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identity theft because “the likelihood that any individual Plaintiff will suffer |
harm remains entirely speculative.” The court elaborated that whether the |
plaintiffs will be harmed is “entirely dependent on the actions of an |
unknown third party—namely, the thief. At this point, we do not know who |
she was, how much she knows about computers, or what she has done with |
the tapes.” The court later noted that “Unfortunately, there is simply no way |
to know until either the crook is apprehended or the data is actually used.”66 |
The problem is that thieves like this are rarely apprehended. Although |
the court noted that it is “reasonable to fear the worst in the wake of such a |
theft,” the court still concluded that “Plaintiffs thus do not have standing |
based on risk alone, even if their fears are rational.” The court also stated: |
“Nor is the cost involved in preventing future harm enough to confer |
standing, even when such efforts are sensible. There is, after all, nothing |
unreasonable about monitoring your credit after a data breach.” But the |
court ultimately concluded it was bound by Clapper and could not |
recognize harm for increased risk for identity theft.67 |
Other courts have held that Clapper doesn’t foreclose finding harm on |
these theories. For example, in Remijas v. Neiman Marcus Group, the |
Seventh Circuit held that the plaintiffs could pursue their lawsuit when |
hackers broke into Neiman Marcus’s database.68 As the court stated: “Why |
else would hackers break into [an organization’s] database and steal |
consumers’ private information? Presumably, the purpose of the hack is, |
sooner or later, to make fraudulent charges or assume those consumers’ |
identities.”69 |
The story before Clapper was that courts were deeply divided and about |
whether data breaches caused harm. The story after Clapper didn’t change |
very much—courts remained divided. |
In 2016, another Supreme Court case attempted to add more clarity to |
the issue of standing. In Spokeo, Inc. v. Robins, the Court declared that there |
must be “concrete” harm for standing, yet it acknowledged that “intangible |
harm,” and even the “risk” of harm, could be sufficient to establish a |
concrete harm if intangible injury has a “close relationship to a harm that |
has traditionally been regarded as providing a basis for a lawsuit in English |
or American courts.70 The Supreme Court, however, failed to elaborate |
much further. No guidance was provided to distinguish intangible harms |
that are sufficient for standing from ones that are not. Spokeo ended up |
resolving nothing. |
After Spokeo, the courts have remained divided on the issue of standing. |
The law is thus deadlocked with two drastically different resolutions on |
standing and harm. |
One of the major challenges in data breach cases is that hackers are |
rarely caught. Their precise motives might never be known. Personal data |
can circulate in dark corners for a long time because information, such as |
dates of birth, mothers’ maiden names, and Social Security Numbers, |
doesn’t change. Because there are many breaches, it also becomes difficult |
to trace a harm to one particular breach. The hackers aren’t going to |
voluntarily step forward and explain where they got their data and what |
they are going to do with it. Courts that demand that plaintiffs prove harm |
in this way are demanding the impossible. |
FAILURE TO HELP VICTIMS |
When lawsuits succeed, they rarely do much to compensate victims even if |
they occasionally manage to have a small impact deterring future bad |
behavior. |
Litigation is mostly resolved via settlement. A study of 230 lawsuits for |
data security breaches from 2004–2014 showed a settlement rate of 50 |
percent. The settlement rate during this time was particularly interesting |
because most cases during this period were being dismissed for lack of |
harm. Even cases that weren’t strong settled for millions of dollars—mainly |
because of the high costs of litigating a case, even if victorious. |
The settlements do little to help victims, even if they act as a deterrent |
for companies. They amount to just cents to a few dollars per victim, and |
most victims don’t receive a penny. For example, Ashley Madison, an |
online “dating” service for adulterers, settled with users for $11.2 million |
for its 2015 breach involving 37 million people’s personal data.71 Anthem, |
a large health plan, settled for $115 million for a breach involving nearly 80 |
million records.72 |
Just like the safeguards laws and breach notification laws, lawsuits can |
ratchet up the cost and pain, but often just by a marginal percentage and not |
enough to be a significant additional deterrent. Lawsuits make a breach feel |
worse, but they don’t do much for consumers. |
As with the other types of data security law, the problems with private |
litigation aren’t inherent and unfixable. Private litigation has the potential to |
have a positive impact. But thus far, cases are stuck on the issue of harm, |
and they are dismissed or settled before they can progress to developing |
duties and standards. Litigation is focused almost entirely on the |
organizations that are breached, but these organizations are only partly |
responsible for the problem. |
AN UNHEALTHY OBSESSION WITH THE BREACH |
After a data breach, the law will spring into action. Breach notification laws |
will often be triggered, requiring notification of a breach. Regulatory |
agencies will launch an investigation and might bring an enforcement |
action. A blizzard of lawsuits will likely be filed. |
This combination—a triple punch in the gut—is expensive and |
demanding of resources. That would be okay if the rules and enforcement |
fostered a secure data ecosystem. But it’s not working. |
Since the ChoicePoint breach was announced in 2005, there have been |
two broad trends. First, data breach laws have proliferated. Countless new |
laws have been passed, and enforcement has increased. Second, data |
breaches are occurring more frequently and at an increasing size and scale. |
The same breach-causing mistakes are being made. Even with more data |
breach laws than ever on the books, we are still setting records for data |
security failures. |
One conclusion to draw from the law’s failure is that the situation is |
hopeless: The law can’t do much, and we are doomed. But we reach another |
conclusion, one that is much more hopeful: The law can do a lot to improve |
data security, but it requires a major shift in focus and approach. |
Although the law fails for a number of reasons, there is an overarching |
theme behind the law’s failure—data security law focuses too much on the |
breach. |
For example, breach notification laws revolve around the breach. |
Subsets and Splits