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security practices are unreasonable, it is possible to develop a list of the |
practices that the FTC has deemed to be reasonable and unreasonable. This |
list begins to resemble a standards approach.45 |
The FTC also enforces the Safeguards Rule of the Gramm-Leach-Bliley |
Act (GLBA), which requires financial institutions to adopt “administrative, |
technical, and physical safeguards that are appropriate to [the institution’s] |
size and complexity, the nature and scope of [institutional] activities, and |
the sensitivity of any customer information at issue.”46 Although the rule |
has a few specific requirements, it mostly takes a reasonableness approach. |
A more recent enforcer of data security to join the party is the Securities |
and Exchange Commission (SEC), which started to become active in |
2014.47 Instead of issuing a set of security requirements, the SEC has used a |
reasonableness approach. In 2015, the SEC faulted an investment advisor |
for failing to adopt written cybersecurity policies and procedures reasonably |
designed to protect customer records and information.48 |
Problems with Safeguards Laws |
Regardless of their approach, safeguards laws have struggled to contain the |
data security problem. |
UNHELPFUL VAGUENESS VS. MECHANICAL RIGIDITY |
A big debate for safeguards laws consists of the choice between the |
reasonableness approach and the standards approach. The problem with the |
reasonableness approach is that many companies find it too vague and |
lacking in sufficient guidance about what they ought to do. They beg for a |
checklist so that they can check the boxes and feel assured that they are |
complying. |
On the other hand, standards approaches are critiqued for being too |
rigid. Security threats are evolving, and best practices for security have |
changed over time, so a rigid list might not keep up with current technology |
and practice. Lawmakers and policymakers are not always nimble enough |
and lack the expertise to come up with an up-to-date and comprehensive set |
of standards. There might be items on a list that don’t quite fit specific |
organizations or contexts. |
Not all standards approaches fall into this trap. The HIPAA Security |
Rule’s standards are quite broad, allowing for a lot of flexibility in how they |
are applied by specific organizations. With this balance, a standards |
approach can avoid the pitfalls of being too vague or too rigid. |
Unfortunately, standards approaches can fail if organizations undertake a |
check-the-box compliance strategy. Organizations can check off everything |
in a list of standards yet have poor measures to address each standard. |
Compliance efforts often falter by focusing on quantity rather than quality. |
As we will discuss later, security isn’t just a game of box checking; it’s |
about establishing a careful balance between tradeoffs. While industry |
standards for data security often recognize those tradeoffs, there are far too |
many incentives for companies to implement these standards in a minimal |
check-the-box manner. |
IGNORING SAFEGUARDS |
Even when the law requires certain security practices and these practices |
are really effective, there still is an alarming number of organizations that |
don’t do them. For example, in 2014, the U.S. Department of Health and |
Human Services began conducting random audits under the HIPAA |
Security Rule. The results were awful: 58 out of 59 audited organizations |
were found to have one or more failures to comply with the Security Rule.49 |
The requirements of many laws—having a comprehensive security |
program, doing routine security assessments, training the workforce, and so |
on—are not controversial. They are near universally recognized as |
worthwhile measures. Yet, they are often just ignored. |
ENFORCEMENT IS TOO LATE |
A bigger shortcoming of safeguards laws stems from the way they are |
enforced. The enforcement of safeguards laws is generally triggered by a |
data breach. The result is that enforcement of these laws mainly adds to the |
pain of a breach. Breaches are already very costly and painful, so when |
regulators come along and add a little more to the pain, it often is not a |
game changer. This is especially true because the penalties are often far |
smaller than the overall costs of the breach. |
The fines imposed on organizations for poor security leading to a data |
breach are often a slap on the wrist. One article colorfully described the |
penalty that Australian regulators imposed on Adobe for its 2013 breach of |
user passwords: “The commissioner has flogged Adobe with wet lettuce, |
telling it to straighten up and fly right to make sure this kind of thing |
doesn’t happen again.”50 Adobe’s fine in Australia was $1.3 million, pocket |
change for a huge company like Adobe.51 In most cases, fines are often a |
fraction of the total costs for a breach. Regulatory penalties ultimately raise |
the costs of a breach by a small percentage, but not enough to make a |
material difference. |
Perhaps if costs and pain were ratcheted up even more, then these laws |
would work better. But costs and pain for breaches have continually risen |
throughout the years, and the situation isn’t improving. As we will discuss |
later, breaches are the product of many actors and not 100 percent the fault |
of the breached organization. There are limits on what organizations can do |
to prevent breaches. |
Enforcing after a breach is often the worst time to bring an enforcement |
action. Certainly, there should be vigorous enforcement for covering up a |
breach or lying about a breach. But post-breach enforcement is often an |
exercise in redundancy. Organizations that suffer breaches are often already |
engaging in soul-searching and exploring how to improve in the future. |
Instead, enforcement could be much more effective before breaches occur, |
prompting organizations to do the kind of rigorous thinking about their |
security practices at a time when it can help prevent breaches. |
Additionally, the enforcement of safeguards laws does little to help |
compensate victims. In 2019, for example, the FTC reached a settlement |
with Equifax for its breach where victims could be compensated by being |
paid $125 or receiving 10 years of credit monitoring. |
People rushed to claim their $125. There was an unfortunate catch, |
however. The fund to pay victims was only funded with $31 million, and |
people’s payments would be reduced if too many put in claims. The FTC |
tried to put lipstick on this pig by trying to convince people of the value of |
the free credit monitoring.52 |
Equifax also agreed to pay up to $425 million (and possibly more) to |
people harmed by the data breach. But proving harm has long been a |
challenge, as we will discuss later on. |
Subsets and Splits