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Gustavo Montoya | [
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| Mexican artist and painter (1905-2003) | of the Liga de Escritores y Artistas Revolucionarios and the Salón de la Plástica Mexicana. His best-selling work was that of children in regional traditional Mexican clothing, but he also painted many street scenes in Mexico City as well as portraits and still lifes. Life He was born in Mexico City on July 9, 1905, to Adolfo Montoya and Concepción Carranco. His father was part of the Porfirio Díaz government, so when that government fell at the beginning of the Mexican Revolution, the family went into hiding from Mexico City into the state of Morelos. At this time, Gustavo was | []
|
Gustavo Montoya | [
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| Mexican artist and painter (1905-2003) | only seven years old, but he remembered hearing that the Zapatistas had killed two neighboring families. To protect the family, the father moved them frequently, often going to one house at night and Gustavo waking up in another. At one point, they were at the house of a stableman, who dressed the family in their clothes. When Zapatistas came looking for them, they were told the family was not there and then bribed with a silver coin that Montoya's mother had. After a time, Montoya's father decided it was safe enough to return to Mexico City. The father dressed as | []
|
Gustavo Montoya | [
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| Mexican artist and painter (1905-2003) | a priest, taking advice from sympathetic people on how to look, and the family traveled in a large wagon safely. By 1918, the war had wound down and Montoya was able to finish middle school, when he expressed the desire to become a painter. His father objected but in the end accepted, allowing Montoya to enroll in the Academy of San Carlos. Montoya entered the school at age fifteen, with Germán Gedovius and Roberto Montenegro among his teachers, painting his earliest works such as "Cabeza de viejo", "Desnudo" and "La monja". He stated that the school only taught him the | []
|
Gustavo Montoya | [
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| Mexican artist and painter (1905-2003) | “craft” of art, not the “spirit” of it and for this reason he considered himself a mostly self-taught artist. His two main passions in life were women and painting. He married his first wife, Luz Saavedra, without his parents’ permission, moving into a very small apartment as the couple was very poor with no means of support. When his father saw this, he offered to help, using connections in Los Angeles to get Gustavo work creating posters in the United States. The couple had one daughter Rosa Elena Montoya Saavedra. The marriage did not last long, and Montoya returned to | []
|
Gustavo Montoya | [
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| Mexican artist and painter (1905-2003) | Mexico. He met his second wife, Cordelia Urueta, at the studio of Pastor Velázquez. Velazquez was renting space that could be used as a studio and Montoya asked Urueta to join him and other artists to rent it. It allowed Montoya to date Urueta. Montoya proposed to Urueta, who accepted with the condition that he move with her to Europe where she had received a diplomatic post at the Mexican embassy in Paris. He received a grant from the Mexican government to travel to Switzerland, England and Italy to study European vanguard art and resided in Paris with his wife. | []
|
Gustavo Montoya | [
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| Mexican artist and painter (1905-2003) | His time in Europe allowed him to develop as an artist, including learning to paint with his non-dominant left hand in order to experience art from a different physiognomy. In 1965, Montoya and Urueta divorced after twenty six years of marriage. He was mostly solitary and did not involve himself in artistic circles. However, he was a founding member of the Liga de Escritores y Artistas Revolucionarios along with Cordelia Urueta and others. He was also a founding member of the Salón de la Plástica Mexicana . His last apartment was a modest dwelling on Calle Victoria across from the | []
|
Gustavo Montoya | [
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| Mexican artist and painter (1905-2003) | San Juan Market in the historic center of Mexico City, where he spent the rest of his life. He won three medals as a tennis player, the last of which when he was seventy five. His last wife was Trina Hungria. When he died, he had four grandchildren. He died at age 98 in Mexico City on July 12, 2003. His body was cremated at the Panteón Español. Career His first professional artistic work was making posters for movies with the West Coast Theaters Co in the United States, starting in 1928. He returned for a time to Mexico, working | []
|
Gustavo Montoya | [
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| Mexican artist and painter (1905-2003) | with Pastor Velázquez and other artists and working in 1936 at the Escuela Nacional de Artes Plásticas (ENAP) . He then went to Europe, then New York where he had several exhibitions before returning again to Mexico in 1942. At this time, he became focused on the work of fellow Mexicans, joining the Mexican neo-realism movement to continue the traditions of Mexican muralism. He began to teach at ENAP again in 1953. His first exhibition was at the Durand Gallery in Los Angeles, California followed by exhibits in Mexico as well as Peru, the United States, Belgium, Japan and other | []
|
Gustavo Montoya | [
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| Mexican artist and painter (1905-2003) | exhibited at the Galeria Arte Nucleo in Mexico City. He participated in collective exhibitions at the Museo Mural Diego Rivera and the Galeria Marstelle in 1995 and 1996. In 1997, the Museo Mural Diego Rivera realized an anthology of his work, referring to him as a “Great Silent One.” His most commercially successful work was that of children dressed in regional traditional clothing, showing influence from Diego Rivera. Most of the collectors of his work were those who appreciated his traditional style, mostly from the United States. Significant works include “Las calles de Mexico" (1945), "Bodegones mexicanos" (1951), "Ninos mexicanos" | []
|
Gustavo Montoya | [
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| Mexican artist and painter (1905-2003) | (1954), "Muros" (1962) and "Ajedrez" (1971). His last works include "Agonia de una tarde", "Autorretrato muerto" and "La muerte canta" in 1996. Artistry He spent most of his career painting the streets of Mexico and its inhabitants. He painted murals, still lifes, portraits and street scenes. Elements in his work include mansions, tenements, churches, alleys and markets of Mexico City. He preferred to paint the poor and working class, considering them the more “authentic” of Mexico City's residents. His work has been called “late Mexican School of Painting” as it is in the style of the muralists of the early | []
|
Short-handed | [
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| in team sports (esp. hockey and water polo), the situation of having fewer players in play as a result of a penalty | Short-handed is a term used in ice hockey and several related sports, including water polo, and refers to having fewer skaters (players) on the ice during play, as a result of a penalty. The player removed from play serves the penalty in the penalty box for a set amount of time proportional to the severity of the infraction. If a goaltender commits a minor infraction, another player who was on the ice at the time of the penalty serves, often but not necessarily the team captain. The penalized team is said to be on the penalty kill, abbreviated as "PK" | []
|
Short-handed | [
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| in team sports (esp. hockey and water polo), the situation of having fewer players in play as a result of a penalty | possible if two players on one team are serving penalties at the same time. Short-handed goals A short-handed goal is a goal scored in ice hockey when a team's on-ice players are outnumbered by the opposing team's. Normally, a team would be outnumbered because of a penalty incurred. However, the opposing team on the power play often only has one defenseman at the rear rather than the typical two, in favor of adding another attacker. This strategy can often be exploited by the short-handed team, if they do manage to get the puck out into the neutral zone leaving most | []
|
Satanas sa Lupa | [
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| book by Celso Al. Carunungan | Satanas sa Lupa (“Satan on Earth”), subtitled “nobelang pangkasalukuyan” (“Present-day Novel”), is a 1970 Tagalog-language novel by Filipino author and scriptwriter Celso Al. Carunungan, one of the “titans of Philippine literature”. The novel criticizes the Philippine government and society during the early part of the 1970s, a reason why the author had been included among the group known as "Class 1081", Filipinos imprisoned when Martial Law was declared by Ferdinand Marcos in 1972. Apart from being one of the political novels in the Philippines from 1967 to 1972 that "represented a clamor for change in society" (Filipino: kinatawan ng paghingi | []
|
Satanas sa Lupa | [
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| book by Celso Al. Carunungan | ng pagbabago sa lipunan), Satanas sa Lupa was one of the novels in the Philippines that incorporated romanticism in its plot using the "love triangle" (Filipino: tatsulukan ng pag-ibig) genre, a genre that began in the Philippines in 1906 through another novel entitled Juan Masili by another Filipino author named Patricio Mariano. The love triangle in Satanas sa Lupa is between the characters Benigno Talavera, Conrado, and Chona. Description According to Ruby Gamboa-Alcantara in her "Romantisismo, Estilong Pilipino" Itinatak sa Nobelang Tagalog ("Romanticism, Filipino Style" Stamped on the Tagalog Novel), the character Benigno Talavera was the representative of Philippine politics | []
|
The Chiltern School | [
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| school in Central Bedfordshire, UK | The Chiltern School is a coeducational special school located over two sites in Dunstable and Houghton Regis in Bedfordshire, England. The school accepts pupils from all over the Central Bedfordshire area. Special education The Chiltern School is for pupils between the ages of 3 and 19 years of age, whose special educational needs fall within the categories of moderate to severe learning difficulties. Some pupils may have additional medical, physical or sensory impairments or emotional and behavioural difficulties. Facilities for pupils at the Houghton Regis campus of the school include sensory rooms, and a residential bungalow on campus which is | []
|
The Chiltern School | [
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| school in Central Bedfordshire, UK | used to support the development of pupils' life skills. History The school was formed in 2012 from the merger of Glenwood School in Dunstable and Hillcrest School in Houghton Regis. The school continues to operate over both sites with the primary department of the school based in Dunstable and the secondary department based in Houghton Regis. The school celebrated its first anniversary in 2013, with celebrants noting achievements of students and staff. In 2014, head teacher Shirley-Anne Crosbie was awarded the Order of the British Empire for "For services to Children with Special Needs Education". Since September 2017, Lisa Leonard | []
|
Haldea striatula | [
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| species of reptile | Haldea striatula (formerly Virginia striatula), commonly called the rough earth snake, is a species of nonvenomous natricine colubrid snake native to the southeastern United States. Taxonomy The species was first described by Carl Linnaeus in 1766, as Coluber striatulus. Over the next two and a half centuries its scientific name has been changed several times (see synonyms). Most recently, the generic name was changed back from Virginia to Haldea in 2013. Common names Other common names for Haldea striatula include: brown ground snake, brown snake, ground snake, little brown snake, little striped snake, small brown viper, small-eyed brown snake, southern | []
|
Haldea striatula | [
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| species of reptile | De Kay's brown snake retains these markings into adulthood. Also, S. dekayi has a rounder snout than H. striatula. Habitat The rough earth snake is fossorial, hiding beneath logs, rocks, or ornamental stones, in leaf litter, or in compost piles and gardens. The species is found in a variety of forested habitats with plenty of ground cover, as well as in many urban areas. It can reach very high densities in urban gardens, parks, and vacant lots. Reproduction H. striatula is viviparous, giving birth to 3 to 8 live young in mid-summer. Newborns are about 10 cm (4 inches) in | []
|
Haldea striatula | [
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| species of reptile | 22 + Map 124). Conant R, Bridges W (1939). What Snake is That?: A Field Guide to the Snakes of the United States East of the Rocky Mountains. (with 108 drawings by Edmond Malnate). New York and London: D. Appleton-Century Company. Frontispiece map + viii + 163 pp. + Plates A-C, 1-32. (Haldea striatula, pp. 113–114). Linnaeus C (1766). Systema naturæ per regna tria naturæ, secundum classes, ordines, genera, species, cum characteribus, diferentiis, synonymis, locis. Tomus I. Editio Duodecima, Reformata. Stockholm: L. Salvius. 532 pp. (Coluber striatulus, new species, p. 275). (in Latin). Schmidt KP, Davis DD (1941). Field Book | []
|
Haldea striatula | [
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| species of reptile | of Snakes of the United States and Canada. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons. 365 pp. (Haldea striatula, pp. 231–232, Figure 75 + Plate 25). Smith HM, Brodie ED Jr (1982). Reptiles of North America: A Guide to Field Identification. New York: Golden Press. 240 pp. (hardcover), (paperback). (Virginia striatula, pp. 152–153). Stejneger L, Barbour T (1917). A Check List of North American Amphibians and Reptiles. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 125 pp. (Potamophis striatulus, p. 99). Wright AH, Wright AA (1957). Handbook of Snakes of the United States and Canada. Ithaca and London: Comstock Publishing Associates, A Division of Cornell | []
|
Robert Davol Budlong | [
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| American industrial designer | Robert Davol Budlong (1902–1955) was an American industrial designer from Denver, Colorado. He studied art at Cummings School of Art in Des Moines, Iowa and graduated from Grinnell College, Iowa in 1921. This was followed by further study at the Chicago Academy of Fine Arts. He started his design career in 1933, with the Hammond Clock Company and, in 1934-1935, became a design consultant with Zenith Radio. This involvement with Zenith was to last until his death. He designed many of Zenith's pre-war portable radios, and virtually their entire "Trans-Oceanic" line. His other radio designs included a "universal portable" AC/DC | []
|
Baton Rouge Police Department | [
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| primary law enforcement agency in the city of Baton Rouge, Louisiana | The Baton Rouge Police Department (BRPD) is the primary law enforcement agency in the city of Baton Rouge, Louisiana. The Chief of Police, as of March 8, 2018, was Murphy Paul. The Baton Rouge Police Department has been accredited by the Commission on Accreditation for Law Enforcement Agencies (CALEA) since 1996. History Baton Rouge was incorporated in 1817 and the Baton Rouge Police Department was formally established in 1865, just after the end of the Civil War, with the appointment of the first Chief of Police. Currently the Baton Rouge Police Department receives about 215,000 service calls. In an average | [
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|
Y. P. Varshni | [
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| Canadian-Indian astronomer | Y. P. Varshni (born 1932) is a scientist in the areas of physics and astrophysics. Varshni studied at Allahabad University, where he obtained his B.Sc in 1950, his M.Sc. in 1952, and his Ph.D. in 1956. He published his first research paper in 1951 at the age of 19. He served as an assistant professor in the Physics Dept., Allahabad University for the period 1955–60. Varshni emigrated to Canada as a postdoctorate fellow at the National Research Council, Ottawa, Canada in July 1960. For the next two years he worked in theoretical physics under Ta-You Wu, a distinguished physicist who | []
|
A Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | A Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge (stylized onscreen as A Nightmare on Elm Street Part 2: Freddy's Revenge) is a 1985 American slasher film directed by Jack Sholder and written by David Chaskin. It stars Mark Patton, Kim Myers, Robert Englund as Freddy Krueger, and Robert Rusler. It is the second installment in the A Nightmare on Elm Street film series. The film follows Jesse Walsh, a teenager who begins having recurring nightmares about Freddy Krueger after moving into the former home of Nancy Thompson from the first film. Freddy's Revenge was released on November 1, 1985, and | [
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|
A Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | grossed $30 million at the domestic box office on a budget of $3 million. It received mixed reviews from critics upon release, with many comparing it unfavorably to its predecessor. However, it has enjoyed later success as a cult classic, with critics having reassessed the film's homoerotic themes and subject material. It was distributed by New Line Cinema. The film was followed by A Nightmare on Elm Street 3: Dream Warriors. Plot Five years after Freddy Krueger's apparent defeat, the Walshes have moved into the Thompsons' former home. Their teenage son, Jesse, has a nightmare about being stalked by a | [
"Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge"
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|
A Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | the steam and Freddy emerges, killing Schneider by slashing his back. Later, Jesse is horrified to see the glove on his hand. He is escorted home by police after being found wandering the streets naked, and his parents begin to suspect that Jesse may be on drugs or mentally disturbed. Lisa takes Jesse to an abandoned factory where Freddy Krueger worked, but they find nothing there. The following night, Jesse goes to Lisa's pool party and kisses her in the cabana. Afterwards, his body begins to change and he leaves in a panic. He goes to Grady's house, confesses to | [
"Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge"
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|
A Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | Kerry are taking the bus to school, Jesse begins to notice similarities to his original nightmare and panics. After Lisa calms Jesse down, Kerry says that it is all over just before Freddy's clawed arm bursts through her chest. Freddy laughs as the bus drives into the field, just as in Jesse's first nightmare. Cast Production Development Screenwriter Leslie Bohem pitched the producers with his idea of using pregnancy and possession as a plot device for the second film: “My concept was a homage to Rosemary's Baby. I came up with a plot that had a new family move into | [
"Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge"
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|
A Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge | [
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"Robert Englund"
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"Robert Shaye"
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | pregnancy idea would eventually be used in the sequel A Nightmare on Elm Street 5: The Dream Child, which Bohem would write the script for. Robert Shaye offered Wes Craven the chance to direct again, but he turned down the offer since he had many problems with the script, such as the "possessed parakeet" that seemed very ridiculous to him, and of Freddy merging with the main character and manifesting in real life at the pool party to kill scores of teenagers of which many are bigger than him, which Craven thought would diminish Freddy's scare factor as Robert Englund | [
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|
A Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | is not very tall in stature. The intro scene with Jesse's nightmare of Freddy driving the bus was carried over from the previous film; Craven was vehemently against Freddy appearing in person as the driver of the car in the epilogue scene, as he felt the storyline for Nancy, Tina, Rod and Glen should be self-contained in the first film. The compromise between him and Shaye was therefore to use the idea of Freddy driving the vehicle for the sequel, but not for any characters from Craven's film. The character of Lisa Webber was named Lisa Poletti in the script. | [
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|
A Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | On Wes Craven's suggestions, Chaskin put more emphasis on Lisa in the film than he originally intended; he explains that Craven "suggested that we shift the focus from Jesse the male lead. In the script the focus was on Jesse for 90% of the film, then suddenly it shifted to Lisa, his girlfriend. I pretty much added some focus on Lisa, and now it's like 50-50." Casting New Line Cinema originally thought to save money by simply using an unnamed extra in a rubber mask to play Freddy - as had been the case for masked, mute, impersonal killers like | [
"Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge"
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|
A Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | Jason Voorhees and Michael Myers - but reconsidered when they realized that the man had the gait and posture of "a dimestore monster" or "Frankenstein's monster" as opposed to Robert Englund's classically trained physical acting. The extra as Freddy still remained in one scene left in the film, during coach Schneider's death scene in the shower, though obscured by excessive water steam. Realizing their mistake, the producers quickly brought back Englund for the rest of the film and series. Filming The film's special effects were headed by Kevin Yagher, who handled Freddy's design, and Mark Shostrom, who was responsible for | [
"Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge"
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|
A Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | the transformation effects wherein Freddy comes out of Jesse's body. David B. Miller, who created the makeup for the original film, was busy working on Cocoon and My Science Project. In a later interview, Yagher expressed disappointment and confusion regarding the ending of the film. Release Box office The film opened on 522 screens in the New York, Washington D.C., Detroit and Texas areas. Varying figures have been reported for its opening weekend. Daily Variety reported it opening with $3,865,475 placing it second for the weekend behind Death Wish 3. An advert in the following day's Weekly Variety claimed it | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | had grossed $3,220,348 placing it third behind To Live and Die in L.A. and contemporary websites such as Box Office Mojo report it grossing exactly $1 million less than the initial Daily Variety figure, with only $2.9 million, coming in fourth place. Whichever figure is used, the per screen total was higher than the other films in the top 10. The following weekend, it grossed $1,819,203 for a 10-day total of $5,569,334 (which New Line also reported in an advertisement), which indicates that the initial figure reported by Daily Variety was overstated. In the US, the film eventually made $30 | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | million on a budget of $3 million. Reception Critical reception Critical reaction of the film was mixed upon release, with some criticism in comparison to its predecessor. Janet Maslin of The New York Times praised the film, saying that it has "clever special effects, a good leading performance and a villain so chatty he practically makes this a human-interest story". The review also gave the lead performances positive reviews, noting, "Mr. Patton and Miss Myers make likable teen-age heroes, and Mr. Englund actually turns Freddy into a welcome presence. Clu Gulager and Hope Lange have some good moments as Jesse's | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | parents, and Marshall Bell scowls ferociously as the coach who calls his charges dirtballs and who is eventually attacked by a demonic towel." Variety gave the film a positive review saying, "Episodic treatment is punched up by an imaginative series of special effects. The standout is a grisly chest-burster setpiece." In a negative review, People called the film a "tedious, humorless mess". The film currently holds a 43% approval rating on the review aggregator website Rotten Tomatoes, based on 28 reviews. The site's consensus is: An intriguing subtext of repressed sexuality gives Freddy's Revenge some texture, but the Nightmare loses | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | its edge in a sequel that lacks convincing performances or memorable scares. Homoerotic subtext Film commentators have often remarked on the film's perceived homoerotic theme, claiming its subtext suggests Jesse is a repressed homosexual (never clarified in the movie). They note, in particular, the scenes where he encounters his gym teacher at a gay bar, and his flight to a male friend's house after he attempts to make out with his girlfriend at her pool party. Further, actor Mark Patton, who plays Jesse, played a role so often written as female in the subgenre (such as in the first film) | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | that it has become known as the "final girl". At the time of its release, one publication referred to it as "the gayest horror film ever". In the 21st century, it has become a cult film for gay audiences. On Never Sleep Again: The Elm Street Legacy, David Chaskin refers to a 2009 list on Cracked.com which lists "The 5 Most Unintentionally Gay Horror Movies", with Freddy's Revenge as number one, and states that "There is nothing logical that can explain the level of homoeroticism in this movie". The book Welcome to Our Nightmares: Behind the Scene with Today's Horror | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | Actors elaborates on the film's homoerotic subtext, stating that: "The film suggested an undertone of homosexuality, starting with the protagonist's gender-neutral name. Jesse's rarely fully clothed. He and a tormentor have a sweaty wrestling match. His coach, clad in leather, basically hits on him in a gay bar, then gets killed by Freddy, including a bare-ass spanking. Freddy emerges from Jesse's stomach in the same forced-birth technique that made the Alien films legendary." Mark Patton has claimed the film's gay subtext was increasingly emphasised through script rewrites as production progressed. "It just became undeniable" he told BuzzFeed in 2016. "I'm | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | he told a reporter that Patton had simply played the part "too gay". The emotional stress of the film led Patton to leave acting shortly afterwards for a career in interior decorating. While Chaskin has tried to reach out and apologize to Patton over the years, with limited success, he maintains that Patton's "interpretations of Jesse were choices that he made ... I have to believe that he 'got it' and that was how he decided to play it." In 2010, Chaskin finally admitted it was a deliberate choice on his part. "Homophobia was skyrocketing and I began to think | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | about our core audience—adolescent boys—and how all of this stuff might be trickling down into their psyches," he explained. "My thought was that tapping into that angst would give an extra edge to the horror." One scene that would have made the gay subtext more apparent, however, was toned down. Englund was actually prepared to insert one of his hand's knife blades into Jessie's mouth instead of merely caressing his lips with it as he does in the finished film, but Patton did not feel comfortable with it. The film's makeup artist suggested to Patton that he not do the | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | scene that way to protect his image. In a February 2010 interview with Attitude magazine, Englund said "... the second Nightmare on Elm Street is obviously intended as a bisexual themed film. It was early '80s, pre-AIDS paranoia. Jesse's wrestling with whether to come out or not and his own sexual desires was manifested by Freddy. His friend is the object of his affection. That's all there in that film. We did it subtly but the casting of Mark Patton was intentional too, because Mark was out and had done Come Back to the Five and Dime, Jimmy Dean, Jimmy | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | Dean." In an article written by Brent Hartinger for AfterElton.com, he notes that a "frequent debate in gay pop culture circles is this: Just how 'gay' was 1985's A Nightmare on Elm Street 2: Freddy's Revenge (the first Elm Street sequel)? The imagery in the movie makes it seem unmistakably gay — but the filmmakers have all along denied that that was their intention." During his interview segment for the 2010 documentary film Never Sleep Again: The Elm Street Legacy, David Chaskin admitted that the gay themes were intentional, something he had denied until that point. The rest of the | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | cast and crew have said that they were unaware of any such themes at the time they made the film, but that a series of creative decisions on the part of director Jack Sholder unintentionally brought Chaskin's themes to the forefront. In an interview Sholder said, "I simply didn't have the self-awareness to realize that any of this might be interpreted as gay". Now-out Mark Patton said, "I don't think that [the character] Jesse was originally written as a gay character. I think it's something that happened along the line by serendipity". Patton also wrote Jesse's Lost Journal about Jesse's | [
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| 1985 film by Jack Sholder | life after the film and dealing with his homosexuality. Soundtrack The film's score was composed by Christopher Young. The song "Have You Ever Seen a Dream Walking" performed by Bing Crosby plays over the film's end credits. The songs "Touch Me (All Night Long)" by Fonda Rae, "Whisper to a Scream" by Bobby Orlando, "On the Air Tonight" by Willy Finlayson, "Moving in the Night" by Skagerack, and "Terror in My Heart" by the Reds are also featured in the film. See also List of ghost films List of monster movies References External links Category:1985 films Category:1985 horror films Category:1980s | [
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Arab citizens of Israel | [
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| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | Arab citizens of Israel, or Arab Israelis, are Israeli citizens who are Arab. Many Arab citizens of Israel self-identify as Palestinian and commonly self-designate themselves as Palestinian citizens of Israel or Israeli Palestinians. According to a 2017 survey by University of Haifa professor Sammy Smooha, 16% of the Arab population prefers the term "Israeli Arab", while the largest and fastest growing proportion prefers "Palestinian in Israel", and 17% prefer "Palestinian Arab", rejecting entirely the identity of "Israeli". The traditional vernacular of most Arab citizens, irrespective of religion, is Levantine Arabic, including Lebanese Arabic in northern Israel, Palestinian dialect of Arabic | [
"Israeli Arabs",
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|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
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"native language",
"Arabic"
],
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"religion",
"Islam"
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| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | in central Israel and Bedouin dialects across the Negev desert; having absorbed much Hebrew loanwords and phrases, the modern dialect of Arab citizens of Israel is defined by some as the Israeli Arabic dialect. Most Arab citizens of Israel are functionally bilingual, their second language being Modern Hebrew. By religious affiliation, most are Muslim, particularly of the Sunni branch of Islam. There is a significant Arab Christian minority from various denominations as well as the Druze, among other religious communities. According to Israel's Central Bureau of Statistics, the Arab population in 2019 was estimated at 1,890,000, representing 20.95% of the | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Israelis"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | country's population. The majority of these identify themselves as Arab or Palestinian by nationality and Israeli by citizenship. Arab citizens of Israel mostly live in Arab-majority towns and cities; eight of Israel's ten poorest cities are Arab. The vast majority attend separate schools to Jewish Israelis, and Arab political parties have never joined a government coalition. Many have family ties to Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip as well as to Palestinian refugees in Jordan, Syria and Lebanon. Galilee Bedouins, Negev Bedouins and the Druze tend to identify more as Israelis than other Arab citizens of Israel. The | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
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"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | Arabs living in East Jerusalem and the Druze in the Golan Heights, occupied by Israel in the Six-Day War of 1967 and later annexed, were offered Israeli citizenship, but most have refused, not wanting to recognize Israel's claim to sovereignty. They became permanent residents instead. They have the right to apply for citizenship, are entitled to municipal services and have municipal voting rights. Terminology How to refer to the Arab citizenry of Israel is a highly politicized issue, and there are a number of self-identification labels used by members of this community. Generally speaking, supporters of Israel tend to use | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
],
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Israelis"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | Israeli Arab or Arab Israeli to refer to this population without mentioning Palestine, while critics of Israel (or supporters of Palestinians) tend to use Palestinian or Palestinian Arab without referencing Israel. According to The New York Times, most preferred to identify themselves as Palestinian citizens of Israel rather than as Israeli Arabs, as of 2012. The New York Times uses both 'Palestinian Israelis' and 'Israeli Arabs' to refer to the same population. Common practice in contemporary academic literature is to identify this community as Palestinian as it is how the majority self-identify (See Self-Identification below for more). Terms preferred by | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | most Arab citizens to identify themselves include Palestinians, Palestinians in Israel, Israeli Palestinians, the Palestinians of 1948, Palestinian Arabs, Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel or Palestinian citizens of Israel. There are, however, individuals from among the Arab citizenry who reject the term Palestinian altogether. A minority of Israel's Arab citizens include "Israeli" in some way in their self-identifying label; the majority identify as Palestinian by nationality and Israeli by citizenship. The Israeli establishment prefers Israeli Arabs or Arabs in Israel, and also uses the terms the minorities, the Arab sector, Arabs of Israel and Arab citizens of Israel. These labels | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | have been criticized for denying this population a political or national identification, obscuring their Palestinian identity and connection to Palestine. The term Israeli Arabs in particular is viewed as a construct of the Israeli authorities. It is nonetheless used by a significant minority of the Arab population, "reflecting its dominance in Israeli social discourse." Other terms used to refer to this population include Palestinian Arabs in Israel, Israeli Palestinian Arabs, the Arabs inside the Green Line, and the Arabs within (). The latter two appellations, among others listed above, are not applied to the East Jerusalem Arab population or the | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
],
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Israelis"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | Druze in the Golan Heights, as these territories were occupied by Israel in 1967. As the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics defines the area covered in its statistics survey as including East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights, the number of Arabs in Israel is calculated as 20.95% of the Israeli population (2019). History 1948 Arab–Israeli War Most Israelis refer to the 1948 Arab–Israeli War as the War of Independence, while most Arab citizens refer to it as al-Nakba (the catastrophe), a reflection of differences in perception of the purpose and outcomes of the war. In the aftermath of the 1947–49 | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | war, the territory previously administered by the British Empire as Mandatory Palestine was de facto divided into three parts: the State of Israel, the Jordanian-held West Bank, and the Egyptian-held Gaza Strip. Of the estimated 950,000 Arabs that lived in the territory that became Israel before the war, over 80% fled or were expelled. The other 20%, some 156,000, remained. Arab citizens of Israel today are largely composed of the people who remained and their descendants. Others include some from the Gaza Strip and the West Bank who procured Israeli citizenship under family-unification provisions made significantly more stringent in the | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | aftermath of the Second Intifada. Arabs who left their homes during the period of armed conflict, but remained in what had become Israeli territory, were considered to be "present absentees". In some cases, they were refused permission to return to their homes, which were expropriated and turned over to state ownership, as was the property of other Palestinian refugees. Some 274,000, or 1 of every 4 Arab citizens of Israel are "present absentees" or internally displaced Palestinians. Notable cases of "present absentees" include the residents of Saffuriyya and the Galilee villages of Kafr Bir'im and Iqrit. 1949–1966 While most Arabs | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | remaining in Israel were granted citizenship, they were subject to martial law in the early years of the state. Zionism had given little serious thought as to how to integrate Arabs, and according to Ian Lustick subsequent policies were 'implemented by a rigorous regime of military rule that dominated what remained of the Arab population in territory ruled by Israel, enabling the state to expropriate most Arab-owned land, severely limit its access to investment capital and employment opportunity, and eliminate virtually all opportunities to use citizenship as a vehicle for gaining political influence'. Travel permits, curfews, administrative detentions, and expulsions | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | were part of life until 1966. A variety of Israeli legislative measures facilitated the transfer of land abandoned by Arabs to state ownership. These included the Absentee Property Law of 1950 which allowed the state to take control of land belonging to land owners who emigrated to other countries, and the Land Acquisition Law of 1953 which authorized the Ministry of Finance to transfer expropriated land to the state. Other common legal expedients included the use of emergency regulations to declare land belonging to Arab citizens a closed military zone, followed by the use of Ottoman legislation on abandoned land | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | to take control of the land. Arabs who held Israeli citizenship were entitled to vote for the Israeli Knesset. Arab Knesset members have served in office since the First Knesset. The first Arab Knesset members were Amin-Salim Jarjora and Seif el-Din el-Zoubi who were members of the Democratic List of Nazareth party and Tawfik Toubi member of the Maki party. In 1965 a radical independent Arab group called al-Ard forming the Arab Socialist List tried to run for Knesset elections. The list was banned by the Israeli Central Elections Committee. In 1966, martial law was lifted completely, and the government | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"religion",
"Islam"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | larger trend in the Arab World, the Islamic Movement emphasized moving Islam into the political realm. The Islamic movement built schools, provided other essential social services, constructed mosques, and encouraged prayer and conservative Islamic dress. The Islamic Movement began to affect electoral politics particularly at the local level. Many Arab citizens supported the First Intifada and assisted Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza, providing them with money, food, and clothes. A number of strikes were also held by Arab citizens in solidarity with Palestinians in the occupied territories. The years leading up to the Oslo Accords were a time | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | of optimism for Arab citizens. During the administration of Yitzhak Rabin, Arab parties played an important role in the formation of a governing coalition. Increased participation of Arab citizens was also seen at the civil society level. However, tension continued to exist with many Arabs calling for Israel to become a "state of all its citizens", thereby challenging the state's Jewish identity. In the 1999 elections for prime minister, 94% of the Arab electorate voted for Ehud Barak. However, Barak formed a broad left-right-center government without consulting the Arab parties, disappointing the Arab community. 2000–present Tensions between Arabs and the | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | state rose in October 2000 when 12 Arab citizens and one man from Gaza were killed while protesting the government's response to the Second Intifada. In response to this incident, the government established the Or Commission. The events of October 2000 caused many Arabs to question the nature of their Israeli citizenship. To a large extent, they boycotted the 2001 Israeli Elections as a means of protest. This boycott helped Ariel Sharon defeat Ehud Barak; as aforementioned, in the 1999 elections, 94 percent of Israel's Arab minority had voted for Ehud Barak. IDF enlistment by Bedouin citizens of Israel dropped | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"native language",
"Arabic"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | significantly. During the 2006 Lebanon War, Arab advocacy organizations complained that the Israeli government had invested time and effort to protect Jewish citizens from Hezbollah attacks, but had neglected Arab citizens. They pointed to a dearth of bomb shelters in Arab towns and villages and a lack of basic emergency information in Arabic. Many Israeli Jews viewed the Arab opposition to government policy and sympathy with the Lebanese as a sign of disloyalty. In October 2006, tensions rose when Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert invited a right-wing political party Yisrael Beiteinu, to join his coalition government. The party leader, Avigdor | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | Lieberman, advocated an ethnicity based territory exchange, the Lieberman Plan, by transferring heavily populated Arab areas (mainly the Triangle), to Palestinian Authority control and annexing major Jewish Israeli settlement blocs in the West Bank close to the green line as part of a peace proposal. Arabs who would prefer to remain in Israel instead of becoming citizens of a Palestinian state would be able to move to Israel. All citizens of Israel, whether Jews or Arabs, would be required to pledge an oath of allegiance to retain citizenship. Those who refuse could remain in Israel as permanent residents. In January | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"native language",
"Arabic"
],
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Israelis"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | – was 1,413,500 people, about 20% of Israel's population. The Arab population in 2019 was estimated at 1,890,000, representing 20.95% of the country's population. According to the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics (May 2003), Muslims, including Bedouins, make up 82% of the entire Arab population in Israel, along with around 9% Druze, and 9% Christians. Projections based on 2010 data, predicted that Arab Israelis will constitute 25% of Israel's population by 2025. The national language and mother tongue of Arab citizens, including the Druze, is Arabic and the colloquial spoken language is of the Palestinian Arabic dialect. Knowledge and command | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"native language",
"Arabic"
],
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
],
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Israelis"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | of Modern Standard Arabic varies. Muslims Settled Traditionally settled communities of Muslim Arabs comprise about 70% of the Arab population in Israel. In 2010, the average number of children per mother was 3.84, dropping from 3.97 in 2008. The Muslim population is mostly young: 42% of Muslims are under the age of 15. The median age of Muslim Israelis is 18, while the median age of Jewish Israelis is 30. The percentage of people over 65 is less than 3% for Muslims, compared with 12% for the Jewish population. Bedouin (nomadic) According to the Foreign Affairs Minister of Israel, 110,000 | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | BaNegev), Bir Hadaj, Hura, Kuseife, Lakiya, Shaqib al-Salam (Segev Shalom) and Tel as-Sabi (Tel Sheva). Approximately 40–50% of Bedouin citizens of Israel live in 39–45 unrecognized villages that are not connected to the electrical grid and water mains. Druze Most Israeli Druze live in the north of the country and are recognised as a separate community to Arabs. The Galilean Druze and Druze of the Haifa region received Israeli citizenship automatically in 1948. After Israel captured the Golan Heights from Syria in 1967 and annexed it to Israel in 1981, the Druze of the Golan Heights were offered full Israeli | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
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"Ethnic group"
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[
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],
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
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| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | recognized the Druze as a separate religious community, and are defined as a distinct ethnic group in the Israeli Ministry of Interior's census registration. While the Israeli education system is basically divided into Hebrew and Arabic speaking schools, the Druze have autonomy within the Arabic speaking branch. In a survey conducted in 2008 by Dr. Yusuf Hassan of Tel Aviv University 94% of Druze respondents identified as "Druze-Israelis" in the religious and national context, while a 2017 Pew Research Center poll reported that while 99% of Muslims and 96% of Christians identified as ethnically Arab, a smaller share of Druze, | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
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| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | 71%, identified likewise. Compared to other Christians and Muslims, Druze place less emphasis on Arab identity and self-identify more as Israeli. Most do not identify as Palestinians. Druze politicians in Israel include Ayoob Kara, who represented Likud in the Knesset; Majalli Wahabi of Kadima, the Deputy Speaker of the Knesset; and Said Nafa of the Arab party Balad. Christians Christian Arabs comprise about 9% of the Arab population in Israel. Approximately 70% reside in the north, in Jish, Eilabun, Kafr Yasif, Kafr Kanna, I'billin, Shefa-'Amr. Some Druze villages, such as Hurfeish and Maghar, have small Christian Arab populations. Nazareth has | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
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"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | the largest Christian Arab population. The near entirety of Haifa's Arab minority is Christian as well. There are 117,000 or more Christian Arabs in Israel (and more than 35,000 non-Arab Christians). As of 2014 the Melkite Greek Catholic Church was the largest Christian community in Israel, where about 60% of Israeli Christians belonged to the Melkite Greek Catholic Church, while around 30% of Israeli Christians belonged to the Greek Orthodox Church of Jerusalem. Many Christian Arabs have been prominent in Arab political parties in Israel, and leaders have included Archbishop George Hakim, Emile Toma, Tawfik Toubi, Emile Habibi, and Azmi | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | to register as Arameans in Israel. This recognition comes after about seven years of activity by the Aramean Christian Foundation in Israel, which rather than sticking to an Arab identity, wishes to assimilate into an Israeli lifestyle. Aram is led by IDF Major Shadi Khalloul Risho and the Israeli Christian Recruitment Forum, headed by Father Gabriel Naddaf of the Greek-Orthodox Church and Major Ihab Shlayan. The move was condemned by the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate, which described it as an attempt to divide the Palestinian minority in Israel. Christian Arabs are one of the most educated groups in Israel. Statistically, Christian | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | Arabs in Israel have the highest rates of educational attainment among all religious communities, according to a data by Israel Central Bureau of Statistics in 2010, 63% of Israeli Christian Arabs have had college or postgraduate education, the highest of any religious and ethno-religious group. Despite the fact that Arab Christians only represent 2% of the total Israeli population, in 2014 they accounted for 17% of the country's university students, and for 14% of its college students. There are more Christians who have attained a bachelor's degree or higher academic degrees than the median Israeli population. The rate of students | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
],
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Israelis"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | studying in the field of medicine was higher among Christian Arab students than that of all other sectors. and the percentage of Arab Christian women who are receiving higher education is also higher than that of other groups. The Israel Central Bureau of Statistics noted that when taking into account the data recorded over the years, Israeli Christian Arabs fared the best in terms of education in comparison to any other group receiving an education in Israel. In 2012 Christian Arabs had the highest rates of success at matriculation examinations, namely 69%, both in comparison to Muslim and Druze Israelis | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | in the white collar professions. In Israel Arab Christians are portrayed as a hard working and upper middle class educated ethno-religious minority. According to the study "Are Christian Arabs the New Israeli Jews? Reflections on the Educational Level of Arab Christians in Israel" by Hanna David from the University of Tel Aviv, one of the factors why Israeli Arab Christians are the most educated segment of Israel's population is the high level of the Christian educational institutions. Christian schools in Israel are among the best schools in the country, and while those schools represent only 4% of the Arab schooling | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | sector, about 34% of Arab university students come from Christian schools, and about 87% of the Israeli Arabs in the high tech sector have been educated in Christian schools. A 2011 Maariv article described the Christian Arab sector as "the most successful in the education system", an opinion supported by the Israel Central Bureau of Statistics and others who point out that Christian Arabs fared best in terms of education in comparison to any other group receiving an education in Israel. Self-identification The relationship of Arab citizens to the State of Israel is often fraught with tension and can be | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | different outcome, in which "there was consensus that Palestinian identity occupies a central place in their consciousness". Arabs living in East Jerusalem, occupied and administered by Israel since the Six-Day War of 1967, are a special case. Although they hold Israeli ID cards, most are permanent residents since few accepted Israel's offer of citizenship after the war's end, refusing to recognize its sovereignty, and most maintain close ties with the West Bank. As permanent residents, they are eligible to vote in Jerusalem's municipal elections, although only a small percentage takes advantage of this right. The remaining Druze population of the | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | Golan Heights, occupied and administered by Israel in 1967, are considered permanent residents under the Golan Heights Law of 1981. Few have accepted full Israeli citizenship and the vast majority consider themselves citizens of Syria. Population In 2006, the official number of Arab residents in Israel was 1,413,500 people, about 20% of Israel's population. This figure includes 209,000 Arabs (14% of the Israeli Arab population) in East Jerusalem, also counted in the Palestinian statistics, although 98% of East Jerusalem Palestinians have either Israeli residency or Israeli citizenship. In 2012, the official number of Arab residents in Israel increased to 1,617,000 | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | Arab localities to have been established since 1948, with the aim of relocating the Arab Bedouin citizens (see preceding section on Bedouin). 46% of the country's Arabs (622,400 people) live in predominantly Arab communities in the north. In Nazareth was the largest Arab city, with a population of , roughly 40,000 of whom are Muslim. Shefa-'Amr has a population of approximately and the city is mixed with sizable populations of Muslims, Christians, and Druze. Jerusalem, a mixed city, has the largest overall Arab population. Jerusalem housed 332,400 Arabs in 2016 (37.7% of the city's residents) and together with the local | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | State of Israel, not a single new Arab settlement has been established, with the exception of permanent housing projects for Bedouins in the Negev". The city, Givat Tantur, was never constructed even after 10 years. Major Arab localities Arabs make up the majority of the population of the "heart of the Galilee" and of the areas along the Green Line including the Wadi Ara region. Bedouin Arabs make up the majority of the northeastern section of the Negev. Perceived demographic threat In the northern part of Israel the percentage of Jewish population is declining. The increasing population of Arabs within | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | Israel, and the majority status they hold in two major geographic regions – the Galilee and the Triangle – has become a growing point of open political contention in recent years. Dr. Wahid Abd Al-Magid, the editor of Al-Ahram Weekly's "Arab Strategic Report", predicts that: "The Arabs of 1948 (i.e. Arabs who stayed within the bounds of Israel and accepted citizenship) may become a majority in Israel in 2035, and they will certainly be the majority in 2048." Among Arabs, Muslims have the highest birth rate, followed by Druze, and then Christians. The phrase demographic threat (or demographic bomb) is | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | used within the Israeli political sphere to describe the growth of Israel's Arab citizenry as constituting a threat to its maintenance of its status as a Jewish state with a Jewish demographic majority. Israeli historian Benny Morris stated in 2004 that, while he strongly opposes expulsion of Israeli Arabs, in case of an "apocalyptic" scenario where Israel comes under total attack with non-conventional weapons and comes under existential threat, an expulsion might be the only option. He compared the Israeli Arabs to a "time bomb" and "a potential fifth column" in both demographic and security terms and said they are | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | liable to undermine the state in time of war. Several politicians have viewed the Arabs in Israel as a security and demographic threat. The phrase "demographic bomb" was famously used by Benjamin Netanyahu in 2003 when he noted that, if the percentage of Arab citizens rises above its current level of about 20 percent, Israel will not be able to maintain a Jewish demographic majority. Netanyahu's comments were criticized as racist by Arab Knesset members and a range of civil rights and human rights organizations, such as the Association for Civil Rights in Israel. Even earlier allusions to the "demographic | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
],
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Israelis"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | earlier demographic predictions (for example, in the 1960s, predictions suggested that Arabs would be the majority in 1990). The study also demonstrated that Christian Arab and Druze birth rates were actually below those of Jewish birth rates in Israel. The study used data from a Gallup poll to demonstrate that the desired family size for Arabs in Israel and Jewish Israelis were the same. The study's population forecast for 2025 predicted that Arabs would comprise only 25% of the Israeli population. Nevertheless, the Bedouin population, with its high birth rates, continues to be perceived as a threat to a Jewish | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | of "minister for strategic threats", Labour Party representative and science, sport and culture minister Ophir Pines-Paz resigned his post. In his resignation letter to Ehud Olmert, Pines-Paz wrote: "I couldn't sit in a government with a minister who preaches racism." The Lieberman Plan caused a stir among Arab citizens of Israel. Various polls show that Arabs in Israel do not wish to move to the West Bank or Gaza if a Palestinian state is created there. In a survey conducted by Kul Al-Arab among 1,000 residents of Um Al-Fahm, 83 percent of respondents opposed the idea of transferring their city | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | a Jewish state. Two Arab parties ran in Israel's first election in 1949, with one, the Democratic List of Nazareth, winning two seats. Until the 1960s all Arab parties in the Knesset were aligned with Mapai, the ruling party. A minority of Arabs join and vote for Zionist parties; in the 2006 elections 30% of the Arab vote went to such parties, up from 25% in 2003, though down on the 1999 (31%) and 1996 elections (33%). Left-wing parties (i.e. Labor Party and Meretz-Yachad, and previously One Nation) are the most popular parties amongst Arabs, though some Druze have also | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | voted for right-wing parties such as Likud and Yisrael Beiteinu, as well as the centrist Kadima. Arab-dominated parties typically do not join governing coalitions. However, historically these parties have formed alliances with dovish Israeli parties and promoted the formation of their governments by voting with them from the opposition. Arab parties are credited with keeping Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in power, and they have suggested they would do the same for a government led by Labor leader Isaac Herzog and peace negotiator Tzipi Livni. A 2015 Haaretz poll found that a majority of Israeli Arabs would like their parties, then | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | running on a joint list, to join the governing coalition. Representation in the Knesset Palestinian Arabs sat in the state's first parliamentary assembly in 1949. In 2011, 13 of the 120 members of the Israeli Parliament are Arab citizens, most representing Arab political parties, and one of Israel's Supreme Court judges is a Palestinian Arab. The 2015 elections included 18 Arab members of Knesset. Along with 13 members of the Joint List, there were five Arab parliamentarians representing Zionist parties, which is more than double their number in the previous Knesset. Some Arab Members of the Knesset, past and present, | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | permission. He was questioned "under caution" for 2.5 hours in the Petah Tikva station about his recent visit to Syria. Another former Arab Member of Knesset, Muhammad Kanaan, was also summoned for police questioning regarding the same trip. In 2010, six Arab MKs visited Libya, an openly anti-Zionist Arab state, and met with Muammar al-Gaddafi and various senior government officials. Gaddafi urged them to seek a one-state solution, and for Arabs to "multiply" in order to counter any "plots" to expel them. According to a study commissioned by the Arab Association of Human Rights entitled "Silencing Dissent," over the period | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Israelis"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | Raleb Majadele, was appointed a minister without portfolio, and a month later appointed minister for Science, Culture and Sport. The appointment of Majadele was criticized by far-right Israelis, some of whom are also within the Cabinet, but this drew condemnation across the mainstream Israeli political spectrum. Meanwhile, Arab lawmakers called the appointment an attempt to "whitewash Israel's discriminatory policies against its Arab minority". Knesset: Arab citizens of Israel have been elected to every Knesset, and currently hold 17 of its 120 seats. The first female Arab MP was Hussniya Jabara, a Muslim Arab from central Israel, who was elected in | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | include Major General Hussain Fares, commander of Israel's border police, and Major General Yosef Mishlav, head of the Home Front Command and current Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories. Both are members of the Druze community. Other high-ranking officers in the IDF include Lieutenant Colonel Amos Yarkoni (born Abd el-Majid Hidr/ عبد الماجد حيدر) from the Bedouin community, a legendary officer in the Israel Defense Forces and one of six Israeli Arabs to have received the IDF's third highest decoration, the Medal of Distinguished Service. Israeli Police: In 2011, Jamal Hakroush became the first Muslim Arab deputy Inspector-General in | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | matters of general concern to the entire Arab community and making binding decisions." While it enjoys de facto recognition from the State of Israel, it lacks official or de jure recognition from the state for its activities in this capacity. Ta'ayush Ta'ayush is "a grassroots movement of Arabs and Jews working to break down the walls of racism and segregation by constructing a true Arab-Jewish partnership." Regional Council of Unrecognized Villages The Regional Council of Unrecognized Villages is a body of unofficial representatives of the unrecognized villages throughout the Negev region in the south. Attempts to ban Arab political parties | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | citizens," were banned by the Israeli Central Elections Committee, for refusing to recognize Israel as a "Jewish and democratic state" and making statements promoting armed struggle against it. The Supreme Court overruled the decision in January 2003. Bishara served as a Knesset member from 1996 to 2007. He reportedly told an audience in Lebanon in December 2005 that Arab citizens "[...] are like all Arabs, only with Israeli citizenship forced upon them [...] Return Palestine to us and take your democracy with you. We Arabs are not interested in it". Bishara resigned his Knesset office and left the country in | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
],
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Israelis"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | Israelis are citizens of Israel with equal rights" and states that "The only legal distinction between Arab and Jewish citizens is not one of rights, but rather of civic duty. Since Israel's establishment, Arab citizens have been exempted from compulsory service in the Israel Defense Forces (IDF)." Druze and Circassians are drafted into the Israeli army, while other Arabs may serve voluntarily; however, only a very small number of Arabs choose to volunteer for the Israeli army). Many Arab citizens feel that the state, as well as society at large, not only actively limits them to second-class citizenship, but treats | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | them as enemies, affecting their perception of the de jure versus de facto quality of their citizenship. The joint document The Future Vision of the Palestinian Arabs in Israel, asserts: "Defining the Israeli State as a Jewish State and exploiting democracy in the service of its Jewishness excludes us, and creates tension between us and the nature and essence of the State." The document explains that by definition the "Jewish State" concept is based on ethnically preferential treatment towards Jews enshrined in immigration (the Law of Return) and land policy (the Jewish National Fund), and calls for the establishment of | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | minority rights protections enforced by an independent anti-discrimination commission. A 2004 report by Mossawa, an advocacy center for Palestinian-Arab citizens of Israel, states that since the events of October 2000, 16 Arabs had been killed by security forces, bringing the total to 29 victims of "institutional violence" in four years. Ahmed Sa'adi, in his article on The Concept of Protest and its Representation by the Or Commission, states that since 1948 the only protestors to be killed by the police have been Arabs. Yousef Munayyer, an Israeli citizen and the executive director of The Jerusalem Fund, wrote that Palestinians only | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"native language",
"Arabic"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | have varying degrees of limited rights in Israel. He states that although Palestinians make up about 20% of Israel's population, less than 7% of the budget is allocated to Palestinian citizens. He describes the 1.5 million Arab citizens of Israel as second-class citizens while four million more are not citizens at all. He states that a Jew from any country can move to Israel but a Palestinian refugee, with a valid claim to property in Israel, cannot. Munayyer also described the difficulties he and his wife faced when visiting the country. Arabic and Hebrew as official languages Arabic was until | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"native language",
"Arabic"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | July 2018 one of Israel's official languages. The use of Arabic increased significantly following Supreme Court rulings in the 1990s. Basic Law: Israel as the Nation-State of the Jewish People defines Hebrew as the official language of the State and gives the Arabic language a special status. Government ministries publish all material intended for the public in Hebrew, with selected material translated into Arabic, English, Russian, and other languages spoken in Israel. There are laws that secure the Arab population's right to receive information in Arabic. Some examples include a portion of the public television channels' productions must be in | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"native language",
"Arabic"
],
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | Arabic or translated into Arabic, safety regulations in working places must be published in Arabic if a significant number of the workers are Arabs, information about medicines or dangerous chemicals must be provided in Arabic, and information regarding elections must be provided in Arabic. The country's laws are published in Hebrew, and eventually English and Arabic translations are published. Publishing the law in Hebrew in the official gazette (Reshumot) is enough to make it valid. Unavailability of an Arabic translation can be regarded as a legal defense only if the defendant proves he could not understand the meaning of the | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"native language",
"Arabic"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | law in any conceivable way. Following appeals to the Israeli Supreme Court, the use of Arabic on street signs and labels increased dramatically. In response to one of the appeals presented by Arab Israeli organizations, the Supreme Court ruled that although second to Hebrew, Arabic is an official language of the State of Israel, and should be used extensively. Today most highway signage is trilingual (Hebrew, Arabic, and English). Many Arab villages lack street signs of any kind and the Hebrew name is often used. The state's schools in Arab communities teach in Arabic according to a specially adapted curriculum. | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"native language",
"Arabic"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | This curriculum includes mandatory lessons of Hebrew as foreign language from the 3rd grade onwards. Arabic is taught in Hebrew-speaking schools, but only the basic level is mandatory. In the summer of 2008, there was an unsuccessful attempt of right-wing lawmakers to strip Arabic of its status alongside Hebrew as an official language of the state. Israeli national symbols Some Arab politicians have requested a reevaluation of the Israeli flag and national anthem, arguing that the Star of David at the flag's center is an exclusively Jewish symbol, and Hatikvah does not represent Arab citizens, since it speaks of the | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Israelis"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | 2003, Israel enacted the Citizenship and Entry into Israel Law (Temporary Provision), 5763-2003, a one-year amendment to Israel's Citizenship Law denying citizenship and Israeli residence to Palestinians who reside in the West Bank or Gaza Strip and who marry Israelis; the rule has been waived for any Palestinian "who identifies with the State of Israel and its goals, when he or a member of his family has taken concrete action to advance the security, economy or any other matter important to the State". Upon expiration the law was extended for six months in August 2004, and again for four months | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
Arab citizens of Israel | [
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Arabs"
],
[
"Arab citizens of Israel",
"subclass of",
"Israelis"
]
]
| Arab ethnic group in Israel who mostly adhere to Islam | removes restrictions from half of the Palestinian population requesting legal status through marriage in Israel. This law was upheld by a High Court decision in 2006. Although this law theoretically applies to all Israelis, it has disproportionately affected Arab citizens of Israel; Arabs are far more likely to have Palestinian spouses than other Israelis. Thus the law has been widely considered discriminatory and the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has unanimously approved a resolution saying that the Israeli law violated an international human rights treaty against racism. Civil rights The Israeli Declaration of Independence stated that | [
"Israeli Arabs",
"Arab-Israelis"
]
|
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