by a single postbus. The route goes through several cantons; two languages (German and Italian); all four seasons from burning sunshine to showers and heavy snowfalls; and countless places of interest, One of the passes, the Gotthard, is often described as the Peoples Road, probably because it connects the German-speaking canton of Uri with Italian-speaking Ticino. Like Switzerland itself, postbuses speak all four state languages: German, French, Italian and Romansh and by law, their automated intercom announcements are given in the language of whichever canton the bus is currently passing through. Irrespective of their previous driving experience, drivers undergo lots of training. During the first year, they have, to drive postbuses under the supervision of a more experienced driver. Only after two years of safe driving in the valleys can they be pronounced ready for a mountain bus. Some routes are not at all busy, with the bus often carrying just two or three passengers at a time. But for most people living in small mountain villages, the postbus is of the utmost importance. It not only carries the villagers to town and back, it takes village children to and from school, delivers mail, transports milk from the village farms down to the valley, collects rubbish from the village (Swiss laws do not allow dumping anywhere in the mountains), and brings building materials to households. It takes elderly villagers to shops and carries their shopping up the hill to their homes. More a friend than just a means of transportation, for the dwellers of mountain villages the postbus is an essential part of life. | Buses carry only rubbish that can be recycled. | neutral |
id_5759 | THE ROLE OF THE SWISS POSTBUS The Swiss PostBus Limited is the largest of the countrys 78 coach companies. Administered by the Motor Services Department of the Post Office, it carries over 120 million passengers each year and is carefully integrated with other public transport services: trains, boats and mountain cableways. The Swiss transportation system resembles a tree, with the larger branches representing federal and private railways, the smaller branches being the coaches, and the twigs being the urban transit operators running trams, city buses, boats, chairlifts and so on. But the trunk that holds the tree together is the vast postbus network, without which the whole network would not function. There isnt an inhabited place in Switzerland that cannot be reached by some sort of public transport. Federal law and the Swiss Constitution stipulate that every village with a population greater than 40 is entitled to regular bus services. The frequency of these services is directly related to population density. Timetables are put together four years in advance, and seldom change. If a new route is to be introduced, the population of the area affected is invited to vote in a referendum. At times, postbuses are the main sometimes the only links between settlements. These coaches, often with a trailer in tow to increase their capacity, are a common sight in high-altitude regions, and their signature sound part of Rossinis William Tell Overturn, played by the drivers on three-tone post horns with electrical compressors at every road turn is one of the most familiar Swiss sounds. The three-tone horns can still be used to talk to post offices (and each other) from a distance. By altering the combination of the tones, a driver can announce departure of post1, arrival of post, arrival of special post, and so on so much more romantic and often more reliable than radio or mobile phones. This musical language started in the mid-nineteenth century, when the coach drivers could also blow their horns a certain number of times on approaching the station to indicate the number of horses needing to be fed, giving the stationmaster time to prepare the fodder. The postbus history goes back to 1849, when the Swiss postal service was made a monopoly. The role of todays modern yellow buses was, back then, played by horse-drawn carriages (or in winter by sleighs, in order to travel on snow), which were the same colour. By 1914, eight years after the first motor coaches were introduced, there were still 2,500 horses, 2,231 coaches (or carriages) and 1,059 sleighs in service. After the First World War, Swiss Post bought a fleet of decommissioned military trucks which were converted into postbuses, but it was not until 1961 that the last horse-drawn coach was replaced with a motorised version. Today, the Swiss Post Office boasts one of the worlds most advanced coach fleets, including fuel-cell models and the worlds first driverless bus. This was launched in 2015 in the town of Sion, the capital of the canton of Valais, one of the 26 cantons, or administrative regions, that make up the country. Postbuses often go to places that other means of transport cannot reach. Most of the drivers therefore see themselves as educators and tour guides. Although its not in their job description, theyre likely to point out the sights waterfalls, gorges, and so on and are always ready to pull over for a photo opportunity. Switzerlands longest postbus journey, and one of the highest, crosses four mountain passes an eight-hour trip undertaken by a single postbus. The route goes through several cantons; two languages (German and Italian); all four seasons from burning sunshine to showers and heavy snowfalls; and countless places of interest, One of the passes, the Gotthard, is often described as the Peoples Road, probably because it connects the German-speaking canton of Uri with Italian-speaking Ticino. Like Switzerland itself, postbuses speak all four state languages: German, French, Italian and Romansh and by law, their automated intercom announcements are given in the language of whichever canton the bus is currently passing through. Irrespective of their previous driving experience, drivers undergo lots of training. During the first year, they have, to drive postbuses under the supervision of a more experienced driver. Only after two years of safe driving in the valleys can they be pronounced ready for a mountain bus. Some routes are not at all busy, with the bus often carrying just two or three passengers at a time. But for most people living in small mountain villages, the postbus is of the utmost importance. It not only carries the villagers to town and back, it takes village children to and from school, delivers mail, transports milk from the village farms down to the valley, collects rubbish from the village (Swiss laws do not allow dumping anywhere in the mountains), and brings building materials to households. It takes elderly villagers to shops and carries their shopping up the hill to their homes. More a friend than just a means of transportation, for the dwellers of mountain villages the postbus is an essential part of life. | Bus drivers training can be shortened if they have driven buses before joining Postbus. | contradiction |
id_5760 | THE ROLE OF THE SWISS POSTBUS The Swiss PostBus Limited is the largest of the countrys 78 coach companies. Administered by the Motor Services Department of the Post Office, it carries over 120 million passengers each year and is carefully integrated with other public transport services: trains, boats and mountain cableways. The Swiss transportation system resembles a tree, with the larger branches representing federal and private railways, the smaller branches being the coaches, and the twigs being the urban transit operators running trams, city buses, boats, chairlifts and so on. But the trunk that holds the tree together is the vast postbus network, without which the whole network would not function. There isnt an inhabited place in Switzerland that cannot be reached by some sort of public transport. Federal law and the Swiss Constitution stipulate that every village with a population greater than 40 is entitled to regular bus services. The frequency of these services is directly related to population density. Timetables are put together four years in advance, and seldom change. If a new route is to be introduced, the population of the area affected is invited to vote in a referendum. At times, postbuses are the main sometimes the only links between settlements. These coaches, often with a trailer in tow to increase their capacity, are a common sight in high-altitude regions, and their signature sound part of Rossinis William Tell Overturn, played by the drivers on three-tone post horns with electrical compressors at every road turn is one of the most familiar Swiss sounds. The three-tone horns can still be used to talk to post offices (and each other) from a distance. By altering the combination of the tones, a driver can announce departure of post1, arrival of post, arrival of special post, and so on so much more romantic and often more reliable than radio or mobile phones. This musical language started in the mid-nineteenth century, when the coach drivers could also blow their horns a certain number of times on approaching the station to indicate the number of horses needing to be fed, giving the stationmaster time to prepare the fodder. The postbus history goes back to 1849, when the Swiss postal service was made a monopoly. The role of todays modern yellow buses was, back then, played by horse-drawn carriages (or in winter by sleighs, in order to travel on snow), which were the same colour. By 1914, eight years after the first motor coaches were introduced, there were still 2,500 horses, 2,231 coaches (or carriages) and 1,059 sleighs in service. After the First World War, Swiss Post bought a fleet of decommissioned military trucks which were converted into postbuses, but it was not until 1961 that the last horse-drawn coach was replaced with a motorised version. Today, the Swiss Post Office boasts one of the worlds most advanced coach fleets, including fuel-cell models and the worlds first driverless bus. This was launched in 2015 in the town of Sion, the capital of the canton of Valais, one of the 26 cantons, or administrative regions, that make up the country. Postbuses often go to places that other means of transport cannot reach. Most of the drivers therefore see themselves as educators and tour guides. Although its not in their job description, theyre likely to point out the sights waterfalls, gorges, and so on and are always ready to pull over for a photo opportunity. Switzerlands longest postbus journey, and one of the highest, crosses four mountain passes an eight-hour trip undertaken by a single postbus. The route goes through several cantons; two languages (German and Italian); all four seasons from burning sunshine to showers and heavy snowfalls; and countless places of interest, One of the passes, the Gotthard, is often described as the Peoples Road, probably because it connects the German-speaking canton of Uri with Italian-speaking Ticino. Like Switzerland itself, postbuses speak all four state languages: German, French, Italian and Romansh and by law, their automated intercom announcements are given in the language of whichever canton the bus is currently passing through. Irrespective of their previous driving experience, drivers undergo lots of training. During the first year, they have, to drive postbuses under the supervision of a more experienced driver. Only after two years of safe driving in the valleys can they be pronounced ready for a mountain bus. Some routes are not at all busy, with the bus often carrying just two or three passengers at a time. But for most people living in small mountain villages, the postbus is of the utmost importance. It not only carries the villagers to town and back, it takes village children to and from school, delivers mail, transports milk from the village farms down to the valley, collects rubbish from the village (Swiss laws do not allow dumping anywhere in the mountains), and brings building materials to households. It takes elderly villagers to shops and carries their shopping up the hill to their homes. More a friend than just a means of transportation, for the dwellers of mountain villages the postbus is an essential part of life. | On the longest postbus route in Switzerland, passengers have to change buses. | contradiction |
id_5761 | THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD Hypotheses, said Medawar in 1964, are imaginative and inspirational in character; they are adventures of the mind. He was arguing in favour of the position taken by Karl Popper in The Logic of Scientific Discovery (1972, 3rd edition) that the nature of scientific method is hypothetico-deductive and not, as is generally believed, inductive. It is essential that you, as an intending researcher, understand the difference between these two interpretations of the research process so that you do not become discouraged or begin to suffer from a feeling of cheating or not going about it the right way. The myth of scientific method is that it is inductive: that the formulation of scientific theory starts with the basic, raw evidence of the senses - simple, unbiased, unprejudiced observation. Out of these sensory data - commonly referred to as facts generalisations will form. The myth is that from a disorderly array of factual information an orderly, relevant theory will somehow emerge. However, the starting point of induction is an impossible one. There is no such thing as an unbiased observation. Every act of observation we make is a function of what we have seen or otherwise experienced in the past. All scientific work of an experimental or exploratory nature starts with some expectation about the outcome. This expectation is a hypothesis. Hypotheses provide the initiative and incentive for the inquiry and influence the method. It is in the light of an expectation that some observations are held to be relevant and some irrelevant, that one methodology is chosen and others discarded, that some experiments are conducted and others are not. Where is, your naive, pure and objective researcher now? Hypotheses arise by guesswork, or by inspiration, but having been formulated they can and must be tested rigorously, using the appropriate methodology. If the predictions you make as a result of deducing certain consequences from your hypothesis are not shown to be correct then you discard or modify your hypothesis. If the predictions turn out to be correct then your hypothesis has been supported and may be retained until such time as some further test shows it not to be correct. Once you have arrived at your hypothesis, which is a product of your imagination, you then proceed to a strictly logical and rigorous process, based upon deductive argument hence the term hypothetico-deductive. Reading So dont worry if you have some idea of what your results will tell you before you even begin to collect data; there are no scientists in existence who really wait until they have all the evidence in front of them before they try to work out what it might possibly mean. The closest we ever get to this situation is when something happens by accident; but even then the researcher has to formulate a hypothesis to be tested before being sure that, for example, a mould might prove to be a successful antidote to bacterial infection. The myth of scientific method is not only that it is inductive (which we have seen is incorrect) but also that the hypothetico-deductive method proceeds in a step-by-step, inevitable fashion. The hypothetico-deductive method describes the logical approach to much research work, but it does not describe the psychological behaviour that brings it about. This is much more holistic involving guesses, reworkings, corrections, blind alleys and above all inspiration, in the deductive as well as the hypothetic component -than is immediately apparent from reading the final thesis or published papers. These have been, quite properly, organised into a more serial, logical order so that the worth of the output may be evaluated independently of the behavioural processes by which it was obtained. It is the difference, for example between the academic papers with which Crick and Watson demonstrated the structure of the DNA molecule and the fascinating book The Double Helix in which Watson (1968) described how they did it. From this point of view, scientific method may more usefully be thought of as a way of writing up research rather than as a way of carrying it out. | Popper says that the scientific method is hypothetico-deductive. | entailment |
id_5762 | THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD Hypotheses, said Medawar in 1964, are imaginative and inspirational in character; they are adventures of the mind. He was arguing in favour of the position taken by Karl Popper in The Logic of Scientific Discovery (1972, 3rd edition) that the nature of scientific method is hypothetico-deductive and not, as is generally believed, inductive. It is essential that you, as an intending researcher, understand the difference between these two interpretations of the research process so that you do not become discouraged or begin to suffer from a feeling of cheating or not going about it the right way. The myth of scientific method is that it is inductive: that the formulation of scientific theory starts with the basic, raw evidence of the senses - simple, unbiased, unprejudiced observation. Out of these sensory data - commonly referred to as facts generalisations will form. The myth is that from a disorderly array of factual information an orderly, relevant theory will somehow emerge. However, the starting point of induction is an impossible one. There is no such thing as an unbiased observation. Every act of observation we make is a function of what we have seen or otherwise experienced in the past. All scientific work of an experimental or exploratory nature starts with some expectation about the outcome. This expectation is a hypothesis. Hypotheses provide the initiative and incentive for the inquiry and influence the method. It is in the light of an expectation that some observations are held to be relevant and some irrelevant, that one methodology is chosen and others discarded, that some experiments are conducted and others are not. Where is, your naive, pure and objective researcher now? Hypotheses arise by guesswork, or by inspiration, but having been formulated they can and must be tested rigorously, using the appropriate methodology. If the predictions you make as a result of deducing certain consequences from your hypothesis are not shown to be correct then you discard or modify your hypothesis. If the predictions turn out to be correct then your hypothesis has been supported and may be retained until such time as some further test shows it not to be correct. Once you have arrived at your hypothesis, which is a product of your imagination, you then proceed to a strictly logical and rigorous process, based upon deductive argument hence the term hypothetico-deductive. Reading So dont worry if you have some idea of what your results will tell you before you even begin to collect data; there are no scientists in existence who really wait until they have all the evidence in front of them before they try to work out what it might possibly mean. The closest we ever get to this situation is when something happens by accident; but even then the researcher has to formulate a hypothesis to be tested before being sure that, for example, a mould might prove to be a successful antidote to bacterial infection. The myth of scientific method is not only that it is inductive (which we have seen is incorrect) but also that the hypothetico-deductive method proceeds in a step-by-step, inevitable fashion. The hypothetico-deductive method describes the logical approach to much research work, but it does not describe the psychological behaviour that brings it about. This is much more holistic involving guesses, reworkings, corrections, blind alleys and above all inspiration, in the deductive as well as the hypothetic component -than is immediately apparent from reading the final thesis or published papers. These have been, quite properly, organised into a more serial, logical order so that the worth of the output may be evaluated independently of the behavioural processes by which it was obtained. It is the difference, for example between the academic papers with which Crick and Watson demonstrated the structure of the DNA molecule and the fascinating book The Double Helix in which Watson (1968) described how they did it. From this point of view, scientific method may more usefully be thought of as a way of writing up research rather than as a way of carrying it out. | If a prediction based on a hypothesis is fulfilled, then the hypothesis is confirmed as true. | contradiction |
id_5763 | THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD Hypotheses, said Medawar in 1964, are imaginative and inspirational in character; they are adventures of the mind. He was arguing in favour of the position taken by Karl Popper in The Logic of Scientific Discovery (1972, 3rd edition) that the nature of scientific method is hypothetico-deductive and not, as is generally believed, inductive. It is essential that you, as an intending researcher, understand the difference between these two interpretations of the research process so that you do not become discouraged or begin to suffer from a feeling of cheating or not going about it the right way. The myth of scientific method is that it is inductive: that the formulation of scientific theory starts with the basic, raw evidence of the senses - simple, unbiased, unprejudiced observation. Out of these sensory data - commonly referred to as facts generalisations will form. The myth is that from a disorderly array of factual information an orderly, relevant theory will somehow emerge. However, the starting point of induction is an impossible one. There is no such thing as an unbiased observation. Every act of observation we make is a function of what we have seen or otherwise experienced in the past. All scientific work of an experimental or exploratory nature starts with some expectation about the outcome. This expectation is a hypothesis. Hypotheses provide the initiative and incentive for the inquiry and influence the method. It is in the light of an expectation that some observations are held to be relevant and some irrelevant, that one methodology is chosen and others discarded, that some experiments are conducted and others are not. Where is, your naive, pure and objective researcher now? Hypotheses arise by guesswork, or by inspiration, but having been formulated they can and must be tested rigorously, using the appropriate methodology. If the predictions you make as a result of deducing certain consequences from your hypothesis are not shown to be correct then you discard or modify your hypothesis. If the predictions turn out to be correct then your hypothesis has been supported and may be retained until such time as some further test shows it not to be correct. Once you have arrived at your hypothesis, which is a product of your imagination, you then proceed to a strictly logical and rigorous process, based upon deductive argument hence the term hypothetico-deductive. Reading So dont worry if you have some idea of what your results will tell you before you even begin to collect data; there are no scientists in existence who really wait until they have all the evidence in front of them before they try to work out what it might possibly mean. The closest we ever get to this situation is when something happens by accident; but even then the researcher has to formulate a hypothesis to be tested before being sure that, for example, a mould might prove to be a successful antidote to bacterial infection. The myth of scientific method is not only that it is inductive (which we have seen is incorrect) but also that the hypothetico-deductive method proceeds in a step-by-step, inevitable fashion. The hypothetico-deductive method describes the logical approach to much research work, but it does not describe the psychological behaviour that brings it about. This is much more holistic involving guesses, reworkings, corrections, blind alleys and above all inspiration, in the deductive as well as the hypothetic component -than is immediately apparent from reading the final thesis or published papers. These have been, quite properly, organised into a more serial, logical order so that the worth of the output may be evaluated independently of the behavioural processes by which it was obtained. It is the difference, for example between the academic papers with which Crick and Watson demonstrated the structure of the DNA molecule and the fascinating book The Double Helix in which Watson (1968) described how they did it. From this point of view, scientific method may more usefully be thought of as a way of writing up research rather than as a way of carrying it out. | Many people carry out research in a mistaken way. | neutral |
id_5764 | THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD Hypotheses, said Medawar in 1964, are imaginative and inspirational in character; they are adventures of the mind. He was arguing in favour of the position taken by Karl Popper in The Logic of Scientific Discovery (1972, 3rd edition) that the nature of scientific method is hypothetico-deductive and not, as is generally believed, inductive. It is essential that you, as an intending researcher, understand the difference between these two interpretations of the research process so that you do not become discouraged or begin to suffer from a feeling of cheating or not going about it the right way. The myth of scientific method is that it is inductive: that the formulation of scientific theory starts with the basic, raw evidence of the senses - simple, unbiased, unprejudiced observation. Out of these sensory data - commonly referred to as facts generalisations will form. The myth is that from a disorderly array of factual information an orderly, relevant theory will somehow emerge. However, the starting point of induction is an impossible one. There is no such thing as an unbiased observation. Every act of observation we make is a function of what we have seen or otherwise experienced in the past. All scientific work of an experimental or exploratory nature starts with some expectation about the outcome. This expectation is a hypothesis. Hypotheses provide the initiative and incentive for the inquiry and influence the method. It is in the light of an expectation that some observations are held to be relevant and some irrelevant, that one methodology is chosen and others discarded, that some experiments are conducted and others are not. Where is, your naive, pure and objective researcher now? Hypotheses arise by guesswork, or by inspiration, but having been formulated they can and must be tested rigorously, using the appropriate methodology. If the predictions you make as a result of deducing certain consequences from your hypothesis are not shown to be correct then you discard or modify your hypothesis. If the predictions turn out to be correct then your hypothesis has been supported and may be retained until such time as some further test shows it not to be correct. Once you have arrived at your hypothesis, which is a product of your imagination, you then proceed to a strictly logical and rigorous process, based upon deductive argument hence the term hypothetico-deductive. Reading So dont worry if you have some idea of what your results will tell you before you even begin to collect data; there are no scientists in existence who really wait until they have all the evidence in front of them before they try to work out what it might possibly mean. The closest we ever get to this situation is when something happens by accident; but even then the researcher has to formulate a hypothesis to be tested before being sure that, for example, a mould might prove to be a successful antidote to bacterial infection. The myth of scientific method is not only that it is inductive (which we have seen is incorrect) but also that the hypothetico-deductive method proceeds in a step-by-step, inevitable fashion. The hypothetico-deductive method describes the logical approach to much research work, but it does not describe the psychological behaviour that brings it about. This is much more holistic involving guesses, reworkings, corrections, blind alleys and above all inspiration, in the deductive as well as the hypothetic component -than is immediately apparent from reading the final thesis or published papers. These have been, quite properly, organised into a more serial, logical order so that the worth of the output may be evaluated independently of the behavioural processes by which it was obtained. It is the difference, for example between the academic papers with which Crick and Watson demonstrated the structure of the DNA molecule and the fascinating book The Double Helix in which Watson (1968) described how they did it. From this point of view, scientific method may more usefully be thought of as a way of writing up research rather than as a way of carrying it out. | The scientific method is more a way of describing research than a way of doing it. | entailment |
id_5765 | THE STORY OF SILK. The history of the world's most luxurious fabric, from ancient China to the present day Silk is a fine, smooth material produced from the cocoons soft protective shells that are made by mulberry silkworms (insect larvae). Legend has it that it was Lei Tzu, wife of the Yellow Emperor, ruler of China in about 3000 BC, who discovered silkworms. One account of the story goes that as she was taking a walk in her husband's gardens, she discovered that silkworms were responsible for the destruction of several mulberry trees. She collected a number of cocoons and sat down to have a rest. It just so happened that while she was sipping some tea, one of the cocoons that she had collected landed in the hot tea and started to unravel into a fine thread. Lei Tzu found that she could wind this thread around her fingers. Subsequently, she persuaded her husband to allow her to rear silkworms on a grove of mulberry trees. She also devised a special reel to draw the fibres from the cocoon into a single thread so that they would be strong enough to be woven into fabric. While it is unknown just how much of this is true, it is certainly known that silk cultivation has existed in China for several millennia. Originally, silkworm farming was solely restricted to women, and it was they who were responsible for the growing, harvesting and weaving. Silk quickly grew into a symbol of status, and originally, only royalty were entitled to have clothes made of silk. The rules were gradually relaxed over the years until finally during the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911 AD), even peasants, the lowest caste, were also entitled to wear silk. Sometime during the Han Dynasty (206 BC-220 AD), silk was so prized that it was also used as a unit of currency. Government officials were paid their salary in silk, and farmers paid their taxes in grain and silk. Silk was also used as diplomatic gifts by the emperor. Fishing lines, bowstrings, musical instruments and paper were all made using silk. The earliest indication of silk paper being used was discovered in the tomb of a noble who is estimated to have died around 168 AD. Demand for this exotic fabric eventually created the lucrative trade route now known as the Silk Road, taking silk westward and bringing gold, silver and wool to the East. It was named the Silk Road after its most precious commodity, which was considered to be worth more than gold. The Silk Road stretched over 6,000 kilometres from Eastern China to the Mediterranean Sea, following the Great Wall of China, climbing the Pamir mountain range, crossing modern-day Afghanistan and going on to the Middle East, with a major trading market in Damascus. From there, the merchandise was shipped across the Mediterranean Sea. Few merchants travelled the entire route; goods were handled mostly by a series of middlemen. With the mulberry silkworm being native to China, the country was the world's sole producer of silk for many hundreds of years. The secret of silk-making eventually reached the rest of the world via the Byzantine Empire, which ruled over the Mediterranean region of southern Europe, North Africa and the Middle East during the period 330-1453 AD. According to another legend, monks working for the Byzantine emperor Justinian smuggled silkworm eggs to Constantinople (Istanbul in modern-day Turkey) in 550 AD, concealed inside hollow bamboo walking canes. The Byzantines were as secretive as the Chinese, however, and for many centuries the weaving and trading of silk fabric was a strict imperial monopoly. Then in the seventh century, the Arabs conquered Persia, capturing their magnificent silks in the process. Silk production thus spread through Africa, Sicily and Spain as the Arabs swept through these lands. Andalusia in southern Spain was Europe's main silk-producing centre in the tenth century. By the thirteenth century, however, Italy had become Europe's leader in silk production and export. Venetian merchants traded extensively in silk and encouraged silk growers to settle in Italy. Even now, silk processed in the province of Como in northern Italy enjoys an esteemed reputation. The nineteenth century and industrialisation saw the downfall of the European silk industry. Cheaper Japanese silk, trade in which was greatly facilitated by the opening of the Suez Canal, was one of the many factors driving the trend. Then in the twentieth century, new manmade fibres, such as nylon, started to be used in what had traditionally been silk products, such as stockings and parachutes. The two world wars, which interrupted the supply of raw material from Japan, also stifled the European silk industry. After the Second World War, Japan's silk production was restored, with improved production and quality of raw silk. Japan was to remain the world's biggest producer of raw silk, and practically the only major exporter of raw silk, until the 1970s. However, in more recent decades, China has gradually recaptured its position as the world's biggest producer and exporter of raw silk and silk yarn. Today, around 125,000 metric tons of silk are produced in the world, and almost two thirds of that production takes place in China. | Gold was the most valuable material transported along the Silk Road. | contradiction |
id_5766 | THE STORY OF SILK. The history of the world's most luxurious fabric, from ancient China to the present day Silk is a fine, smooth material produced from the cocoons soft protective shells that are made by mulberry silkworms (insect larvae). Legend has it that it was Lei Tzu, wife of the Yellow Emperor, ruler of China in about 3000 BC, who discovered silkworms. One account of the story goes that as she was taking a walk in her husband's gardens, she discovered that silkworms were responsible for the destruction of several mulberry trees. She collected a number of cocoons and sat down to have a rest. It just so happened that while she was sipping some tea, one of the cocoons that she had collected landed in the hot tea and started to unravel into a fine thread. Lei Tzu found that she could wind this thread around her fingers. Subsequently, she persuaded her husband to allow her to rear silkworms on a grove of mulberry trees. She also devised a special reel to draw the fibres from the cocoon into a single thread so that they would be strong enough to be woven into fabric. While it is unknown just how much of this is true, it is certainly known that silk cultivation has existed in China for several millennia. Originally, silkworm farming was solely restricted to women, and it was they who were responsible for the growing, harvesting and weaving. Silk quickly grew into a symbol of status, and originally, only royalty were entitled to have clothes made of silk. The rules were gradually relaxed over the years until finally during the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911 AD), even peasants, the lowest caste, were also entitled to wear silk. Sometime during the Han Dynasty (206 BC-220 AD), silk was so prized that it was also used as a unit of currency. Government officials were paid their salary in silk, and farmers paid their taxes in grain and silk. Silk was also used as diplomatic gifts by the emperor. Fishing lines, bowstrings, musical instruments and paper were all made using silk. The earliest indication of silk paper being used was discovered in the tomb of a noble who is estimated to have died around 168 AD. Demand for this exotic fabric eventually created the lucrative trade route now known as the Silk Road, taking silk westward and bringing gold, silver and wool to the East. It was named the Silk Road after its most precious commodity, which was considered to be worth more than gold. The Silk Road stretched over 6,000 kilometres from Eastern China to the Mediterranean Sea, following the Great Wall of China, climbing the Pamir mountain range, crossing modern-day Afghanistan and going on to the Middle East, with a major trading market in Damascus. From there, the merchandise was shipped across the Mediterranean Sea. Few merchants travelled the entire route; goods were handled mostly by a series of middlemen. With the mulberry silkworm being native to China, the country was the world's sole producer of silk for many hundreds of years. The secret of silk-making eventually reached the rest of the world via the Byzantine Empire, which ruled over the Mediterranean region of southern Europe, North Africa and the Middle East during the period 330-1453 AD. According to another legend, monks working for the Byzantine emperor Justinian smuggled silkworm eggs to Constantinople (Istanbul in modern-day Turkey) in 550 AD, concealed inside hollow bamboo walking canes. The Byzantines were as secretive as the Chinese, however, and for many centuries the weaving and trading of silk fabric was a strict imperial monopoly. Then in the seventh century, the Arabs conquered Persia, capturing their magnificent silks in the process. Silk production thus spread through Africa, Sicily and Spain as the Arabs swept through these lands. Andalusia in southern Spain was Europe's main silk-producing centre in the tenth century. By the thirteenth century, however, Italy had become Europe's leader in silk production and export. Venetian merchants traded extensively in silk and encouraged silk growers to settle in Italy. Even now, silk processed in the province of Como in northern Italy enjoys an esteemed reputation. The nineteenth century and industrialisation saw the downfall of the European silk industry. Cheaper Japanese silk, trade in which was greatly facilitated by the opening of the Suez Canal, was one of the many factors driving the trend. Then in the twentieth century, new manmade fibres, such as nylon, started to be used in what had traditionally been silk products, such as stockings and parachutes. The two world wars, which interrupted the supply of raw material from Japan, also stifled the European silk industry. After the Second World War, Japan's silk production was restored, with improved production and quality of raw silk. Japan was to remain the world's biggest producer of raw silk, and practically the only major exporter of raw silk, until the 1970s. However, in more recent decades, China has gradually recaptured its position as the world's biggest producer and exporter of raw silk and silk yarn. Today, around 125,000 metric tons of silk are produced in the world, and almost two thirds of that production takes place in China. | Most tradesmen only went along certain sections of the Silk Road. | entailment |
id_5767 | THE STORY OF SILK. The history of the world's most luxurious fabric, from ancient China to the present day Silk is a fine, smooth material produced from the cocoons soft protective shells that are made by mulberry silkworms (insect larvae). Legend has it that it was Lei Tzu, wife of the Yellow Emperor, ruler of China in about 3000 BC, who discovered silkworms. One account of the story goes that as she was taking a walk in her husband's gardens, she discovered that silkworms were responsible for the destruction of several mulberry trees. She collected a number of cocoons and sat down to have a rest. It just so happened that while she was sipping some tea, one of the cocoons that she had collected landed in the hot tea and started to unravel into a fine thread. Lei Tzu found that she could wind this thread around her fingers. Subsequently, she persuaded her husband to allow her to rear silkworms on a grove of mulberry trees. She also devised a special reel to draw the fibres from the cocoon into a single thread so that they would be strong enough to be woven into fabric. While it is unknown just how much of this is true, it is certainly known that silk cultivation has existed in China for several millennia. Originally, silkworm farming was solely restricted to women, and it was they who were responsible for the growing, harvesting and weaving. Silk quickly grew into a symbol of status, and originally, only royalty were entitled to have clothes made of silk. The rules were gradually relaxed over the years until finally during the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911 AD), even peasants, the lowest caste, were also entitled to wear silk. Sometime during the Han Dynasty (206 BC-220 AD), silk was so prized that it was also used as a unit of currency. Government officials were paid their salary in silk, and farmers paid their taxes in grain and silk. Silk was also used as diplomatic gifts by the emperor. Fishing lines, bowstrings, musical instruments and paper were all made using silk. The earliest indication of silk paper being used was discovered in the tomb of a noble who is estimated to have died around 168 AD. Demand for this exotic fabric eventually created the lucrative trade route now known as the Silk Road, taking silk westward and bringing gold, silver and wool to the East. It was named the Silk Road after its most precious commodity, which was considered to be worth more than gold. The Silk Road stretched over 6,000 kilometres from Eastern China to the Mediterranean Sea, following the Great Wall of China, climbing the Pamir mountain range, crossing modern-day Afghanistan and going on to the Middle East, with a major trading market in Damascus. From there, the merchandise was shipped across the Mediterranean Sea. Few merchants travelled the entire route; goods were handled mostly by a series of middlemen. With the mulberry silkworm being native to China, the country was the world's sole producer of silk for many hundreds of years. The secret of silk-making eventually reached the rest of the world via the Byzantine Empire, which ruled over the Mediterranean region of southern Europe, North Africa and the Middle East during the period 330-1453 AD. According to another legend, monks working for the Byzantine emperor Justinian smuggled silkworm eggs to Constantinople (Istanbul in modern-day Turkey) in 550 AD, concealed inside hollow bamboo walking canes. The Byzantines were as secretive as the Chinese, however, and for many centuries the weaving and trading of silk fabric was a strict imperial monopoly. Then in the seventh century, the Arabs conquered Persia, capturing their magnificent silks in the process. Silk production thus spread through Africa, Sicily and Spain as the Arabs swept through these lands. Andalusia in southern Spain was Europe's main silk-producing centre in the tenth century. By the thirteenth century, however, Italy had become Europe's leader in silk production and export. Venetian merchants traded extensively in silk and encouraged silk growers to settle in Italy. Even now, silk processed in the province of Como in northern Italy enjoys an esteemed reputation. The nineteenth century and industrialisation saw the downfall of the European silk industry. Cheaper Japanese silk, trade in which was greatly facilitated by the opening of the Suez Canal, was one of the many factors driving the trend. Then in the twentieth century, new manmade fibres, such as nylon, started to be used in what had traditionally been silk products, such as stockings and parachutes. The two world wars, which interrupted the supply of raw material from Japan, also stifled the European silk industry. After the Second World War, Japan's silk production was restored, with improved production and quality of raw silk. Japan was to remain the world's biggest producer of raw silk, and practically the only major exporter of raw silk, until the 1970s. However, in more recent decades, China has gradually recaptured its position as the world's biggest producer and exporter of raw silk and silk yarn. Today, around 125,000 metric tons of silk are produced in the world, and almost two thirds of that production takes place in China. | The Byzantines spread the practice of silk production across the West. | contradiction |
id_5768 | THE STORY OF SILK. The history of the world's most luxurious fabric, from ancient China to the present day Silk is a fine, smooth material produced from the cocoons soft protective shells that are made by mulberry silkworms (insect larvae). Legend has it that it was Lei Tzu, wife of the Yellow Emperor, ruler of China in about 3000 BC, who discovered silkworms. One account of the story goes that as she was taking a walk in her husband's gardens, she discovered that silkworms were responsible for the destruction of several mulberry trees. She collected a number of cocoons and sat down to have a rest. It just so happened that while she was sipping some tea, one of the cocoons that she had collected landed in the hot tea and started to unravel into a fine thread. Lei Tzu found that she could wind this thread around her fingers. Subsequently, she persuaded her husband to allow her to rear silkworms on a grove of mulberry trees. She also devised a special reel to draw the fibres from the cocoon into a single thread so that they would be strong enough to be woven into fabric. While it is unknown just how much of this is true, it is certainly known that silk cultivation has existed in China for several millennia. Originally, silkworm farming was solely restricted to women, and it was they who were responsible for the growing, harvesting and weaving. Silk quickly grew into a symbol of status, and originally, only royalty were entitled to have clothes made of silk. The rules were gradually relaxed over the years until finally during the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911 AD), even peasants, the lowest caste, were also entitled to wear silk. Sometime during the Han Dynasty (206 BC-220 AD), silk was so prized that it was also used as a unit of currency. Government officials were paid their salary in silk, and farmers paid their taxes in grain and silk. Silk was also used as diplomatic gifts by the emperor. Fishing lines, bowstrings, musical instruments and paper were all made using silk. The earliest indication of silk paper being used was discovered in the tomb of a noble who is estimated to have died around 168 AD. Demand for this exotic fabric eventually created the lucrative trade route now known as the Silk Road, taking silk westward and bringing gold, silver and wool to the East. It was named the Silk Road after its most precious commodity, which was considered to be worth more than gold. The Silk Road stretched over 6,000 kilometres from Eastern China to the Mediterranean Sea, following the Great Wall of China, climbing the Pamir mountain range, crossing modern-day Afghanistan and going on to the Middle East, with a major trading market in Damascus. From there, the merchandise was shipped across the Mediterranean Sea. Few merchants travelled the entire route; goods were handled mostly by a series of middlemen. With the mulberry silkworm being native to China, the country was the world's sole producer of silk for many hundreds of years. The secret of silk-making eventually reached the rest of the world via the Byzantine Empire, which ruled over the Mediterranean region of southern Europe, North Africa and the Middle East during the period 330-1453 AD. According to another legend, monks working for the Byzantine emperor Justinian smuggled silkworm eggs to Constantinople (Istanbul in modern-day Turkey) in 550 AD, concealed inside hollow bamboo walking canes. The Byzantines were as secretive as the Chinese, however, and for many centuries the weaving and trading of silk fabric was a strict imperial monopoly. Then in the seventh century, the Arabs conquered Persia, capturing their magnificent silks in the process. Silk production thus spread through Africa, Sicily and Spain as the Arabs swept through these lands. Andalusia in southern Spain was Europe's main silk-producing centre in the tenth century. By the thirteenth century, however, Italy had become Europe's leader in silk production and export. Venetian merchants traded extensively in silk and encouraged silk growers to settle in Italy. Even now, silk processed in the province of Como in northern Italy enjoys an esteemed reputation. The nineteenth century and industrialisation saw the downfall of the European silk industry. Cheaper Japanese silk, trade in which was greatly facilitated by the opening of the Suez Canal, was one of the many factors driving the trend. Then in the twentieth century, new manmade fibres, such as nylon, started to be used in what had traditionally been silk products, such as stockings and parachutes. The two world wars, which interrupted the supply of raw material from Japan, also stifled the European silk industry. After the Second World War, Japan's silk production was restored, with improved production and quality of raw silk. Japan was to remain the world's biggest producer of raw silk, and practically the only major exporter of raw silk, until the 1970s. However, in more recent decades, China has gradually recaptured its position as the world's biggest producer and exporter of raw silk and silk yarn. Today, around 125,000 metric tons of silk are produced in the world, and almost two thirds of that production takes place in China. | Silk yarn makes up the majority of silk currently exported from China. | neutral |
id_5769 | THE STORY OF SILK. The history of the worlds most luxurious fabric, from ancient China to the present day Silk is a fine, smooth material produced from the cocoons soft protective shells that are made by mulberry silkworms (insect larvae). Legend has it that it was Lei Tzu, wife of the Yellow Emperor, ruler of China in about 3000 BC, who discovered silkworms. One account of the story goes that as she was taking a walk in her husbands gardens, she discovered that silkworms were responsible for the destruction of several mulberry trees. She collected a number of cocoons and sat down to have a rest. It just so happened that while she was sipping some tea, one of the cocoons that she had collected landed in the hot tea and started to unravel into a fine thread. Lei Tzu found that she could wind this thread around her fingers. Subsequently, she persuaded her husband to allow her to rear silkworms on a grove of mulberry trees. She also devised a special reel to draw the fibres from the cocoon into a single thread so that they would be strong enough to be woven into fabric. While it is unknown just how much of this is true, it is certainly known that silk cultivation has existed in China for several millennia. Originally, silkworm farming was solely restricted to women, and it was they who were responsible for the growing, harvesting and weaving. Silk quickly grew into a symbol of status, and originally, only royalty were entitled to have clothes made of silk. The rules were gradually relaxed over the years until finally during the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911 AD), even peasants, the lowest caste, were also entitled to wear silk. Sometime during the Han Dynasty (206 BC-220 AD), silk was so prized that it was also used as a unit of currency. Government officials were paid their salary in silk, and farmers paid their taxes in grain and silk. Silk was also used as diplomatic gifts by the emperor. Fishing lines, bowstrings, musical instruments and paper were all made using silk. The earliest indication of silk paper being used was discovered in the tomb of a noble who is estimated to have died around 168 AD. Demand for this exotic fabric eventually created the lucrative trade route now known as the Silk Road, taking silk westward and bringing gold, silver and wool to the East. It was named the Silk Road after its most precious commodity, which was considered to be worth more than gold. The Silk Road stretched over 6,000 kilometres from Eastern China to the Mediterranean Sea, following the Great Wall of China, climbing the Pamir mountain range, crossing modern-day Afghanistan and going on to the Middle East, with a major trading market in Damascus. From there, the merchandise was shipped across the Mediterranean Sea. Few merchants travelled the entire route; goods were handled mostly by a series of middlemen. With the mulberry silkworm being native to China, the country was the worlds sole producer of silk for many hundreds of years. The secret of silk-making eventually reached the rest of the world via the Byzantine Empire, which ruled over the Mediterranean region of southern Europe, North Africa and the Middle East during the period 330-1453 AD. According to another legend, monks working for the Byzantine emperor Justinian smuggled silkworm eggs to Constantinople (Istanbul in modern-day Turkey) in 550 AD, concealed inside hollow bamboo walking canes. The Byzantines were as secretive as the Chinese, however, and for many centuries the weaving and trading of silk fabric was a strict imperial monopoly. Then in the seventh century, the Arabs conquered Persia, capturing their magnificent silks in the process. Silk production thus spread through Africa, Sicily and Spain as the Arabs swept through these lands. Andalusia in southern Spain was Europes main silk-producing centre in the tenth century. By the thirteenth century, however, Italy had become Europes leader in silk production and export. Venetian merchants traded extensively in silk and encouraged silk growers to settle in Italy. Even now, silk processed in the province of Como in northern Italy enjoys an esteemed reputation. The nineteenth century and industrialisation saw the downfall of the European silk industry. Cheaper Japanese silk, trade in which was greatly facilitated by the opening of the Suez Canal, was one of the many factors driving the trend. Then in the twentieth century, new manmade fibres, such as nylon, started to be used in what had traditionally been silk products, such as stockings and parachutes. The two world wars, which interrupted the supply of raw material from Japan, also stifled the European silk industry. After the Second World War, Japans silk production was restored, with improved production and quality of raw silk. Japan was to remain the worlds biggest producer of raw silk, and practically the only major exporter of raw silk, until the 1970s. However, in more recent decades, China has gradually recaptured its position as the worlds biggest producer and exporter of raw silk and silk yarn. Today, around 125,000 metric tons of silk are produced in the world, and almost two thirds of that production takes place in China. | Silk yarn makes up the majority of silk currently exported from China. | neutral |
id_5770 | THE STORY OF SILK. The history of the worlds most luxurious fabric, from ancient China to the present day Silk is a fine, smooth material produced from the cocoons soft protective shells that are made by mulberry silkworms (insect larvae). Legend has it that it was Lei Tzu, wife of the Yellow Emperor, ruler of China in about 3000 BC, who discovered silkworms. One account of the story goes that as she was taking a walk in her husbands gardens, she discovered that silkworms were responsible for the destruction of several mulberry trees. She collected a number of cocoons and sat down to have a rest. It just so happened that while she was sipping some tea, one of the cocoons that she had collected landed in the hot tea and started to unravel into a fine thread. Lei Tzu found that she could wind this thread around her fingers. Subsequently, she persuaded her husband to allow her to rear silkworms on a grove of mulberry trees. She also devised a special reel to draw the fibres from the cocoon into a single thread so that they would be strong enough to be woven into fabric. While it is unknown just how much of this is true, it is certainly known that silk cultivation has existed in China for several millennia. Originally, silkworm farming was solely restricted to women, and it was they who were responsible for the growing, harvesting and weaving. Silk quickly grew into a symbol of status, and originally, only royalty were entitled to have clothes made of silk. The rules were gradually relaxed over the years until finally during the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911 AD), even peasants, the lowest caste, were also entitled to wear silk. Sometime during the Han Dynasty (206 BC-220 AD), silk was so prized that it was also used as a unit of currency. Government officials were paid their salary in silk, and farmers paid their taxes in grain and silk. Silk was also used as diplomatic gifts by the emperor. Fishing lines, bowstrings, musical instruments and paper were all made using silk. The earliest indication of silk paper being used was discovered in the tomb of a noble who is estimated to have died around 168 AD. Demand for this exotic fabric eventually created the lucrative trade route now known as the Silk Road, taking silk westward and bringing gold, silver and wool to the East. It was named the Silk Road after its most precious commodity, which was considered to be worth more than gold. The Silk Road stretched over 6,000 kilometres from Eastern China to the Mediterranean Sea, following the Great Wall of China, climbing the Pamir mountain range, crossing modern-day Afghanistan and going on to the Middle East, with a major trading market in Damascus. From there, the merchandise was shipped across the Mediterranean Sea. Few merchants travelled the entire route; goods were handled mostly by a series of middlemen. With the mulberry silkworm being native to China, the country was the worlds sole producer of silk for many hundreds of years. The secret of silk-making eventually reached the rest of the world via the Byzantine Empire, which ruled over the Mediterranean region of southern Europe, North Africa and the Middle East during the period 330-1453 AD. According to another legend, monks working for the Byzantine emperor Justinian smuggled silkworm eggs to Constantinople (Istanbul in modern-day Turkey) in 550 AD, concealed inside hollow bamboo walking canes. The Byzantines were as secretive as the Chinese, however, and for many centuries the weaving and trading of silk fabric was a strict imperial monopoly. Then in the seventh century, the Arabs conquered Persia, capturing their magnificent silks in the process. Silk production thus spread through Africa, Sicily and Spain as the Arabs swept through these lands. Andalusia in southern Spain was Europes main silk-producing centre in the tenth century. By the thirteenth century, however, Italy had become Europes leader in silk production and export. Venetian merchants traded extensively in silk and encouraged silk growers to settle in Italy. Even now, silk processed in the province of Como in northern Italy enjoys an esteemed reputation. The nineteenth century and industrialisation saw the downfall of the European silk industry. Cheaper Japanese silk, trade in which was greatly facilitated by the opening of the Suez Canal, was one of the many factors driving the trend. Then in the twentieth century, new manmade fibres, such as nylon, started to be used in what had traditionally been silk products, such as stockings and parachutes. The two world wars, which interrupted the supply of raw material from Japan, also stifled the European silk industry. After the Second World War, Japans silk production was restored, with improved production and quality of raw silk. Japan was to remain the worlds biggest producer of raw silk, and practically the only major exporter of raw silk, until the 1970s. However, in more recent decades, China has gradually recaptured its position as the worlds biggest producer and exporter of raw silk and silk yarn. Today, around 125,000 metric tons of silk are produced in the world, and almost two thirds of that production takes place in China. | The Byzantines spread the practice of silk production across the West. | contradiction |
id_5771 | THE STORY OF SILK. The history of the worlds most luxurious fabric, from ancient China to the present day Silk is a fine, smooth material produced from the cocoons soft protective shells that are made by mulberry silkworms (insect larvae). Legend has it that it was Lei Tzu, wife of the Yellow Emperor, ruler of China in about 3000 BC, who discovered silkworms. One account of the story goes that as she was taking a walk in her husbands gardens, she discovered that silkworms were responsible for the destruction of several mulberry trees. She collected a number of cocoons and sat down to have a rest. It just so happened that while she was sipping some tea, one of the cocoons that she had collected landed in the hot tea and started to unravel into a fine thread. Lei Tzu found that she could wind this thread around her fingers. Subsequently, she persuaded her husband to allow her to rear silkworms on a grove of mulberry trees. She also devised a special reel to draw the fibres from the cocoon into a single thread so that they would be strong enough to be woven into fabric. While it is unknown just how much of this is true, it is certainly known that silk cultivation has existed in China for several millennia. Originally, silkworm farming was solely restricted to women, and it was they who were responsible for the growing, harvesting and weaving. Silk quickly grew into a symbol of status, and originally, only royalty were entitled to have clothes made of silk. The rules were gradually relaxed over the years until finally during the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911 AD), even peasants, the lowest caste, were also entitled to wear silk. Sometime during the Han Dynasty (206 BC-220 AD), silk was so prized that it was also used as a unit of currency. Government officials were paid their salary in silk, and farmers paid their taxes in grain and silk. Silk was also used as diplomatic gifts by the emperor. Fishing lines, bowstrings, musical instruments and paper were all made using silk. The earliest indication of silk paper being used was discovered in the tomb of a noble who is estimated to have died around 168 AD. Demand for this exotic fabric eventually created the lucrative trade route now known as the Silk Road, taking silk westward and bringing gold, silver and wool to the East. It was named the Silk Road after its most precious commodity, which was considered to be worth more than gold. The Silk Road stretched over 6,000 kilometres from Eastern China to the Mediterranean Sea, following the Great Wall of China, climbing the Pamir mountain range, crossing modern-day Afghanistan and going on to the Middle East, with a major trading market in Damascus. From there, the merchandise was shipped across the Mediterranean Sea. Few merchants travelled the entire route; goods were handled mostly by a series of middlemen. With the mulberry silkworm being native to China, the country was the worlds sole producer of silk for many hundreds of years. The secret of silk-making eventually reached the rest of the world via the Byzantine Empire, which ruled over the Mediterranean region of southern Europe, North Africa and the Middle East during the period 330-1453 AD. According to another legend, monks working for the Byzantine emperor Justinian smuggled silkworm eggs to Constantinople (Istanbul in modern-day Turkey) in 550 AD, concealed inside hollow bamboo walking canes. The Byzantines were as secretive as the Chinese, however, and for many centuries the weaving and trading of silk fabric was a strict imperial monopoly. Then in the seventh century, the Arabs conquered Persia, capturing their magnificent silks in the process. Silk production thus spread through Africa, Sicily and Spain as the Arabs swept through these lands. Andalusia in southern Spain was Europes main silk-producing centre in the tenth century. By the thirteenth century, however, Italy had become Europes leader in silk production and export. Venetian merchants traded extensively in silk and encouraged silk growers to settle in Italy. Even now, silk processed in the province of Como in northern Italy enjoys an esteemed reputation. The nineteenth century and industrialisation saw the downfall of the European silk industry. Cheaper Japanese silk, trade in which was greatly facilitated by the opening of the Suez Canal, was one of the many factors driving the trend. Then in the twentieth century, new manmade fibres, such as nylon, started to be used in what had traditionally been silk products, such as stockings and parachutes. The two world wars, which interrupted the supply of raw material from Japan, also stifled the European silk industry. After the Second World War, Japans silk production was restored, with improved production and quality of raw silk. Japan was to remain the worlds biggest producer of raw silk, and practically the only major exporter of raw silk, until the 1970s. However, in more recent decades, China has gradually recaptured its position as the worlds biggest producer and exporter of raw silk and silk yarn. Today, around 125,000 metric tons of silk are produced in the world, and almost two thirds of that production takes place in China. | Most tradesmen only went along certain sections of the Silk Road. | entailment |
id_5772 | THE STORY OF SILK. The history of the worlds most luxurious fabric, from ancient China to the present day Silk is a fine, smooth material produced from the cocoons soft protective shells that are made by mulberry silkworms (insect larvae). Legend has it that it was Lei Tzu, wife of the Yellow Emperor, ruler of China in about 3000 BC, who discovered silkworms. One account of the story goes that as she was taking a walk in her husbands gardens, she discovered that silkworms were responsible for the destruction of several mulberry trees. She collected a number of cocoons and sat down to have a rest. It just so happened that while she was sipping some tea, one of the cocoons that she had collected landed in the hot tea and started to unravel into a fine thread. Lei Tzu found that she could wind this thread around her fingers. Subsequently, she persuaded her husband to allow her to rear silkworms on a grove of mulberry trees. She also devised a special reel to draw the fibres from the cocoon into a single thread so that they would be strong enough to be woven into fabric. While it is unknown just how much of this is true, it is certainly known that silk cultivation has existed in China for several millennia. Originally, silkworm farming was solely restricted to women, and it was they who were responsible for the growing, harvesting and weaving. Silk quickly grew into a symbol of status, and originally, only royalty were entitled to have clothes made of silk. The rules were gradually relaxed over the years until finally during the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911 AD), even peasants, the lowest caste, were also entitled to wear silk. Sometime during the Han Dynasty (206 BC-220 AD), silk was so prized that it was also used as a unit of currency. Government officials were paid their salary in silk, and farmers paid their taxes in grain and silk. Silk was also used as diplomatic gifts by the emperor. Fishing lines, bowstrings, musical instruments and paper were all made using silk. The earliest indication of silk paper being used was discovered in the tomb of a noble who is estimated to have died around 168 AD. Demand for this exotic fabric eventually created the lucrative trade route now known as the Silk Road, taking silk westward and bringing gold, silver and wool to the East. It was named the Silk Road after its most precious commodity, which was considered to be worth more than gold. The Silk Road stretched over 6,000 kilometres from Eastern China to the Mediterranean Sea, following the Great Wall of China, climbing the Pamir mountain range, crossing modern-day Afghanistan and going on to the Middle East, with a major trading market in Damascus. From there, the merchandise was shipped across the Mediterranean Sea. Few merchants travelled the entire route; goods were handled mostly by a series of middlemen. With the mulberry silkworm being native to China, the country was the worlds sole producer of silk for many hundreds of years. The secret of silk-making eventually reached the rest of the world via the Byzantine Empire, which ruled over the Mediterranean region of southern Europe, North Africa and the Middle East during the period 330-1453 AD. According to another legend, monks working for the Byzantine emperor Justinian smuggled silkworm eggs to Constantinople (Istanbul in modern-day Turkey) in 550 AD, concealed inside hollow bamboo walking canes. The Byzantines were as secretive as the Chinese, however, and for many centuries the weaving and trading of silk fabric was a strict imperial monopoly. Then in the seventh century, the Arabs conquered Persia, capturing their magnificent silks in the process. Silk production thus spread through Africa, Sicily and Spain as the Arabs swept through these lands. Andalusia in southern Spain was Europes main silk-producing centre in the tenth century. By the thirteenth century, however, Italy had become Europes leader in silk production and export. Venetian merchants traded extensively in silk and encouraged silk growers to settle in Italy. Even now, silk processed in the province of Como in northern Italy enjoys an esteemed reputation. The nineteenth century and industrialisation saw the downfall of the European silk industry. Cheaper Japanese silk, trade in which was greatly facilitated by the opening of the Suez Canal, was one of the many factors driving the trend. Then in the twentieth century, new manmade fibres, such as nylon, started to be used in what had traditionally been silk products, such as stockings and parachutes. The two world wars, which interrupted the supply of raw material from Japan, also stifled the European silk industry. After the Second World War, Japans silk production was restored, with improved production and quality of raw silk. Japan was to remain the worlds biggest producer of raw silk, and practically the only major exporter of raw silk, until the 1970s. However, in more recent decades, China has gradually recaptured its position as the worlds biggest producer and exporter of raw silk and silk yarn. Today, around 125,000 metric tons of silk are produced in the world, and almost two thirds of that production takes place in China. | Gold was the most valuable material transported along the Silk Road. | contradiction |
id_5773 | THE WILD SIDE OF TOWN The past half century has seen an interesting reversal in the fortunes of much of Britains wildlife. Whilst the rural countryside has become poorer and poorer, wildlife habitat in towns has burgeoned. Now, if you want to hear a deafening dawn chorus of birds or familiarise yourself with foxes, you can head for the urban forest. Whilst species that depend on wide open spaces such as the hare, the eagle and the red deer may still be restricted to remote rural landscapes, many of our wild plants and animals find the urban ecosystem ideal. This really should be no surprise, since it is the fragmentation and agrochemical pollution in the farming lowlands that has led to the catastrophic decline of so many species. By contrast, most urban open spaces have escaped the worst of the pesticide revolution, and they are an intimate mosaic of interconnected habitats. Over the years, the cutting down of hedgerows on farmland has contributed to habitat isolation and species loss. In towns, the tangle of canals, railway embankments, road verges and boundary hedges lace the landscape together, providing first-class ecological corridors for species such as hedgehogs, kingfishers and dragonflies. Urban parks and formal recreation grounds are valuable for some species, and many of them are increasingly managed with wildlife in mind. But in many places their significance is eclipsed by the huge legacy of post-industrial land demolished factories, waste tips, quarries, redundant railway yards and other so-called brownfield sites. In Merseyside, South Yorkshire and the West Midlands, much of this has been spectacularly colonised with birch and willow woodland, herb-rich grassland and shallow wetlands. As a consequence, there are song birds and predators in abundance over these once-industrial landscapes. There are fifteen million domestic gardens in the UK. and whilst some are still managed as lifeless chemical war zones, most benefit the local wildlife, either through benign neglect or positive encouragement. Those that do best tend to be woodland species, and the garden lawns and flower borders, climber-covered fences, shrubberies and fruit trees are a plausible alternative. Indeed, in some respects gardens are rather better than the real thing, especially with exotic flowers extending the nectar season. Birdfeeders can also supplement the natural seed supply, and only the millions of domestic cats may spoil the scene. As Britains gardeners have embraced the idea of gardening with nature, wildlifes response has been spectacular. Between 1990 and the year 2000. the number of different bird species seen at artificial feeders in gardens increased from 17 to an amazing 81. The BUGS project (Biodiversity in Urban Gardens in Sheffield) calculates that there are 25.000 garden ponds and 100.000 nest boxes in that one city alone. We are at last acknowledging that the wildlife habitat in towns provides a valuable life support system. The canopy of the urban forest is filtering air pollution, and intercepting rainstorms, allowing the water to drip more gradually to the ground. Sustainable urban drainage relies on ponds and wetlands to contain storm water runoff, thus reducing the risk of flooding, whilst reed beds and other wetland wildlife communities also help to clean up the water. We now have scientific proof that contact with wildlife close to home can help to reduce stress and anger. Hospital patients with a view of natural green space make a more rapid recovery and suffer less pain. Traditionally, nature conservation in the UK has been seen as marginal and largely rural. Now we are beginning to place it at the heart of urban environmental and economic policy. There are now dozens of schemes to create new habitats and restore old ones in and around our big cities. Biodiversity is big in parts of London. thanks to schemes such as the London Wetland Centre in the south west of the city. This is a unique scheme masterminded by the Wildfowl and Wetlands Trust to create a wildlife reserve out of a redundant Victorian reservoir. Within five years of its creation the Centre has been hailed as one of the top sites for nature in England and made a Site of Special Scientific Interest. It consists of a 105-acre wetland site, which is made up of different wetland habitats of shallow, open water and grazing marsh. The site attracts more than 104 species of bird, including nationally important rarities like the bittern. We need to remember that if we work with wildlife, then wildlife will work for us and this is the very essence of sustainable development. | Public parks and gardens are being expanded to encourage wildlife. | neutral |
id_5774 | THE WILD SIDE OF TOWN The past half century has seen an interesting reversal in the fortunes of much of Britains wildlife. Whilst the rural countryside has become poorer and poorer, wildlife habitat in towns has burgeoned. Now, if you want to hear a deafening dawn chorus of birds or familiarise yourself with foxes, you can head for the urban forest. Whilst species that depend on wide open spaces such as the hare, the eagle and the red deer may still be restricted to remote rural landscapes, many of our wild plants and animals find the urban ecosystem ideal. This really should be no surprise, since it is the fragmentation and agrochemical pollution in the farming lowlands that has led to the catastrophic decline of so many species. By contrast, most urban open spaces have escaped the worst of the pesticide revolution, and they are an intimate mosaic of interconnected habitats. Over the years, the cutting down of hedgerows on farmland has contributed to habitat isolation and species loss. In towns, the tangle of canals, railway embankments, road verges and boundary hedges lace the landscape together, providing first-class ecological corridors for species such as hedgehogs, kingfishers and dragonflies. Urban parks and formal recreation grounds are valuable for some species, and many of them are increasingly managed with wildlife in mind. But in many places their significance is eclipsed by the huge legacy of post-industrial land demolished factories, waste tips, quarries, redundant railway yards and other so-called brownfield sites. In Merseyside, South Yorkshire and the West Midlands, much of this has been spectacularly colonised with birch and willow woodland, herb-rich grassland and shallow wetlands. As a consequence, there are song birds and predators in abundance over these once-industrial landscapes. There are fifteen million domestic gardens in the UK. and whilst some are still managed as lifeless chemical war zones, most benefit the local wildlife, either through benign neglect or positive encouragement. Those that do best tend to be woodland species, and the garden lawns and flower borders, climber-covered fences, shrubberies and fruit trees are a plausible alternative. Indeed, in some respects gardens are rather better than the real thing, especially with exotic flowers extending the nectar season. Birdfeeders can also supplement the natural seed supply, and only the millions of domestic cats may spoil the scene. As Britains gardeners have embraced the idea of gardening with nature, wildlifes response has been spectacular. Between 1990 and the year 2000. the number of different bird species seen at artificial feeders in gardens increased from 17 to an amazing 81. The BUGS project (Biodiversity in Urban Gardens in Sheffield) calculates that there are 25.000 garden ponds and 100.000 nest boxes in that one city alone. We are at last acknowledging that the wildlife habitat in towns provides a valuable life support system. The canopy of the urban forest is filtering air pollution, and intercepting rainstorms, allowing the water to drip more gradually to the ground. Sustainable urban drainage relies on ponds and wetlands to contain storm water runoff, thus reducing the risk of flooding, whilst reed beds and other wetland wildlife communities also help to clean up the water. We now have scientific proof that contact with wildlife close to home can help to reduce stress and anger. Hospital patients with a view of natural green space make a more rapid recovery and suffer less pain. Traditionally, nature conservation in the UK has been seen as marginal and largely rural. Now we are beginning to place it at the heart of urban environmental and economic policy. There are now dozens of schemes to create new habitats and restore old ones in and around our big cities. Biodiversity is big in parts of London. thanks to schemes such as the London Wetland Centre in the south west of the city. This is a unique scheme masterminded by the Wildfowl and Wetlands Trust to create a wildlife reserve out of a redundant Victorian reservoir. Within five years of its creation the Centre has been hailed as one of the top sites for nature in England and made a Site of Special Scientific Interest. It consists of a 105-acre wetland site, which is made up of different wetland habitats of shallow, open water and grazing marsh. The site attracts more than 104 species of bird, including nationally important rarities like the bittern. We need to remember that if we work with wildlife, then wildlife will work for us and this is the very essence of sustainable development. | New urban environments are planned to provide ecological corridors for wildlife. | neutral |
id_5775 | THE WILD SIDE OF TOWN The past half century has seen an interesting reversal in the fortunes of much of Britains wildlife. Whilst the rural countryside has become poorer and poorer, wildlife habitat in towns has burgeoned. Now, if you want to hear a deafening dawn chorus of birds or familiarise yourself with foxes, you can head for the urban forest. Whilst species that depend on wide open spaces such as the hare, the eagle and the red deer may still be restricted to remote rural landscapes, many of our wild plants and animals find the urban ecosystem ideal. This really should be no surprise, since it is the fragmentation and agrochemical pollution in the farming lowlands that has led to the catastrophic decline of so many species. By contrast, most urban open spaces have escaped the worst of the pesticide revolution, and they are an intimate mosaic of interconnected habitats. Over the years, the cutting down of hedgerows on farmland has contributed to habitat isolation and species loss. In towns, the tangle of canals, railway embankments, road verges and boundary hedges lace the landscape together, providing first-class ecological corridors for species such as hedgehogs, kingfishers and dragonflies. Urban parks and formal recreation grounds are valuable for some species, and many of them are increasingly managed with wildlife in mind. But in many places their significance is eclipsed by the huge legacy of post-industrial land demolished factories, waste tips, quarries, redundant railway yards and other so-called brownfield sites. In Merseyside, South Yorkshire and the West Midlands, much of this has been spectacularly colonised with birch and willow woodland, herb-rich grassland and shallow wetlands. As a consequence, there are song birds and predators in abundance over these once-industrial landscapes. There are fifteen million domestic gardens in the UK. and whilst some are still managed as lifeless chemical war zones, most benefit the local wildlife, either through benign neglect or positive encouragement. Those that do best tend to be woodland species, and the garden lawns and flower borders, climber-covered fences, shrubberies and fruit trees are a plausible alternative. Indeed, in some respects gardens are rather better than the real thing, especially with exotic flowers extending the nectar season. Birdfeeders can also supplement the natural seed supply, and only the millions of domestic cats may spoil the scene. As Britains gardeners have embraced the idea of gardening with nature, wildlifes response has been spectacular. Between 1990 and the year 2000. the number of different bird species seen at artificial feeders in gardens increased from 17 to an amazing 81. The BUGS project (Biodiversity in Urban Gardens in Sheffield) calculates that there are 25.000 garden ponds and 100.000 nest boxes in that one city alone. We are at last acknowledging that the wildlife habitat in towns provides a valuable life support system. The canopy of the urban forest is filtering air pollution, and intercepting rainstorms, allowing the water to drip more gradually to the ground. Sustainable urban drainage relies on ponds and wetlands to contain storm water runoff, thus reducing the risk of flooding, whilst reed beds and other wetland wildlife communities also help to clean up the water. We now have scientific proof that contact with wildlife close to home can help to reduce stress and anger. Hospital patients with a view of natural green space make a more rapid recovery and suffer less pain. Traditionally, nature conservation in the UK has been seen as marginal and largely rural. Now we are beginning to place it at the heart of urban environmental and economic policy. There are now dozens of schemes to create new habitats and restore old ones in and around our big cities. Biodiversity is big in parts of London. thanks to schemes such as the London Wetland Centre in the south west of the city. This is a unique scheme masterminded by the Wildfowl and Wetlands Trust to create a wildlife reserve out of a redundant Victorian reservoir. Within five years of its creation the Centre has been hailed as one of the top sites for nature in England and made a Site of Special Scientific Interest. It consists of a 105-acre wetland site, which is made up of different wetland habitats of shallow, open water and grazing marsh. The site attracts more than 104 species of bird, including nationally important rarities like the bittern. We need to remember that if we work with wildlife, then wildlife will work for us and this is the very essence of sustainable development. | In the past, hedges on farms used to link up different habitats. | entailment |
id_5776 | THE WILD SIDE OF TOWN The past half century has seen an interesting reversal in the fortunes of much of Britains wildlife. Whilst the rural countryside has become poorer and poorer, wildlife habitat in towns has burgeoned. Now, if you want to hear a deafening dawn chorus of birds or familiarise yourself with foxes, you can head for the urban forest. Whilst species that depend on wide open spaces such as the hare, the eagle and the red deer may still be restricted to remote rural landscapes, many of our wild plants and animals find the urban ecosystem ideal. This really should be no surprise, since it is the fragmentation and agrochemical pollution in the farming lowlands that has led to the catastrophic decline of so many species. By contrast, most urban open spaces have escaped the worst of the pesticide revolution, and they are an intimate mosaic of interconnected habitats. Over the years, the cutting down of hedgerows on farmland has contributed to habitat isolation and species loss. In towns, the tangle of canals, railway embankments, road verges and boundary hedges lace the landscape together, providing first-class ecological corridors for species such as hedgehogs, kingfishers and dragonflies. Urban parks and formal recreation grounds are valuable for some species, and many of them are increasingly managed with wildlife in mind. But in many places their significance is eclipsed by the huge legacy of post-industrial land demolished factories, waste tips, quarries, redundant railway yards and other so-called brownfield sites. In Merseyside, South Yorkshire and the West Midlands, much of this has been spectacularly colonised with birch and willow woodland, herb-rich grassland and shallow wetlands. As a consequence, there are song birds and predators in abundance over these once-industrial landscapes. There are fifteen million domestic gardens in the UK. and whilst some are still managed as lifeless chemical war zones, most benefit the local wildlife, either through benign neglect or positive encouragement. Those that do best tend to be woodland species, and the garden lawns and flower borders, climber-covered fences, shrubberies and fruit trees are a plausible alternative. Indeed, in some respects gardens are rather better than the real thing, especially with exotic flowers extending the nectar season. Birdfeeders can also supplement the natural seed supply, and only the millions of domestic cats may spoil the scene. As Britains gardeners have embraced the idea of gardening with nature, wildlifes response has been spectacular. Between 1990 and the year 2000. the number of different bird species seen at artificial feeders in gardens increased from 17 to an amazing 81. The BUGS project (Biodiversity in Urban Gardens in Sheffield) calculates that there are 25.000 garden ponds and 100.000 nest boxes in that one city alone. We are at last acknowledging that the wildlife habitat in towns provides a valuable life support system. The canopy of the urban forest is filtering air pollution, and intercepting rainstorms, allowing the water to drip more gradually to the ground. Sustainable urban drainage relies on ponds and wetlands to contain storm water runoff, thus reducing the risk of flooding, whilst reed beds and other wetland wildlife communities also help to clean up the water. We now have scientific proof that contact with wildlife close to home can help to reduce stress and anger. Hospital patients with a view of natural green space make a more rapid recovery and suffer less pain. Traditionally, nature conservation in the UK has been seen as marginal and largely rural. Now we are beginning to place it at the heart of urban environmental and economic policy. There are now dozens of schemes to create new habitats and restore old ones in and around our big cities. Biodiversity is big in parts of London. thanks to schemes such as the London Wetland Centre in the south west of the city. This is a unique scheme masterminded by the Wildfowl and Wetlands Trust to create a wildlife reserve out of a redundant Victorian reservoir. Within five years of its creation the Centre has been hailed as one of the top sites for nature in England and made a Site of Special Scientific Interest. It consists of a 105-acre wetland site, which is made up of different wetland habitats of shallow, open water and grazing marsh. The site attracts more than 104 species of bird, including nationally important rarities like the bittern. We need to remember that if we work with wildlife, then wildlife will work for us and this is the very essence of sustainable development. | Old industrial wastelands have damaged wildlife habitats in urban areas. | contradiction |
id_5777 | THE WILD SIDE OF TOWN The past half century has seen an interesting reversal in the fortunes of much of Britains wildlife. Whilst the rural countryside has become poorer and poorer, wildlife habitat in towns has burgeoned. Now, if you want to hear a deafening dawn chorus of birds or familiarise yourself with foxes, you can head for the urban forest. Whilst species that depend on wide open spaces such as the hare, the eagle and the red deer may still be restricted to remote rural landscapes, many of our wild plants and animals find the urban ecosystem ideal. This really should be no surprise, since it is the fragmentation and agrochemical pollution in the farming lowlands that has led to the catastrophic decline of so many species. By contrast, most urban open spaces have escaped the worst of the pesticide revolution, and they are an intimate mosaic of interconnected habitats. Over the years, the cutting down of hedgerows on farmland has contributed to habitat isolation and species loss. In towns, the tangle of canals, railway embankments, road verges and boundary hedges lace the landscape together, providing first-class ecological corridors for species such as hedgehogs, kingfishers and dragonflies. Urban parks and formal recreation grounds are valuable for some species, and many of them are increasingly managed with wildlife in mind. But in many places their significance is eclipsed by the huge legacy of post-industrial land demolished factories, waste tips, quarries, redundant railway yards and other so-called brownfield sites. In Merseyside, South Yorkshire and the West Midlands, much of this has been spectacularly colonised with birch and willow woodland, herb-rich grassland and shallow wetlands. As a consequence, there are song birds and predators in abundance over these once-industrial landscapes. There are fifteen million domestic gardens in the UK. and whilst some are still managed as lifeless chemical war zones, most benefit the local wildlife, either through benign neglect or positive encouragement. Those that do best tend to be woodland species, and the garden lawns and flower borders, climber-covered fences, shrubberies and fruit trees are a plausible alternative. Indeed, in some respects gardens are rather better than the real thing, especially with exotic flowers extending the nectar season. Birdfeeders can also supplement the natural seed supply, and only the millions of domestic cats may spoil the scene. As Britains gardeners have embraced the idea of gardening with nature, wildlifes response has been spectacular. Between 1990 and the year 2000. the number of different bird species seen at artificial feeders in gardens increased from 17 to an amazing 81. The BUGS project (Biodiversity in Urban Gardens in Sheffield) calculates that there are 25.000 garden ponds and 100.000 nest boxes in that one city alone. We are at last acknowledging that the wildlife habitat in towns provides a valuable life support system. The canopy of the urban forest is filtering air pollution, and intercepting rainstorms, allowing the water to drip more gradually to the ground. Sustainable urban drainage relies on ponds and wetlands to contain storm water runoff, thus reducing the risk of flooding, whilst reed beds and other wetland wildlife communities also help to clean up the water. We now have scientific proof that contact with wildlife close to home can help to reduce stress and anger. Hospital patients with a view of natural green space make a more rapid recovery and suffer less pain. Traditionally, nature conservation in the UK has been seen as marginal and largely rural. Now we are beginning to place it at the heart of urban environmental and economic policy. There are now dozens of schemes to create new habitats and restore old ones in and around our big cities. Biodiversity is big in parts of London. thanks to schemes such as the London Wetland Centre in the south west of the city. This is a unique scheme masterminded by the Wildfowl and Wetlands Trust to create a wildlife reserve out of a redundant Victorian reservoir. Within five years of its creation the Centre has been hailed as one of the top sites for nature in England and made a Site of Special Scientific Interest. It consists of a 105-acre wetland site, which is made up of different wetland habitats of shallow, open water and grazing marsh. The site attracts more than 104 species of bird, including nationally important rarities like the bittern. We need to remember that if we work with wildlife, then wildlife will work for us and this is the very essence of sustainable development. | There is now more wildlife in UK cities than in the countryside. | neutral |
id_5778 | THE WILD SIDE OF TOWN The past half century has seen an interesting reversal in the fortunes of much of Britains wildlife. Whilst the rural countryside has become poorer and poorer, wildlife habitat in towns has burgeoned. Now, if you want to hear a deafening dawn chorus of birds or familiarise yourself with foxes, you can head for the urban forest. Whilst species that depend on wide open spaces such as the hare, the eagle and the red deer may still be restricted to remote rural landscapes, many of our wild plants and animals find the urban ecosystem ideal. This really should be no surprise, since it is the fragmentation and agrochemical pollution in the farming lowlands that has led to the catastrophic decline of so many species. By contrast, most urban open spaces have escaped the worst of the pesticide revolution, and they are an intimate mosaic of interconnected habitats. Over the years, the cutting down of hedgerows on farmland has contributed to habitat isolation and species loss. In towns, the tangle of canals, railway embankments, road verges and boundary hedges lace the landscape together, providing first-class ecological corridors for species such as hedgehogs, kingfishers and dragonflies. Urban parks and formal recreation grounds are valuable for some species, and many of them are increasingly managed with wildlife in mind. But in many places their significance is eclipsed by the huge legacy of post-industrial land demolished factories, waste tips, quarries, redundant railway yards and other so-called brownfield sites. In Merseyside, South Yorkshire and the West Midlands, much of this has been spectacularly colonised with birch and willow woodland, herb-rich grassland and shallow wetlands. As a consequence, there are song birds and predators in abundance over these once-industrial landscapes. There are fifteen million domestic gardens in the UK. and whilst some are still managed as lifeless chemical war zones, most benefit the local wildlife, either through benign neglect or positive encouragement. Those that do best tend to be woodland species, and the garden lawns and flower borders, climber-covered fences, shrubberies and fruit trees are a plausible alternative. Indeed, in some respects gardens are rather better than the real thing, especially with exotic flowers extending the nectar season. Birdfeeders can also supplement the natural seed supply, and only the millions of domestic cats may spoil the scene. As Britains gardeners have embraced the idea of gardening with nature, wildlifes response has been spectacular. Between 1990 and the year 2000. the number of different bird species seen at artificial feeders in gardens increased from 17 to an amazing 81. The BUGS project (Biodiversity in Urban Gardens in Sheffield) calculates that there are 25.000 garden ponds and 100.000 nest boxes in that one city alone. We are at last acknowledging that the wildlife habitat in towns provides a valuable life support system. The canopy of the urban forest is filtering air pollution, and intercepting rainstorms, allowing the water to drip more gradually to the ground. Sustainable urban drainage relies on ponds and wetlands to contain storm water runoff, thus reducing the risk of flooding, whilst reed beds and other wetland wildlife communities also help to clean up the water. We now have scientific proof that contact with wildlife close to home can help to reduce stress and anger. Hospital patients with a view of natural green space make a more rapid recovery and suffer less pain. Traditionally, nature conservation in the UK has been seen as marginal and largely rural. Now we are beginning to place it at the heart of urban environmental and economic policy. There are now dozens of schemes to create new habitats and restore old ones in and around our big cities. Biodiversity is big in parts of London. thanks to schemes such as the London Wetland Centre in the south west of the city. This is a unique scheme masterminded by the Wildfowl and Wetlands Trust to create a wildlife reserve out of a redundant Victorian reservoir. Within five years of its creation the Centre has been hailed as one of the top sites for nature in England and made a Site of Special Scientific Interest. It consists of a 105-acre wetland site, which is made up of different wetland habitats of shallow, open water and grazing marsh. The site attracts more than 104 species of bird, including nationally important rarities like the bittern. We need to remember that if we work with wildlife, then wildlife will work for us and this is the very essence of sustainable development. | Rural wildlife has been reduced by the use of pesticides on farms. | entailment |
id_5779 | TITAN of technology Gordon Moore is the scientific brain behind Intel, the worlds biggest maker of computer chips. Both funny and self-deprecating, hes a shrewd businessman too, but admits to being an accidental entrepreneur, happier in the back room trading ideas with techies than out selling the product or chatting up the stockholders. When he applied for a job at Dow Chemical after gaining his PhD, the company psychologist ruled that it was okay technically, but that Id never manage anything. This year Intel is set to turn over $28 billion. When Moore co-founded Intel (short for Integrated Electronics) to develop integrated circuits thirty-five years ago, he provided the motive force in R&D (Research & Development) while his more extrovert partner Robert Noyce became the public face of the company. Intels ethos was distinctively Californian: laid- back, democratic, polo shirt and chinos. Moore worked in a cubicle like everyone else, never had a designated parking space and flew Economy. None of this implied lack of ambition. Moore and Noyce shared a vision, recognising that success depended just as much on intellectual pizazz as on Intels ability to deliver a product. Noyce himself received the first patent for an integrated circuit in 1961, while both partners were learning the business of electronics at Fair child Semiconductor. Fair childs success put money in Moore and Noyces pockets, but they were starved of R&D money. They resigned, frustrated, to found Intel in 1968. It was one of those rare periods when money was available, says Moore. They put in $250,000 each and drummed up another $2.5m of venture capital on the strength of a one-page business plan that said essentially nothing. Ownership was divided 50:50 between founders and backers. Three years later, Intels first microprocessor was released: the 4004, carrying 2,250 transistors. Progress after that was rapid. By the time the competition realised what was happening, Intel had amassed a seven-year R&D lead that it was never to relinquish. By the year 2000, Intels Pentium-4 chip was carrying 42 million transistors. Now, says Moore, we put a quarter of a billion transistors on a chip and are looking forward to a billion in the near future. The performance gains have been phenomenal. The 4004 ran at 108 kilohertz (108,000 hertz), the Pentium*4 at three gigahertz (3 billion hertz). Its calculated that if automobile speed had increased similarly over the same period, you could now drive from New York to San Francisco in six seconds. Moores prescience in forecasting this revolution is legendary. In 1965, while still head of the R&D laboratory at Fair child, he wrote a piece for Electronics magazine observing that over the first few years we had essentially doubled the complexity of integrated circuits every year. I blindly extrapolated for the next ten years and said wed go from about 60 to about 60,000 transistors on a chip. It proved a much more spot-on prediction than I could ever have imagined, up until then, integrated circuits had been expensive and had had principally military applications. But I could see that the economics were going to switch dramatically. This was going to become the cheapest way to make electronics. The prediction that a chips transistor-count and thus its performance would keep doubling every year soon proved so accurate that Carver Mead, a friend from Caltech, dubbed it Moores Law. The name has stuck. Moores Law has become the yardstick by which the exponential growth of the computer industry has been measured ever since. When, in 1975, Moore looked around him again and saw transistor-counts slowing, he predicted that in future chip-performance would double only every two years. But that proved pessimistic. Actual growth since then has split the difference between his two predictions, with performance doubling every 1 8 months. And theres a corollary, says Moore. If the cost of a given amount of computer power drops 50 per cent every 1 8 months, each time that happens the market explodes with new applications that hadnt been economical before. He sees the microprocessor as almost infinitely elastic. As prices fall, new applications keep emerging: smart light bulbs, flashing trainers or greetings cards that sing Happy Birthday. Where will it all stop? Well, its true, he says, that in a few more generations [of chips], the fact that materials are made of atoms starts to be a real problem. Essentially, you cant make things any smaller. But in practice, the day of reckoning is endlessly postponed as engineers find endlessly more ingenious ways of loading more transistors on a chip. I suspect I shared the feelings of everybody else that when we got to the dimensions of a micron [about 1986I, we wouldnt be able to continue because we were touching the wavelength of light. But as we got closer, the barriers just melted away, When conventional chips finally reach their limits, nanotechnology beckons. Researchers are already working on sci-fi sounding alternatives such as molecular computers, built atom by atom, that theoretically could process hundreds of thousands times more information than todays processors. Quantum computers using the state of electrons as the basis for calculation could operate still faster. On any measure, there looks to be plenty of life left in Moores Law yet. | Moore has always been confident that problems concerning the sire of components will be overcome. | contradiction |
id_5780 | TITAN of technology Gordon Moore is the scientific brain behind Intel, the worlds biggest maker of computer chips. Both funny and self-deprecating, hes a shrewd businessman too, but admits to being an accidental entrepreneur, happier in the back room trading ideas with techies than out selling the product or chatting up the stockholders. When he applied for a job at Dow Chemical after gaining his PhD, the company psychologist ruled that it was okay technically, but that Id never manage anything. This year Intel is set to turn over $28 billion. When Moore co-founded Intel (short for Integrated Electronics) to develop integrated circuits thirty-five years ago, he provided the motive force in R&D (Research & Development) while his more extrovert partner Robert Noyce became the public face of the company. Intels ethos was distinctively Californian: laid- back, democratic, polo shirt and chinos. Moore worked in a cubicle like everyone else, never had a designated parking space and flew Economy. None of this implied lack of ambition. Moore and Noyce shared a vision, recognising that success depended just as much on intellectual pizazz as on Intels ability to deliver a product. Noyce himself received the first patent for an integrated circuit in 1961, while both partners were learning the business of electronics at Fair child Semiconductor. Fair childs success put money in Moore and Noyces pockets, but they were starved of R&D money. They resigned, frustrated, to found Intel in 1968. It was one of those rare periods when money was available, says Moore. They put in $250,000 each and drummed up another $2.5m of venture capital on the strength of a one-page business plan that said essentially nothing. Ownership was divided 50:50 between founders and backers. Three years later, Intels first microprocessor was released: the 4004, carrying 2,250 transistors. Progress after that was rapid. By the time the competition realised what was happening, Intel had amassed a seven-year R&D lead that it was never to relinquish. By the year 2000, Intels Pentium-4 chip was carrying 42 million transistors. Now, says Moore, we put a quarter of a billion transistors on a chip and are looking forward to a billion in the near future. The performance gains have been phenomenal. The 4004 ran at 108 kilohertz (108,000 hertz), the Pentium*4 at three gigahertz (3 billion hertz). Its calculated that if automobile speed had increased similarly over the same period, you could now drive from New York to San Francisco in six seconds. Moores prescience in forecasting this revolution is legendary. In 1965, while still head of the R&D laboratory at Fair child, he wrote a piece for Electronics magazine observing that over the first few years we had essentially doubled the complexity of integrated circuits every year. I blindly extrapolated for the next ten years and said wed go from about 60 to about 60,000 transistors on a chip. It proved a much more spot-on prediction than I could ever have imagined, up until then, integrated circuits had been expensive and had had principally military applications. But I could see that the economics were going to switch dramatically. This was going to become the cheapest way to make electronics. The prediction that a chips transistor-count and thus its performance would keep doubling every year soon proved so accurate that Carver Mead, a friend from Caltech, dubbed it Moores Law. The name has stuck. Moores Law has become the yardstick by which the exponential growth of the computer industry has been measured ever since. When, in 1975, Moore looked around him again and saw transistor-counts slowing, he predicted that in future chip-performance would double only every two years. But that proved pessimistic. Actual growth since then has split the difference between his two predictions, with performance doubling every 1 8 months. And theres a corollary, says Moore. If the cost of a given amount of computer power drops 50 per cent every 1 8 months, each time that happens the market explodes with new applications that hadnt been economical before. He sees the microprocessor as almost infinitely elastic. As prices fall, new applications keep emerging: smart light bulbs, flashing trainers or greetings cards that sing Happy Birthday. Where will it all stop? Well, its true, he says, that in a few more generations [of chips], the fact that materials are made of atoms starts to be a real problem. Essentially, you cant make things any smaller. But in practice, the day of reckoning is endlessly postponed as engineers find endlessly more ingenious ways of loading more transistors on a chip. I suspect I shared the feelings of everybody else that when we got to the dimensions of a micron [about 1986I, we wouldnt be able to continue because we were touching the wavelength of light. But as we got closer, the barriers just melted away, When conventional chips finally reach their limits, nanotechnology beckons. Researchers are already working on sci-fi sounding alternatives such as molecular computers, built atom by atom, that theoretically could process hundreds of thousands times more information than todays processors. Quantum computers using the state of electrons as the basis for calculation could operate still faster. On any measure, there looks to be plenty of life left in Moores Law yet. | Intels Pentium 4 chip was more successful than Moore had anticipated. | neutral |
id_5781 | TITAN of technology Gordon Moore is the scientific brain behind Intel, the worlds biggest maker of computer chips. Both funny and self-deprecating, hes a shrewd businessman too, but admits to being an accidental entrepreneur, happier in the back room trading ideas with techies than out selling the product or chatting up the stockholders. When he applied for a job at Dow Chemical after gaining his PhD, the company psychologist ruled that it was okay technically, but that Id never manage anything. This year Intel is set to turn over $28 billion. When Moore co-founded Intel (short for Integrated Electronics) to develop integrated circuits thirty-five years ago, he provided the motive force in R&D (Research & Development) while his more extrovert partner Robert Noyce became the public face of the company. Intels ethos was distinctively Californian: laid- back, democratic, polo shirt and chinos. Moore worked in a cubicle like everyone else, never had a designated parking space and flew Economy. None of this implied lack of ambition. Moore and Noyce shared a vision, recognising that success depended just as much on intellectual pizazz as on Intels ability to deliver a product. Noyce himself received the first patent for an integrated circuit in 1961, while both partners were learning the business of electronics at Fair child Semiconductor. Fair childs success put money in Moore and Noyces pockets, but they were starved of R&D money. They resigned, frustrated, to found Intel in 1968. It was one of those rare periods when money was available, says Moore. They put in $250,000 each and drummed up another $2.5m of venture capital on the strength of a one-page business plan that said essentially nothing. Ownership was divided 50:50 between founders and backers. Three years later, Intels first microprocessor was released: the 4004, carrying 2,250 transistors. Progress after that was rapid. By the time the competition realised what was happening, Intel had amassed a seven-year R&D lead that it was never to relinquish. By the year 2000, Intels Pentium-4 chip was carrying 42 million transistors. Now, says Moore, we put a quarter of a billion transistors on a chip and are looking forward to a billion in the near future. The performance gains have been phenomenal. The 4004 ran at 108 kilohertz (108,000 hertz), the Pentium*4 at three gigahertz (3 billion hertz). Its calculated that if automobile speed had increased similarly over the same period, you could now drive from New York to San Francisco in six seconds. Moores prescience in forecasting this revolution is legendary. In 1965, while still head of the R&D laboratory at Fair child, he wrote a piece for Electronics magazine observing that over the first few years we had essentially doubled the complexity of integrated circuits every year. I blindly extrapolated for the next ten years and said wed go from about 60 to about 60,000 transistors on a chip. It proved a much more spot-on prediction than I could ever have imagined, up until then, integrated circuits had been expensive and had had principally military applications. But I could see that the economics were going to switch dramatically. This was going to become the cheapest way to make electronics. The prediction that a chips transistor-count and thus its performance would keep doubling every year soon proved so accurate that Carver Mead, a friend from Caltech, dubbed it Moores Law. The name has stuck. Moores Law has become the yardstick by which the exponential growth of the computer industry has been measured ever since. When, in 1975, Moore looked around him again and saw transistor-counts slowing, he predicted that in future chip-performance would double only every two years. But that proved pessimistic. Actual growth since then has split the difference between his two predictions, with performance doubling every 1 8 months. And theres a corollary, says Moore. If the cost of a given amount of computer power drops 50 per cent every 1 8 months, each time that happens the market explodes with new applications that hadnt been economical before. He sees the microprocessor as almost infinitely elastic. As prices fall, new applications keep emerging: smart light bulbs, flashing trainers or greetings cards that sing Happy Birthday. Where will it all stop? Well, its true, he says, that in a few more generations [of chips], the fact that materials are made of atoms starts to be a real problem. Essentially, you cant make things any smaller. But in practice, the day of reckoning is endlessly postponed as engineers find endlessly more ingenious ways of loading more transistors on a chip. I suspect I shared the feelings of everybody else that when we got to the dimensions of a micron [about 1986I, we wouldnt be able to continue because we were touching the wavelength of light. But as we got closer, the barriers just melted away, When conventional chips finally reach their limits, nanotechnology beckons. Researchers are already working on sci-fi sounding alternatives such as molecular computers, built atom by atom, that theoretically could process hundreds of thousands times more information than todays processors. Quantum computers using the state of electrons as the basis for calculation could operate still faster. On any measure, there looks to be plenty of life left in Moores Law yet. | Competitors soon came close to catching up with Intels progress. | contradiction |
id_5782 | TITAN of technology Gordon Moore is the scientific brain behind Intel, the worlds biggest maker of computer chips. Both funny and self-deprecating, hes a shrewd businessman too, but admits to being an accidental entrepreneur, happier in the back room trading ideas with techies than out selling the product or chatting up the stockholders. When he applied for a job at Dow Chemical after gaining his PhD, the company psychologist ruled that it was okay technically, but that Id never manage anything. This year Intel is set to turn over $28 billion. When Moore co-founded Intel (short for Integrated Electronics) to develop integrated circuits thirty-five years ago, he provided the motive force in R&D (Research & Development) while his more extrovert partner Robert Noyce became the public face of the company. Intels ethos was distinctively Californian: laid- back, democratic, polo shirt and chinos. Moore worked in a cubicle like everyone else, never had a designated parking space and flew Economy. None of this implied lack of ambition. Moore and Noyce shared a vision, recognising that success depended just as much on intellectual pizazz as on Intels ability to deliver a product. Noyce himself received the first patent for an integrated circuit in 1961, while both partners were learning the business of electronics at Fair child Semiconductor. Fair childs success put money in Moore and Noyces pockets, but they were starved of R&D money. They resigned, frustrated, to found Intel in 1968. It was one of those rare periods when money was available, says Moore. They put in $250,000 each and drummed up another $2.5m of venture capital on the strength of a one-page business plan that said essentially nothing. Ownership was divided 50:50 between founders and backers. Three years later, Intels first microprocessor was released: the 4004, carrying 2,250 transistors. Progress after that was rapid. By the time the competition realised what was happening, Intel had amassed a seven-year R&D lead that it was never to relinquish. By the year 2000, Intels Pentium-4 chip was carrying 42 million transistors. Now, says Moore, we put a quarter of a billion transistors on a chip and are looking forward to a billion in the near future. The performance gains have been phenomenal. The 4004 ran at 108 kilohertz (108,000 hertz), the Pentium*4 at three gigahertz (3 billion hertz). Its calculated that if automobile speed had increased similarly over the same period, you could now drive from New York to San Francisco in six seconds. Moores prescience in forecasting this revolution is legendary. In 1965, while still head of the R&D laboratory at Fair child, he wrote a piece for Electronics magazine observing that over the first few years we had essentially doubled the complexity of integrated circuits every year. I blindly extrapolated for the next ten years and said wed go from about 60 to about 60,000 transistors on a chip. It proved a much more spot-on prediction than I could ever have imagined, up until then, integrated circuits had been expensive and had had principally military applications. But I could see that the economics were going to switch dramatically. This was going to become the cheapest way to make electronics. The prediction that a chips transistor-count and thus its performance would keep doubling every year soon proved so accurate that Carver Mead, a friend from Caltech, dubbed it Moores Law. The name has stuck. Moores Law has become the yardstick by which the exponential growth of the computer industry has been measured ever since. When, in 1975, Moore looked around him again and saw transistor-counts slowing, he predicted that in future chip-performance would double only every two years. But that proved pessimistic. Actual growth since then has split the difference between his two predictions, with performance doubling every 1 8 months. And theres a corollary, says Moore. If the cost of a given amount of computer power drops 50 per cent every 1 8 months, each time that happens the market explodes with new applications that hadnt been economical before. He sees the microprocessor as almost infinitely elastic. As prices fall, new applications keep emerging: smart light bulbs, flashing trainers or greetings cards that sing Happy Birthday. Where will it all stop? Well, its true, he says, that in a few more generations [of chips], the fact that materials are made of atoms starts to be a real problem. Essentially, you cant make things any smaller. But in practice, the day of reckoning is endlessly postponed as engineers find endlessly more ingenious ways of loading more transistors on a chip. I suspect I shared the feelings of everybody else that when we got to the dimensions of a micron [about 1986I, we wouldnt be able to continue because we were touching the wavelength of light. But as we got closer, the barriers just melted away, When conventional chips finally reach their limits, nanotechnology beckons. Researchers are already working on sci-fi sounding alternatives such as molecular computers, built atom by atom, that theoretically could process hundreds of thousands times more information than todays processors. Quantum computers using the state of electrons as the basis for calculation could operate still faster. On any measure, there looks to be plenty of life left in Moores Law yet. | Moores prediction in 1975 was based on too little evidence. | neutral |
id_5783 | TITAN of technology Gordon Moore is the scientific brain behind Intel, the worlds biggest maker of computer chips. Both funny and self-deprecating, hes a shrewd businessman too, but admits to being an accidental entrepreneur, happier in the back room trading ideas with techies than out selling the product or chatting up the stockholders. When he applied for a job at Dow Chemical after gaining his PhD, the company psychologist ruled that it was okay technically, but that Id never manage anything. This year Intel is set to turn over $28 billion. When Moore co-founded Intel (short for Integrated Electronics) to develop integrated circuits thirty-five years ago, he provided the motive force in R&D (Research & Development) while his more extrovert partner Robert Noyce became the public face of the company. Intels ethos was distinctively Californian: laid- back, democratic, polo shirt and chinos. Moore worked in a cubicle like everyone else, never had a designated parking space and flew Economy. None of this implied lack of ambition. Moore and Noyce shared a vision, recognising that success depended just as much on intellectual pizazz as on Intels ability to deliver a product. Noyce himself received the first patent for an integrated circuit in 1961, while both partners were learning the business of electronics at Fair child Semiconductor. Fair childs success put money in Moore and Noyces pockets, but they were starved of R&D money. They resigned, frustrated, to found Intel in 1968. It was one of those rare periods when money was available, says Moore. They put in $250,000 each and drummed up another $2.5m of venture capital on the strength of a one-page business plan that said essentially nothing. Ownership was divided 50:50 between founders and backers. Three years later, Intels first microprocessor was released: the 4004, carrying 2,250 transistors. Progress after that was rapid. By the time the competition realised what was happening, Intel had amassed a seven-year R&D lead that it was never to relinquish. By the year 2000, Intels Pentium-4 chip was carrying 42 million transistors. Now, says Moore, we put a quarter of a billion transistors on a chip and are looking forward to a billion in the near future. The performance gains have been phenomenal. The 4004 ran at 108 kilohertz (108,000 hertz), the Pentium*4 at three gigahertz (3 billion hertz). Its calculated that if automobile speed had increased similarly over the same period, you could now drive from New York to San Francisco in six seconds. Moores prescience in forecasting this revolution is legendary. In 1965, while still head of the R&D laboratory at Fair child, he wrote a piece for Electronics magazine observing that over the first few years we had essentially doubled the complexity of integrated circuits every year. I blindly extrapolated for the next ten years and said wed go from about 60 to about 60,000 transistors on a chip. It proved a much more spot-on prediction than I could ever have imagined, up until then, integrated circuits had been expensive and had had principally military applications. But I could see that the economics were going to switch dramatically. This was going to become the cheapest way to make electronics. The prediction that a chips transistor-count and thus its performance would keep doubling every year soon proved so accurate that Carver Mead, a friend from Caltech, dubbed it Moores Law. The name has stuck. Moores Law has become the yardstick by which the exponential growth of the computer industry has been measured ever since. When, in 1975, Moore looked around him again and saw transistor-counts slowing, he predicted that in future chip-performance would double only every two years. But that proved pessimistic. Actual growth since then has split the difference between his two predictions, with performance doubling every 1 8 months. And theres a corollary, says Moore. If the cost of a given amount of computer power drops 50 per cent every 1 8 months, each time that happens the market explodes with new applications that hadnt been economical before. He sees the microprocessor as almost infinitely elastic. As prices fall, new applications keep emerging: smart light bulbs, flashing trainers or greetings cards that sing Happy Birthday. Where will it all stop? Well, its true, he says, that in a few more generations [of chips], the fact that materials are made of atoms starts to be a real problem. Essentially, you cant make things any smaller. But in practice, the day of reckoning is endlessly postponed as engineers find endlessly more ingenious ways of loading more transistors on a chip. I suspect I shared the feelings of everybody else that when we got to the dimensions of a micron [about 1986I, we wouldnt be able to continue because we were touching the wavelength of light. But as we got closer, the barriers just melted away, When conventional chips finally reach their limits, nanotechnology beckons. Researchers are already working on sci-fi sounding alternatives such as molecular computers, built atom by atom, that theoretically could process hundreds of thousands times more information than todays processors. Quantum computers using the state of electrons as the basis for calculation could operate still faster. On any measure, there looks to be plenty of life left in Moores Law yet. | Flashing trainers are an example of Moores theory about the relationship between cost and applications. | entailment |
id_5784 | TOTAL FIRE BANS Total Fire Bans affect everyone. Whether you live in the city, the suburbs or in the country, you need to know when one is declared and what this means you cant do. WHAT IS A TOTAL FIRE BAN? A Total Fire Ban prohibits: the lighting of any fires in the open air any other activities in the open air that may start a fire. Undercover areas such as patios, pergolas and huts that are open or partially open to the weather are deemed to be in the open air. WHEN WILL A TOTAL FIRE BAN BE DECLARED? The decision to put a ban in place is based on weather forecast and local conditions. A Total Fire Ban will be declared on days when fires are most likely to threaten lives and property. HOW WILL I KNOW WHEN A TOTAL FIRE BAN HAS BEEN DECLARED? When a ban has been declared it will be: on the DFES website www. dfes. wa. gov. au on the Total Fire Ban information line 1800 709 355 broadcast on ABC local radio and other media outlets published to subscribers through the DFES websites automated RSS feeds published on DFESs Twitter account displayed on local government roadside Fire Danger Rating signs. HOW LONG IS A TOTAL FIRE BAN IN PLACE FOR? The ban will generally be in place from 12.01am to 11.59pm on the day declared; however, if weather conditions change significantly, times may vary. WHAT ARE THE PENALTIES FOR IGNORING A TOTAL FIRE BAN? You could be fined up to $25 000 and/or jailed for 12 months for ignoring the ban. | You can contact your local radio station for more information. | neutral |
id_5785 | TOTAL FIRE BANS Total Fire Bans affect everyone. Whether you live in the city, the suburbs or in the country, you need to know when one is declared and what this means you cant do. WHAT IS A TOTAL FIRE BAN? A Total Fire Ban prohibits: the lighting of any fires in the open air any other activities in the open air that may start a fire. Undercover areas such as patios, pergolas and huts that are open or partially open to the weather are deemed to be in the open air. WHEN WILL A TOTAL FIRE BAN BE DECLARED? The decision to put a ban in place is based on weather forecast and local conditions. A Total Fire Ban will be declared on days when fires are most likely to threaten lives and property. HOW WILL I KNOW WHEN A TOTAL FIRE BAN HAS BEEN DECLARED? When a ban has been declared it will be: on the DFES website www. dfes. wa. gov. au on the Total Fire Ban information line 1800 709 355 broadcast on ABC local radio and other media outlets published to subscribers through the DFES websites automated RSS feeds published on DFESs Twitter account displayed on local government roadside Fire Danger Rating signs. HOW LONG IS A TOTAL FIRE BAN IN PLACE FOR? The ban will generally be in place from 12.01am to 11.59pm on the day declared; however, if weather conditions change significantly, times may vary. WHAT ARE THE PENALTIES FOR IGNORING A TOTAL FIRE BAN? You could be fined up to $25 000 and/or jailed for 12 months for ignoring the ban. | You can go to prison for a year if you light a fire outside. | entailment |
id_5786 | TOTAL FIRE BANS Total Fire Bans affect everyone. Whether you live in the city, the suburbs or in the country, you need to know when one is declared and what this means you cant do. WHAT IS A TOTAL FIRE BAN? A Total Fire Ban prohibits: the lighting of any fires in the open air any other activities in the open air that may start a fire. Undercover areas such as patios, pergolas and huts that are open or partially open to the weather are deemed to be in the open air. WHEN WILL A TOTAL FIRE BAN BE DECLARED? The decision to put a ban in place is based on weather forecast and local conditions. A Total Fire Ban will be declared on days when fires are most likely to threaten lives and property. HOW WILL I KNOW WHEN A TOTAL FIRE BAN HAS BEEN DECLARED? When a ban has been declared it will be: on the DFES website www. dfes. wa. gov. au on the Total Fire Ban information line 1800 709 355 broadcast on ABC local radio and other media outlets published to subscribers through the DFES websites automated RSS feeds published on DFESs Twitter account displayed on local government roadside Fire Danger Rating signs. HOW LONG IS A TOTAL FIRE BAN IN PLACE FOR? The ban will generally be in place from 12.01am to 11.59pm on the day declared; however, if weather conditions change significantly, times may vary. WHAT ARE THE PENALTIES FOR IGNORING A TOTAL FIRE BAN? You could be fined up to $25 000 and/or jailed for 12 months for ignoring the ban. | Fire bans last for two days. | contradiction |
id_5787 | TOTAL FIRE BANS Total Fire Bans affect everyone. Whether you live in the city, the suburbs or in the country, you need to know when one is declared and what this means you cant do. WHAT IS A TOTAL FIRE BAN? A Total Fire Ban prohibits: the lighting of any fires in the open air any other activities in the open air that may start a fire. Undercover areas such as patios, pergolas and huts that are open or partially open to the weather are deemed to be in the open air. WHEN WILL A TOTAL FIRE BAN BE DECLARED? The decision to put a ban in place is based on weather forecast and local conditions. A Total Fire Ban will be declared on days when fires are most likely to threaten lives and property. HOW WILL I KNOW WHEN A TOTAL FIRE BAN HAS BEEN DECLARED? When a ban has been declared it will be: on the DFES website www. dfes. wa. gov. au on the Total Fire Ban information line 1800 709 355 broadcast on ABC local radio and other media outlets published to subscribers through the DFES websites automated RSS feeds published on DFESs Twitter account displayed on local government roadside Fire Danger Rating signs. HOW LONG IS A TOTAL FIRE BAN IN PLACE FOR? The ban will generally be in place from 12.01am to 11.59pm on the day declared; however, if weather conditions change significantly, times may vary. WHAT ARE THE PENALTIES FOR IGNORING A TOTAL FIRE BAN? You could be fined up to $25 000 and/or jailed for 12 months for ignoring the ban. | You can use your pizza oven if it is under your patio. | contradiction |
id_5788 | TOURISM Tourism, holidaymaking and travel are these days more significant social phenomena than most commentators have considered On the face of it there could not be a more trivial subject for a book And indeed since social scientists have had considerable difficulty explaining weightier topics such as work or politics it might be thought that they would have great difficulties in accounting for more trivial phenomena such as holidaymakmg However there are interesting parallels with the study of deviance This involves the investigation of bizarre and idiosyncratic social practices which happen to be defined as deviant in some societies but not necessarily in others The assumption is that the investigation of deviance can reveal interesting and significant aspects of normal societies It could be said that a similar analysis can be applied to tourism Tourism is a leisure activity which presupposes its opposite namely regulated and organised work It is one manifestation of how work and leisure are organised as separate and regulated spheres of social practice in modern societies Indeed acting as a tourist is one of the defining characteristics of being modern and the popular concept of tourism is that it is organised within particular places and occurs for regularised periods of time Tourist relationships arise from a movement of people to and their stay in various destinations This necessarily involves some movement that is the journey and a period of stay in a new place or places The journey and the stay are by definition outside the normal places of residence and work and are of a short term and temporary nature and there is a clear intention to return home within a relatively short period of time A substantial proportion of the population of modern societies engages in such tourist practices new socialised forms of provision have developed in order to cope with the mass character of the gazes of tourists as opposed to the individual character of travel Places are chosen to be visited and be gazed upon because there is an anticipation especially through daydreaming and fantasy of intense pleasures, either on a different scale or involving different senses from those customarily encountered Such anticipation is constructed and sustained through a variety of non-tourist practices such as films TV literature, magazines records and videos which construct and reinforce this daydreaming Tourists tend to visit features of landscape and townscape which separate them off from everyday experience Such aspects are viewed because they are taken to be in some sense out of the ordinary The viewing of these tourist sights often involves different forms of social patterning with a much greater sensitivity to visual elements of landscape or townscape than is normally found in everyday life People linger over these sights in a way that they would not normally do in their home environment and the vision is objectified or captured through photographs postcards films and so on which enable the memory to be endlessly reproduced and recaptured One of the earliest dissertations on the subject of tourism is Boorstins analysis of the pseudo event (1964) where he argues that contemporary Americans cannot experience reality directly but thrive on pseudo events Isolated from the host environment and the local people the mass tourist travels in guided groups and finds pleasure in inauthentic contrived attractions gullibly enjoying the pseudo events and disregarding the real world outside Over time the images generated of different tourist sights come to constitute a closed self-perpetuating system of illusions which provide the tourist with the basis for selecting andReading evaluating potential places to visit Such visits are made says Boorstin, within the environmental bubble of the familiar American style hotel which insulates the tourist from the strangeness of the host environment To service the burgeoning tourist industry, an array of professionals has developed who attempt to reproduce ever-new objects for the tourist to look at These objects or places are located in a complex and changing hierarchy This depends upon the interplay between, on the one hand, competition between interests involved in the provision of such objects and, on the other hand changing class, gender, and generational distinctions of taste within the potential population of visitors It has been said that to be a tourist is one of the characteristics of the modern experience Not to go away is like not possessing a car or a nice house Travel is a marker of status in modern societies and is also thought to be necessary for good health The role of the professional, therefore, is to cater for the needs and tastes of the tourists in accordance with their class and overall expectations | Tour operators try to cheat tourists. | neutral |
id_5789 | TOURISM Tourism, holidaymaking and travel are these days more significant social phenomena than most commentators have considered On the face of it there could not be a more trivial subject for a book And indeed since social scientists have had considerable difficulty explaining weightier topics such as work or politics it might be thought that they would have great difficulties in accounting for more trivial phenomena such as holidaymakmg However there are interesting parallels with the study of deviance This involves the investigation of bizarre and idiosyncratic social practices which happen to be defined as deviant in some societies but not necessarily in others The assumption is that the investigation of deviance can reveal interesting and significant aspects of normal societies It could be said that a similar analysis can be applied to tourism Tourism is a leisure activity which presupposes its opposite namely regulated and organised work It is one manifestation of how work and leisure are organised as separate and regulated spheres of social practice in modern societies Indeed acting as a tourist is one of the defining characteristics of being modern and the popular concept of tourism is that it is organised within particular places and occurs for regularised periods of time Tourist relationships arise from a movement of people to and their stay in various destinations This necessarily involves some movement that is the journey and a period of stay in a new place or places The journey and the stay are by definition outside the normal places of residence and work and are of a short term and temporary nature and there is a clear intention to return home within a relatively short period of time A substantial proportion of the population of modern societies engages in such tourist practices new socialised forms of provision have developed in order to cope with the mass character of the gazes of tourists as opposed to the individual character of travel Places are chosen to be visited and be gazed upon because there is an anticipation especially through daydreaming and fantasy of intense pleasures, either on a different scale or involving different senses from those customarily encountered Such anticipation is constructed and sustained through a variety of non-tourist practices such as films TV literature, magazines records and videos which construct and reinforce this daydreaming Tourists tend to visit features of landscape and townscape which separate them off from everyday experience Such aspects are viewed because they are taken to be in some sense out of the ordinary The viewing of these tourist sights often involves different forms of social patterning with a much greater sensitivity to visual elements of landscape or townscape than is normally found in everyday life People linger over these sights in a way that they would not normally do in their home environment and the vision is objectified or captured through photographs postcards films and so on which enable the memory to be endlessly reproduced and recaptured One of the earliest dissertations on the subject of tourism is Boorstins analysis of the pseudo event (1964) where he argues that contemporary Americans cannot experience reality directly but thrive on pseudo events Isolated from the host environment and the local people the mass tourist travels in guided groups and finds pleasure in inauthentic contrived attractions gullibly enjoying the pseudo events and disregarding the real world outside Over time the images generated of different tourist sights come to constitute a closed self-perpetuating system of illusions which provide the tourist with the basis for selecting andReading evaluating potential places to visit Such visits are made says Boorstin, within the environmental bubble of the familiar American style hotel which insulates the tourist from the strangeness of the host environment To service the burgeoning tourist industry, an array of professionals has developed who attempt to reproduce ever-new objects for the tourist to look at These objects or places are located in a complex and changing hierarchy This depends upon the interplay between, on the one hand, competition between interests involved in the provision of such objects and, on the other hand changing class, gender, and generational distinctions of taste within the potential population of visitors It has been said that to be a tourist is one of the characteristics of the modern experience Not to go away is like not possessing a car or a nice house Travel is a marker of status in modern societies and is also thought to be necessary for good health The role of the professional, therefore, is to cater for the needs and tastes of the tourists in accordance with their class and overall expectations | Tourists focus more on places they visit than those at home. | entailment |
id_5790 | TOURISM Tourism, holidaymaking and travel are these days more significant social phenomena than most commentators have considered On the face of it there could not be a more trivial subject for a book And indeed since social scientists have had considerable difficulty explaining weightier topics such as work or politics it might be thought that they would have great difficulties in accounting for more trivial phenomena such as holidaymakmg However there are interesting parallels with the study of deviance This involves the investigation of bizarre and idiosyncratic social practices which happen to be defined as deviant in some societies but not necessarily in others The assumption is that the investigation of deviance can reveal interesting and significant aspects of normal societies It could be said that a similar analysis can be applied to tourism Tourism is a leisure activity which presupposes its opposite namely regulated and organised work It is one manifestation of how work and leisure are organised as separate and regulated spheres of social practice in modern societies Indeed acting as a tourist is one of the defining characteristics of being modern and the popular concept of tourism is that it is organised within particular places and occurs for regularised periods of time Tourist relationships arise from a movement of people to and their stay in various destinations This necessarily involves some movement that is the journey and a period of stay in a new place or places The journey and the stay are by definition outside the normal places of residence and work and are of a short term and temporary nature and there is a clear intention to return home within a relatively short period of time A substantial proportion of the population of modern societies engages in such tourist practices new socialised forms of provision have developed in order to cope with the mass character of the gazes of tourists as opposed to the individual character of travel Places are chosen to be visited and be gazed upon because there is an anticipation especially through daydreaming and fantasy of intense pleasures, either on a different scale or involving different senses from those customarily encountered Such anticipation is constructed and sustained through a variety of non-tourist practices such as films TV literature, magazines records and videos which construct and reinforce this daydreaming Tourists tend to visit features of landscape and townscape which separate them off from everyday experience Such aspects are viewed because they are taken to be in some sense out of the ordinary The viewing of these tourist sights often involves different forms of social patterning with a much greater sensitivity to visual elements of landscape or townscape than is normally found in everyday life People linger over these sights in a way that they would not normally do in their home environment and the vision is objectified or captured through photographs postcards films and so on which enable the memory to be endlessly reproduced and recaptured One of the earliest dissertations on the subject of tourism is Boorstins analysis of the pseudo event (1964) where he argues that contemporary Americans cannot experience reality directly but thrive on pseudo events Isolated from the host environment and the local people the mass tourist travels in guided groups and finds pleasure in inauthentic contrived attractions gullibly enjoying the pseudo events and disregarding the real world outside Over time the images generated of different tourist sights come to constitute a closed self-perpetuating system of illusions which provide the tourist with the basis for selecting andReading evaluating potential places to visit Such visits are made says Boorstin, within the environmental bubble of the familiar American style hotel which insulates the tourist from the strangeness of the host environment To service the burgeoning tourist industry, an array of professionals has developed who attempt to reproduce ever-new objects for the tourist to look at These objects or places are located in a complex and changing hierarchy This depends upon the interplay between, on the one hand, competition between interests involved in the provision of such objects and, on the other hand changing class, gender, and generational distinctions of taste within the potential population of visitors It has been said that to be a tourist is one of the characteristics of the modern experience Not to go away is like not possessing a car or a nice house Travel is a marker of status in modern societies and is also thought to be necessary for good health The role of the professional, therefore, is to cater for the needs and tastes of the tourists in accordance with their class and overall expectations | Tourists usually choose to travel overseas. | neutral |
id_5791 | TOURISM Tourism, holidaymaking and travel are these days more significant social phenomena than most commentators have considered On the face of it there could not be a more trivial subject for a book And indeed since social scientists have had considerable difficulty explaining weightier topics such as work or politics it might be thought that they would have great difficulties in accounting for more trivial phenomena such as holidaymakmg However there are interesting parallels with the study of deviance This involves the investigation of bizarre and idiosyncratic social practices which happen to be defined as deviant in some societies but not necessarily in others The assumption is that the investigation of deviance can reveal interesting and significant aspects of normal societies It could be said that a similar analysis can be applied to tourism Tourism is a leisure activity which presupposes its opposite namely regulated and organised work It is one manifestation of how work and leisure are organised as separate and regulated spheres of social practice in modern societies Indeed acting as a tourist is one of the defining characteristics of being modern and the popular concept of tourism is that it is organised within particular places and occurs for regularised periods of time Tourist relationships arise from a movement of people to and their stay in various destinations This necessarily involves some movement that is the journey and a period of stay in a new place or places The journey and the stay are by definition outside the normal places of residence and work and are of a short term and temporary nature and there is a clear intention to return home within a relatively short period of time A substantial proportion of the population of modern societies engages in such tourist practices new socialised forms of provision have developed in order to cope with the mass character of the gazes of tourists as opposed to the individual character of travel Places are chosen to be visited and be gazed upon because there is an anticipation especially through daydreaming and fantasy of intense pleasures, either on a different scale or involving different senses from those customarily encountered Such anticipation is constructed and sustained through a variety of non-tourist practices such as films TV literature, magazines records and videos which construct and reinforce this daydreaming Tourists tend to visit features of landscape and townscape which separate them off from everyday experience Such aspects are viewed because they are taken to be in some sense out of the ordinary The viewing of these tourist sights often involves different forms of social patterning with a much greater sensitivity to visual elements of landscape or townscape than is normally found in everyday life People linger over these sights in a way that they would not normally do in their home environment and the vision is objectified or captured through photographs postcards films and so on which enable the memory to be endlessly reproduced and recaptured One of the earliest dissertations on the subject of tourism is Boorstins analysis of the pseudo event (1964) where he argues that contemporary Americans cannot experience reality directly but thrive on pseudo events Isolated from the host environment and the local people the mass tourist travels in guided groups and finds pleasure in inauthentic contrived attractions gullibly enjoying the pseudo events and disregarding the real world outside Over time the images generated of different tourist sights come to constitute a closed self-perpetuating system of illusions which provide the tourist with the basis for selecting andReading evaluating potential places to visit Such visits are made says Boorstin, within the environmental bubble of the familiar American style hotel which insulates the tourist from the strangeness of the host environment To service the burgeoning tourist industry, an array of professionals has developed who attempt to reproduce ever-new objects for the tourist to look at These objects or places are located in a complex and changing hierarchy This depends upon the interplay between, on the one hand, competition between interests involved in the provision of such objects and, on the other hand changing class, gender, and generational distinctions of taste within the potential population of visitors It has been said that to be a tourist is one of the characteristics of the modern experience Not to go away is like not possessing a car or a nice house Travel is a marker of status in modern societies and is also thought to be necessary for good health The role of the professional, therefore, is to cater for the needs and tastes of the tourists in accordance with their class and overall expectations | An analysis of deviance can act as a model for the analysis of tourism. | entailment |
id_5792 | TOURISM Tourism, holidaymaking and travel are these days more significant social phenomena than most commentators have considered On the face of it there could not be a more trivial subject for a book And indeed since social scientists have had considerable difficulty explaining weightier topics such as work or politics it might be thought that they would have great difficulties in accounting for more trivial phenomena such as holidaymakmg However there are interesting parallels with the study of deviance This involves the investigation of bizarre and idiosyncratic social practices which happen to be defined as deviant in some societies but not necessarily in others The assumption is that the investigation of deviance can reveal interesting and significant aspects of normal societies It could be said that a similar analysis can be applied to tourism Tourism is a leisure activity which presupposes its opposite namely regulated and organised work It is one manifestation of how work and leisure are organised as separate and regulated spheres of social practice in modern societies Indeed acting as a tourist is one of the defining characteristics of being modern and the popular concept of tourism is that it is organised within particular places and occurs for regularised periods of time Tourist relationships arise from a movement of people to and their stay in various destinations This necessarily involves some movement that is the journey and a period of stay in a new place or places The journey and the stay are by definition outside the normal places of residence and work and are of a short term and temporary nature and there is a clear intention to return home within a relatively short period of time A substantial proportion of the population of modern societies engages in such tourist practices new socialised forms of provision have developed in order to cope with the mass character of the gazes of tourists as opposed to the individual character of travel Places are chosen to be visited and be gazed upon because there is an anticipation especially through daydreaming and fantasy of intense pleasures, either on a different scale or involving different senses from those customarily encountered Such anticipation is constructed and sustained through a variety of non-tourist practices such as films TV literature, magazines records and videos which construct and reinforce this daydreaming Tourists tend to visit features of landscape and townscape which separate them off from everyday experience Such aspects are viewed because they are taken to be in some sense out of the ordinary The viewing of these tourist sights often involves different forms of social patterning with a much greater sensitivity to visual elements of landscape or townscape than is normally found in everyday life People linger over these sights in a way that they would not normally do in their home environment and the vision is objectified or captured through photographs postcards films and so on which enable the memory to be endlessly reproduced and recaptured One of the earliest dissertations on the subject of tourism is Boorstins analysis of the pseudo event (1964) where he argues that contemporary Americans cannot experience reality directly but thrive on pseudo events Isolated from the host environment and the local people the mass tourist travels in guided groups and finds pleasure in inauthentic contrived attractions gullibly enjoying the pseudo events and disregarding the real world outside Over time the images generated of different tourist sights come to constitute a closed self-perpetuating system of illusions which provide the tourist with the basis for selecting andReading evaluating potential places to visit Such visits are made says Boorstin, within the environmental bubble of the familiar American style hotel which insulates the tourist from the strangeness of the host environment To service the burgeoning tourist industry, an array of professionals has developed who attempt to reproduce ever-new objects for the tourist to look at These objects or places are located in a complex and changing hierarchy This depends upon the interplay between, on the one hand, competition between interests involved in the provision of such objects and, on the other hand changing class, gender, and generational distinctions of taste within the potential population of visitors It has been said that to be a tourist is one of the characteristics of the modern experience Not to go away is like not possessing a car or a nice house Travel is a marker of status in modern societies and is also thought to be necessary for good health The role of the professional, therefore, is to cater for the needs and tastes of the tourists in accordance with their class and overall expectations | Tourism is a trivial subject. | contradiction |
id_5793 | TRANSITION CAKE FOR THE ELOEHLY What is transition care? Transition care is for older people who have been receiving medical treatment, but need more help to recover, and time to make a decision about the best place for them to live in the longer term. You can only access transition care directly from hospital. Transition care is focused on individual goals and therapies and is given for a limited time only. It offers access to a package of services that may include: low-intensity therapy such as physiotherapy (exercise, mobility, strength and balance) and podiatry (foot care) access to a social worker nursing support for clinical care such as wound care personal care Who provides transition care services? Transition care is often provided by non-government organisations and is subsidised by the government. If your circumstances allow, it is expected youll contribute to the cost of your care. Daily care fees are set by the organisation that provides your transition care services (your service provider). They should explain these fees to you, and the amount charged should form part of the agreement between you and the service provider. The fee is calculated on a daily basis. Where do I receive transition care? Transition care is provided in your own home or in a live-in setting. This setting can be part of an existing aged-care home or health facility such as a separate wing of a hospital. What if Im already receiving services through a different programme? If youre already receiving subsidised residential care in an aged-care home, but you need to go somewhere else for transition care, your place in the aged-care home will be held until you return. | Transition care may be given on a hospital site. | entailment |
id_5794 | TRANSITION CAKE FOR THE ELOEHLY What is transition care? Transition care is for older people who have been receiving medical treatment, but need more help to recover, and time to make a decision about the best place for them to live in the longer term. You can only access transition care directly from hospital. Transition care is focused on individual goals and therapies and is given for a limited time only. It offers access to a package of services that may include: low-intensity therapy such as physiotherapy (exercise, mobility, strength and balance) and podiatry (foot care) access to a social worker nursing support for clinical care such as wound care personal care Who provides transition care services? Transition care is often provided by non-government organisations and is subsidised by the government. If your circumstances allow, it is expected youll contribute to the cost of your care. Daily care fees are set by the organisation that provides your transition care services (your service provider). They should explain these fees to you, and the amount charged should form part of the agreement between you and the service provider. The fee is calculated on a daily basis. Where do I receive transition care? Transition care is provided in your own home or in a live-in setting. This setting can be part of an existing aged-care home or health facility such as a separate wing of a hospital. What if Im already receiving services through a different programme? If youre already receiving subsidised residential care in an aged-care home, but you need to go somewhere else for transition care, your place in the aged-care home will be held until you return. | Only hospital patients can go on to have transition care. | entailment |
id_5795 | TRANSITION CAKE FOR THE ELOEHLY What is transition care? Transition care is for older people who have been receiving medical treatment, but need more help to recover, and time to make a decision about the best place for them to live in the longer term. You can only access transition care directly from hospital. Transition care is focused on individual goals and therapies and is given for a limited time only. It offers access to a package of services that may include: low-intensity therapy such as physiotherapy (exercise, mobility, strength and balance) and podiatry (foot care) access to a social worker nursing support for clinical care such as wound care personal care Who provides transition care services? Transition care is often provided by non-government organisations and is subsidised by the government. If your circumstances allow, it is expected youll contribute to the cost of your care. Daily care fees are set by the organisation that provides your transition care services (your service provider). They should explain these fees to you, and the amount charged should form part of the agreement between you and the service provider. The fee is calculated on a daily basis. Where do I receive transition care? Transition care is provided in your own home or in a live-in setting. This setting can be part of an existing aged-care home or health facility such as a separate wing of a hospital. What if Im already receiving services through a different programme? If youre already receiving subsidised residential care in an aged-care home, but you need to go somewhere else for transition care, your place in the aged-care home will be held until you return. | Transition care may be long term or short term. | contradiction |
id_5796 | TRANSITION CAKE FOR THE ELOEHLY What is transition care? Transition care is for older people who have been receiving medical treatment, but need more help to recover, and time to make a decision about the best place for them to live in the longer term. You can only access transition care directly from hospital. Transition care is focused on individual goals and therapies and is given for a limited time only. It offers access to a package of services that may include: low-intensity therapy such as physiotherapy (exercise, mobility, strength and balance) and podiatry (foot care) access to a social worker nursing support for clinical care such as wound care personal care Who provides transition care services? Transition care is often provided by non-government organisations and is subsidised by the government. If your circumstances allow, it is expected youll contribute to the cost of your care. Daily care fees are set by the organisation that provides your transition care services (your service provider). They should explain these fees to you, and the amount charged should form part of the agreement between you and the service provider. The fee is calculated on a daily basis. Where do I receive transition care? Transition care is provided in your own home or in a live-in setting. This setting can be part of an existing aged-care home or health facility such as a separate wing of a hospital. What if Im already receiving services through a different programme? If youre already receiving subsidised residential care in an aged-care home, but you need to go somewhere else for transition care, your place in the aged-care home will be held until you return. | Transition care at home is only available for patients who live alone. | neutral |
id_5797 | TRANSITION CAKE FOR THE ELOEHLY What is transition care? Transition care is for older people who have been receiving medical treatment, but need more help to recover, and time to make a decision about the best place for them to live in the longer term. You can only access transition care directly from hospital. Transition care is focused on individual goals and therapies and is given for a limited time only. It offers access to a package of services that may include: low-intensity therapy such as physiotherapy (exercise, mobility, strength and balance) and podiatry (foot care) access to a social worker nursing support for clinical care such as wound care personal care Who provides transition care services? Transition care is often provided by non-government organisations and is subsidised by the government. If your circumstances allow, it is expected youll contribute to the cost of your care. Daily care fees are set by the organisation that provides your transition care services (your service provider). They should explain these fees to you, and the amount charged should form part of the agreement between you and the service provider. The fee is calculated on a daily basis. Where do I receive transition care? Transition care is provided in your own home or in a live-in setting. This setting can be part of an existing aged-care home or health facility such as a separate wing of a hospital. What if Im already receiving services through a different programme? If youre already receiving subsidised residential care in an aged-care home, but you need to go somewhere else for transition care, your place in the aged-care home will be held until you return. | You may lose your place in a care home if you have to leave it to receive transition care. | contradiction |
id_5798 | TRANSITION CAKE FOR THE ELOEHLY What is transition care? Transition care is for older people who have been receiving medical treatment, but need more help to recover, and time to make a decision about the best place for them to live in the longer term. You can only access transition care directly from hospital. Transition care is focused on individual goals and therapies and is given for a limited time only. It offers access to a package of services that may include: low-intensity therapy such as physiotherapy (exercise, mobility, strength and balance) and podiatry (foot care) access to a social worker nursing support for clinical care such as wound care personal care Who provides transition care services? Transition care is often provided by non-government organisations and is subsidised by the government. If your circumstances allow, it is expected youll contribute to the cost of your care. Daily care fees are set by the organisation that provides your transition care services (your service provider). They should explain these fees to you, and the amount charged should form part of the agreement between you and the service provider. The fee is calculated on a daily basis. Where do I receive transition care? Transition care is provided in your own home or in a live-in setting. This setting can be part of an existing aged-care home or health facility such as a separate wing of a hospital. What if Im already receiving services through a different programme? If youre already receiving subsidised residential care in an aged-care home, but you need to go somewhere else for transition care, your place in the aged-care home will be held until you return. | Everyone receiving transition care must contribute to the cost. | contradiction |
id_5799 | TRICKY SUMS AND PSYCHOLOGY In their first years of studying mathematics at school, children all over the world usually have to learn the times table, also known as the multiplication table, which shows what you get when you multiply numbers together. Children have traditionally learned their times table by going from 1 times 1 is 1 all the way up to 12 times 12 is 144. Times tables have been around for a very long time now. The oldest known tables using base 10 numbers, the base that is now used everywhere in the world, are written on bamboo strips dating from 305 BC, found in China. However, in many European cultures the times table is named after the Ancient Greek mathematician and philosopher Pythagoras (570-495 BC). And so it is called the Table of Pythagoras in many languages, including French and Italian. In 1820, in his book The Philosophy of Arithmetic, the mathematician John Leslie recommended that young pupils memories the times table up to 25 x 25. Nowadays, however, educators generally believe it is important for children to memorise the table up to 9 x 9, 10 x 10 or 12 x12. The current aim in the UK is for school pupils to know all their times tables up to 12 x 12 by the age of nine. However, many people do not know them, even as adults. Recently, some politicians have been asked arithmetical questions of this kind. For example, in 1998, the schools minister Stephen Byers was asked the answer to 7 x 8. He got the answer wrong, saying 54 rather than 56, and everyone laughed at him. In 2014, a young boy asked the UK Chancellor George Osborne the exact same question. As he had passed A-level maths and was in charge of the UKs economic policies at the time, you would expect him to know the answer. However, he simply said, Ive made it a rule in life not to answer such questions. Why would a politician refuse to answer such a question? It is certainly true that some sums are much harder than others. Research has shown that learning and remembering sums involving 6,7,8 and 9 tends to be harder than remembering sums involving other numbers. And it is even harder when 6,7,8 and 9 are multiplied by each other. Studies often find that the hardest sum is 68, with 78 not far behind. However, even though 78 is a relatively difficult sum, it is unlikely that George Osborne did not know the answer. So there must be some other reason why he refused to answer the question. The answer is that Osborne was being put on the spot and he didnt like it. It is well known that when there is a lot of pressure to do something right, people often have difficulty doing something that they normally find easy. When you put someone on the spot and ask such a question, it causes stress. The persons heart beats faster and their adrenalin levels go up. As a result, people will often make mistakes that they would not normally make. This is called choking. Choking often happens in sport, such as when a footballer takes a crucial penalty. In the same way, the boys question put Osborne under great pressure. He knew it would be a disaster for him if he got the answer to such a simple question wrong and feared that he might choke. And that is why he refused to answer the question. TRICKY SUMS AND PSYCHOLOGY In their first years of studying mathematics at school, children all over the world usually have to learn the times table, also known as the multiplication table, which shows what you get when you multiply numbers together. Children have traditionally learned their times table by going from 1 times 1 is 1 all the way up to 12 times 12 is 144. Times tables have been around for a very long time now. The oldest known tables using base 10 numbers, the base that is now used everywhere in the world, are written on bamboo strips dating from 305 BC, found in China. However, in many European cultures the times table is named after the Ancient Greek mathematician and philosopher Pythagoras (570-495 BC). And so it is called the Table of Pythagoras in many languages, including French and Italian. In 1820, in his book The Philosophy of Arithmetic, the mathematician John Leslie recommended that young pupils memories the times table up to 25 x 25. Nowadays, however, educators generally believe it is important for children to memorise the table up to 9 x 9, 10 x 10 or 12 x12. The current aim in the UK is for school pupils to know all their times tables up to 12 x 12 by the age of nine. However, many people do not know them, even as adults. Recently, some politicians have been asked arithmetical questions of this kind. For example, in 1998, the schools minister Stephen Byers was asked the answer to 7 x 8. He got the answer wrong, saying 54 rather than 56, and everyone laughed at him. In 2014, a young boy asked the UK Chancellor George Osborne the exact same question. As he had passed A-level maths and was in charge of the UKs economic policies at the time, you would expect him to know the answer. However, he simply said, Ive made it a rule in life not to answer such questions. Why would a politician refuse to answer such a question? It is certainly true that some sums are much harder than others. Research has shown that learning and remembering sums involving 6,7,8 and 9 tends to be harder than remembering sums involving other numbers. And it is even harder when 6,7,8 and 9 are multiplied by each other. Studies often find that the hardest sum is 68, with 78 not far behind. However, even though 78 is a relatively difficult sum, it is unlikely that George Osborne did not know the answer. So there must be some other reason why he refused to answer the question. The answer is that Osborne was being put on the spot and he didnt like it. It is well known that when there is a lot of pressure to do something right, people often have difficulty doing something that they normally find easy. When you put someone on the spot and ask such a question, it causes stress. The persons heart beats faster and their adrenalin levels go up. As a result, people will often make mistakes that they would not normally make. This is called choking. Choking often happens in sport, such as when a footballer takes a crucial penalty. In the same way, the boys question put Osborne under great pressure. He knew it would be a disaster for him if he got the answer to such a simple question wrong and feared that he might choke. And that is why he refused to answer the question. | Stephen Byers and George Osborne were asked the same question. | entailment |
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