question
stringlengths 18
1.2k
| facts
stringlengths 44
500k
| answer
stringlengths 1
147
|
---|---|---|
Teutonic/Teutons refers mostly and typically to what ancient race of people?
|
Germanic People - Tribes and Races
The History of The Term Germanic
Various etymologies for Latin Germani are possible. As an adjective, germani is
simply the plural of the adjective germanus (from germen, "seed" or "offshoot"),
which has the sense of "related" or "kindred" or "authentic". According to Strabo,
the Romans introduced the name Germani, because the Germanic tribes were the
authentic Celts (γνησίους Γαλάτας; gnisíous Galátas). Alternatively, it may refer
from this use based on Roman experience of the Germanic tribes as allies of the Celts.
The ethnonym seems to be attested in the Fasti Capitolini inscription for the year 222,
DE GALLEIS INSVBRIBVS ET GERM(aneis), where it may simply refer to "related"
peoples, namely related to the Gauls. Furthermore, since the inscriptions were
erected only in 17 to 18 BCE, the word may be a later addition to the text. Another
early mentioning of the name, this time by Poseidonios (writing around 80 BCE), is
also dubious, as it only survives in a quotation by Athenaios (writing around 190
CE); the mention of Germani in this context was more likely inserted by Athenaios
rather than by Poseidonios himself. The writer who apparently introduced the name
"Germani" into the corpus of classical literature is Julius Caesar. He uses Germani
in two slightly differing ways: one to describe any non-gaulic peoples of Germania,
and one to denote the Germani Cisrhenani, a somewhat diffuse group of peoples in
north-eastern Gaul, who cannot clearly be identified as either Celtic or Germanic.
In this sense, Germani may be a loan from a Celtic exonym applied to the Germanic
tribes, based on a word for "neighbour". Tacitus suggests that it might be from a
tribe which changed its name after the Romans adapted it, but there is no evidence
for this. The suggestion deriving the name from Gaulish term for "neighbour" invokes
Old Irish gair, Welsh ger, "near", Irish gearr, "cut, short" (a short distance), from
a Proto-Celtic root *gerso-s, further related to ancient Greek chereion, "inferior"
and English gash. The Proto-Indo-European root could be of the form *khar-, *kher-,
*ghar-, *gher-, "cut", from which also Hittite kar-, "cut", whence also Greek character.
Apparently, the Germanic tribes did not have a self-designation ("endonym") that
included all Germanic-speaking people but excluded all non-Germanic people. Non-
Germanic peoples (primarily Celtic, Roman, Greek, the citizens of the Roman Empire),
on the other hand, were called *walha- (this word lives forth in names such as Wales,
Welsh, Cornwall, Walloons, Vlachs etc.). Yet, the name of the Suebi - which designated
a larger group of tribes and was used almost indiscriminately with Germani in Caesar
- was possibly a Germanic equivalent of the Latin name (*swē-ba- "authentic").
The Term of Teutonic or Deutsch
Trying to identify a contemporary vernacular term and the associated nation
with a classical name, Latin writers from the 10th century onwards used the
learnèd adjective teutonicus (originally derived from the Teutones) to refer
to East Francia ("Regnum Teutonicum") and its inhabitants. This usage is
still partly present in modern English; hence the English use of "Teutons"
in reference to the Germanic peoples in general besides the specific tribe
of the Teutons defeated at the Battle of Aquae Sextiae in 102 BCE.
The generic *þiuda- "people" occurs in many personal names such as Thiud-reks
and also in the ethnonym of the Swedes from a cognate of Old English Sweo-ðēod
and Old Norse: Sui-þióð (see e.g. Sö Fv1948;289). Additionally, þiuda- appears
in Angel-ðēod ("Anglo-Saxon people") and Gut-þiuda ("Gothic people"). The
adjective derived from this noun, *þiudiskaz, "popular", was later used with
reference to the language of the people in contrast to the Latin language
(earliest recorded example 786). The word is continued in German Deutsch
(meaning German), English "Dutch", Dutch Duits and Diets (the latter referring
to Dutch, the former meaning German) and Swedish/Danish/Norwegian tysk
(meaning German).
The Classification of The Germanic Race
By the 1st century CE, the writings of Caesar, Tacitus and other
Roman era writers indicate a division of Germanic-speaking peoples
into tribal groupings centred on:
*......... the rivers Oder and Vistula/Weichsel (East Germanic tribes),
*................................................... the lower Rhine river (Istvaeones),
* ................................................................the river Elbe (Irminones),
* ...................................Jutland and the Danish islands (Ingvaeones).
The Sons of Mannus, Istvaeones, Irminones, and Ingvaeones are collectively
called West Germanic tribes. In addition, those Germanic people who remained
in Scandinavia are referred to as North Germanic. These groups all developed
separate dialects, the basis for the differences among Germanic language down
to the present day. Detail of the Uppland Rune Inscription 871 (12th century)
The division of peoples into West Germanic, East Germanic, and North Germanic
is a modern linguistic classification. Many Greek scholars only classified
Celts and Scythians in the Northwest and Northeast of the Mediterranean and this
classification was widely maintained in Greek literature until Late Antiquity.
Latin-Greek ethnographers (Tacitus, Pliny the Elder, Ptolemy, and Strabo)
mentioned in the first two centuries the names of peoples they classified as
Germanic along the Elbe, the Rhine, and the Danube, the Vistula and on the Baltic
Sea. Tacitus mentioned 40, Ptolemy 69 peoples. Classical ethnography applied the
name Suebi to many tribes in the first century. It appeared that this native name
had all but replaced the foreign name Germanic. After the Marcomannic wars the
Gothic name steadily gained importance. Some of the ethnic names mentioned by the
ethnographers of the first two centuries on the shores of the Oder and the Vistula
(Gutones, Vandali) reappear from the 3rd century on in the area of the lower Danube
and north of the Carpathian Mountains. For the end of the 5th century the Gothic
name can be used - according to the historical sources - for such different peoples
like the Goths in Gaul, Iberia and Italy, the Vandals in Africa, the Gepids along the
Tisza and the Danube, the Rugians, Sciri and Burgundians, even the Iranian Alans.
These peoples were classified as Scyths and often deducted from the ancient Getae
(most important: Cassiodor / Jordanes, Getica around 550).
The Bronz Age
Regarding the question of ethnic origins, evidence developed by archaeologists
and linguists suggests that a people or group of peoples sharing a common
material culture dwelt in a region defined by the Nordic Bronze Age culture
between 1700 BCE and 600 BCE. The Germanic tribes then inhabited southern
Scandinavia and Schleswig, but subsequent Iron Age cultures of the same region,
like Wessenstedt (800 to 600 BCE) and Jastorf, are also in consideration. The
change of Proto-Indo-European to Proto-Germanic has been defined by the first
sound shift (or Grimm's law) and must have occurred when mutually intelligible
dialects or languages in a Sprachbund were still able to convey such a change
to the whole region. So far it has been impossible to date this event conclusively.
The precise interaction between these peoples is not known, however, they are tied
together and influenced by regional features and migration patterns linked to
prehistoric cultures like Hügelgräber, Urnfield, and La Tene. A deteriorating climate
in Scandinavia around 850 BCE to 760 BCE and a later and more rapid one around 650
BCE might have triggered migrations to the coast of Eastern Germany and further towards
the Vistula. A contemporary northern expansion of Hallstatt drew part of these peoples
into the Celtic hemisphere, including nordwestblock areas and the region of Elp culture
(1800 BCE to 800 BCE). At around this time, this culture became influenced by Hallstatt
techniques of how to extract bog iron from the ore in peat bogs, ushering in the
The Pre-Roman Iron Age
Archeological evidence suggests a relatively uniform Germanic people were located at about 750 BCE from the Netherlands to the Vistula and in Southern Scandinavia. In the west the coastal floodplains were populated for the first time, since in adjacent higher grounds the population had increased and the soil became exhausted. At about 250 BCE, some expansion to the south had occurred and five general groups can be distinguished: North Germanic in southern Scandinavia, excluding Jutland; North Sea Germanic, along the North Sea and in Jutland; Rhine- Weser Germanic, along the middle Rhine and Weser; Elbe Germanic, along the middle Elbe; and East Germanic, between the middle Oder and the Vistula. This concurs with linguistic evidence pointing at the development of five linguistic groups, mutually linked into sets of two to four groups that shared linguistic innovations.
This period witnessed the advent of Celtic culture of Hallstatt and La Tene signature in previous Northern Bronze Age territory, especially to the western extends. However, some proposals suggest this Celtic superstrate was weak, while the general view in the Netherlands holds that this Celtic influence did not involve intrusions at all and assume fashion and a local development from Bronze Age culture. It is generally accepted such a Celtic superstratum was virtually absent to the East, featuring the Germanic Wessenstedt and Jastorf cultures. The Celtic influence and contacts between Gaulish and early Germanic culture along the Rhine is assumed as the source of a number of Celtic loanwords in Proto-Germanic.
Frankenstein and Rowlands (1978), and Wells (1980) have suggested late Hallstatt trade contact to be a direct catalyst for the development of an elite class that came into existence around northeastern France, the Middle Rhine region, and adjacent Alpine regions (Collis 1984:41), culminating to new cultural developments and the advent of the classical Gaulish La Tene Culture The development of La Tene culture extended to the north around 200 to 150 BCE, including the North German Plain, Denmark and Southern Scandinavia:
"In certain cremation graves, situated at some distance from other graves, Celtic metalwork appears: brooches and swords, together with wagons, Roman cauldrons and drinking vessels. The area of these rich graves is the same as the places where later (the first century CE) princely graves are found. A ruling class seems to have emerged, distinguished by the possession of large farms and rich gravegifts such as weapons for the men and silver objects for the women, imported earthenware and Celtic items."
The first Germani in Roman ethnography cannot be clearly identified as either Germanic or Celtic in the modern ethno-linguistic sense, and it has been generally held the traditional clear cut division along the Rhine between both ethnic groups was primarily motivated by Roman politics. Caesar described the Eburones as a Germanic tribe on the Gallic side of the Rhine, and held other tribes in the neigh bourhood as merely calling themselves of Germanic stock. Even though names like Eburones and Ambiorix were Celtic and, archeologically, this area shows strong Celtic influences, the problem is difficult. Some 20th century writers consider the possibility of a separate "Nordwestblock" identity of the tribes settled along the Rhine at the time, assuming the arrival of a Germanic superstrate from the 1st century BCE and a subsequent "Germanization" or language replacement through the "elite-dominance"model. However, immigration of Germanic Batavians from Hessen in the northern extent of this same tribal region is, archeologically speaking, hardly noticeable and certainly did not populate an exterminated country, very unlike Tacitus suggested. Here, probably due to the local indigenous pastoral way of life, the acceptance of Roman culture turned out to be particularly slow and, contrary to expected, the indigenous culture of the previous Eburones rather seems to have absorbed the intruding (Batavian) element, thus making it very hard to define the real extents of the pre-Roman Germanic indigenous territories.
Germanic expansions during early Roman times are known only generally, but it is clear that the forebears of the Goths were settled on the southern Baltic shore by 100 CE. The early Germanic tribes are assumed to have spoken mutually intelligible dialects, in the sense that Germanic languages derive from a single earlier parent language. No written records of such a parent language exists. From what we know of scanty early written material, by the fifth century CE the Germanic languages were already "sufficiently different to render communication between the various peoples impossible". Some evidence point to a common pantheon made up of several different chronological layers. However, as for mythology only the Scandinavian one (see Germanic mythology) is sufficiently known. Some traces of common traditions between various tribes are indicated by Beowulf and the Volsunga saga. One indication of their shared identity is their common Germanic name for non-Germanic peoples, *walhaz (plural of *walhoz), from which the local names Welsh, Wallis, Walloon and others were derived. An indication of an ethnic unity is the fact that the Romans knew them as one and gave them a common name, Germani (this is the source of our German and Germanic, see Etymology above), although it was well known for the Romans to give geographical rather than cultural names to peoples. The very extensive practice of cremation deprives us of anthropological comparative material for the earliest periods to support claims of a longstanding ethnic isolation of a common (Nordic) strain.
By the late 2nd century BCE, Roman authors recount, Gaul, Italy and Hispania were invaded by migrating Germanic tribes. This culminated in military conflict with the armies of the Roman Republic, in particular those of the Roman Consul Gaius Marius. Six decades later, Julius Caesar invoked the threat of such attacks as one justification for his annexation of Gaul to Rome. As Rome expanded to the Rhine and Danube rivers, it incorporated many Celtic societies into the Empire. The tribal homelands to the north and east emerged collectively in the records as Germania. The peoples of this area were sometimes at war with Rome, but also engaged in complex and long-term trade relations, military alliances, and cultural exchanges with Rome as well. The Cimbri and Teutoni incursions into Roman Italy were thrust back in 101 BCE. These invasions were written up by Caesar and others as presaging of a Northern danger for the Roman Republic, a danger that should be controlled. In the Augustean period there was - as a result of Roman activity as far as the Elbe River - a first definition of the "Germania magna": from Rhine and Danube in the West and South to the Vistula and the Baltic Sea in the East and North.
Caesar's wars helped establish the term Germania. The initial purpose of the Roman campaigns was to protect Transalpine Gaul by controlling the area between the Rhine and the Elbe. In 9 CE a revolt of their Germanic subjects headed by the supposed Roman ally, Arminius, (along with his decisive defeat of Publius Quinctilius Varus and the destruction of 3 Roman legions in the surprise attack on the Romans at the Battle of the Teutoburg Forest) ended in the withdrawal of the Roman frontier to the Rhine. At the end of the 1st century two provinces west of the Rhine called Germania inferior and Germania superior were established. Important medieval cities like Aachen, Cologne, Trier, Mainz, Worms and Speyer were part of these Roman provinces.
The Migration Period
During the 5th century CE, as the Western Roman Empire lost military strength and political cohesion, numerous Germanic peoples, under pressure from population growth and invading Asian groups, began migrating en masse in far and diverse directions, taking them to Great Britain and as far south through present day Continental Europe to the Mediterranean and northern Africa. Over time, this wandering meant intrusions into other tribal territories, and the ensuing wars for land escalated with the dwindling amount of unoccupied territory. Wandering tribes then began staking out permanent homes as a means of protection. Much of this resulted in fixed settlements from which many, under a powerful leader, expanded outwards. A defeat meant either scattering or merging with the dominant tribe, and this continual process of assimilation was how nations were formed. In Denmark the Jutes merged with the Danes, in Sweden the Geats merged with the Swedes. In England, the Angles merged with the Saxons and other groups (notably the Jutes), as well as possibly absorbing a number of natives, to form the Anglo-Saxons.
A direct result of the Roman retreat was the disappearance of imported products like ceramics and coins, and a return to virtually unchanged local Iron Age production methods. According to recent views this has caused confusion for decades, and theories assuming the total abandonment of the coastal regions to account for an archaeological time gap that never existed have been renounced. Instead, it has been confirmed that the Frisian graves had been used without interruption between the 4th and 9th century CE and that inhabited areas show continuity with the Roman period in revealing coins, jewellery and ceramics of the 5th century. Also, people continued to live in the same three-aisled farmhouse, while to the east completely new types of buildings arose. More to the south, in Belgium, archeological results of this period point to immigration from the north.
The Germanic Peoples Role in the Fall of Rome
Some of the Germanic tribes are frequently credited in popular depictions of the decline of the Roman Empire in the late 5th century. Professional historians and archaeologists have since the 1950s shifted their interpretations in such a way that the Germanic peoples are no longer seen as invading a decaying empire but as being co-opted into helping defend territory the central government could no longer adequately administer. Individuals and small groups from Germanic tribes had long been recruited from the territories beyond the limes (i.e., the regions just outside the Roman Empire), and some of them had risen high in the command structure of the army. Then the Empire recruited entire tribal groups under their native leaders as officers. Assisting with defense eventually shifted into administration and then outright rule, as Roman government passed into the hands of Germanic leaders. Odoacer, who deposed Romulus Augustulus, is the ultimate example.
The presence of successor states controlled by a nobility from one of the Germanic tribes is evident in the 6th century - even in Italy, the former heart of the Empire, where Odoacer was followed by Theodoric the Great, king of the Ostrogoths, who was regarded by Roman citizens and Gothic settlers alike as legitimate successor to the rule of Rome and Italy.
The Early Middle Ages
The transition of the Migration period to the Middle Ages proper takes place over the course of the second half of the 1st millennium. It is marked by the Christianization of the Germanic peoples and the formation of stable kingdoms replacing the mostly tribal structures of the Migration period. In continental Europe, this is the rise of Francia in the Merovingian period, eclipsing lesser kingdoms such as Alemannia. In England, the Wessex hegemony as the nucleus of the unification of England, Scandinavia is in the Vendel period and enters the extremely successful Viking Age, with expansion to Britain, Ireland and Iceland in the west and as far as Russia and Greece in the east. The various Germanic tribal cultures begin their transformation into the larger nations of later history, English, Norse and German, and in the case of Burgundy, Lombardy and Normandy blending into a Romano-Germanic culture.
A main element uniting Germanic societies is kingship, in origin a sacral institution combining the functions of military leader, high priest, lawmaker and judge. Germanic monarchy was elective, the king was elected by the free men from among elegible candidates of a family (OE cynn) tracing their ancestry to the tribe's divine or semi-divine founder. In early Germanic society, the free men of property each ruled their own estate and were subject to the king directly, without any intermediate hierarchy as in later feudalism. Free men without landed property could swear fealty to a man of property who as their lord would then be responsible for their upkeep, including generous feasts and gifts. This system of sworn retainers was central toearly Germanic society, and the loyalty of the retainer to his lord was taken to replace his family ties.
Early Germanic law reflects a hierarchy of worth within the society of free men, reflected in the differences in weregild. Among the Anglo-Saxons, a regular free man (a ceorl) had a weregild of 200 shillings (i.e. solidi or gold pieces), classified as a twyhyndeman "200-man" for this reason, while a nobleman commanded a fee of six times that amount (twelfhyndeman "1200-man"). Similarly, among the Alamanni the basic weregild for a free men was 200 shillings, and the amount could be doubled or trebled according to the man's rank. Unfree serfs did not command a weregild, and the recompense paid in the event of their death was merely for material damage, 15 shillings in the case of the Alamanni, increased to 40 or 50 if the victim had been a skilled artisan.
The social hierarchy is not only reflected in the weregild due in the case of the violent or accidental death of a man, but also in differences in fines for lesser crimes. Thus the fines for insults, injury, burglary or damage to property differ depending on the rank of the injured party. They do not usually depend on the rank of the guilty party, although there are some exceptions associated with royal privilege. Free women did not have a political station of their own but inherited the rank of their father if unmarried, or their husband if married. The weregild or recompense due for the killing or injuring of a woman is notably set at twice that of a man of the same rank in Alemannic law.
All freemen had the right to participate in general assemblies or things, where disputes between freemen were addressed according to customary law. The king was bound to uphold ancestral law, but was at the same time the source for new laws for cases not addressed in previous tradition. This aspect was the reason for the creation of the various Germanic law codes by the kings following their conversion to Christianity: besides recording inherited tribal law, these codes have the purpose of settling the position of the church and Christian clergy within society, usually setting the weregilds of the members of the clerical hierarchy parallel to that of the existing hierarchy of nobility, with the position of an archbishop mirroring that of the king.
In the case of a suspected crime, the accused could avoid punishment by presenting a fixed number of free men (their number depending on the severity of the crime) prepared to swear an oath on his innocence. Failing this, he could prove his innocence in a trial by combat. Corporeal or capital punishment for free men does not figure in the Germanic law codes, and banishment appears to be the most severe penalty issued officially. This reflects that Germanic tribal law did not have the scope of exacting revenge, which was left to the judgement of the family of the victim, but to settle damages as fairly as possible once an involved party decided to bring a dispute before the assembly.
Traditional Germanic society is gradually replaced by the system of estates and feudalism characteristic of the High Middle Ages in both the Holy Roman Empire and Anglo-Norman England in the 11th to 12th centuries, to some extent under the influence of Roman law as an indirect result of Christianization, but also because political structures had grown too large for the flat hierarchy of a tribal society. The same effect of political centralization takes hold in Scandinavia slightly later, in the 12th to 13th century (Age of the Sturlungs, Consolidation of Sweden, Civil war era in Norway), by the end of the 14th century culminating in the giant Kalmar Union. Elements of tribal law, notably the wager of battle, nevertheless remained in effect throughout the Middle Ages, in the case of the Holy Roman Empire until the establishment of the Imperial Chamber Court in the beginning German Renaissance. In the federalist organization of Switzerland, where cantonal structures remained comparatively local, the Germanic thing survived into the 20th century in the form of the Landsgemeinde, albeit subject to federal law.
The Material Culture
Germanic settlements were typically small, rarely containing much more than ten households, often less, and were usually located at clearings in the wood. Settlements remained of a fairly constant size throughout the period. The buildings in these villages varied in form, but normally consisted of farmhouses surrounded by smaller buildings such as granaries and other storage rooms. The universal building material was timber. Cattle and humans usually lived together in the same house.
Although the Germans practiced both agriculture and husbandry, the latter was extremely important both as a source of dairy products and as a basis for wealth and social status, which was measured by the size of an individual's herd. The diet consisted mainly of the products of farming and husbandry and was supplied by hunting to a very modest extent. Barley and wheat were the most common agricultural products and were used for baking a certain flat type of bread as well as brewing beer. The fields were tilled with a light-weight wooden plow, although heavier models also existed in some areas. Common clothing styles are known from the remarkably well-preserved corpses that have been found in former marshes on several locations in Denmark, and included woolen garments and brooches for women and trousers and leather caps formen. Other important small-scale industries were weaving, the manual production of basic pottery and, morerarely, the fabrication of iron tools, especially weapons.
Julius Caesar describes the Germans in his Commentarii De Bello Gallico, though it is still a matter of debate if he refers to Northern Celtic tribes or clearly identified German tribes."[The Germans] have neither Druids to preside over sacred offices, nor do they pay great regard to sacrifices. They rank in the number of the gods those alone whom they behold, and by whose instrumentality they are obviously benefited, namely, the sun, fire, and the moon; they have not heard of the other deities even by report. Their whole life is occupied in hunting and in the pursuits of the military art; from childhood they devote themselves to fatigue and hardships. Those who have remained chaste for the longest time, receivethe greatest commendation among their people; they think that by this the growth is promoted, by this the physical powers are increased and the sinews are strengthened. And to have had knowledge of a woman before the twentieth year they reckon among the most disgraceful acts; of which matter there is no concealment, because they bathe promiscuously in the rivers and [only] use skins or small cloaks of deer's hides, a large portion of the body being in consequence naked.
They do not pay much attention to agriculture, and a large portion of their food consists in milk, cheese, and flesh; nor has any one a fixed quantity of land or his own individual limits; but the magistrates and the leading men each year apportion to the tribes and families, who have united together, as much land as, and in the place in which, they think proper, and the year after compel them to remove elsewhere. For this enactment they advance many reasons-lest seduced by long-continued custom, they may exchange their ardor in the waging of war for agriculture; lest they may be anxious to acquire extensive estates, and the more powerful drive the weaker from their possessions; lest they construct their houses with too great a desire to avoid cold and heat; lest the desire of wealth spring up, from which cause divisions and discords arise; and that they may keep the common people in a contented state of mind, when each sees his own means placed on an equality with [those of] the most powerful."
While the Germanic peoples were slowly converted to Christianity by varying means, many elements of the pre-Christian culture and indigenous beliefs remained firmly in place after the conversion process, particularly in the more rural and distant regions. The Ostrogoths, Visigoths, and Vandals were Christianized while they were still outside the bounds of the Empire; however, they converted to Arianism rather than to orthodox Catholicism, and were soon regarded as heretics. The one great written remnant of the Gothic language is a translation of portions of the Bible made by Ulfilas, the missionary who converted them. The Lombards were not converted until after their entrance into the Empire, but received Christianity from Arian Germanic groups.
The Franks were converted directly from paganism to Catholicism without an intervening time as Arians. Several centuries later, Anglo-Saxon and Frankish missionaries and warriors undertook the conversion of their Saxon neighbours. A key event was the felling of Thor's Oak near Fritzlar by Boniface, apostle of the Germans, in 723. Eventually, the conversion was forced by armed force, successfully completed by Charlemagne, in a series of campaigns (the Saxon Wars), that also brought Saxon lands into the Frankish empire. Massacres, such as the Bloody Verdict of Verden, were a direct result of this policy. In Scandinavia, Germanic paganism continued to dominate until the 11th century in the form of Norse paganism, when it was gradually replaced by Christianity.
The Germanic tribes of the Migration period had settled down by the Early Middle
Ages, the latest series of movements out of Scandinavia taking place during the
Viking Age. The Goths and Vandals were linguistically assimilated to their Latin
(Italo-Western Romance) substrate populations (with the exception of the Crimean
Goths, who preserved their dialect into the 18th century). Burgundians and
were assimilated into both Latin (French & Italian) and Germanic populations.
The Viking Age Norsemen split into an Old East Norse and an Old West Norse group, which
further separated into Icelanders, Faroese and Norwegians on one hand, and Swedes and
Danes on the other. Politically, the union between Norway and Sweden was dissolved in
1905, and the Republic of Iceland was established in 1944. In Great Britain, Germanic
people coalesced into the Anglo-Saxon or English people between the 8th and 10th centuries.
The Viking Age
Norsemen split into an Old East Norse and an Old West Norse group, which further separated into Icelanders, Faroese and Norwegians on one hand, and Swedes and Danes on the other. Politically, the union between Norway and Sweden was dissolved in 1905, and the Republic of Iceland was established in 1944. In Great Britain, Germanic people coalesced into the Anglo-Saxon or English people between the 8th and 10th centuries..
The various Germanic Peoples of the Migrations period eventually spread out over a vast expanse stretching from contemporary European Russia to Iceland and from Norway to North Africa. The migrants had varying impacts in different regions. In many cases, the newcomers set themselves up as over-lords of the pre-existing population. Over time, such groups underwent ethnogenesis, resulting in the creation of new cultural and ethnic identities (such as the Franks and Galloromans becoming French). Thus many of the descendants of the ancient Germanic Peoples do not speak Germanic languages, as they were to a greater or lesser degree assimilated into the cosmopolitan, literate culture of the Roman world. Even where the descendants of Germanic Peoples maintained greater continuity with their common ancestors, significant cultural and linguistic differences arose over time; as is strikingly illustrated by the different identities of Christianized Saxon subjects of the Carolingian Empire and Pagan Scandinavian Vikings.
More broadly, early Medieval Germanic peoples were often assimilated into the walha substrate cultures of their subject populations. Thus, the Burgundians of Burgundy, the Vandals of n Andalusia and the Visigoths of western France and eastern Iberia all lost their Germanic identity and became part of Latin Europe. Likewise, the Franks of Western Francia form part of the ancestry of the French people. Examples of assimilation during the Viking Age include the Norsemen settled in Normandy and on the French Atlantic coast, and the societal elite in medieval Russia among whom many were the descendants of Slavified Norsemen (a theory, however, contested by some Slavic scholars in the former Soviet Union, who name it the Normanist theory).
Conversely, the Germanic settlement of Britain resulted in Anglo-Saxon, or English, displacement of and/or cultural assimilation of the indigenous culture, the Brythonic speaking British culture causing the foundation of a new Kingdom, England. As in what became England, indigenous Brythonic Celtic culture in some of the south-eastern parts of what became Scotland (approximately the Lothian and Borders region) and areas of what became the Northwest of England (the kingdoms of Rheged, Elmet, etc) succumbed to Germanic influence c.600-800, due to the extension of overlordshipand settlement from the Anglo-Saxon areas to the south. Between c. 1150 and c. 1400 most of the Scottish Lowlands became English culturally and linquistically through immigration from England, France and Flanders and from the resulting assimilation of native Gaelic-speaking Scots. The Scots language is the resulting Germanic language still spoken in parts of Scotland and is very similar to the speech of the Northumbrians of northern England. Between the 15th and 17th centuries Scots spread into Galloway,Carrick and parts of the Scottish Highlands, as well as into the Northern Isles. The latter, Orkney and Shetland, though now part of Scotland, were nominally part of the Kingdom of Norway until the 15th century. A version of the Norse language was spoken there from the Viking invasions until replaced by Scots. Portugal and Spain also had some measure of Germanic settlement, due to the Visigoths, the Suebi (Quadi and Marcomanni) and the Buri, who settled permanently. The Vandals (Silingi and Hasdingi) were also present, before moving on to North Africa. Many words of Germanic origin entered into the Spanish and Portuguese languages at this time and many more entered through other avenues (often French) in the ensuing centuries (see: List of Spanish words of Germanic origin and List of Portuguese words of Germanic origin).
Italy has also had a history of heavy Germanic settlement. Germanic tribes such as the Visigoths, Vandals, and Ostrogoths had successfully invaded and sparsely settled Italy in the 5th century. Most notably, in the 6th century, the Germanic tribe known as the Lombards entered and settled primarily in the area known today as Lombardy. The Normans also conquered and ruled Sicily and parts of southern Italy for a time. Crimean Gothic communities appear to have survived intact until the late 1700's, when many were deported by Catherine the Great. Their language vanished by the 1800's.
The territory of modern Germany was divided between Germanic and Celtic speaking groups in the last centuries BCE. The parts south of the Germanic Limes came under limited Latin influence in the early centuries CE, but were swiftly conquered by Germanic groups such as the Alemanni after the fall of the Western Roman Empire. After the disappearance of Germanic ethnicities (tribes) in the High Middle Ages, the cultural identity of Europe was built on the idea of Christendom as opposed to Islam (the "Saracens", and later the "Turks"). The Germanic peoples of Roman historiography were lumped with the other agents of the "barbarian invasions", the Alans and the Huns, as opposed to the civilized "Roman" identity of the Holy Roman Empire.
The Renaissance revived interest in pre-Christian Classical Antiquity and only in a second phase in pre-Christian Northern Europe. Early modern publications dealing with Old Norse culture appeared in the 16th century, e.g. Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus (Olaus Magnus, 1555) and the first edition of the 13th century Gesta Danorum (Saxo Grammaticus), in 1514. Authors of the German Renaissance such as Johannes Aventinus discovered the Germanii of Tacitus as the "Old Germans", whose virtue and unspoiled manhood, as it appears in the Roman accounts of noble savagery, they contrast with the decadence of their own day. The pace of publication increased during the 17th century with Latin translations of the Edda (notably Peder Resen's Edda Islandorum of 1665). The Viking revival of 18th century Romanticism finally establishes the fascination with anything "Nordic". The beginning of Germanic philology proper begins in the early 19th century, with Rasmus Rask's Icelandic Lexicon of 1814, and was in full bloom by the 1830s, with Jacob Grimm's Deutsche Mythologie giving an extensive account of the reconstructed Germanic mythology and his Deutsches Wörterbuch of Germanic etymology.
The development of Germanic studies as an academic discipline in the 19th century ran parallel to the rise of nationalism in Europe and the search for national histories for the nascent nation states developing after the end of the Napoleonic Wars. A "Germanic" national ethnicity offered itself for the unification of Germany, contrasting the emerging German Empire with its neighboring rivals, the Welsche French Third Republic and the "Slavic" Russian Empire. The nascent German ethnicity was consequently built on national myths of Germanic antiquity, in instances such ast the Walhalla temple and the Hermann Heights Monument. These tendencies culminated in Pan-Germanism, the Alldeutsche Bewegung aiming for the political unity of all of German-speaking Europe (all Volksdeutsche) into a Teutonic nation state. Contemporary Romantic nationalism in Scandinavia placed more weight on the Viking Age, resulting in the movement known as Scandinavism. The theories of race developed in the same period identified the Germanic peoples of the Migration period as members of a Nordic race expanding at the expense of an Alpine race native to Central and Eastern Europe.
|
Germanic
|
From the Greek words for empty tomb, what sort of monument exists in many cities to commemorate lives lost, especially in the 1st and 2nd World Wars?
|
The World
The World
Richard Anthony
The terms 'world' and 'earth' have completely different meanings. Our Lord certainly made the distinction between 'world' and 'earth' when he said, "I have overcome the world" in John 16:33. It would be meaningless if he had said, "I have overcome the earth."
When you see the term "world" in scripture, it very rarely refers to the "earth." The "earth" (land, region, territory, country) is usually translated from Greek word #1093, ge. But "world" does not usually refer to any physical land, it mostly refers to the ungodly.
A lot of people aren't aware of this, but the eptimology of the term "world" comes from the Old English word "werold." This comes from an Old High German word, "Weralt." And this comes from an early West Germanic composition of two words: "wera" which means "man," and the Indo-European base "alth" which comes from the Latin "altus", meaning "old."
Thus, the meaning of the ancient word World is: "The Old Man." (Old English word is "werold." Broken down individually, "were" means man, and "old" means old).
When we are talking about God's Kingdom, we are talking about the new life, the new man, those who are born again; and when we talk about the world, we are talking about the old life, the old man, those who are not born again.
What Does The World Mean?
The term "world" in the New Testament books is translated from three different Greeks words.
15 times from Greek word #3625, oikoumene which refers to the first century Roman Empire (Luke 2:1; 4:5; 21:26).
128 times from Greek word #165, aion, which means "an age" (Matthew 12:32).
187 times from Greek word #2889, kosmos, which refers to the "ungodly" most of the time (1 John 2:15-16). Occasionally, it can refer to the material universe or the earth (Act 17:24), and sometimes it refers to all men (John 3:16).
This article will concern itself with the most common word, 'kosmos' and its most common defintion.
In the Greek, you find the word 'kosmos,' which appears 187 times in the New Testament books. It means the world. When was the last time you heard a pastor who practices the Christian religion tell you about the world? They use the word all the time, but they never define what it is. Similar to when so many do a sermon on 'love' and never define what 'love' is. Well, this is what 'the world' means:
According to Strong's Concordance, it means, "An apt and harmonious arrangement or constitution, order, government. The inhabitants of the earth, men, the human race. The ungodly multitude; the whole mass of men alienated from God, and therefore hostile to the cause of Christ. World affairs, the aggregate of things earthly. The whole circle of earthly goods, endowments riches, advantages, pleasures, etc., which although hollow and frail and fleeting, stir desire, seduce from God and are obstacles to the cause of Christ."
According to E.W. Bullinger's A Critical Lexicon and Concordance to the English and Greek New Testament, it additionally means, "Thus kosmos denotes the order of the world, the ordered universe, the ordered entirety of God's creation, but considered as separated from God. The abode of humanity. That order of things in which humanity moves, or of which man is the center."
According to Vines Expository Dictionary of New Testament Words, it additionally means, "inalienation from and opposition to God."
According to Vincent's Word Studies of the New Testament, kosmos means, "The order of things which is alienated from God, as manifested in and by the human race: humanity as alienated from God, and acting in opposition to Him. The sum-total of human life in the ordered universe, considered apart from, and alienated from, and hostile to God, and of the earthly things which seduce from God."
And according to Webster's New Twentieth Century Dictionary, Unabridged (1969), p. 2108. , it means, "any sphere of human activity; ... the inhabitants of the earth in general; humanity; mankind; the human race; that which pertains to the earth or to the present state of existence only; the concerns of this life as distinguished from those of the life to come; that portion of mankind which is devoted to worldly or secular affairs."
Note that the word �world� usually relates to �humans,� not to the bondservants of Christ. One cannot be both human and a servant of Christ as far as Law is concerned. This is because, in Law, the law of humans and the Law of the bondservants of Christ are not the same thing. The law of humans comes from men while the Law of the bondservants of Christ comes from God. The sphere in which humans function is the world, while that of the follower of Christ is the earth, �For the earth is the Lord�s and the fullness thereof" (1 Corinthians 10:26,28).
Thus, the source, cause, and origin of law defines its nature and use. Or, as the law says, �the source of the right ... determines the governing law" (See Handbook of the Law of Federal Courts, page 392).
So, anything that's ordered or created by man is not of God!
Hosea 8:6, "...the workman made it; therefore it is not God."
Isaiah 17:7-8, "At that day shall a man look to his Maker, and his eyes shall have respect to the Holy One of Israel. And he shall not look to the altars, the work of his hands, neither shall respect that which his fingers have made..."
The way out of the world is to shed all the things of the world.
If you are doing the lawful service of God, but, at the same time, are partaking of the things of the world (which God condemns), even man's law recognizes that the bad will destroy the good:
Where lawful services are blended with such as are forbidden, the whole being a unit and indivisible, the bad destroys the good. Trist v. child, 21 Wall. 452 (1874).
That's why the Creator told Adam and Eve to eat of every tree that is in the garden, except that of the tree of the knowledge of good and evil! You see, if someone gives you a glass of pure crystal clear sweet water, that's good. But if you put a few drops of poison into it, that's bad. And the bad makes the whole thing bad. And therefore the tree of the knowledge of good and evil is all bad, because poison will kill you, it takes time. Good and evil mixed together is not good, it is sinful.
You cannot take something unclean and mix it with the clean, and call it clean; it becomes unclean and remains unclean (Matthew 23:25-26).
What the scripture says about "The World"
James 4:4, "...know ye not that the friendship of the world is enmity with God? whosoever therefore will be a friend of the world is the enemy of God. "
1 John 2:15-16, "Love not the world , neither the things that are in the world. If any man love the world, the love of the Father is not in him. For all that is in the world, the lust of the flesh, and the lust of the eyes, and the pride of life, is not of the Father, but is of the world."
1 John 5:19, "...the whole world lieth in wickedness."
1 John 5:4, "For whatsoever is born of God overcometh the world: and this is the victory that overcometh the world, even our faith."
Romans 12:2, "And be not conformed to this world:"
Romans 16:17, "Now I beseech you, brethren, mark them which cause divisions and offences contrary to the doctrine which ye have learned; and avoid them."
John 7:7, "The world�the works thereof are evil."
John 14:17, "Even the Spirit of truth; whom the world, cannot receive, because it seeth him not, neither knoweth him:"
John 15:19, "If ye were of the world, the world would love his own: but because ye are not of the world, but I have chosen you out of the world, therefore the world hateth you."
John 17:9, "...I pray not for the world."
John 17:14, "...and the world, hath hated them, because they are not of the world, even as I am not of the world."
1 Corinthians 3:19, "For the wisdom of this world is foolishness with God."
2 Corinthians 6:14,17 "Be ye not unequally yoked together with unbelievers: for what fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness? and what communion hath light with darkness? Wherefore come out from among them, and be ye separate, saith the Lord, and touch not the unclean thing; and I will receive you."
1 Corinthians 10:21, "Ye cannot drink the cup of the Lord, and the cup of devils: ye cannot be partakers of the Lord's table, and of the table of devils."
1 Timothy 6:3-5, "If any man�consent not to wholesome words, even the words of our Lord Jesus Christ, and to the doctrine which is according to godliness�from such withdraw thyself."
2 Timothy 3:2-5, "For men shall be lovers of their own selves, covetous, boasters, proud, blasphemers, disobedient to parents, unthankful, unholy, Without natural affection, trucebreakers, false accusers, incontinent, fierce, despisers of those that are good, Traitors, heady, highminded, lovers of pleasures more than lovers of God; Having a form of godliness, but denying the power thereof: from such turn away."
Proverbs 4:14-15, "Enter not into the path of the wicked, and go not in the way of evil men. Avoid it, pass not by it, turn from it, and pass away."
Luke 16:15, "...that which is highly esteemed among men is abomination in the sight of God. "
1 Samuel 16:7, "...man looketh on the outward appearance, but the LORD looketh on the heart."
Matthew 4:8-10, "Again, the devil taketh him up into an exceeding high mountain, and sheweth him all the kingdoms of the world, and the glory of them; And saith unto him, All these things will I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship me. Then saith Jesus unto him, Get thee hence, Satan: for it is written, Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou serve."
Revelation 18:4, "...Come out of her, my people, that ye be not partakers of her sins, "
James 1:27, "Pure religion and undefiled before God and the Father is this, To visit the fatherless and widows in their affliction, and to keep himself unspotted from the world."
1 Corinthians 2:6, "Howbeit we speak wisdom among them that are perfect: yet not the wisdom of this world..."
1 John 4:5, "They are of the world: therefore speak they of the world�"
John 14:30, "Hereafter I will not talk much with you: for the prince of this world cometh, and hath nothing in me."
1 John 4:4, "Ye are of God, little children, and have overcome them: because greater is he that is in you, than he that is in the world."
John 16:33, "These things I have spoken unto you, that in me ye might have peace. In the world ye shall have tribulation: but be of good cheer; I have overcome the world."
Your Questions Answered
How can the Bible say God made the World (Acts 17:24) and loves the world (John 3:16) on the one hand, and then turn around and tell us not to love the world (1 John 2:15) on the other? Is this a contradiction in the Bible?
Answer: No, but it does need some explanation. The Bible uses the word "world" in three different ways. First, it can mean the material universe or earth which God created. This is how the word is used in Act 17:24. Second, it can mean the world of mankind, as in John 3:16. God loves all people. Third, it can mean the affairs and things of ungodly men. This is how the word is used in 1 John 2:15-16, and this is the primary meaning of the word "world" throughout the New Testament.
Conclusion
It is God's Will that His children be not mingled among the heathen and unbelievers. When His children look to the authority of "human beings" to do the things they do, and when they look to ungodly human governments for their welfare, safety and authority, then God will make those ungodly leaders to rule over His children; God will give them over to their hands, and they will be subject to them, and their enemies will oppress them:
Psalms 106:34-44, "They did not destroy the nations, concerning whom the LORD commanded them: But were mingled among the heathen, and learned their works. And they served their idols: which were a snare unto them...Thus were they defiled with their own works, and went a whoring with their own inventions. Therefore was the wrath of the LORD kindled against his people, insomuch that he abhorred his own inheritance. And he gave them into the hand of the heathen; and they that hated them ruled over them. Their enemies also oppressed them, and they were brought into subjection under their hand. Many times did he deliver them; but they provoked him with their counsel, and were brought low for their iniquity. Nevertheless he regarded their affliction, when he heard their cry:"
|
i don't know
|
Hemostasis/haemostasis is what in relation to bloodflow?
|
Hemostasis - definition of hemostasis by The Free Dictionary
Hemostasis - definition of hemostasis by The Free Dictionary
http://www.thefreedictionary.com/hemostasis
(hē′mə-stā′sĭs, hē-mŏs′tə-) also he·mo·sta·sia (hē′mə-stā′zhə, -zhē-ə, -zē-ə)
n.
1. The stoppage of bleeding or hemorrhage.
2. The stoppage of blood flow through a blood vessel or body part.
he•mo•sta•sis
1. the stoppage of bleeding.
2. the stoppage of the circulation of blood in a part of the body.
3. stagnation of blood in a part.
[1835–45]
hemostasis, haemostasis
the stoppage of bleeding or cessation of the circulation of the blood; stagnation of the blood in a part of the body. Also hemostasia, haemostasia.
haemostasia , haemostasis , hemostasia
surgical operation , surgical procedure , surgical process , surgery , operation - a medical procedure involving an incision with instruments; performed to repair damage or arrest disease in a living body; "they will schedule the operation as soon as an operating room is available"; "he died while undergoing surgery"
stop , stoppage - the act of stopping something; "the third baseman made some remarkable stops"; "his stoppage of the flow resulted in a flood"
Translations
|
Stoppage
|
What is the fastest animal alive?
|
Hemostasis - definition of hemostasis by The Free Dictionary
Hemostasis - definition of hemostasis by The Free Dictionary
http://www.thefreedictionary.com/hemostasis
(hē′mə-stā′sĭs, hē-mŏs′tə-) also he·mo·sta·sia (hē′mə-stā′zhə, -zhē-ə, -zē-ə)
n.
1. The stoppage of bleeding or hemorrhage.
2. The stoppage of blood flow through a blood vessel or body part.
he•mo•sta•sis
1. the stoppage of bleeding.
2. the stoppage of the circulation of blood in a part of the body.
3. stagnation of blood in a part.
[1835–45]
hemostasis, haemostasis
the stoppage of bleeding or cessation of the circulation of the blood; stagnation of the blood in a part of the body. Also hemostasia, haemostasia.
haemostasia , haemostasis , hemostasia
surgical operation , surgical procedure , surgical process , surgery , operation - a medical procedure involving an incision with instruments; performed to repair damage or arrest disease in a living body; "they will schedule the operation as soon as an operating room is available"; "he died while undergoing surgery"
stop , stoppage - the act of stopping something; "the third baseman made some remarkable stops"; "his stoppage of the flow resulted in a flood"
Translations
|
i don't know
|
The word harem, referring to a women's part of a dwelling, and especially to its female occupants, originated in which ethnic people?
|
Chinese Religions: An Overview
The End of Empire and Postimperial China
Bibliography
[This article provides an introduction to the rise and development of various religious movements, themes, and motifs over time. Its emphasis is on historical continuities and on the interaction of diverse currents of Chinese religious thought and practice from the prehistoric era to the present].
The study of Chinese religion presents both problems and opportunities for the general theory of religion. It is therefore instructive, before embarking on a historical survey, to outline a theoretical approach that will accomodate the wide variety of beliefs and practices that have traditionally been studied under the rubric of religion in China.
One indicator of the problematic nature of the category "religion" in Chinese history is the absence of any pre-modern word that is unambiguously associated with the category. The modern Chinese word zongjiao was first employed to mean "religion" by late 19th-century Japanese translators of European texts. Zongjiao (or shky in Japanese) is a compound consisting of zong (sh), which is derived from a pictogram of an ancestral altar and most commonly denotes a "sect," and jiao (ky), meaning "teaching." (The compound had originally been a Chinese Buddhist term meaning simply the teachings of a particular sect.) Zongjiao/shky thus carries the connotation of "ancestral" or sectarian teachings. The primary reference of this newly-coined usage for shky in the European texts being translated was, of course, Christianity. And since Christianity does in fact demand exclusive allegiance and does emphasize doctrinal orthodoxy (as in the various credos), zongjiao/shky is an apt translation for the concept of religion that takes Christianity as its standard or model.
Part of the problem arising from this situation is that Chinese (and Japanese) religions in general do not place as much emphasis as Christianity does on exclusivity and doctrine. And so Chinese, when asked to identify what counts as zongjiao in their culture, are often reluctant to include phenomena that Westerners would be willing to count as religion, because the word "religion" - while notoriously difficult to define - does not carry the same connotations as zongjiao.
Before the adoption of zongjiao, jiao itself ("teaching") came closest, in usage, to the meaning of "religion." Since at least the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), the standard rubric for discussing the religions of China was san jiao, or the "three teachings," referring to Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. Yet this is problematic too, as it excludes what today is usually called "popular religion" (or "folk religion"), which throughout Chinese history has probably accounted for more religious behavior than the "three teachings" combined. This exclusion is more than a matter of usage: jiao does not apply well to popular religion beause popular religion is strongly oriented toward religious action or practice; it has very little doctrine and, apart from independent sects, no institutionally-recognized canonical texts in which doctrines would be presented.
Although constituting a standard chapter in modern Western surveys of Chinese religion, Confucianism is very often described as something other than a religion in the strict (yet poorly defined) sense. There was a time in Western scholarship when Buddhism was occasionally described in similar fashion, although outside the most conservative theological frameworks that is no longer the case. But the status of Confucianism, even in academic circles focused on Chinese religion, is still disputed.
The problematic nature of Confucianism vis-à-vis religion is the most compelling reason to suggest at the outset a conceptual framework in which all the varieties of Chinese religion can be understood. In effect this is a "definition" of religion, although it should not be considered an exclusive definition. It is, instead, one way of conceptualizing religion that is well-suited to its subject - i.e. that makes particularly good sense of Chinese religion - and that sheds light not only on the non-controversial forms of Chinese religion but also on those forms that might be excluded by some definitions. But it should be acknowledged that, since religion is a multi-dimensional set of complex human phenomena, no single definition (short of a laundry list of common characteristics) should be expected to capture its essence. Indeed, perhaps religion has no essence.
The concept of religion that will be presumed here is that religion is a means of ultimate transformation and/or ultimate orientation. This is an elaboration of a definition proposed by the Buddhologist Frederick Streng, who suggested that religion is "a means to ultimate transformation" (Streng, p. 2). "Ultimate transformation" implies (1) a given human condition that is in some way flawed, unsatisfactory, or caught in a dilemma; (2) a goal that posits a resolution of that problem or dilemma; and (3) a process leading toward the achievement of the goal. This formula is well-suited to Chinese religions because the concept of transformation (hua) is in fact a highly significant element in Confucian, Daoist, and Chinese Buddhist thought and practice. The qualifier "ultimate" means that the starting point, process, and goal are defined in relation to whatever the tradition in question believes to be absolute or unconditioned. "Ultimate orientation" introduces an aspect of Mircea Eliade's theory of sacred space and sacred time: spatial orientation to an axis mundi or "sacred pole," a symbolic connection between heaven and earth; or temporal orientation marked in reference to periods of sacred ritual time, such as annual festivals. This addition to Streng's definition accounts for certain popular practices that are not conceived in terms of ultimate transformation. Much of the contemporary practice of Chinese popular religion - such as worship and sacrifice for such mundane ends as success in school or business - can be explained in terms of ultimate orientation. And Confucianism, the most problematic strand of Chinese religion, can clearly be seen as a "means of ultimate transformation" toward the religious goal of "sagehood" (sheng), a term whose religious connotations are suggested, for example, by the use of the same word to translate the Jewish and Christian "Holy Scriptures" (shengjing).
The geographic scope of Chinese religions extends from mainland China to Taiwan, Singapore, Southeast Asia, and scattered Chinese communities throughout the world. Although religion in the Peoples Republic of China on the mainland was harshly suppressed from the 1950s through the 1970s, and indeed almost disappeared during that period, there has been considerable (although not untroubled) revitalization since the early 1980s. Our discussion of religion in Chinese history up to the middle of the twentieth century will be limited to mainland China; only after that point will it extend to the rest of the Chinese world, with a focus on Taiwan.
Contemporary Chinese religion is the product of continuous historical development from prehistoric times. In that period the area of present-day China was inhabited by a large number of tribal groups. In around 5000 B.C.E. several of these tribes developed agriculture and began to live in small villages surrounded by their fields. Domesticated plants and animals included millet, rice, dogs, pigs, goats, sheep, cattle, and silkworms. The physical characteristics of these early agriculturalists were similar to those of modern Chinese. The archaeological record indicates gradual development toward more complex technology and social stratification. By the late Neolithic period (beginning around 3200 B.C.E.) there were well-developed local cultures in several areas that were to become centers of Chinese civilization later, including the southeast coast, the southwest, the Yangze River valley, the northeast, and the northern plains. The interaction of these cultures eventually led to the rise of literate, bronze-working civilizations in the north, the Xia (before 1500 B.C.E.) and Shang (c. 1500-1050 B.C.E.). The existence of the Xia kingdom is attested in early historical sources that have otherwise been shown to accord with archaeological discoveries. However, archaeologists are still debating whether the Xia period constituted a state-level "dynasty," as it has traditionally been described. The Shang has been archaeologically verified, beginning with the excavation of one of its capitals in 1928.
There is some evidence for prehistoric religious activities, particularly for a cult of the dead, who were often buried in segregated cemeteries, supine, with heads toward a single cardinal direction. In some sites houses and circles of white stones are associated with clusters of graves, while in others wine goblets and pig jaws are scattered on ledges near the top of the pit, perhaps indicating a farewell feast. There seems to have been a concern for the precise ordering of ritual acts, perhaps an early version of the importance of universal order or pattern in later Chinese cosmology. In the Wei River area, secondary burial was practiced, with bones from single graves collected and reburied with those of from twenty to eighty others. Grave offerings are found in almost all primary burials, with quantity and variety depending on the status of the deceased; tools, pottery vessels, objects of jade and turquoise, dogs, and, in some cases, human beings. Jade, in particular - a substance that does not break down and requires extraordinary skill and effort to carve with the simplest of tools - was associated with high-status burials and perhaps symbolized the eternity of the afterlife. The bi (a flat disk with a central hole) and cong (a tube, square on the outside and circular inside) were jade mortuary objects - apparently not used in life - whose meanings have not been determined. The bodies and faces of the dead were often painted with red ochre, a symbol of life. All of these practices constitute the prehistoric beginnings of Chinese ancestor worship. Other evidence for prehistoric religion includes deer buried in fields and divination through reading cracks in the dried shoulder bones of sheep or deer. This form of divination, attested in what is now northeast China by 3560-3240 B.C.E., is the direct antecedent of similar practices in historical times. Buried deer suggest offerings to the power of the soil, a common practice in later periods.
Early Historical Period
The early historical period (Shang and Zhou kingdoms) saw the development of many of the social and religious beliefs and practices that continue to this day to be associated with the Chinese. Although obvious links with the earlier period persist, it is with the emergence of these kingdoms that the religious history of the Chinese properly begins.
The Shang. The formation of the Shang kingdom was due to technological innovation such as bronze casting, and to the development of new forms of social and administrative control. Extant evidence provides information about the religion of the Shang aristocracy, characterized in the first place by elaborate graves and ceremonial objects for the dead. Grave offerings include decapitated human beings, horses, dogs, large numbers of bronze vessels, and objects of jade, stone, and shell. Some tombs were equipped with chariots hitched to horses. These tomb offerings indicate a belief that afterlife for members of the royal clan was similar to that of their present existence, but in a heavenly realm presided over by the Shang high god Di ("Lord") or Shangdi ("Lord on High").
The major sources for our understanding of Shang religion are inscriptions on oracle bones and in bronze sacrificial vessels. From these we learn that the most common recipients of petition and inquiry were the ancestors of the royal clan. These deified ancestors were believed to have powers of healing and fertility in their own right, but also could serve as intermediaries between their living descendants and more powerful gods of natural forces and Shangdi. Ancestors were ranked by title and seniority, with those longest dead having the widest authority. Since they could bring harm as well as aid to their descendants, it was necessary to propitiate the ancestors to ward off their anger as well as to bring their blessing. Nature deities named in the inscriptions personify the powers of rivers, mountains, rain, wind, and other natural phenomena. Shangdi, whose authority exceeded that of the most exalted royal ancestor, served as a source of unity and order. [See Shangdi.]
To contact these sacred powers the Shang practiced divination and sacrificial rituals, usually closely related to each other. In divination, small pits were bored in the backs of turtle plastrons or the shoulder blades of oxen or sheep. Heated bronze or wooden rods were placed in these impressions, causing the bones to crack with a popping sound. Diviners then interpreted the pattern of the cracks on the face of the bone, perhaps combined with the sound of the popping, to determine yes or no answers to petitions. The subjects of divination include weather, warfare, illness, administrative decisions, harvests, royal births (with the preference for sons that was to continue throughout Chinese history already present) and other practical issues, but the most frequent type of inquiry was in reference to sacrifices to ancestors and deities. Sacrifices to ancestors and spirits residing above consisted mainly of burning meat and grain on open air altars; gods of the earth were offered libations of fermented liquors, and those of bodies of water given precious objects such as jade. Sacrificial animals included cattle, dogs, and sheep. Human beings were sacrificed during the funeral rituals of kings, presumably to serve them in the afterlife. At least one powerful woman was also buried with human sacrifices, in addition to thousands of precious objects (bronze and jade objects, cowrie shells). This was Fu Hao (Lady Hao), the wife of King Wuding, around 1200 B.C.E., who apparently commanded an army during her lifetime and was given sacrifices after her death.
The Shang had a ten-day week, and the titles of the deified royal ancestors corresponded to the day on which sacrifice was made to them. Thus their personal characteristics were less significant than their seniority and their place in the ritual cycle. In the sacrifices themselves what was most important was the proper procedure; the correct objects offered in the right way were believed to obligate the spirits to respond. Thus, in Shang sacrifice we already see the principle of reciprocity, which has remained a fundamental patten of interaction throughout the history of Chinese religions. In Shang theology the king played the role of intermediary between the human and heavenly realms. He was responsible for maintaining harmonious relations with his ancestors, Di, and the other deities, and so ensuring their blessings on the realm. The considerable expenditures of time and resources devoted to sacrifice and divination in the Shang court suggest that the authority of the king depended in part on his role as the pivot between heaven and earth.
The Zhou. There are many references in Shang oracle bone texts to a people called Zhou who lived west of the Shang center, in the area of modern Shanxi Province. The Zhou, who were considered to be an important tributary state, were at first culturally and technologically inferior to the Shang, but learned rapidly and by the eleventh century B.C.E. challenged the Shang for political supremacy. The final Zhou conquest took place in about 1050 B.C.E.. Remnants of the Shang royal line were allowed to continue their ancestral practices in the small state of Song, in exchange for pledging loyalty to the Zhou.
The Zhou system of government has been loosely called "feudal," but it differed from European feudalism in that the peasants were not legally bound to the land, and the local lords (gong, or "dukes") owed allegiance to the central king (wang) based not on law but on bonds of kinship. The king directly ruled only a small territory around the capital city, Chang'an, which was located in the Wei River valley near present-day Xi'an. He controlled an army, which frequently was joined by armies of the various dukes. The Zhou kings were the first to call themselves "Son of Heaven" (Tianzi), a term that continued to be applied to the later emperors of China up to the early 20th century. Corollary to their identity as Son of Heaven, they alone had the right and responsibility to make annual sacrifices to Heaven. This too was a practice that lasted until the 20th century.
The Zhou dynasty lasted, nominally, almost 800 years, making it the longest-lasting dynasty in world history. But in fact their power and their territory remained intact only until 771 B.C.E., when the king was assassinated and the capital was moved eastward to the more easily defended Luoyang. The periods corresponding to these two capitals are called Western Zhou (1050-771) and Eastern Zhou (771-221). The Eastern Zhou was a period of increasing fragmentation, and is further divided into the Spring and Autumn period (722-476) and the Warring States period (475-221). The former is named after a chronicle of the state of Lu, in contemporary Shandong Province, covering these years and traditionally attributed to Confucius (Lu was Confucius's home state). The latter period, as the name implies, saw almost constant warfare, as the last seven major states (formerly Zhou fiefdoms) battled it out until only one was left standing, the Qin.
The Western Zhou period, especially the periods of the earliest kings, was regarded by later Chinese thinkers as a golden age of enlightened, benevolent rule by sage-kings. They especially revered the first two kings, Wen and Wu (whose names mean "culture" and "military," respectively), and King Wu's brother, the Duke of Zhou, whose "fief" was the state of Lu (later to be Confucius' home state). But it was the Eastern Zhou, the period of political disintegration, that witnessed the origins of classical Chinese civilization. It was during this era - sometimes called the Period of the Hundred Philosophers - that Confucianism, Taoism, and many other schools of thought began.
Unlike the sources available to us regarding Shang religion, which are limited to oracle bones and inscriptions on bronze ritual vessels, there are enough Zhou sources to allow us say something about the religion of common people as well that of the aristocracy. Both commoners and elite believed in gods, ghosts, ancestors, and omens (the significance to human beings of unusual phenomena in nature) and practiced divination, sacrifice, and exorcism. The common ground shared by the elite and the common people was much more extensive than their differences, which for the most part were differences in emphasis and interpretation. These distinctions begin to emerge in the Western Zhou and become clearer in the Eastern Zhou or Classical period.
The early Zhou elite, as might be expected, were chiefly concerned with their aristocratic ancestors, the powerful ruling gods, and political matters, while the common people had more interaction with lower gods, demons, and ghosts that inhabited the world and generally made trouble for people. The Zhou ancestors were believed to reside in a celestial court presided over by Tian, "Heaven," the Zhou high god, similar to Shangdi in scope and function although less personalized. The ancestors had power to influence the prosperity of their descendants, their fertility, health, and longevity. Through ritual equation with deities of natural forces the ancestors could also influence the productivity of clan lands. In addition, royal ancestors served as intermediaries between their descendants and Tian. [See Tian.]
Ancestral rituals took the form of great feasts in which the deceased was represented by an impersonator, usually a grandson or nephew. In these feasts the sharing of food and drink confirmed vows of mutual fidelity and aid. The most important ancestor worshiped was Hou Ji, who was both legendary founder of the ruling house and the patron of agriculture. As was true for the Shang, Zhou rituals were also directed toward symbols of natural power such as mountains and rivers; most significant natural phenomena were deified and worshipped. The proper time and mode of such rituals were determined in part by divination, which in the Zhou involved both cracking bones and turtle plastrons and the manipulation of dried stalks of the yarrow or milfoil plant. Divination was also employed in military campaigns, the interpretation of dreams, the siting of cities, and in many other situations involving important decisions.
Milfoil divination became the method at the core of the Zhouyi, or Changes of Zhou, a divination manual that acquired philosophical commentaries and became known as the Yijing, or Scripture of Change, part of the earliest Confucian canon. The Yijing classifies human and natural situations by means of sixty-four sets of six horizontal lines (hexagrams), each of which is either broken or solid. The solid lines represent qian or Heaven, the creative or initiating force of nature, while the broken lines represent kun or earth, which receives and completes. The permutations of these fundamental principles, according to early Chinese cosmology, constitute the patterns or principles of all possible circumstances and experiences. Through ritual manipulation involving chance divisions the milfoil stalks are arranged in sets with numerical values corresponding to lines in the hexagrams. One thereby obtains a hexagram that reflects one's present situation; additional line changes indicate the direction of change, and thus a potential outcome. Contemplation of these hexagrams clarifies decisions and provides warning or encouragement.
The Yijing is essentially a book of wisdom for personal and administrative guidance, used since at least the seventh century B.C.E.. However, from the sixth century B.C.E. on commentaries were written to amplify the earliest level of the text, and by the first century C.E. there were seven such levels of exposition, some quite philosophical in tone. The Scripture of Change was believed to reflect the structure of the cosmic order and its transformations, and hence became an object of reverent contemplation in itself. Its earliest levels antedated all the philosophical schools, so it belonged to none, though the Confucians later claimed it as sacred scripture. The polarity of qian and kun provided a model for that of yang and yin, first discussed in the fourth century B.C.E.. The Yijing's sometimes obscure formulations gave impetus to philosophical speculations throughout the later history of Chinese thought.
A third focus of Zhou worship, in addition to ancestors and nature gods, was the she, a sacred earth mound located in the capital of each state and in at least some villages. The state she represented the sacred powers of the earth available to a particular domain, and so was offered libations upon such important occasions in the life of the state as the birth of a prince, ascension to rule, and military campaigns. Beside the earth mound stood a sacred tree, a symbol of its connection to the powers of the sky. The she was an early form of the shrine to the earth-god, or tudigong, which is a prominent part of Chinese popular religion today.
The early Zhou aristocracy carried out sacrificial rituals to mark the seasons of the year and promote the success of farming. These sacrifices, performed in ancestral temples, were offered both to the high god Tian and to ancestors. These and other Zhou rituals were elaborate dramatic performances involving music, dancing, and archery, concluding with feasts in which much wine was consumed.
The most distinctive early Zhou contribution to the history of Chinese religions was the theory of tianming, the "mandate of Heaven," first employed to justify the Zhou conquest of the Shang and attributed to the Duke of Zhou. According to this theory, Heaven as a high god wills order and peace for human society. This divine order is to be administered by virtuous kings who care for their subjects on Heaven's behalf. These kings are granted divine authority to rule, but only so long as they rule well. If they become indolent, corrupt, and cruel, the "mandate of Heaven" can be transferred to another line. This process can take a long time and involve many warnings to the ruler in the form of natural calamities and popular unrest. Those who heed such warnings can repent and rehabilitate their rule; otherwise, the mandate can be claimed by one who promises to restore righteous administration. In practice it is the victors who claim the mandate, as did the founding Zhou kings, on the grounds of the alleged indolence and impiety of the last Shang ruler. The idea of the mandate of Heaven has gripped the Chinese political imagination ever since. It became the basis for the legitimacy of dynasties, the judgment of autocracy, and the moral right of rebellion. This status it owed in part to its support by Confucius and his school, who saw the mandate of Heaven as the foundation of political morality. The corollary notion that Heaven has a moral will was the first formulation of what later became a foundation principle of Confucian thought: that human moral values are ground in the natural world.
Commoners during the Zhou period had less reason to trust in the moral will of Heaven, as the lives they led were more subject to hardships imposed by capricious natural phenomena than those of the ruling elite. The Scripture of Odes (Shijing), for example, contains the following verse that probably reflects the feelings of common people:
Great Heaven, unjust,
Is sending down these exhausting disorders.
Great Heaven, unkind,
Is sending down these great miseries (trans. Poo, p. 37).
While such sentiments were undoubtedly not limited entirely to the common people, they are strikingly at odds with the concept of a moral, just Heaven. Commoners' beliefs were closely tied to the agricultural cycle and the negative or dangerous spiritual forces inhabiting the world. In contrast to the more abstract Heaven, these forces took the form of an astonishing variety of gods, demons, and spirits. These included the gods of particular mountains, rivers, and seas (usually depicted in hybrid animal or animal-human forms), earth gods (tu shen), a sacred serpent, a thorn demon, a water-bug god, hungry ghosts, and the high god, called Shang Di (High Lord, the same term used during the Shang dynasty), Shang Huang (High Sovereign), or Shang Shen (High God). With the possible exception of the high god, these deities were not immortal. Nor were they concerned with human morality; unlike Tian, they responded only to properly-performed sacrifices. Sacrifice by commoners was generally performed for personal and familial welfare, unlike the predominant concerns among the elite for affairs of state.
When the early Zhou political and social synthesis began to deteriorate in the eighth century and competing local states moved toward political, military, and ritual independence, rulers from clans originally enfeoffed by Zhou kings also lost their power, which reverted to competing local families. This breakdown of hereditary authority led to new social mobility, with status increasingly awarded for military valor and administrative ability, regardless of aristocratic background. There is some evidence that even peasants could move about in search of more just rulers. These political and social changes were accompanied by an increase in the number and size of cities, and in the circulation of goods between states. But as warfare increased throughout this period, commoners were repeatedly conscripted into various armies, playing havoc with local agricultural economies (not to mention social morale and family life) as able-bodied men were forcibly taken away from their fields. There were numerous shifting alliances among the powerful states (as the former fiefdoms could now be called), and gradually their number decreased as the most powerful gobbled up the weaker ones. During the final century or so of the Warring States period, some of the dukes began calling themselves kings (wang), usurping the title reserved for the central monarch under the Zhou system.
This time of social mobility and political chaos was a fertile period in the history of Chinese religion and philosophy. There began to appear a new class of intellectual elite, who would eventually produce the texts that formed the foundations of the classical tradition. The intellectuals, like the ruling elite, were interested in the abstract notion of a moral Heaven, although they understood it less as a doctrine of political legitimation and more as a religious basis for a system of ethical thought and practice. The ruling elite, on the other hand -- finding that the need for legitimation of their military takeover of the Shang (now over two hundred years in the past) was not as pressing as it once had been - seem to have lost interest in the idea and concentrated more on the older systems of worship of royal ancestors and spirits of nature. These older rituals became more elaborate and were focused on the ancestors of the rulers of the states rather than on those of the Zhou kings.
Some intellectuals in this era were led to question the power of the gods. In theory, the loss of a state was ultimately due to ritual negligence by the ruler, while the victors were supposed to provide for sacrifices to the ancestors of the vanquished. But in practice, many gods charged with protection were deemed to have failed while their desecrators flourished. The worldviews of the elite and the commoners were not radically distinct: the panoply of spiritual beings was known to all, and to the extent that members of the elite had family roots in the agricultural tradition, they too engaged in the ritual forms of propitiation of and communication with the various gods, ghosts, and spirits. The religious worldview was a continuous whole, in which differences in emphasis corresponded to differences in the immediate concerns and interests of its participants.
By the sixth century a more rationalistic perspective developed in the minds of many intellectuals, accompanied by a turning away from gods and spirits to the problems of human society and governance. The collapse of the Zhou system persuaded the majority of intellectuals that there was a critical need for a new political and ideological foundation for the state. There were, essentially, two aspects to the intellectual problem posed by the Zhou breakdown: theoretical and practical. The theoretical problem stemmed from the doctrine of the Mandate of Heaven: if Heaven indeed has (or is) a moral will, and if Heaven has the power to influence human events by replacing evil rulers with good ones, how can such violence and suffering continue? [See Theodicy.] This question and the question of the nature and origin of evil (usually posed as the question of human nature), became central to the Confucian tradition by the end of the Zhou period. The practical problem, which on the whole received more attention than the theoretical one, was simply: how are social and political order and harmony to be restored? What is the proper role of government in human life, and how should society and government be organized and run? How can rulers discharge their moral responsibilities to their people and to Heaven? How can they maintain their legitimacy in light of the Mandate of Heaven?
Confucius. It was in this context that we find the beginnings of Chinese philosophy. Confucius (c. 551-479 B.C.E.) was born in the small state of Lu, near the present city of Qufu, in present-day Shandong province. His given name was Kong Qiu; as an adult he was commonly known as Kong Zhongni, although many called him by the honorific name Kongzi, or Master Kong. "Confucius" is a Latinized name invented by 17th-century Jesuit missionaries in China, based on a very rarely-used honorific name, Kongfuzi. Lu was a state in which the old Zhou cultural traditions were strong but that was buffeted both by repeated invasions and by local power struggles. Confucius's goal was the restoration of the ethical standards, just rule, and legitimate government -- the Dao or "Way" -- of the early Zhou period as he understood them. The models for the restoration of the Dao were the founding kings of the Zhou dynasty, who had ruled with reverence toward their ancestors and kindness toward their people, ever fearful of losing Heaven's approval. These models had mythic force for Confucius, who saw himself as their embodiment in his own age.
The sources from which the Way of the ancient kings could be learned were ritual, historical, literary, and oracular texts, some of which later came to be known as the Five Scriptures (wu jing). ("Five Classics" is the usual translation, but they certainly were regarded by Confucius and his followers as sacred texts, so "scriptures" is more accurate.) In addition to the Yijing, the divination text discussed above, they included the Shijing (Scripture of Odes), a collection of folk and aristocratic songs allegedly collected by Confucius; the Shujing (Scripture of Documents), purporting to consist of official documents from the ancient Xia dynasty (still historically undocumented) up through the Shang and early Zhou dynasties; the Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn), the terse history of Confucius's home state of Lu; and the Liji (Record of Ritual), which describes not only the formal rituals of the early Zhou, but also the modes of behavior, customs, dress, and other aspects of the lives of the early kings. A sixth one, the Yuejing (Scripture of Music), is no longer extant but sections of it survive in the Liji.
Although several parts of the Five Scriptures were later attributed to Confucius, it is not likely that he wrote anything that survives. The best source of his teachings is the Lunyu (Analects), a collection of his sayings recorded by his disciples after his death. Since the compilation of this text continued for over a century, much of it is not historically reliable. Nevertheless, throughout Chinese history until recent times it has been regarded as the definitive teachings of Confucius, so in terms of its influence on Chinese culture it can be read as a whole.
Confucius believed that society could be transformed by the moral cultivation of those in power, because virtue (de) has a natural transformative effect on others. This inner moral power or potential was "given birth to" or generated in the individual by Heaven, and it was this that Heaven responded to, not merely the outward show of ritual or the exercise of force. Thus government by virtue - i.e. by setting a moral example - was actually more effective in the long run than government by force or the strict application of law and punishment. De had earlier referred simply to the power of a ruler to attract and influence subjects, so in this and several other respects Confucius's innovation was to moralize a concept that hitherto had been ethically neutral. The moral perfection of the individual and the perfection of society were coordinate goals, for the moral perfection of the self required a morally supportive social environment, in the form of stable and loving families, opportunities for education, and good rulers to serve as models. Society as a whole could best be perfected from the top down, and in terms of the political situation it was most important to establish a government staffed by virtuous men (women did not serve in government). For these reasons Confucius directed his teaching toward local rulers and men whose goal was to serve in government. Literacy was a major component of the moral cultivation that he taught, and so he did not bring his message to the masses, the great majority of whom at that time were illiterate.
He gathered a small group of disciples whom he taught to become junzi ("superior men"), men of ethical sensitivity and historical wisdom who were devoted to moral self-cultivation in preparation to become humane and able government officials. The term junzi had originally referred to hereditary nobility, but Confucius used it to mean a kind of moral nobility. Likewise, he expanded the meaning of li, or "ritual," to mean proper behavior and a kind of reverent seriousness in one's every action. [See Li.] The highest virtue was ren, "humanity" or "humaneness," which Confucius understood to be the perfection of being human. Ren described the inner moral character that was necessary in order for one's outward behavior, or li, to be authentic and meaningful. Confucius regarded ren as a nearly transcendental quality that only the mythic sages of the past had actually attained, although later Confucians claimed it was attainable by anyone.
Thus Confucius initiated a new level of ethical awareness in Chinese culture and a new form of education, education in what he believed were universal principles for mature humanity and civilization. He assumed that the criteria for holding office were intelligence and high moral principles, not hereditary status, and so further undermined the Zhou feudal system that was crumbling around him. His ethical teachings were intended to describe the "Way" (dao) of the superior or morally noble person, a way that originated in the will of Heaven for its people. Although this Way had been put into practice by the glorious founders of the Zhou dynasty, it was not presently being practiced. The absence of the Way was manifested by widespread conflict and a breakdown of ritual and propriety (li), indicating not only a breach in the social order but also in the cosmic order. Ritual or ritual propriety, therefore, was not merely a means of enforcing social order, nor was Confucius's innovation a turn from religion to philosophy; rather it was a philosophical deepening of a fundamentally religious worldview. Despite the fact that he urged his followers to pay more attention to human affairs than to the worship of the variety of traditional spiritual beings, he denied neither their existence nor the importance of worshipping ancestors. He redirected the religious sense of awe and reverence that had traditionally been focused on the realm of gods and spirits to the human, social and political sphere. [See the biography of Confucius.]
The followers of Confucius came to be known as ru or "scholars," signifying their relationship with the literary tradition. They were in a sense custodians of and experts in the literate cultural tradition (wen), especially in the areas of court ritual, official protocol, and history. By the fourth and third centuries B.C.E. other schools of thought were developing. They included a school of natural philosophy based on the concept of the yin (dark, quiescent) and yang (light, active) phases of qi (psycho-physical substance); an early form of Daoism (Taoism); a school of Legalism that taught the strict application of law and punishment as the solution to the era's disorder; a school based on the investigation of names and their meanings; and several others. In the culture at large religious beliefs and activities continued unabated; divination and rituals accompanied every significant activity, and a quest for personal immortality was gaining momentum. One of the new schools of thought that reflected this common concern for religion was that of Mozi.
Mozi. Mozi (Master Mo, fifth century B.C.E.), a thinker from an artisan background, was a thorough-going utilitarian who taught that the fundamental criterion of value was practical benefit to all. He was from Confucius's home state of Lu and was educated in the emerging Confucian tradition, but turned against what he perceived to be its elitism and wasteful concern with elaborate rituals. In his ethical teaching Mozi reinterpreted along utilitarian lines such Confucian principles as righteousness and filial reverence, focusing on the theme of universal love without familial and social distinctions. He also attracted a group of disciples whom he sent out to serve in various states in an attempt to implement his teachings.
For the history of Chinese religions the most significant aspect of Mozi's thought is his concern to provide theological sanctions for his views. For Mozi, Tian, or Heaven, is an active creator god whose will or mandate extends to everyone; what Heaven wills is love, prosperity, and peace for all. Heaven is the ultimate ruler of the whole world; Tian sees all, rewards the good, and punishes the evil. In this task it is aided by a multitude of lesser spirits who are also intelligent and vital and who serve as messengers between Tian and human beings. Mozi advocated that since this is the nature of divine reality, religious reverence should be encouraged by the state as a sanction for moral order.
To protect himself from intellectual skeptics Mozi at one point allowed that even if deities and spirits do not exist communal worship still has social value. Although his whole attempt to argue for belief in Heaven on utilitarian grounds could be understood as a last stand for traditional religion within a changing philosophical world, there is no reason to doubt that Mozi himself believed in the gods. [See Moism and the biography of Mozi.]
The fourth century B.C.E. was a period of incessant civil war on the one hand and great philosophical diversity on the other. A variety of thinkers arose, each propounding a cure for the ills of the age, most seeking to establish their views by training disciples and attaining office. Some advocated moral reform through education, others authoritarian government, laissez faire administration, rationalized bureaucracy, agricultural communes, rule in accord with the powers of nature, or individual self-fulfillment. Religious concerns were not paramount for these thinkers; indeed, for some they do not appear at all. The two traditions of this period that do warrant discussion here are the Confucian, represented by Mengzi (Mencius, c. 371-289 B.C.E.), and that of the mystically inclined individualists, traditionally known as the Daoists.
Mengzi. Master Meng, whose given name was Meng Ke, was a teacher and would-be administrator from the small state of Zou who developed Confucius's teachings and placed them on a much firmer philosophical and literary base. Mengzi was concerned to prepare his disciples for enlightened and compassionate public service, beginning with provision for the physical needs of the people. He believed that only when their material livelihood is secure can the people be guided to higher moral awareness. This hope for moral transformation is grounded in Mengzi's conviction that human nature contains the potential for goodness. What is needed are rulers who nourish this potential as "fathers and mothers of the people." These teachings Mengzi expounded courageously before despotic kings whose inclinations were quite otherwise.
Tian or Heaven, for Mencius, is an expression of the underlying moral structure of the world, so that in the long run "those who accord with Heaven are preserved, and those who oppose Heaven are destroyed." Heaven's will is known through the assent or disapproval of the people -- a proto-democratic aspect of Mencius's thought. The human mind possesses an innate potential for moral awareness, a potential bestowed by Heaven at birth, so that "to understand human nature is to understand Heaven" and "to preserve one's mind and nourish one's nature is to serve Heaven." This potential is more than mere possibility; it is comprised of innate and concrete emotional dispositions which, when nourished or developed, become the core virtues of humanity (ren), rightness or appropriateness (yi), propriety (li), and moral wisdom (zhi). This natural course of human development, rather than a static essence, is what constitutes human nature for Mencius. In cultivating our moral capacities we become fully human and actualize the moral potential of the cosmos. But this process requires a supportive, nourishing environment: a loving and supportive family, opportunities for education, and a humane government.
As had Confucius, Mengzi assumed that ancestor veneration was a basic requirement of civilized life, but neither thinker emphasized such veneration as much as did later texts like the Xiaojing, the Scripture of Filiality (third century B.C.E.). And while Confucius had relied largely upon the power of the cultural tradition - in particular the words and examples of the ancient sages preserved in the Five Scriptures - to serve as agents of individual and social transformation, Mencius's theory could be characterized as a developmental moral psychology. Mengzi represents both a further humanization and a further spiritualization of the Confucian tradition, and his emphasis on the powers of human nature did much to shape the religious sensibilities of Chinese philosophy. In a third century B.C.E. text closely associated with the Mencian school, the Zhongyong ( "The Mean in Practice" or "Centrality and Commonality"), these tendencies were developed to a point not seen again until the eleventh and twelfth century revival of Confucianism:
Only that one in the world who is most perfectly authentic is able to give full development to his nature. Being able to give full development to his nature, he is able to give full development to the nature of other human beings and, being able to give full development to the nature of other human beings, he is able to give full development to the natures of other living things. Being able to give full development to the natures of other living things, he can assist in the transforming and nourishing powers of Heaven and Earth; being able to assist in the transforming and nourishing powers of Heaven and Earth, he can form a triad with Heaven and Earth.
[See the biography of Mengzi.]
Xunzi. The third most important Confucian philosopher before the Han dynasty (202 B.C.E.-220 C.E.) was Xunzi (Xun Qing, d. 215 B.C.E.), a scholar from the state of Zhao who held offices for a time in the larger states of Qi and Chu. Xunzi's thought was influenced by several of the traditions that had developed before his time, including those of the Logicians, Daoists, and Legalists. Xunzi agreed with the Legalist emphasis on the need for strong centralized rule and a strict penal code. He also shared their low estimate of human nature, which in his view tended toward selfishness and competition. Nonetheless, Xunzi believed that human attitudes and behavior are perfectible by dint of much discipline and effort, so his differences with Mencius on this point are those of degree. Both thinkers claimed that the ordinary person can become a "sage" (shengren), one who fully exemplifies the virtue of humanity (ren). But for Mencius this was a developmental process, while for Xunzi it was a transformation (hua) requiring the external leverage, so to speak, of past sages.
Xunzi's chief contribution was his reinterpretation of Tian as the order of nature, an order that has no consciousness and is not directly related to human concerns. This interpretation is parallel to the views of the Laozi (Daodejing) and Zhuangzi texts concerning the cosmic "Way" (Dao). Xunzi was concerned to separate the roles of heaven, earth, and man, with human attention directed toward ethics, administration, and culture. In this context rituals such as funeral rites are valuable channels for emotions, but have no objective referent; their role is social and psychological, not theological. Ignorant "petty people" who literally believe in the efficacy of rain dances and divination are to be pitied; for the gentleman such activities are "cultural adornment."
Xunzi thus gave impetus to the skeptical tradition in Chinese thought that began before Confucius and was reinforced by later thinkers such as Wang Chong (c. 27-96 C.E.). Xunzi's teachings at this point provided a theoretical basis for a rough bifurcation between elite and popular attitudes toward religion and for sporadic attempts to suppress "excessive cults." Xunzi's epistemology also set up the intellectual framework for a critique of heresy, conceived as inventing words and titles beyond those employed by general consensus and sanctioned by the state. These themes had important implications for the remainder of Chinese history, including official attitudes toward religion today. [See the biography of Xunzi.]
Early Daoist thought. The earliest extant writings focused on the mysterious cosmic "Way" (dao) that underlies all things are the first seven chapters of the extant Zhuangzi, a text attributed to a philosopher named Zhuang Zhou of the fourth century B.C.E., and one section of the Guanzi, another fourth-century text. Zhuang Zhou, or Zhuangzi (Master Zhuang), was convinced that the world in its natural state is peaceful and harmonious, a state exemplified by the growth of plants and the activities of animals. Disorder is due to human aggression and manipulation, a tendency that finds as much expression in Confucian and Moist moralizing as in cruel punishments and warfare. Such moralizing in turn is rooted in a false confidence in words, words that debators use to express their own limited points of view and thus to dichotomize our understanding of the world. Indeed, all perspectives are limited and relative, conditioned by the interests and anxieties of species, social positions, and individuals. The answer to this problem is to understand and affirm the relativity of views, and thus harmonize them all. This the sage does by perceiving the constant rhythms of change within all life and identifying with them. In his view all dichotomies are unified; hence there is no need for struggle and competition. The sage intuits the Dao within and behind all things, and takes its all-embracing perspective as his own. This perspective allows him to achieve a state of emotional equanimity, which even a serious illness or the death of a loved-one cannot disturb. Indeed, such events illustrate the ultimate truth of the Way - change and transformation - and can therefore provide opportunities to rejoice in one's participation in what is fundamentally real. [See the biography of Zhuangzi.]
The Guanzi is a long, composite text attributed to a famous statesman of the seventh century B.C.E., but it was probably written or compiled from the fourth to the second centuries B.C.E., and its actual authors are unknown. Its earliest sections focuses on the cosmological and physiological bases of self-transformation according to the Way, using such concepts as qi (the psycho-physical substance of all things), jing (life-giving essence), and shen (spirit), all of which remained central to the Daoist religion in its later development.
The best-known book devoted to discussing the Dao behind all things is the early third-century B.C.E. Daodejing (The Way and Its Power), also known as the Laozi, after its reputed author, a mythical sage known simply as the "Old Master," said to have been an older contemporary of Confucius. The Laozi discusses the Way in more direct, metaphysical terms than does the Zhuangzi, all the while protesting that such discussion is ultimately futile. Here we are told that the Dao is the source of all things, "the mother of the universe," the ineffable cosmic womb out of which all emerges. The Dao also "works in the world," guiding all things in harmonious development and interaction. As both source and order of the world the Dao serves as a model for enlightened rulers who gain power by staying in the background and letting their people live spontaneously in response to their own needs. The Dao is the vital force of life perceived at its utmost depth; it works mysteriously and imperceptibly and yet there is nothing it does not accomplish. Its symbols are water rather than rock, valleys rather than hills, the female rather than the male. Although its perspective is profound, its author intended this book to be a handbook of wise and successful living, living characterized by a natural, spontaneous action that does not prematurely wear itself out. [See Dao and De.]
These texts were the sources of a persistent tradition of naturalistic mysticism in the history of Chinese religions. They were the inspiration for much poetry, romantic philosophy, and meditation, all intended as a corrective for the bustle and competition of life, a means to peace of mind, and a clarification and broadening of perspective. They describe the enlightened person as living peacefully and long because he does not waste his vital powers on needless contention and aggression. In the Laozi, for example, we are told that "He who knows when to stop is free from danger; therefore he can long endure" (chap. 44), and that one who is "a good preserver of his life" cannot be harmed, "because in him there is no room for death" (chap. 50). Although in some passages of the Zhuangzi an enlightened perspective leads to acceptance of death, a few others provide poetic visions of immortals, those who have transcended death by merging with the Dao. One of the terms Zhuangzi uses for these individuals is zhenren, "perfected people," a term that later became important in the fully-developed Daoist religion that took shape after the second century C.E.. These indications of immortality in the earliest Daoist texts provided the chief point of contact between the classical tradition and those who sought immortality by more direct means, including later practitioners of Daoist religion.
The quest for immortality. An explicit concern for long life (shou) had already appeared on early Zhou bronzes and in poems in the Scripture of Odes. Beginning in the eighth century B.C.E. we find terms expressing a hope for immortality, such as "no death," "transcending the world," and "becoming an immortal." By the fourth century B.C.E. there is evidence of an active quest for immortality through a variety of means, including exercises imitating the movements of long-lived animals, diets enforcing abstinence from grains, the use of food vessels inscribed with characters indicating longevity, the ingestion of herbs and chemicals, and petitions for the aid of immortals residing in mountains or distant paradises. It was in this context that Chinese alchemy began. The alchemical quest became the most dramatic form of the quest to transcend death, growing in popularity during the Qin (221-207 B.C.E.) and Western Han (202 B.C.E.-9 C.E.) dynasties.
The goal of all these practices was to return the body to its original state of purity and power with its yin and yang forces vital and in proper balance. [See Yin-yang Wuxing.] The fact that some of the compounds used were poisonous did not deter the experimenters; those who died were believed by devotees to have transferred themselves to another plane of existence, that of the immortals (xian). [See Xian.] All this effort and expense were considered necessary because in ancient China the person was understood to be a psycho-physical whole, composed throughout of one vital substance, qi, in different modes and densities. [See Qi.] Corresponding to the yin and yang phases of qi there were thought to be two "souls," the po and hun, respectively. The po, associated with the gross physical body, would ideally remain with the body after death, or would descend to a murky underworld, the Yellow Springs. The hun, associated with the more intelligent and spiritual aspect of the person, would rise up to heaven and would retain its integrity only as long as it was ritually acknowledged and "nourished" through ancestor worship.
These forms of continuation after death were perceived by some to be tenuous and limited, so they attempted to make the entire person/body immortal by transforming its substance. There was no doctrine of an eternal, immaterial soul to fall back on as in India or the Hellenistic world, so the only alternative was physical immortality. In China this tradition continued to develop through the Eastern (Latter) Han dynasty (25-220 C.E.) and produced texts of its own full of recipes, techniques, and moral exhortations. As such, it became one of the major sources of the Daoist religion that emerged in the second century C.E.. [See Alchemy, article on Chinese Alchemy, and Soul, article on Chinese Concepts.]
Spirit mediums. The other important expression of Chinese religious consciousness before the Han dynasty was shamanism, which most commonly took the form of deities and spirits possessing receptive human beings. Spirit mediums both female and male are mentioned in discussions of early Zhou religion as participants in court rituals, responsible for invoking the descent of the gods, praying and dancing for rain, and for ceremonial sweeping to exorcise harmful forces. They were a subordinate level of officially accepted ritual performers, mostly women, who spoke on behalf of the gods to arrange for sacrifices. In conditions of extreme drought they could be exposed to the sun as an inducement to rain. Female mediums were called wu, a word etymologically related to that for dancing; male mediums were called xi. In the state of Chu, south of the center of Zhou culture, there were shamans believed able to practice "magic flight," that is, to send their souls on journeys to distant realms of deities and immortals. [See Flight.]
Han historical sources indicate that by the third century B.C.E. there were shamans all over China, many of whom were invited by emperors to set up shrines in the capital. This was done in part to consolidate imperial control, but also to make available fresh sources of sacred power to support the state and heal illness. Sporadic attempts were also made by officials to suppress shamanism. These began as early as 99 B.C.E. and continued in efforts to reform court rituals in 31-30 B.C.E., and to change local practices involving human sacrifice in 25 C.E.. However, it is clear that shamanism was well established among the people and continued to have formal influence at court until the fifth century C.E.. Shamans were occasionally employed by rulers to call up the spirits of royal ancestors and consorts and incidents of court support continued into the eleventh century. Owing in part to the revival of Confucianism in that period, in 1023 a sweeping edict was issued that all shamans be returned to agricultural life and their shrines be destroyed. Thus, the gradual Confucianization of the Chinese elite led to the suppression of shamanism at that level, but it continued to flourish among the people, where its activities can still be observed in China, Taiwan, and other Chinese communities. [See Shamanism, overview article.]
The Beginnings of Empire
In the fifth century B.C.E. the disintegration of the Zhou feudal and social order quickened under the pressure of incessant civil wars. The larger states formed alliances and maneuvered for power, seeking hegemony over the others, aiming to reunify the area of Zhou culture by force alone. In 256 B.C.E. the state of Qin, under the influence of a ruthlessly applied ideology of laws and punishments suggested in the fourth century B.C.E. by Shang Yang, one of the founders of the Legalist school, eliminated the last Zhou king and then finished off its remaining rivals. Finally, in 221 the state of Qin became the empire of Qin (221-207 B.C.E.), and its ruler took a new title, "First Emperor of Qin" (Qin shi huangdi). With this step China as a semicontinental state was born. There were many periods of division and strife later, but the new level of unification achieved by the Qin was never forgotten, and became the goal of all later dynasties.
The Qin emperors attempted to rule all of China by the standards long developed in their own area; laws, measurements, written characters, wheel tracks, thought, and so forth were all to be unified. Local traditions and loyalties were still strong, however, and Qin rule remained precarious. After the emperor died in 209 he was replaced by a son who proved unequal to the task. Rebellions that broke out in that year severely undermined Qin authority and by 206 one of the rebel leaders, a village head named Liu Bang, had assumed de facto control of state administration. In 202 Liu Bang was proclaimed emperor of a new dynasty, the Han (202 B.C.E.-220 C.E.), built upon Qin foundations but destined to last, with one interregnum, for over four hundred years.
The Qin. The Qin was noteworthy both for its suppression of philosophy and its encouragement of religion. The Legalist tradition dominant in the state of Qin had long been hostile to the Confucians and Moists, with their emphasis on ethical sanctions for rule. For the Legalists the only proper standard of conduct was the law, applied by officials concerned with nothing else, whose personal views were irrelevant as long as they performed their task. The only sanctions the state needed were power and effective organization. Not long after Qin became an empire it attempted to silence all criticism based on the assumption of inner standards of righteousness that were deemed to transcend political power and circumstance. In 213 B.C.E. the court made it a capital offence to discuss Confucian books and principles and ordered that all books in private collections be burned, save those dealing with medicine, divination, and agriculture, as well as texts of the Legalist school. In this campaign, several scores of scholars were executed, and a number of philosophical schools were eliminated as coherent traditions, including the Moists and the Dialecticians. In the early Han dynasty both Daoist philosophy and Confucianism revived, and Legalism continued to be in evidence in practice if not in theory, but the golden age of Chinese philosophy was over. A unified empire demanded unified thought, a dominant orthodoxy enforced by the state. From this perspective variety was a threat, and furthermore, there were no independent states left to serve as sanctuaries for different schools. To be sure, China continued to produce excellent scholars and philosophers, and Buddhism contributed an important body of new material, but most of the issues debated in later Chinese philosophy had already been articulated before the Han. The task of philosophy was now understood to be the refinement and application of old teachings, not the development of new ones. [See Legalism and the biography of Han Feizi.]
Qin policy toward religion, by contrast, encouraged a variety of practices to support the state. To pay homage to the sacred powers of the realm and to consolidate his control, the First Emperor included worship at local shrines in his extensive tours. Representatives of regional cults, many of them spirit mediums, were brought to the court, there to perform rituals at altars set up for their respective deities. The Qin expanded the late Zhou tendency to exalt deities of natural forces; over one hundred temples to such nature deities were established in the capital alone, devoted to the sun, moon, planets, several constellations, and stars associated with wind, rain, and long life. The nation was divided into sacred regions presided over by twelve mountains and four major rivers, with many lesser holy places to be worshiped both by the people and the emperor. Elaborate sacrifices of horses, rams, bulls, and a variety of foodstuffs were regularly offered at the major sites, presided over by officials with titles such as Grand Sacrificer and Grand Diviner. Important deities were correlated with the Five Phases (wuxing), the modes of interaction of natural forces, the better to personify and control these powers.
A distinctive feature of Qin religion was sacrifices to four "Supreme Emperors" responsible for natural powers in each of the four quarters. Only the Emperor could worship these deities, a limitation true as well for two new rites he developed in 219, the feng and shan sacrifices. These were performed on sacred Mount Tai, in modern Shandong province, to symbolize that the ruler had been invested with power by Heaven itself. Another driving force behind Qin encouragement of religious activities was the first Emperor's personal quest for immortality. We are told that in this quest he sent groups of young people across the China Sea to look for such islands of the immortals as Penglai.
The Han. The defeat of Qin forces in the civil wars leading up to the founding of the Han dynasty deposed Legalist political thought along with the second and last Qin emperor. It took several decades for the new Han dynasty to consolidate its power. Since the Legalists had developed the most detailed policies for administering an empire, many of these policies were followed in practice in modified form.
Some early Han scholars and emperors attempted to ameliorate royal power with a revival of Confucian concern for the people and Daoist principles of noninterference (wuwei). For example, a palace counselor named Jia Yi (200-168 B.C.E.) echoed Mencius in his emphasis that the people are the basis of the state, the purpose of which should be to make them prosperous and happy, so as to gain their approval. A similar point of view is presented in more Daoist form in the Huainanzi, a book presented to the throne in 139 B.C.E. by a prince of the Liu clan who had convened a variety of scholars in his court. This book discusses the world as a fundamentally harmonious system of resonating roles and influences. The ruler's job is to guide it, as an experienced charioteer guides his team. [See the biography of Liu An.]
Both Jia Yi and the Huainanzi assume that the rhythms that order society and government emanate from the cosmic Dao. The ruler's task is to discover and reinforce these rhythms for the benefit of all. This understanding of a Daoist "art of rulership" is rooted in the teachings of the early Daoist texts discussed above (Zhuangzi, Guanzi, and Laozi), which in the early Han were called the Huang-Lao school, the tradition of the Yellow Emperor and Laozi. Four other Huang-Lao texts were rediscovered in 1973 at Mawangdui, in a tomb sealed in 168 B.C.E.. This early form of Daoism, which was adopted by the early Han emperors, is concerned with the Dao as the creative source of both nature and man, their patterns of order, and the ontological basis of law and administration. Here we see an attempt to apply Daoist philosophical principles to the ordering of society by blending them with Legalist ideas. [See Huanglao Jun.]
Some Confucian books had escaped the flames of 213 B.C.E., and those that did not were reconstructed or written anew, with little but the old titles intact. By this time scholars such as Xunzi had already incorporated the best thought of their day into fundamentally Confucian expositions that advocated a strong centralized state and an ethical teaching enforced by law. This expanded interpretation of Confucius's teachings served his followers well in the early Han. They occupied the middle ground between Legalism and Daoist laissez-faire. There was room in their perspective for political power, criminal law, advocacy of benevolent rule, moral suasion, religious rituals, and personal ethical development, all supported by a three-century tradition of training disciples to study sacred texts and emulate the models they provided. In addition, the philosopher Dong Zhongshu (c. 179-104 B.C.E.) incorporated into Confucianism the theories of Zou Yan and the "Naturalists," who in the fourth century B.C.E. had taught that the world is an interrelated organic whole that operates according to the cosmic principles of yin-yang and wuxing (Five Phases). [See the biography of Zou Yan.] The Huainanzi had already given this material a Daoist interpretation, stressing the natural resonance between all aspects of the universe. In the hands of Dong Zhongshu this understanding became an elaborate statement of the relationship of society and nature, with an emphasis on natural justification for hierarchical social roles, focused on that of the ruler. [See the biography of Dong Zhongshu.]
Dong Zhongshu provided a more detailed cosmological basis for Confucian ethical and social teachings and made it clear that only a unified state could serve as a channel for cosmic forces and sanctions. Dong was recognized as the leading scholar of the realm, and became spokesman for the official class. At his urging, the sixth Han emperor, Wudi (r. 140-87 B.C.E.), shifted his allegiance from Huang-Lao Daoism to Confucianism. In 136 B.C.E. the Confucian classics were made the prescribed texts studied at the imperial academy. Texts of other schools including the Daoist theories of administration noted above, were excluded. This meant in effect that Dong Zhongshu's version of Confucianism became the official state teaching, a status it retained throughout the Han dynasty. So it was that the humble scholar of Lu, dead for over three hundred years, was exalted as patron saint of the imperial system, a position he retained until 1911. State-supported temples were established in Confucius's name in cities all over the land, and his home at Qufu became a national shrine. In these temples, spirit tablets of the master and his disciples (replaced by images from 720 to 1530) were venerated in elaborate and formal rituals. As the generations passed, the tablets of the most influential scholars of the age came to be placed in these temples as well, by imperial decree, and so the cult of Confucius became the ritual focus of the scholar-official class. [See Confucian Thought, article on The State Cult.]
Dong Zhongshu's incorporation of yin-yang thought into Confucian philosophy had the unfortunate effect of legitimating and accentuating what was already a patriarchal social system. The root meanings of yin (dark) and yang (light) were not gendered, but neither did they necessarily imply a complementarity of equals. The predominant interpretation of the yin-yang polarity throughout Chinese history (with a few texts like the Laozi as prominent exceptions) understood the relationship as a hierarchical complementarity, with yin as quiescent and sinking and yang as active and rising. The general preference for yang over yin, combined with the patriarchal association of women with yin and men with yang, provided philosophical justification for the subservience of women to men. Educated women as well as men accepted this as a fact of nature. Ban Zhao (45-114 C.E.), the most famous female intellectual in Chinese history, wrote an influential book called "Lessons for Women" (Nujie), which emphasized the propriety of women's humility and subservience, although her support of education for girls could, in its context, be considered a "feminist" position. In general, Confucians believed that women could become Sages, but only by perfecting the virtues of the "woman's Way" as wives and mothers.
Han state rituals were based upon those of Qin, but were greatly expanded and more elaborate. The first emperor, Gaozu, instituted the worship of a star god believed to be associated with Houji, the legendary founder of the Zhou royal line. Temples for this deity were built in administrative centers around the realm, where officials were also instructed to worship gods of local mountains and rivers. Gaozu brought shamans to the palace and set up shrines for sacrifices to their regional deities. He also promoted the worship of his own ancestors; at his death temples in his honor were built in commanderies throughout the empire.
These efforts to institute an imperial religious system supported by officials at all levels were energetically continued by Emperor Wu, during whose fifty-four-year reign the foundations of imperial state religion were established for Chinese history into the twentieth century. The emperor's religious activities were in turn supported by the philosophy of Dong Zhongshu, with its emphasis on the central cosmic role of the ruler. Emperor Wu revived the jiao or suburban sacrifice at the winter solstice to express imperial support for the revival of life forces. [See Jiao.] He also began to worship Taiyi, the "Supreme One," a star deity most noble in the heavens, an exalted version of a Zhou god. Taiyi was coequal with Heaven and earth, a symbol of both cosmic power and the emperor's status. In the period 112-110 B.C.E. Emperor Wu renewed the feng and shan sacrifices at Mount Tai, the sacred mountain of the east, a key place of direct communication with Heaven for the sake of the whole realm. In 109 B.C.E. he ordered that a ming tang ("hall of light") be built at the foot of Mount Tai as a temple where all the major deities of China could assemble and be worshiped. Emperor Wu also toured the realm, sacrificing at important shrines along the way, all to express his religious convictions and assert his authority.
Detailed instructions for these Han rituals were provided by handbooks of ritual and etiquette such as the Liji (Record of Ritual), the present version of which was compiled in the second century B.C.E. but includes earlier material as well. Here we find descriptions of royal rituals to be performed at the solstices and the equinoxes, as well as instructions for such matters as the initiation ("capping") of young men and the veneration of ancestors. The emphasis throughout is on the intimate correlations of nature and society, so that social custom is given cosmic justification. The Liji complements Dong Zhongshu's philosophy by extending similar understandings to the social life of the literate elite. In this context periodic rituals served as concentrated reminders of the cosmic basis of the whole cultural and political order. Thus did the imperial ruling class express its piety and solidify its position.
It should be noted, however, that the old Zhou concept of the "mandate of Heaven" continued to influence Han political thought in a form elaborated and attenuated at the same time. Particularly in the writings of Dong Zhongshu, evidence for divine approval or disapproval of the ruler was discerned in natural phenomena, such as comets or earthquakes, interpreted as portents and omens. In accord with this belief, officials were appointed to record and interpret portents and to suggest appropriate responses, such as changes in ritual procedure and the proclamation of amnesties. The developing tradition of political portents recognized the importance of divine sanctions but provided a range of calibrated responses that enabled rulers to adjust their policies rather than face the prospect of rejection by Heaven. The "mandate of Heaven" in its earlier and starker form was evoked chiefly as justification for rebellion in periods of dynastic decay. Nonetheless, portent theory in the hands of a conscientious official could be used in attempts to check or ameliorate royal despotism, and hence was an aspect of the state religious system that could challenge political power as well as support it.
The Han emperor Wu devoted much effort to attaining immortality, as had his Qin predecessor. As before, shamans and specialists in immortality potions were brought to court, and expeditions were sent off to look for the dwelling places of those who had defeated death. The search for immortality became quite popular among those who had the money and literacy to engage in it. In part this was due to the transformation of the Yellow Emperor (Huangdi) into the patron deity of immortality, the earliest popular saving deity of this type in China. This transformation, fostered by magicians or "technique specialists" (fangshi) at Emperor Wu's court, included stories that the Yellow Emperor had ascended to Heaven with his whole retinue, including a harem of over seventy. [See Fangshi and Huangdi.]
A more common expression of hope for some sort of continuity after death may be seen in tombs of Han aristocrats and officials, many of which were built as sturdy brick replicas of houses or offices, complete with wooden and ceramic utensils, attendants, and animals, as well as food, drugs, clothing, jade, bamboo books, and other precious objects. To a large extent this was a modification of Shang and Zhou traditions. However, in a few Han tombs there were tightly sealed coffins filled with an embalming fluid in which even the skin and flesh of the bodies have been preserved. An elaborate silk banner has been found on top of one of these coffins, from the southern state of Chu, painted with a design evidently intended to guide the occupant to a paradise of the immortals, perhaps that of the Queen Mother of the West, Xi Wang Mu.
Another destination for the dead was an underworld that was a Han elaboration of the old myth of the Yellow Springs, a shadowy place beneath the earth referred to as early as the eighth century B.C.E.. From the Han period, there are tomb documents by which living officials transferred the dead in their jurisdiction to those of their counterparts in the underworld. There are also references to a realm of the dead inside Mount Tai. The god of this mountain keeps registers of the lifespans of all, and death may be referred to as "to return to the Eastern Peak." By the third and fourth centuries C.E. it was believed that there was a subterranean kingdom within Mount Tai, where judges decided the fate of the dead. These alternative beliefs represent the state of Chinese understandings of afterlife before Buddhist impact. [See Afterlife, article on Chinese Concepts.]
What came to be called the Former Han dynasty ended in 8 C.E. when the throne was occupied by a prime minister named Wang Mang (r. 9-23 C.E.), who established a Xin ("new") dynasty that was to last for fourteen years. Wang's chief contribution to the history of Chinese religions was his active promotion of prognostication as a way of understanding the intimate relationship between Heaven and the court. In 25 C.E. Liu Xiu (r. 25-57), a member of the Han royal line, led a successful attack on Wang Mang and reestablished the (Latter) Han dynasty. Like Wang Mang, he actively supported prognostication at court, despite the criticism of rationalist scholars such as Huan Tan (43 B.C.E.-28 C.E.), who argued that strange phenomena were a matter of coincidence and natural causes rather than messages from Heaven.
A related development was controversy between two movements within Confucian scholarly circles, the so-called New Text school of the Former Han, and a later rationalistic reaction against it, the Old Text school. The New Text school developed out of Dong Zhongshu's concern with portents. Its followers wrote new commentaries on the classics that praised Confucius as a superhuman being who predicted the future hundreds of years beyond his time. By the end of the first century B.C.E. this interpretation of the sage in mythological terms was vigorously resisted by an Old Text school that advocated a more restrained and historical approach. These two traditions coexisted throughout the remainder of the Han dynasty, with the New Text scholars receiving the most imperial support through the first century C.E.. After Huan Tan the best known rationalist was Wang Chong, whose Lunheng (Balanced Essays) fiercely criticizes religious opinions of his day, including prognostication and belief in spirits of the dead. Although Wang Chong was not well known by his contemporaries, his thought was rediscovered in the third century and established as a key contribution to the skeptical tradition in Chinese philosophy. [See the biography of Wang Chong.] An important religious legacy of the New Text school was the exalted interpretation of Confucius as a semidivine being, which was echoed in later popular religion. Its concern with portents and numerology also influenced Daoism.
We have noted the appearance of the Yellow Emperor as a divine patron of immortality, and as a representative of a new type of personified saving deity with power over a whole area of activity. In the latter half of the Han dynasty the number and popularity of such deities increased, beginning with the cult of the Queen Mother of the West (Xi Wang Mu). She was associated with the Kunlun mountains in the northwest where she presided over a palace and received a royal visitor, King Mu of the Zhou dynasty, whom she predicted would be able to avoid death. In 3 B.C.E. Hsi Wang Mu's promise of immortality to all became the central belief of an ecstatic popular cult in her name that swept across North China. Although this movement abated in a few months, the Queen Mother herself is commonly portrayed in Latter Han iconography. Kunlun is described as the center pillar of the world, from where she controls cosmic powers and the gift of immortality. This goddess has continued to have an important role in Chinese religion until the present day. [See Xi Wang Mu.]
Mountain-dwelling immortals constituted another source of personal deities in this period. These beings were believed to descend to aid the ruler in times of crisis, sometimes with instructions from the Celestial Emperor (Tiandi), sometimes themselves identified with the "perfect ruler" who would restore peace to the world. By the second century C.E. the most important of these figures was Laozi, the legendary author of the Daodejing, who appears as a deity called Huang Laojun (Yellow Lord Lao) or Taishang Laojun (Most High Lord Lao). [See Huang Laojun.] By this time Laozi had been portrayed for centuries in popular legend as a mysterious wise man who disappeared without a trace. We have seen that the book in his name contains passages that could be interpreted as support for the immortality cult, and by the first century he was referred to as an immortal himself. In an inscription of 165 C.E. Laozi is described as a creator deity, equal in status to the sun, moon, and stars. A contemporary text assures his devotees that he has manifested himself many times in order to save mankind, that he will select those who believe in him to escape the troubles of the age, and that he will "shake the Han reign." [See the biography of Laozi.] It is this messianic theme that provided the religious impetus for two large popular religious movements in the late second century C.E. that were important sources of later Daoist religion and the popular sectarian tradition. These movements were the Tianshi Dao (Way of the Celestial Masters) in the west and the Taiping Dao (Way of Great Peace) in the north.
The Way of the Celestial Masters began with a new revelation from the Most High Lord Lao to a man named Zhang Daoling in 142 C.E.. In this revelation Zhang was designated as the first "Celestial Master" and was empowered to perform rituals and write talismans that distributed this new manifestation of the Dao for the salvation of humankind. Salvation was available to those who repented of their sins, believed in the Dao, and pledged allegiance to their Daoist master. The master in turn established an alliance between the gods and the devotee, who then wore at the waist a list or "register" of the names of the gods to be called on for protection. The register also served as a passport to heaven at death. Daoist ritual consists essentially of the periodic renewal of these alliances by meditative visualization, ritual confession and petition, and sacrificial offering of incense and sacred documents. Daoist texts are concerned throughout for moral discipline and orderly ritual and organization.
Under Zhang Daoling's grandson, Zhang Lu, the Way of the Celestial Masters established a theocratic state in the area of modern Sichuan Province with an organization modeled in part on Han local administration. The administrative units or "parishes" were headed by "libationers," some of whom were women, whose duties included both religious and administrative functions. Their rituals included reciting the Laozi, penance to heal illness, and the construction of huts in which free food was offered to passers-by. Converts were required to contribute five pecks of rice, from which the movement gained the popular name of "The Way of Five Pecks of Rice" (Wudoumi Dao). In 215 Zhang Lu pledged allegiance to a Han warlord (Cao Cao), whose son founded the new state of Wei in 220. The members of the sect were required to disperse their self-governing community in Sichuan, but they were allowed to continue their activities and taught that Wei had simply inherited divine authority from the Celestial Master Zhang and his line. By the fourth century the Celestial Masters developed more elaborate collective rituals of repentance, retrospective salvation of ancestors, and the strengthening of vital forces through sexual intercourse. Eventually all branches of Daoism traced their origins to the Way of the Celestial Masters. [See the biographies of Zhang Daoling and Zhang Lu.]
We know less about the practices of the Way of Great Peace because it was destroyed as a coherent tradition in the aftermath of a massive uprising in 184 C.E.. Its leader, also named Zhang (Zhang Jue, d. 184 C.E.), proclaimed that the divine mandate for the Han rule, here symbolized by the wood (green) phase (of the Five Phases), had expired, to be replaced by the earth phase, whose color is yellow. Zhang Jue's forces thus wore yellow cloths on their heads as symbols of their destiny, and hence the movement came to be called the Yellow Scarves (often misleadingly translated as "Yellow Turbans"). The Han court commissioned local governors to put down the uprising, which was soon suppressed with much bloodshed, although remnants of the Yellow Scarves continued to exist until the end of the century. [See the biography of Zhang Jue.]
The Yellow Scarves are better understood as a parallel to the Celestial Master sect rather than as connected to it, although the two movements shared some beliefs and practices, particularly healing through confession of sins. The Way of Great Peace employed a scripture known as the Taipingjing (Scripture of Great Peace), which emphasizes the cyclical renewal of life in the jiazi year, the beginning of the sixty-year calendrical cycle. Both sects were utopian, but the Yellow Scarves represent a more eschatalogical orientation. In retrospect, both of these groups appear as attempts to reconstruct at a local level the Han cosmic and political synthesis that was collapsing around them, with priests taking the place of imperial officials.
The most important legacy of the late Han popular religious movements was their belief in personified divine beings concerned to aid humankind, a belief supported by new texts, rituals, and forms of leadership and organization. This belief was given impetus by the expectation that a bearer of collective salvation was about to appear in order to initiate a new time of peace, prosperity, and long life. From the third century on this hope was focused on a figure called Li Hong, in whose name several local movements appeared, some involving armed uprisings. This eschatological orientation was an important dimension of early Daoism, which at first understood itself as a new revelation, intended to supplant popular cults with their bloody sacrifices and spirit mediums.
In addition to such organized movements as the Yellow Scarves, Han popular religion included the worship of local sacred objects such as trees, rocks, and streams, the worship of dragons (thought to inhabit bodies of water), the belief that spirits of the dead have consciousness and can roam about, and a lively sense of the power of omens and fate. By the third century there are references to propitiation of the spirits of persons who died violent deaths, with offerings of animal flesh presided over by spirit mediums.
Fengshui ("wind and water"), or geomancy, also developed during the Han as a ritual expression of the yin/yang and five-phases worldview. It is the art of locating graves, buildings, and cities in auspicious places where there is a concentration of the vital energies (qi) of earth and atmosphere. It is believed that the dead in graves so located will bless their descendants. The earliest extant fengshui texts are attributed to famous diviners of the third and fourth centuries. Chinese religion was thus developed at a number of levels by the time Buddhism arrived, although Buddhism offered several fresh interpretations of morality, personal destiny, and the fate of the dead.
The Period of Disunion
By the time the first Buddhist monks and texts appeared in China around the first century C.E., the Han dynasty was already in decline. At court, rival factions competed for imperial favor, and in the provinces restless governors moved toward independence. Political and military fragmentation was hastened by the campaigns against the Yellow Scarves uprising, after which a whole series of adventurers arose to attack each other and take over territory. In the first decade of the third century three major power centers emerged in the north, southeast, and southwest, with that in the north controlling the last Han emperor and ruling in his name. By 222 these three centers each had declared themselves states, and China entered a period of political division that was to last until late in the sixth century. In this time of relatively weak central government control, powerful local clans emerged to claim hereditary power over their areas.
The Beginnings of Buddhism in China. With the gradual expansion of Buddhism under the patronage of the Kushan rulers (in present-day northwest India, Pakistan and Afghanistan) into the oasis states of Central Asia, and with the corresponding expansion of Chinese influence into this same region, it became inevitable that Buddhism would be introduced into East Asia. Over a thousand-year period from the beginning of the common era until the close of the first millennium the opportunities for cultural exchange with South and West Asia afforded by the so-called Silk Route - actually a whole network of trade routes throughout Asia and connecting it with Europe -- nourished vibrant East Asian Buddhist traditions. These began with earnest imitation of their Indian antecedents and culminated in the great independent systems of thought that characterize the fully developed tradition: Huayan, Tiantai, Jingtu, and Chan.
From about 100 B.C.E. on it would have been relatively easy for Buddhist ideas and practices to come to China with foreign merchants, but the first reliable notice of it in Chinese sources is dated 65 C.E.. In a royal edict of that year we are told that a prince administering a city in what is now northern Jiangsu Province "recites the subtle words of Huang-Lao, and respectfully performs the gentle sacrifices to the Buddha." He was encouraged to "entertain upasakas and sramanas," Buddhist lay devotees and initiates. In 148 C.E. the first of several foreign monks, An Shigao, settled in Luoyang, the capital of the Latter Han. Over the next forty years he and other scholars translated about thirty Buddhist scriptures into Chinese, most of them from pre-Mahayana traditions, emphasizing meditation and moral principles. However, by about 185 three Mahayana Prajñaparamita (Perfection of Wisdom) texts were translated as well.
A memorial dated 166, approving Buddhist "purity," "emptiness," nonviolence, and control of sensual desires, further informs us that in that year the emperor performed a joint sacrifice to Laozi and the Buddha. In 193/194 a local warlord in what is now Jiangsu erected a Buddhist temple that could hold more than three thousand people. It contained a bronze Buddha image before which offerings were made and scriptures were read. During ceremonies in honor of the Buddha's birthday thousands came to participate, watch, and enjoy free food and wine. Thus, by the end of the second century there were at least two centers of Buddhist activity, Luoyang in the north and an area in the southeast. At court Buddhist symbols were used in essentially Daoist rituals, but in the scriptures the novelty and difference of Buddhism were made clear in crude vernacular translations. Such novelty appears in injunctions to eliminate desires, to love all beings equally, without special preference for one's family, and to regard the body as transitory and doomed to decay, rather than an arena for seeking immortality.
Although early sources mention terms for various clerical ranks, rules for monastic life were transmitted in a haphazard and incomplete fashion. Monks and nuns lived in cloisters that cannot properly be called monasteries until a few centuries later. Meanwhile, leadership of the Chinese clergy was provided first by Central Asian monks, then by naturalized Chinese of foreign descent, and by the fourth century, by Chinese themselves. Nuns are first mentioned in that century as well.
The movement of Buddhism to China, one of the great cultural interactions of history, was slow and fortuitous, carried out almost entirely at a private level. The basic reason for its eventual acceptance throughout Chinese society was that it offered several religious and social advantages unavailable to the same extent in China before. These included a full-time religious vocation for both men and women in an organization largely independent of family and state, a clear promise of life after death at various levels, and developed conceptions of paradise and purgatory, connected to life through the results of intentional actions (karma). Many women found Buddhism an attractive alternative to the "woman's Way" supported by Confucianism, with its limited options for fulfillment as wives and mothers. Buddhism also offered the worship of heroic saviors in image form, supported by scriptures that told of their wisdom and compassion. For ordinary folk there were egalitarian moral principles, promises of healing and protection from harmful forces, and simple means of devotion; for intellectuals there were sophisticated philosophy and the challenge of attaining new states of consciousness in meditation, all of this expounded by a relatively educated clergy who recruited, organized, translated, and preached.
In the early fourth century North China was invaded by the nomadic Xiongnu, who sacked Luoyang in 311 and Chang'an in 316. Thousands of elite families fled south below the Yangze River, where a series of short-lived Chinese dynasties held off further invasions. In the North a succession of kingdoms of Inner Asian background rose and fell, most of which supported Buddhism because of its religious appeal and its non-Chinese origins. The forms of Buddhism that developed here emphasized ritual, ideological support for the state, magic protection, and meditation
It was in the South, however, that Buddhism first became a part of Chinese intellectual history. The Han imperial Confucian synthesis had collapsed with the dynasty, a collapse that encouraged a quest for new philosophical alternatives. Representatives of these alternatives found support in aristocratic clans, which competed with each other in part through philosophical debates. These debates, called qingtan, or "pure conversation," revived and refined a tradition that had been widespread in the period of the so-called Hundred Philosophers (sixth and fifth centuries B.C.E.), a tradition with precise rules of definition and criteria for victory. By the mid-third century these debates revolved around two basic perspectives, that of rather conservative moralists called the "school of names" (mingjiao) and that of those advocating "spontaneous naturalism" (ziran). By the early fourth century Buddhist monks were involved in these debates, supported by sympathetic clans, advocating a middle ground between the conservatives and libertarians, spiritual freedom based on ethical discipline. Although Buddhism was still imperfectly understood, it had gained a vital foothold.
Chinese intellectuals first attempted to understand Buddhism through its apparent similarities to certain beliefs and practices of Daoism and immortality cults. Thus, bodhisattvas and Buddhas were correlated with sages and immortals, meditation with circulation of the vital fluids, and nirvana with wuwei, spontaneous, non-intentional action. However, Indian Buddhism and traditional Chinese thought have very different understandings of life and the world. Buddhist thought is primarily psychological and epistemological, concerned with liberation from samsara, the world perceived as a realm of suffering, impermanence, and death. For the Chinese, on the other hand, nature and society are fundamentally good; our task is to harmonize with the positive forces of nature, and enlightenment consists of identifying with these forces, rather than in being freed from them. The interaction of these worldviews led Chinese Buddhists to interpret psychological concepts in cosmological directions. For example, the key Mahayana term "emptiness" (sunyata in Sanskrit, kong in Chinese) refers primarily to the interdependence of all things -- i.e. their lack of any independent nature or being - and to the radically objective and neutral mode of perception that accepts the impermanence and interdependence of things without trying to control them or project onto them human concepts and values. Indeed, the first discussions of this term used it as a logical tool to destroy false confidence in philosophical and religious concepts, particularly earlier Buddhist ones. All concepts, according to this doctrine, are mutually contradictory and refer to nothing substantial; hence they are "empty." In China, however, "emptiness" immediately evoked discussion about the origin and nature of the phenomenal world. "Emptiness" was equated with "non-being" (wu), the fecund source of existence, and "vacuity" (xu), the absence of concrete existence or cognitive preconception, both of which are prominent concepts in the Laozi. As their understanding of Buddhism deepened, Chinese thinkers became more aware of the epistemological force of the term "emptiness," but continued to see it primarily as a problem in interpreting the world itself. In that respect it was somewhat consistent with certain Confucian and Daoist ideas, such as the notion that persons and things are defined by their relationships with others or their positions in the overall pattern of things -- the Dao.
Buddhist thought was already well developed and complexly differentiated before it reached China. Likewise, Chinese culture, religion, and philosophy were mature and highly developed when Buddhism entered China. So the story of Buddhism in China was a case of two mature cultural systems, with some rather fundamental linguistic and social differences, interacting and transforming each other. But at first the Chinese knew of Buddhism only through scriptures haphazardly collected, in translations of varying accuracy, for very few Chinese learned Sanskrit. Since all the sutras claimed to be preached by the Buddha himself, they were accepted as such, with discrepancies among them explained as deriving from the different situations and capacities of listeners prevailing when a particular text was preached. In practice, this meant that the Chinese had to select from a vast range of data those themes that made the most sense in their pre-existing worldview. For example, as the tradition develops we find emphases on simplicity and directness, the universal potential for enlightenment, and the Buddha mind as source of the cosmos, all of them prepared for by similar ideas in indigenous thought and practice.
The most important early Chinese Buddhist philosophers, organizers, and translators were Daoan (312-385), Huiyuan (334-417), and Kumarajiva (334-413), each of whom contributed substantially to the growth of the young "church." Daoan was known principally for his organizational and exegetical skills and for the catalog of Buddhist scriptures he compiled. His disciple Huiyuan, one of the most learned clerics in South China, gathered a large community of monks around him and inaugurated a cult to Amitabha, a popular Buddha. Kumarajiva, the most important and prolific of the early translators, was responsible for the transmission of the Madyamika (Sanlun) tradition to China. His lectures on Buddhist scripture in Chang'an established a sound doctrinal basis for Mahayana thought in the Middle Kingdom. Another formative early figure was Daosheng (d. 434 C.E.), a student of Kumarajiva. He is known for his emphasis on the positive nature of nirvana, his conviction that even non-believers have the potential for salvation, and his teaching of instantaneous enlightenment. Like the concept of emptiness, these ideas resonated well with certain Confucian and Daoist concepts, such as the goodness of human nature in Mencius and the Daoist notion of spontaneity. Such themes helped lay the foundation for Chan (Jpn., Zen) Buddhism in the seventh and eighth centuries. [See the biographies of Daoan, Huiyuan, Kumarajiva, and Daosheng.]
The history of monastic Buddhism was closely tied to state attitudes and policies, which ranged from outright suppression to complete support, as in the case of Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (r. 502-549), who abolished Daoist temples and built Buddhist ones, and three times entered a monastery himself as a lay servitor. [See the biography of Liang Wudi.] However, by the fifth century Buddhism was becoming well established among people of all classes, who, to gain karmic merit, donated land and goods, took lay vows, served in monasteries, and established a variety of voluntary associations to copy scriptures, provide vegetarian food for monks and nuns, and carve Buddha images. The most important image-carving projects were at Yungang in Shanxi and Longmen in Honan, where huge figures, chiefly those of Sakyamuni and Maitreya, were cut into cliffs and caves. Such major projects of course also involved large-scale official and clerical support.
It was in the fifth century as well that Chinese Buddhist eschatology developed, based in part on predictions attributed to the Buddha that a few hundred years after his entry into nirvana the Dharma (the Buddha's teachings) would lose its vigor, morals would decline, and ignorant, corrupt monks and nuns would appear. In addition, from its inception as a full-fledged religion in the second century Daoism had proclaimed itself to be the manifestation of a new age of cosmic vitality, supported by pious devotees, "seed people." A combination of these motifs led to the composition in China of Buddhist scriptures saying that since the end of the age had come, more intense morality and piety were required of those who wished to be saved. These texts also promised aid from saving bodhisattvas such as Maitreya, the next Buddha-to-be. In some cases the apocalyptic vision of these texts inspired militant utopian movements, led by monks, but with lay membership. By the early seventh century a few of these groups were involved in armed uprisings in the name of Maitreya, which led eventually to a decline in official support for his cult, although he remained important in popular sectarian eschatology. [See Millenarianism, article on Chinese Millenarian Movements, and Maitreya.]
The first important school of Buddhist thought developed in China was the Tiantai, founded by the monk Zhiyi (538-597). This school is noted for its synthesis of earlier Buddhist traditions into one system, divided into five periods of development according to stages in the Buddha's teaching. According to Tiantai, the Buddha's teachings culminated in his exposition of the Lotus Sutra, in which all approaches are unified. Zhiyi also systematized the theory and practice of Mahayana meditation. His most important philosophical contribution was his affirmation of the absolute Buddha mind as the source and substance of all phenomena. In Zhiyi's teaching the old Madhyamika logical destruction of dualities is replaced by a positive emphasis on their identity in a common source. So, in impeccably Buddhist language, he was able to justify the phenomenal world, and thus to provide an intellectual foundation for much of the later development of Buddhism in China. [See Tiantai and the biography of Zhiyi.]
In 581 China was reunified by the Sui dynasty (581-618) after three and a half centuries of political fragmentation. The Sui founder supported Buddhism, particularly the Tiantai school, as a unifying ideology shared by many of his subjects in both North and South. After four decades of rule the Sui was overthrown in a series of rebellions, to be replaced by the Tang (618-907). Although the new dynasty tended to give more official support to Confucianism and Daoism, Buddhism continued to grow at every level of society.
The Rise of Daoist Religion. By the fourth century Daoism was characterized by a literate and self-perpetuating priesthood, a pantheon of celestial deities, complex rituals, and revealed scriptures in classical (literary) Chinese. Although the first elements of this tradition appeared in the second century popular movements discussed above, the tradition underwent further development at the hands of gentry scholars versed in philosophy, ethical teachings, and alchemy. These scholars saw themselves as formulators of a new, more refined religion superior to the popular cults around them. This new system was led by priests who, though not officials, claimed celestial prerogatives.
Daoism is fundamentally rooted in the concept of qi, the psycho-physical-spiritual substance out of which nature, gods, and humans evolve. The source and order of this vital substance is the Dao, the ultimate power of life in the universe. The gods are personified manifestations of qi, symbolizing astral powers of the cosmos and organs of the human body with which they are correlated. Under the conditions of ordinary existence qi becomes stale and dissipated, so it must be renewed through ritual and meditative processes that restore its primal vitality. Some of these practices consist of visualizing and calling down the cosmic gods to reestablish their contact with their bodily correlates. In this way the adept ingests divine power and so recharges his bodily forces for healing, rejuvenation, and long life. In others, the substances of the human body - jing (life-giving "essences," such as sexual fluids), qi ("vital breath," in a more specific sense than the general qi of which all things are composed), and shen (spirit) - are manipulated and purified through visualization and meditation. Physical exercises and dietary practices (such as abstinence from grains, which are thought to contain the dark yin power of the earth) are also parts of the Daoist regimen. The general aim of these practices is to enhance spiritual and physical health. Accomplished practice results in the purification of the psycho-physical being into the embryo of a new, immortal self. Rituals are also performed for an entire community; Daoist masters can release their cosmic power through ritual actions that revive the life forces of the community around them.
When the Celestial Master sect was officially recognized by the state of Wei (220-266) in the early third century its leadership was established in the capital, Luoyang, north and east of the old sect base area in modern Sichuan. In the North remnants of the Yellow Scarves still survived, and before long the teachings and rituals of these two similar traditions blended together. A tension remained, however, between those who saw secular authority as a manifestation of the Way and those determined to bring in a new era of peace and prosperity by militant activity. Uprisings led by charismatic figures who claimed long life and healing powers occurred in different areas throughout the fourth century and later.
Meanwhile, in the southeast another tradition emerged that was to contribute to Daoism, a tradition concerned with alchemy, the use of herbs and minerals to attain immortality. Its chief literary expression was the Baopuzi (The Master Who Embraces Simplicity) written by Ge Hong in about 320. Ge Hong collected a large number of alchemical formulas and legends of the immortals, intended to show how the body can be transformed by the ingestion of gold and other chemicals and by the inner circulation of the vital qi, special diets, and sexual techniques, all reinforced by moral dedication. Ge Hong's concerns were supported by members of the old aristocracy of the state of Wu (222-280) whose families had moved south during the Latter Han period. [See the biography of Ge Hong.]
When the northern state of Jin was conquered by the Xiongnu in 316, thousands of Jin gentry and officials moved south, bringing the Celestial Master sect with them. The eventual result was a blending of Celestial Master concern for priestly adminstration and collective rituals with the more individualistic and esoteric alchemical traditions of the southeast. Between the years 364 and 370 a young man named Yang Xi claimed to receive revelations from "perfected ones" (zhenren, a term from the Zhuangzi) or exalted immortals from the Heaven of Supreme Purity (Shangqing). These deities directed Yang to make transcripts and deliver them to Xu Mi (303-373), an official of the Eastern Jin state (317-420) with whom he was associated. Yang Xi believed his new revelations to be from celestial regions more exalted than those evoked by the Celestial Master sect and Ge Hong. The Perfected Ones rewrote and corrected earlier texts in poetic language, reformulated sexual rites as symbols of spiritual union, and taught new methods of inner cultivation and alchemy. These teachings were all presented in an eschatological context, as the salvation of an elect people in a time of chaos. They prophesied that a "lord of the Way, [a] sage who is to come" would descend in 392. Then the wicked would be eliminated and a purified terrestrial kingdom established, ruled over by such pious devotees as Xu Mi, now perceived as a priest and future celestial official. It is perhaps not accidental that these promises were made to members of the old southern aristocracy whose status had recently been threatened by the newcomers from the north. [See Zhenren.]
Xu Mi and one of his sons had retired to Maoshan, a mountain near the Eastern Jin capital (modern Nanjing); hence the texts they received and transcribed came to be called those of a Maoshan "school." In the next century another southern scholar, Tao Hongjing (456-536), collected all the remaining manuscripts from Yang Xi and the Xu family and edited them as the Zhen'gao (Declarations of the Perfected). With this the Maoshan/Shangqing scriptures were established as a foundation stone of the emerging Daoist canon. [See the biography of Tao Hongjing.]
In the meantime another member of Ge Hong's clan had written a scripture in about 397, the Lingbaojing (Scripture of the Sacred Jewel), which he claimed had been revealed to him by the spirit of an early third-century ancestor. This text exalted "celestial worthies" (tianzun), who were worshiped in elaborate collective rituals directed by priests in outdoor arenas. The Lingbaojing established another strand of Daoist mythology and practice that was also codified in the South during the fifth century. Its rituals replaced those of the Celestial Master tradition, while remaining indebted to them. Lingbao texts were collected and edited by Lu Xiujing (406-477), who wrote on Daoist history and ritual. [See the biography of Lu Xiujing.]
Daoism was active in the North as well, in the Northern Wei kingdom (386-534), which established Daoist offices at court in 400. In 415 and 423 a scholar named Kou Qianzhi (d. 448) claimed to have received direct revelations from Lord Lao while he was living on a sacred mountain. The resulting scriptures directed Kou to reform the Celestial Master tradition; renounce popular cults, messianic uprisings, and sexual rituals; and support the court as a Daoist kingdom on earth. Kou was introduced to the Wei ruler by a sympathetic official named Cui Hao (d. 450) in 424 and was promptly appointed to the office of "Erudite of Transcendent Beings." The next year he was proclaimed Celestial Master, and his teachings "promulgated throughout the realm." For the next two decades Kou and Cui cooperated to promote Daoism at the court. As a result, in 440 the king accepted the title Perfect Ruler of Great Peace, and during the period 444 to 446 proscribed Buddhism and local "excessive cults." Although Cui Hao was eventually discredited and Buddhism established as the state religion by a new ruler in 452, the years of official support for Daoism clarified its legitimacy and political potential as an alternative to Confucianism and Buddhism. [See the biography of Kou Qianzhi.]
The Consolidation of Empire: Seventh to Fourteenth Century
The Chinese religious traditions that were to continue throughout the rest of imperial history all reached maturity during the Tang (618-907) and Song (960-1279) periods. These traditions included Buddhism, Daoism, Neo-Confucianism, Islam, and popular religion in both its village and sectarian forms. It was in these centuries as well that other foreign religions were practiced for a time in China, particularly Manichaeism, Nestorian Christianity, and Judaism (at least one Jewish community continued to flourish until the mid-nineteenth century). Rituals performed by the emperor and his officials continued to be elaborated, with many debates over the proper form and location of altars and types of sacrifices to be offered. During the Tang dynasty, cults devoted to the spirits of local founders and protectors were established in many cities. These city gods (chenghuang shen) were eventually brought into the ranks of deities to whom official worship was due.
Manichaeism, Nestorian Christianity, Judaism, and Islam. The area of the Tang dynasty rivaled that of the Han, with western boundaries extending far into Central Asia. This expansion encouraged a revival of foreign trade and cultural contacts. Among the new foreign influences were not only Buddhist monks and scriptures but also the representatives of other religions. There is evidence for Zoroastrianism in China by the early sixth century, a result of contacts between China and Persia that originated in the second century B.C.E. and were renewed in an exchange of envoys with the Northern Wei court in 455 and around 470. [See Zoroastrianism.]
A foreign tradition with more important influence on the history of Chinese religions was Manichaeism, a dynamic missionary religion teaching ultimate cosmic dualism founded by a Persian named Mani (216-277?). The first certain reference to Manichaeism in a Chinese source is dated 694, although it may have been present about two decades earlier. As was true with Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism in its early centuries in China was primarily practiced by foreigners, although its leaders soon composed catechisms and texts in Chinese stressing the congruence of their teachings with Buddhism and Daoism. In 755 a Chinese military commander named An Lushan led a powerful rebellion that the Tang court was able to put down only with the help of foreign support. One of these allies was the Uighur, from a kingdom based in what is now northern Mongolia. In 762 a Uighur army liberated Luoyang from rebel forces, and there a Uighur kaghan (king) was converted to Manichaeism. The result was new prestige and more temples for the religion in China.
However, in 840 the Uighurs were defeated by the Kirghiz, with the result that the Chinese turned on the religion of their former allies, destroyed its temples, and expelled or executed its priests. Nonetheless, at least one Manichaean leader managed to escape to Quanzhou in Fujian Province on the southeast coast. In Fujian the Manichaeans flourished as a popular sect until the fourteenth century, characterized by their distinctive teachings, communal living, vegetarian diet, and nonviolence. They were called the Mingjiao ("religion of light"). They disappeared as a coherent tradition as a result of renewed persecutions during the early Ming dynasty (1368-1644). Several Manichaean texts were incorporated into the Daoist and Buddhist canons, and it is likely that Manichaean lay sects provided models for similar organizations that evolved out of Buddhism later. Manichaean dualism and demon exorcism may have reinforced similar themes in Daoism and Buddhism as they were understood at the popular level. [See Manichaeism, overview article.]
According to a stone inscription erected in Chang'an (present-day Xian) in 781, the first Nestorian missionary reached China in 635 and taught about the creation of the world, the fall of humankind, and the birth and teaching of the Messiah. The ethics and rituals described are recognizably Christian. Chinese edicts of 638 and 745 refer to Nestorianism, which appears to have been confined to foreign communities in large cities on major trade routes. In 845 Nestorianism was proscribed along with Buddhism and other religions of non-Chinese origin, but it revived in China during the period of Mongol rule in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In 1289 the court established an office to supervise Christians, and a 1330 source claims that there were more than thirty thousand Nestorians in China, some of them wealthy and in high positions, no doubt a result of the Mongol policy of ruling China in part with officials of foreign origin. In this period the church was most active in eastern cities such as Hangzhou and Yangzhou. The Nestorians were expelled from China with the defeat of the Mongols in the mid-fourteenth century, and no active practitioners were found by the Jesuits when they arrived about two hundred years later. So the first Christian contact with China expired, leaving no demonstrable influence on Chinese religion and culture. [See Nestorianism.]
There is no certainty regarding the date of Judaism's entrance into China. Two of the four surviving commemorative stelae from the synagogue in Kaifeng trace it to the Han dynasty, suggesting that the emigration might have followed the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple in 70 C.E. But most scholars today agree that it was more likely during the Tang that Jewish merchants from Persia or Bukhara first settled in Kaifeng, on the Yellow River in Honan province. Other pre-modern Jewish communities existed in Ningbo, Hangzhou, Yangzhou, and Guangzhou, al probably established by merchants arriving by sea, but the Kaifeng community was the most successful. Kaifeng was the capital of the Northern Song dynasty (960-1127), and at some point during that period the emperor received representatives of the Jewish community at court and bestowed upon them Chinese surnames, one of which was his own (Zhao). In 1163, under the Jurchen Jin dynasty that had conquered northern China, the Jews built their first synagogue, with approval from the government. Over the ensuing centuries the synagogue was destroyed by floods, rebuilt, and expanded several times. [See Judaism in Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa.]
The Chinese first learned of Islam in 638 from an emissary of the last Sasanid king of Persia, who was seeking their aid against invading Arab armies. This the Chinese refused, but a number of Persian refugees were admitted a few years later after the Sasanid defeat and allowed to practice their Zoroastrian faith. In the early eighth century Arab armies moved into Central Asia, and in 713 ambassadors of Caliph Walid were received at court in Chang'an, even though they refused to prostrate themselves before the emperor. However, in 751 a Chinese army far to the west was defeated in the Battle of Talas by a combination of Central Asian states with Arab support. This defeat led to the replacement of Chinese influence in Central Asia with that of the Arabs and the decline of Buddhism in that area in favor of Islam. In 756 another caliph sent Arab mercenaries to aid the Chinese court against An Lushan; when the war ended many of these mercenaries remained, forming the beginning of Islamic presence in China, which by the late twentieth century totaled about thirty million people, one of the five basic constituencies of the People's Republic. The eighth-century Arab population was augmented by Muslim merchants who settled in Chinese coastal cities, for a time dominating the sea trade with India and Southeast Asia.
The major influx of Muslim peoples occurred during the Yuan dynasty (1271-1368) when the land routes across Central Asia were secure and the Mongols brought in large numbers of their non-Chinese subjects to help administer China. It was in this period that Islam spread all over China and established major population bases in the western provinces of Yunnan and Gansu. Here their numbers increased through marriage with Chinese women and adoption of non-Muslim children, all converted to Islam. Although the result was a dilution of Arab physical characteristics, the use of the Chinese language, and the adoption of some Chinese social customs, for most the Islamic core remained. Muslims did not accept such dominant Chinese traditions as ancestor worship and pork eating, and kept their own festival calendar. In part this resistance was due to the tenacity of their beliefs, in part to the fact that their numbers, mosques, and essentially lay organization permitted mutual support.
Muslims in China have always been predominantly Sunni, but in the sixteenth century Sufism reached China through Central Asia. By the late seventeenth century Sufi brotherhoods began a reform movement that advocated increased use of Arabic and a rejection of certain Chinese practices that had infiltrated Islam, such as burning incense at funerals. Sufism also emphasized ecstatic personal experience of Allah, the veneration of saints, and the imminent return of the Mahdi, who would bring a new age, this last theme due to Shi`i influence as well.
These reformist beliefs, coupled with increased Chinese pressure on Islam as a whole, led eventually to a powerful uprising in Yunnan between 1855-1873, an uprising allowed to develop momentum because of old ethnic tensions in the area and the distraction of the Chinese court with the contemporary Taiping Rebellion (1851-1864). The Yunnan rebellion was eventually put down by a combination of Chinese and loyalist Muslim forces, and the Muslims resumed their role as a powerful minority in China, called the Hui people.
The chief role of Islam in China was as the religion of this minority group, although in some twentieth-century popular texts it was recognized as one of the "five religions" whose teachings were blended into a new synthetic revelation, along with Confucianism, Daoism, Buddhism, and Christianity. Another aspect of Islam's historical impact was to sharply reduce Chinese contact with India and Central Asia after the eighth century, and thus to cut off the vital flow of new texts and ideas to Chinese Buddhism. And since the 1980s, mostly in the Uighur Autonomous Region of Xinjiang, there has been increasing pressure, fueled by Islamic militancy, for independence from the People's Republic of China.
Tang Buddhism. The first Tang emperor, Gaozu (r. 618-626) approved of a plan to limit both Daoist and Buddhist temples. His son Taizong (r. 626-649) agreed with the Daoist contention that the imperial family was descended from Laozi, whose legendary surname was also Li; however, Taizong also erected Buddhist shrines on battlefields and ordered monks to recite scriptures for the stability of the empire. Buddhist philosophical schools in this period were matters of both belief and imperial adornment, so, to replace the Tiantai school, now discredited on account of its association with the Sui dynasty, the Tang court turned first to the Faxiang or Weishi ("consciousness only") school, an idealist teaching known in Sanskrit as Yogacara or Vijñanavada. [See Yogacara.] Some texts of this tradition had been translated earlier by Paramartha (499-569), but it came to be thoroughly understood in China only after the return of the pilgrim Xuanzang in 645 from his sixteen year-long overland journey to India. Xuanzang was welcomed at court and provided with twenty-three scholar-monks from all over China to assist in translating the books he had brought back. The emperor wrote a preface for the translation of one major Vijñanavada text, and his policy of imperial support was continued by his son Gaozong(r. 649-683). [See the biography of Xuanzang.]
However, the complex psychological analysis of the Vijñanavada school, coupled with its emphasis that some beings are doomed by their nature to eternal rebirth, were not in harmony with the Chinese worldview, which had been better represented by Tiantai. Hence, when imperial support declined at Gaozong's death in 683, the fortunes of the Faxiang school declined as well, despite the excellent scholarship of Xuanzang's disciple Kuiji (632-682). [See the biography of Kuiji.] At the intellectual level it was replaced in popularity by the Huayan ("flower garland") school as formulated by the monk Fazang (643-712). This school, based on a sutra of the same name (Skt., Avatamsaka), taught the emptiness and interpenetration of all phenomena in a way consonant with old Chinese assumptions. Furthermore, in Huayan teaching the unity and integration of all things is symbolized by a Buddha called Vairocana who presides over his Pure Land in the center of an infinite universe. [See Mahavairocana.] However dialectically such a symbol might be understood by Buddhist scholars, at a political and popular level it was appropriated more literally as a Buddhist creator deity. [See Huayan and the biography of Fazang.]
It is no accident that the Huayan school was first actively supported by Empress Wu Zhao (Wu Zetian, r. 690-705) who took over the throne from her sons to set up her own dynasty, the Zhou. Since Confucianism did not allow for female rulers, Empress Wu, being a devout Buddhist, sought for supporting ideologies in that tradition, including not only Huayan but also predictions in obscure texts that the Buddha had prophesied that several hundred years after his death a woman would rule over a world empire. Monks in Wu Zetian's entourage equated her with this empress and further asserted that she was a manifestation of the future Buddha Maitreya.
When Empress Wu abdicated in 705 her son continued to support the Huayan school, continuing the tradition of close relationship between the court and Buddhist philosophical schools. However, during this period Buddhism continued to grow in popularity among all classes of people. Thousands of monasteries and shrines were built, supported by donations of land, grain, cloth, and precious metals, and by convict workers, the poor, and serfs bound to donated lands. Tens of thousands of persons became monks or nuns, elaborate rituals were performed, feasts provided, and sermons preached in both monastery and marketplace. Buddhist observances such as the Lantern Festival, the Buddha's birthday, and the Ghost Festival became universally practiced, while pious lay societies multiplied for carving images and inscriptions and disseminating scriptures. Wealthy monasteries became centers of money lending, milling, and medical care, as well as hostels for travelers and retreats for scholars and officials. In high literature the purity of monks and monasteries was admired, while in popular stories karma, rebirth, and purgatory became unquestioned truths. The state made sporadic attempts to control this exuberance by licensing monasteries, instituting examinations for monks, and issuing ordination certificates, but state control was limited and "unofficial" Buddhist practices continued to flourish.
An important factor in this popularity was the rise of two more simple and direct forms of Chinese Buddhism, much less complex than the exegetical and philosophical schools that were dominant earlier. These were the Pure Land (Jingtu) school, devoted to rebirth in Amitabha's paradise, and the Chan ("meditation") school, which promised enlightenment in this life to those with sufficient dedication. These traditions were universalist and nonhierarchical in principle, yet came to have coherent teachings and organizations of their own appealing to a wide range of people. Both should be understood as products of gradual evolution in the seventh and eighth centuries, as a positive selection from earlier teachings, particularly Tiantai, and as a reformist reaction against the secularization of the Tang monastic establishment.
By the third century C.E. texts describing various "pure realms" or "Buddha lands" had been translated into Chinese, and some monks began to meditate on the best known of these "lands," the Western Paradise of the Buddha Amitabha. [See Pure and Impure Lands and Amitabha.] In the fourth century Zhi Dun (314-366) made an image of Amitabha and vowed to be reborn in his paradise, as did Huiyuan in 402. [See the biography of Huiyuan.] These early efforts concentrated on visualization of Buddha realms in states of meditative trance. [See Nianfo.] However, in two Pure Land sutras describing Amitabha and his realm devotees are assured that through a combination of ethical living and concentration on this Buddha they will be reborn at death in his realm, owing to a vow he had made aeons ago to create out of the boundless merit he had accumulated on the long path to Buddhahood a haven for sentient beings. This promise eventually led some monks to preach devotion to Amitabha as an easier way to salvation, available to all, through a combination of sincere thinking on the Buddha and the invocation of his name in faith. To strengthen their proclamation, these monks argued that in fact Amitabha's Pure Land was at a high level, beyond samsara (the cycle of rebirth), and thus functionally equivalent to nirvana for those less philosophically inclined.
Philosophers of the fifth and sixth centuries such as Sengzhao and Zhiyi discussed the Pure Land concept as part of larger systems of thought, but the first monk to devote his life to proclaiming devotion to Amitabha as the chief means of salvation for the whole of society was Tanluan (476-542), a monk from North China where there had long been an emphasis on the practical implementation of Buddhism. Tanluan organized devotional associations whose members both contemplated the Buddha and orally recited his name. It was in the fifth and sixth centuries as well that many Chinese Buddhist thinkers became convinced that the final period of Buddhist teaching for this world cycle was about to begin, a period (called in Chinese mofa, the Latter Days of the Law) in which the capacity for understanding Buddhism had so declined that only simple and direct means of communication would suffice. [See Mappo and the biographies of Sengzhao and Tanluan.]
The next important preacher to base his teachings solely on Amitabha and his Pure Land was Daochuo (562-645). It was he and his disciple Shandao (613-681) who firmly established the Pure Land movement and came to be looked upon as founding patriarchs of the tradition. Although both of these men advocated oral recitation of Amitabha's name as the chief means to deliverance, such recitation was to be done in a concentrated and devout state of mind and was to be accompanied by confession of sins and the chanting of sutras. They and their followers also organized recitation assemblies and composed manuals for congregational worship. Owing to their efforts, Pure Land devotion became the most popular form of Buddhism in China, from whence it was taken to Japan in the ninth century. Pure Land teachings supported the validity of lay piety as no Buddhist school had before, and hence both made possible the spread of Buddhism throughout the population and furthered the development of independent societies and sects outside the monasteries. [See Jingtu and the biographies of Daochuo and Shandao.]
The last movement within orthodox Buddhism in China to emerge as an independent tradition was Chan (Jpn., Zen), characterized by its concentration on direct means of individual enlightenment, chiefly meditation. Such enlightenment had always been the primary goal of Buddhism, so in a sense Chan began as a reform movement seeking to recover the experiential origins of its tradition. Such a reform appeared all the more necessary in the face of the material success of Tang Buddhism, with its ornate rituals, complex philosophies, and close relationships with the state. Chan evolved out of the resonances of Mahayana Buddhism with the individualist, mystical, and iconoclastic strand of Chinese culture, represented chiefly by the philosophy of the Laozi and Zhuangzi, especially the latter. This philosophy had long advocated individual identification with the ineffable foundations of being, which cannot be grasped in words or limited by the perspectives of traditional practice and morality. Such identification brings a new sense of spiritual freedom, affirmation of life, and acceptance of death. The importance of meditation had long been emphasized in Chinese Buddhism, beginning with Han translations of sutras describing the process. The Tiantai master Zhiyi discussed the stages and positions of meditation in great detail in the sixth century. Thus, it is not surprising that by the seventh century some monks appeared who advocated meditation above all, a simplification parallel to that of the Pure Land tradition.
The first references to a "Chan school" appeared in the late eighth century. By that time several branches of this emerging tradition were constructing genealogies going back to Sakyamuni himself; these were intended to establish the priority and authority of their teachings. The genealogy that came to be accepted later claimed a lineage of twenty-eight Indian and seven Chinese patriarchs, the latter beginning with Bodhidharma (c. 461-534), a Central Asian meditation master active in the Northern Wei kingdom. Legends concerning these patriarchs were increasingly elaborated as time passed, but the details of most cannot be verified. [See the biography of Bodhidharma.] The first Chinese monk involved whose teachings have survived is Daoxin (580-651), who was later claimed to be the fourth patriarch. Daoxin specialized in meditation and monastic discipline, and studied for ten years with a disciple of the Tiantai founder, Zhiyi. He is also noted for his concern with image worship and reciting the Buddha's name to calm the mind.
One of Daoxin's disciples was Hongren (601-674), who also concentrated on meditation and on maintaining "awareness of the mind." His successor was Faru (d. 689), whose spiritual heir in turn was Shenxiu (d. 706), who had also studied with Hongren. Shenxiu was active in North China, where he was invited to court by the Empress Wu and became a famous teacher. In the earliest and most reliable sources Hongren, Faru, and Shenxiu are described as the fifth, sixth, and seventh Chan patriarchs, with Faru eventually omitted and replaced in sixth position by Shenxiu. However, in the early eighth century this succession, based in the capitals of Luoyang and Chang'an in the North (and hence retrospectively referred to as the "Northern school"), was challenged by a monk named Shenhui (670-762), who had studied for several years with a teacher named Huineng (638-713) in a monastery in Guangdong Province in the South. Shenhui labored for years to establish a new form of Chan, a "Southern school," centered on recognizing the Buddha nature within the self, and thus less concerned with worship, scripture study, and prescribed forms of meditation.
Shenhui's most lasting achievement was the elevation of his teacher Huineng to the status of "sixth patriarch," displacing Shenxiu. This achievement was textually established through the composition of a book entitled The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch (platform here means the high chair on which the abbot sits while giving Dharma talks) in about 820 by members of Shenhui's school. Portions of this book are very similar to the teachings of Shenhui, who did not cite any writings by Huineng although he was no doubt influenced by his study with him. In the Platform Sutra Huineng is portrayed as a brilliant young layman of rustic background who, despite the fact that he is only a kitchen helper in the monastery, confounds Shenxiu and is secretly given charge of the transmission by Hongren, the fifth patriarch. This book teaches instantaneous enlightenment through realization of inner potential, while criticizing gradualist approaches that rely on outer forms such as images and scriptures. As such it is an important source of the Chan individualism and iconoclasm well known (and often exaggerated) in the West. [See Chan and the biography of Huineng.]
Although Buddhism flourished at all levels of Chinese society in the Tang period, an undercurrent of resentment and hostility toward it by Confucians, Daoists, and the state always remained. Han Yu (768-824), one of China's great writers, campaigned against Buddhist influence and argued for a revival of the teachings of Confucius and Mencius. This hostility came to a head in the mid-ninth century, strongly reinforced by the fact that Buddhist monasteries had accumulated large amounts of precious metals and tax exempt land. From 843 to 845 Emperor Wuzong (r. 840-846), an ardent Daoist, issued decrees that led to the destruction of 4,600 monasteries and 40,000 temples and shrines, and the return of 260,500 monks and nuns to lay life. Although this suppression was ended in 846 by Wuzong's successor, monastic Buddhism never fully regained its momentum. Nonetheless, Buddhist ideas, values, and rituals continued to permeate Chinese society through the influence of the Chan and Pure Land schools, which survived the 845 persecution because of widespread support throughout the country.
Tang Daoism. Daoism continued to develop during the Tang period, in part because it received more support from some emperors than it had under the Sui. As noted earlier, Taizong claimed Laozi as a royal ancestor, and in 667 the Emperor Gaozong (r. 649-683) conferred on Laozi the title of emperor, thus confirming his status. Empress Wu, Gaozong's wife, swung the pendulum of support back to Buddhism, but Daoism was favored in later reigns as well and reached the high point of its political influence in the Tang with the suppression of Buddhism and other non-Chinese religions in the 840s.
The most important Daoist order during the Tang was that based on Maoshan in Jiangsu, where temples were built and reconstructed, disciples trained, and scriptures edited. Devotees on Maoshan studied Shangqing scriptures, meditated, practiced alchemy, and carried out complex rituals of purgation and cosmic renewal, calling down astral spirits and preparing for immortality among the stars. These activities were presided over by a hierarchical priesthood, led by fashi, "masters of doctrine," the most prominent of whom came to be considered patriarchs of the school.
Daoism in the Song and Yuan Periods. The old Tang aristocracy had begun to lose its power after the An Lushan rebellion in the eighth century. The turmoil of the ninth and tenth centuries sealed its fate and helped prepare the way for a more centralized state in the Song, administered by bureaucrats who were selected through civil service examinations. This in turn contributed to increased social mobility, which was also enhanced by economic growth and diversification, the spread of printing, and a larger number of schools. These factors, combined with innovations in literature, art, philosophy, religion, science, and technology have led historians to describe the Song period as the beginning of early modern China. It was in this period that the basic patterns of life and thought were established for the remainder of imperial history.
During the tenth through thirteenth centuries Daoism developed new schools and texts and became more closely allied with the state. The Song emperor Chenzong (r. 990-1023) bestowed gifts and titles on a number of prominent Daoists, including one named Zhang from the old Way of the Celestial Masters, based on Mount Longhu in Jiangxi Province. This led to the consolidation of the Zhengyi (Orthodox Unity) sect led by hereditary Celestial Masters. The other official Daoist ordination centers in this period were those at Maoshan and the Lingbao center in Jiangsu.
A century later, during the reign of Emperor Huizong (r. 1101-1126), the most famous imperial patron of Daoism, three new Daoist orders appeared, one with a popular base in southeastern Jiangxi, another a revival of Maoshan teachings, and the third the Shenxiao Fa (Rites of the Divine Empyrean), initiated by Lin Lingsu, who was active at court from 1116 to 1119. Lin's teachings were presented in a new, expanded edition of a fourth-century Lingbao text, the Durenjing (Scripture of Salvation). The scripture proclaimed that a new divine emperor would descend to rule in 1112, thus bestowing additional sacred status on Huizong. This liturgical text in sixty-one chapters promises salvation to all in the name of a supreme celestial realm, a theme welcome at a court beset with corruption within and foreign invaders without. The Jiangxi movement, called Tianxin (Heart of Heaven) after a star in Ursa Major, was most concerned with the ritual evocation of astral power to exorcise disease-causing demons, particularly those associated with mental illness. The first edition of its texts was also presented to Huizong in 1116.
In 1126 the Song capital Kaifeng was captured by the Jurchen, a people from northeastern Manchuria who, with other northern peoples, had long threatened the Song. As a result the Chinese court moved south across the Yangze River to establish a new capital in Hangzhou, thus initiating the Southern Song period (1127-1279). During this period China was once again divided north and south, with the Jurchen ruling the Jin kingdom (1115-1234). It was here in the north that three new Daoist sects appeared, the Taiyi (Grand Unity), the Dadao (Great Way), and the Quanzhen ( Complete Perfection). The Taiyi sect gained favor for a time at the Jin court because of its promise of divine healing. Dadao disciples worked in the fields, prayed for healing rather than using charms, and did not practice techniques of immortality. Both groups were led by a succession of patriarchs for about two hundred years, but failed to survive the end of the Yuan dynasty. Both included Confucian and Buddhist elements in a Daoist framework.
The Quanzhen sect was founded in similar circumstances by a scholar named Wang Zhe (1113-1170), but continues to exist. Wang claimed to have received revelations from two superhuman beings, whereupon he gathered disciples and founded five congregations in northern Shandong. After his death seven of his leading disciples continued to proclaim his teachings across North China. One of them was received at the Jin court in 1187, thus beginning a period of imperial support for the sect that continued into the time of Mongol rule, particularly after another of the founding disciples visited Chinggis Khan at his Central Asian court in 1222. [See the biography of Wang Zhe.]
In its early development the Daoist quest for personal immortality employed a combination of positive ritual techniques: visualization of astral gods and ingestion of their essence, internal circulation and refinement of qi, massage, ingesting elixirs of cinnabar, mica, or gold in suspension, all accompanied by taboos and ethical injunctions. During the Song and Yuan periods, the ingestion of elixirs, called waidan (external alchemy), was replaced by forms of meditation and visualization in which the bodily substances and meditative exercises were expressed in alchemical terms. This new form of practice, called neidan (internal alchemy), is well expressed in the writings of Zhang Boduan (983-1082). Under Confucian and Chan influence the Quanzhen school further "spiritualized" the terminology of these older practices, turning its physiological referents into abstract polarities within the mind, to be unified through meditation. Perhaps in part because of this withdrawal into the mind, Quanzhen was the first Daoist school to base itself in monasteries, although celibacy to maintain and purify one's powers had been practiced by some adepts earlier, and some Daoist monasteries had been established in the sixth century under pressure from the state and the Buddhist example.
The Quanzhen sect reached the height of its influence in the first decades of the thirteenth century, and for a time was favored over Chinese Buddhism by Mongol rulers. Buddhist leaders protested Daoist occupation of their monasteries and eventually regained official support after a series of debates between Daoists and Buddhists at court between 1255 and 1281. After Buddhists were judged the winners, Khubilai Khan ordered that the Daoist canon be burned and Daoist priests returned to lay life or converted to Buddhism. In the fourteenth century the Quanzhen sect merged with a similar tradition from South China, the Jindandao (Golden Elixir Way) also devoted to attaining immortality through cultivating powers or "elixirs" within the self. The name Quanzhen was retained for the monastic side of this combined tradition, whereas the Jindandao continued as a popular movement that has produced new scriptures and sects since at least the sixteenth century. The older Daoist schools continued to produce new bodies of texts from the eleventh century on, all claiming divine origin, and powers of healing, exorcism, and support for the state.
The Revival of Confucianism. Confucianism had remained a powerful tradition of morality, social custom, and hierarchical status since the fall of the Han, but after the third century it no longer generated fresh philosophical perspectives. There were a few Confucian philosophers such as Wang Tong (584?-617), Han Yu, and Li Ao (fl. 798), but from the fourth through the tenth century Buddhism and Daoism attracted a great many intellectuals; the best philosophical minds, in particular, were devoted to Buddhism. However, in the eleventh century there appeared a series of thinkers determined to revive Confucianism. In this task they were inevitably influenced by Buddhist theories of mind, enlightenment, and ethics; indeed, most of these men went through Buddhist and Daoist phases in their early years and were "converted" to Confucianism later. Nonetheless, at a conscious level they rejected Buddhist "emptiness," asceticism, and monastic life in favor of a positive metaphysics, ordered family life, and concern for social and governmental reform. With a few exceptions the leaders of this movement, known in the West as Neo-Confucianism, went through the civil service examination system and held civil or military offices.
Early Neo-Confucianism had both rationalistic and idealistic tendencies; the aim of both was to actualize the inherent Sagehood of every human being by realizing and acting upon the ultimate principle (li) of the natural/moral order. The more rationalist school believed that this order or principle was present in humans as their fundamental, metaphysical nature (xing), but that the physical nature of the mind (xin) obscured the metaphysical nature and hindered our awareness of it. This line of thinking was developed by Cheng Yi (1033-1107) and Zhu Xi (1130-1200) and became known as the Cheng-Zhu school. The idealistic approach, which later became known as the Lu-Wang school after Lu Jiuyuan (1139-1193) and Wang Yangming (1472-1529), said that the fundamental natural/moral order was fully present to awareness in the active, functioning mind, and so did not require intellectual learning to be known. Thus both schools focused on the mind; their differences concerned whether li was already present in the mind and needed only to be acted upon, or whether it first had to be intellectually induced through the rational investigation of human nature and the natural world. Interaction between these poles provided the impetus for new syntheses until the seventeenth century. But Zhu Xi's version - synthesizing the teachings of not only Cheng Yi but also his brother Cheng Hao (1032-1085), their former teacher Zhou Dunyi (1017-1073), their uncle Zhang Zai (1020-1077), and their friend Shao Yong (1011-1077) - was made the basis of the civil service examinations in 1313, and hence came to have a powerful influence throughout literate society that lasted until the examination system was abolished in 1905. [With the exception of Shao Yong, all of the thinkers mentioned above are the subject of independent entries.]
In the history of Chinese religions, the impact of Neo-Confucianism is evident at different levels. The intellectual and institutional success of this movement among the Chinese elite led many of them away from Buddhism and Daoism toward a reaffirmation of the values of family, clan, and state. While the elite were still involved in such popular traditions as annual festivals, geomancy, and funeral rituals, the rational and nontheistic orientation of Neo-Confucianism tended to inhibit their participation in ecstatic processions and shamanism. These tendencies meant that after the eleventh century sectarian and popular forms of religion were increasingly denied high level intellectual stimulation and articulation. Indeed, state support for a new Confucian orthodoxy gave fresh impetus to criticism or suppression of other traditions. Another long term impact of Neo-Confucianism was the Confucianization of popular values, supported by schools, examinations, distribution of tracts, and lectures in villages. This meant that from the Song dynasty on the operative ethical principles in society were a combination of Confucian virtues with Buddhist karma and compassion, a tendency that became more widespread as the centuries passed.
All of these developments were rooted in the religious dimensions of the Neo-Confucian tradition, which from the beginning was most concerned with the moral transformation of self and society. This transformation was to be carried out through intensive study and discussion, self-examination, and meditation, often in the social context of public and private schools and academies, where prayers and sacrificial offerings to former Confucian "sages and worthies" accompanied study and discussion. Through the process of self-cultivation one could become aware of the patterns of moral order within the mind and in the cosmos, an insight that itself became a means of clarifying and establishing this cosmic order within society. So Confucianism became a more active and self-conscious movement than it ever had been before. [See Confucian Thought, article on Neo-Confucianism.]
Song Buddhism. Song Buddhist activities were based on the twin foundations of Chan and Pure Land, with an increasing emphasis on the compatability of the two. Although the joint practice of meditation and invocation of the Buddha's name had been taught by Zhiyi and the Chan patriarch Daoxin in the sixth and seventh centuries, the first Chan master to openly advocate it after Chan was well established was Yanshou (904-975). This emphasis was continued in the Yuan (1271-1368) and Ming (1368-1644) dynasties, so that by the late traditional period meditation and recitation were commonly employed together in monasteries as two means to the same end of emptying the mind of self-centered thought.
During the Song dynasty Buddhism physically recovered from the suppression of the ninth century, with tens of thousands of monasteries, large amounts of land, and active support throughout society. By the tenth century the Chan school was divided into two main branches, both of which had first appeared earlier, the Linji (Jpn., Rinzai), emphasizing gongan practice and dramatic and unexpected breakthroughs to enlightenment in the midst of everyday activities, and the Caodong (Jpn., St), known for a more gradual approach through seated meditation, or zuochan (Jpn., zazen). [See the biography of Linji.] The most prominent Song representative of the Linji lineage was Dahui Zonggao (1089-1163), a popular preacher to laypeople as well as a meditation master. In the Caodong lineage the most prominent teacher was Hongzhi Zhengjue (1091-1157), who taught meditation as "silent illumination" (mozhao).
Although the Tang dynasty has traditionally been called the "Golden Age" of Chan Buddhism, it was actually during the Song that Chan became firmly established and developed the styles today associated with it. Notwithstanding its often colorful and iconoclastic teaching methods, Chan has always been characterized by disciplined communal living in monasteries, centered on group meditation but with a strong emphasis on traditional Buddhist ethics. The hallmarks of Chan monasticism have traditionally been ascribed to Baizhang Huaihai (749-814). These include the rejection of a central Buddha hall containing images in favor of a Dharma hall, where the abbot would lecture and conduct services; a Sangha or monks' hall with platforms along the sides for sleeping and meditation; private consultations with the abbot; and shared responsibility for manual labor, including agricultural work to reduce dependence on outside donations with the reciprocal obligations they involved. Evaluating this traditional view, historians have noted that the earliest extant text containing Baizhang's rules dates from the late tenth century, and the earliest extant detailed code of monastic conduct is dated 1103 or 1104; thus we have Song dynasty texts purporting to describe Tang dynasty monasteries. Research has also found that the allegedly unique features of Chan monasteries were also found in Tiantai monasteries, and that the claim of a distinct style dating back to the Tang, a style actually common to the majority of monasteries, served as support for the Song policy by which all publicly supported monasteries were designated as Chan and their abbacies restricted to monks in a Chan lineage. This policy took effect during the Northern Song. After Chan thus became the "established" sect, agricultural labor was reduced as Chan monasteries received donations of land and goods from wealthy patrons.
During the Song Chan produced new genres of Buddhist literature that eventually became more central to its teaching than the older Mahayana sutras. The "recorded sayings" (yulu) of patriarchs and abbots with their disciples were an adaptation of an older Chinese form whose most notable example was the Analects (Lunyu) of Confucius. From these were extracted shorter sayings and conversations demonstrating the struggle to attain enlightenment These records, codified as "public cases" (Chin., gongan; Jpn., kan), were meditated upon by novices as they sought to experience reality directly. And "Lamp Records" (denglu) were compilations of specific lineages of masters and disciples, demonstrating what Chan teachers called the "mind-to-mind transmission" that connected them with Sakyamuni Buddha. This doctrine also supported the Chan claim to represent a more authentic form of Buddhism than the other major Chinese schools (Tiantai, Huayan, and Pure Land), each of which focused on a particular sutra (the Lotus, the Avatamsaka or Huayan, and the three Pure Land sutras, respectively). Thus Chan Buddhism constructed what we might call a mythic history of itself that had important "political" ramifications.
One of the most important developments in Song Buddhism was the spread of lay societies devoted to good works and recitation of the Buddha's name. These groups, usually supported by monks and monasteries, ranged in membership from a few score to several thousand, including both men and women, gentry and commoners. In the twelfth century these societies, with their egalitarian outreach and congregational rituals, provided the immediate context for the rise of independent popular sects, which in turn spread throughout China in succeeding centuries. The Song associations were an organized and doctrinally aware means of spreading Buddhist ideas of salvation, paradise and purgatory, karma, and moral values to the population at large, and so contributed to the integration of Buddhism with Chinese culture.
Popular Religion. The other major tradition that took its early modern shape during the Song period was popular religion, the religion of the whole population other than orthodox Daoist priests, Buddhist monks, Confucian scholars, and state officials in their public roles (although elements of popular religion overlapped with these more specialized vocations). Zhou and Han sources note a variety of religious practices current throughout the population, including ancestor worship, sacrifices to spirits of sacred objects and places, belief in ghosts, exorcism, divination, and the activities of spirit mediums. Many of these practices began in prehistoric times and formed the sea out of which more structured and focused traditions gradually emerged, traditions such as the state cult, Confucian philosophy, and Daoist religion. Each of these emerging traditions was associated with social elites who had to define themselves as different from their peasant and artisan surroundings. In the process they often came to criticize or even suppress cults active among common folk devoted to local spirits and concerned primarily with efficacious response to immediate needs. Since the Chinese state had always claimed religious prerogatives, the most important factor was official authorization by some level of government. Unauthorized cults were considered "excessive," beyond what elite custom and propriety admitted. Nonetheless, such distinctions were of importance primarily to the more self-conscious supporters of literate alternatives; to their less theologically inclined peers, "popular religion" was a varied set of customs that reflected the way the world was.
Popular religious practices were diffused throughout the social system, based in family, clan, and village, at first devoted only to spirits with limited and local powers. By the Han dynasty personified deities of higher status appeared, along with organized sects such as the Way of the Celestial Masters, with ethical teachings and new myths of creation and world renewal, all reinforced by collective rituals. These developments were produced by literate commoners and minor officials at an intermediate level of education and status, and show remarkable resemblance to the first records of such middle-class thought in the writings of Mozi, six hundred years earlier. This level of Chinese religious consciousness was strongly reinforced by Mahayana bodhisattvas, images, offering rituals, myths of purgatory, and understandings of moral causation. By the fourth century, Daoist writers were developing elaborate mythologies of personified deities and immortals and their roles in a celestial hierarchy.
During the Song period all these various strands came together to reformulate popular religion as a tradition in its own right, defined by its location in the midst of ordinary social life, its pantheon of personified deities, views of afterlife, demonology, and characteristic specialists and rituals. Its values were still founded on pragmatic reciprocity, but some assurances about life after death were added to promises for aid now.
This popular tradition is based on the worship or propitiation of gods, ghosts, and ancestors. The boundaries between these categories are somewhat fluid. Under ideal circumstances when a person dies the hun, or yang soul, rises to heaven and becomes an ancesor (zu or zuxian) and the po or yin soul remains with the body in the earth - provided that the death was normal, the body was buried in a proper funeral, and subsequent memorial services or ancestral sacrifices were properly made by blood or ritually adopted descendants. If these conditions are not met, either the hun or the po (depending on local beliefs) can become a ghost (gui). Ghosts can be ritually adopted or -- in the case of unmarried women -- posthumously married, thereby becoming ancestors; they can even be enshrined and worshipped as minor gods. Although scholars differ on whether the propitiation of ancestors should be called worship or veneration (since they are not gods), the basic ritual actions performed for gods and ancestors (burning incense, praying, offering food or "spirit money") are virtually identical. The status of the particular recipient is indicated by certain variations, such as offering uncooked food for a god but cooked food for an ancestor; cooked food implies a meal being shared, and ordinary people do not presume to invite gods into their homes for meals. Phenomenologically, the difference between a god and an ancestor is that the former has more numinous power (ling), and can therefore exert influence on a wider circle of the living than his or her own family. [See Ancestors, article on Ancestor Cults.]
Beyond the household popular religion is practiced at shrines for local earth-gods and at village or city neighborhood temples. Temples are residences of the gods, where they are most easily available and ready to accept petitions and offerings of food and incense. Here too, the gods convey messages through simple means of divination, dreams, spirit mediums, and spirit writing. Great bronze incense burners in temple courtyards are the central points of ritual communication, and it is common for local households to fill their own incense burners with ashes from the temple. All families residing in the area of the village or the city neighborhood are considered members of the temple community.
Most of the deities characteristic of this tradition are human beings deified over time by increasing recognition of their efficacy and status. Having once been human they owe their positions to veneration by the living and hence are constrained by reciprocal relationships with their devotees. Many of the deities of popular religion are responsible for specific functions such as providing rain or healing diseases, while others are propitiated for a wide variety of reasons - sometimes simply for general good fortune, or to maintain a harmonious relationship with the unseen world. Under Daoist influence the pantheon came to be organized in a celestial hierarchy presided over by the Jade Emperor, a deity first officially recognized as such by the Song emperor Zhenzong in the beginning of the eleventh century. The Jade Emperor is called Yuhuang dadi (Jade Emperor Great Lord) or Yuhuang shangdi (Jade Emperor High Lord) -- the latter incorporating the name of the high god of the Shang dynasty. [See Yuhuang.]
Gods are symbols of order, and many of the gods of Daoism and popular religion are equipped with weapons and troops. Such force is necessary because beneath the gods is a vast array of demons, hostile influences that bring disorder, disease, suffering, and death. Although ultimately subject to divine command, and in some cases sent by the gods to punish sinners, these demons are most unruly, and often can be subdued only through repeated invocation and strenuous ritual action. It is in such ritual exorcism that the struggle between gods and demons is most starkly presented. Most demons, or gui, are ghosts, or the spirits of the restless dead who died unjustly, or whose bodies are not properly cared for; they cause disruption to draw attention to their plight. Other demons represent natural forces that can be perceived as hostile, such as mountains and wild animals. Much effort in popular religion is devoted to dealing with these harmful influences.
There are three different types of leadership in this popular tradition--hereditary, selected, and charismatic--although of course in any given situation these types can be mixed. Hereditary leaders include the fathers and mothers of families who carry out ancestor worship in the clan temple and household, and sect leaders who inherit their positions. Hereditary Daoist priests also perform rituals for the community. Village temples, on the other hand, tend to be led by a village elder selected by lot, on a rotating basis. Charismatic leaders include spirit mediums, spirit writers, magicians, and healers, all of whom are defined by the recognition of their ability to bring divine power and wisdom directly to bear on human problems.
Popular religion is also associated with a cycle of annual festivals, funeral rituals, and geomancy (feng-shui). Popular values are sanctioned by revelations from the gods and by belief in purgatory, where the soul goes after death, there to be punished for its sins according to the principle of karmic retribution. There are ten courts in purgatory, each presided over by a judge who fits the suffering to the crime. Passage through purgatory can be ameliorated through the transfer of spirit money by Buddhist or Daoist rituals. When its guilt has been purged, the soul advances to the tenth court, where the form of its next existence is decided. This mythology is a modification of Buddhist beliefs described in detail in texts first translated in the sixth century.
The Period of Mongol Rule. The Mongols under Chinggis Khan (1167-1227) captured the Jin capital of Yanjing (modern Beijing) in 1215 and established the Yuan dynasty (1271-1368). From China they ruled their vast domain, which extended all the way to central Europe. For the next several decades the "Middle Kingdom" was the eastern end of a world empire, open as never before to foreign influences. In the realm of religion these influences included the Nestorians, a few Franciscan missionaries in the early fourteenth century, the growth of the Jewish community in Kaifeng, and a large number of Tibetan Buddhist monks.
The first Mongol contact with Chinese Buddhism was with Chan monks, a few of whom attained influence at court. In the meantime, however, the Mongols were increasingly attracted by the exorcistic and healing rituals of Tantric Buddhism in Tibet, the borders of which they also controlled. In 1260 a Tibetan monk, 'Phags-pa (1235-1280), was named imperial preceptor, and soon after chief of Buddhist affairs. Tibetan monks were appointed as leaders of the samgha all over China, to some extent reviving the Tantric (Zhenyan) school that had flourished briefly in the Tang. [See Zhenyan.]
By the early fourteenth century another form of popular religion appeared, the voluntary association or sect that could be joined by individuals from different families and villages. These sects developed out of lay Buddhist societies in the twelfth century, but their structure owed much to late Han religious associations and their popular Daoist successors, Buddhist eschatological movements from the fifth century on, and Manichaeism. By the Yuan period the sects were characterized by predominantly lay membership and leadership, hierarachical organization, active proselytism, congregational rituals, possession of their own scriptures in the vernacular, and mutual economic support. Their best known antecedent was the White Lotus sect, an independent group founded by a monk named Mao Ziyuan (1086-1166). Mao combined simplified Tiantai teaching with Pure Land practice, invoking Amitabha's saving power with just five recitations of his name. After Mao's death the sect, led by laymen who married, spread across south and east China. In the process it incorporated charms and prognostication texts, and by the fourteenth century branches in Guangxi and Honan were strongly influenced by Daoist methods of cultivating the internal elixirs. This led to protests from more orthodox leaders of the Pure Land tradition, monks in the east who appealed to the throne that they not be proscribed along with the "heretics." This appeal succeeded, and the monastic branch went on to be considered part of the tradition of the Pure Land school, with Mao Ziyuan as a revered patriarch.
The more rustic side of the White Lotus tradition was prohibited three times in the Yuan, but flourished nonetheless, with its own communal organizations and scriptures and a growing emphasis on the presence within it of the future Buddha Maitreya. During the civil wars of the mid-fourteenth century this belief encouraged full-scale uprisings in the name of the new world Maitreya was expected to bring. The Ming founder Zhu Yuanzhang (1328-1398) had for a time been an officer in one of the White Lotus armies, but after his victory tried to suppress the sect. It continued to multiply nonetheless, under a variety of names.
The first extant sectarian scriptures, produced in the early sixteenth century, indicate that by that time there were two streams of mythology and belief, one more influenced by Daoism, the other by Buddhism. The Daoist stream incorporated much terminology from the Golden Elixir school (Jindandao), and was based on the myth of a saving mother goddess, the Eternal Venerable Mother, who is a modified form of the old Han-dynasty Queen Mother of the West, a figure mentioned in Quanzhen teachings as well. The Buddhist stream was initiated by a sectarian reformer named Luo Qing (1443-1527), whose teachings were based on the Chan theme of "attaining Buddhahood through seeing one's own nature." Luo criticized the White Lotus and Maitreya sects as being too concerned with outward ritual forms, but later writers in his school incorporated some themes from the Eternal Mother mythology, while other sectarian founders espousing this mythology imitated Luo Qing's example of writing vernacular scriptures to put forth their own views. These scriptures, together with their successors, the popular spirit-writing texts of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, constitute a fourth major body of Chinese sacred texts, after those of the Confucians, Buddhists, and Daoists.
The number of popular religious sects increased rapidly during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, all part of the same general tradition but with different founders, lines of transmission, texts, and ritual variations. Such groups had been illegal since the Yuan and some resisted prosecution with armed force or attempted to establish their own safe areas. In a few cases sect leaders organized major attempts to overthrow the government and put their own emperor on the throne, to rule over a utopian world in which time and society would be renewed. However, for the most part the sects simply provided a congregational alternative to village popular religion, an alternative that offered mutual support and assurance and promised means of going directly to paradise at death without passing through purgatory.
Popular religious sects were active on the China mainland until the start of the Cultural Revolution in 1966, and they continue to multiply in Taiwan, where they can be legally registered as branches of Daoism. Since the late nineteenth century most sectarian scriptures have been composed by spirit writing, direct revelation from a variety of gods and culture heroes.
Ming and Qing Religion
Mongol rule began to deteriorate in the early fourteenth century, due to struggles between tribal factions at court, the decline of military power, and the devolution of central authority to local warlords, bandit groups, and sectarian movements. After twenty years of civil war Zhu Yuanzhang, from a poor peasant family, defeated all his rivals and reestablished a Chinese imperial house, the Ming dynasty (1368-1644). Zhu (Ming Taizu, r. 1368-1398) was an energetic ruler of strong personal religious beliefs who revised imperial rituals, promulgated strict laws against a variety of popular practices and sects, and recruited Daoist priests to direct court ceremonies. For him the mandate of Heaven was a living force that had established him in a long line of sacred emperors; his ancestors were deemed powerful intermediaries with Shangdi. He elaborated and reinforced the responsibility of government officials to offer regular sacrifices to deities of fertility, natural forces, and cities, and to the spirits of heroes and abandoned ghosts.
Ming Dynasty. Under the Ming, such factors as the diversification of the agricultural base and the monetization of the economy had an impact on religious life; there were more excess funds for building temples and printing scriptures, and more rich peasants, merchants, and artisans with energy to invest in popular religion, both village and sectarian. Sectarian scriptures appeared as part of the same movement that produced new vernacular literature of all types, morality books to inculcate Neo-Confucian values, and new forms and audiences for popular operas. More than ever before the late Ming was a time of economic and cultural initiatives from the population at large, as one might expect in a period of increasing competition for recources by small entrepreneurs. These tendencies continued to gain momentum in the Qing period.
Ming Buddhism showed the impact of these economic and cultural factors, particularly in eastern China where during the sixteenth century reforming monks such as Yunqi Zhuhong (1535-1615) organized lay societies, wrote morality books that quantified the merit points for good deeds, and affirmed Confucian values within a Buddhist framework. Zhuhong combined Pure Land and Chan practice and preached spiritual progress through sparing animals from slaughter and captivity. The integration of Buddhism into Chinese society was furthered as well by government approval of a class of teaching monks, ordained with official certificates, whose role was to perform rituals for the people. [See the biography of Zhuhong.]
Buddhism also had a synergetic relationship with the form of Neo-Confucianism dominant in the late Ming, Wang Yangming's "study of mind." On the one hand, Chan individualism and seeking enlightenment within influenced Wang and his disciples; on the other hand, official acceptance of Wang's school gave indirect support to the forms of Buddhism associated with it, such as the teachings of Zhuhong and Hanshan Deqing (1546-1623).
Daoism was supported by emperors throughout the Ming, with Daoist priests appointed as officials in charge of rituals and composing hymns and messages to the gods. The Quanzhen sect continued to do well, with its monastic base and emphasis on attaining immortality through "internal alchemy." Its meditation methods also influenced those of some of Wang Yangming's followers, such as Wang Ji (1497-1582). However, it was the Zhengyi sect led by hereditary Celestial Masters that had the most official support during the Ming and hence was able to consolidate its position as the standard of orthodox Daoism. Zhengyi influence is evident in scriptures composed during this period, many of which trace their lineage back to the first Celestial Master and bear imprimaturs from his successors. The forty-third-generation master was given charge of compiling a new Daoist canon in 1406, a task completed between 1444 and 1445. It is this edition that is still in use today.
By the seventeenth century, Confucian philosophy entered a more nationalistic and materialist phase, but the scholar-official class as a whole remained involved in a variety of private religious practices beyond their official ritual responsibilities. These included not only the study of Daoism and Buddhism but the use of spirit-writing séances and prayers to Wenchang, the god of scholars and literature, for help in passing examinations. Ming Taizu had proclaimed that each of the "three teachings" of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism had an important role to play, which encouraged synthetic tendencies present since the beginnings of Buddhism in China. In the sixteenth century a Confucian scholar named Lin Zhaoen (1517-1598) from Fujian took these tendencies a step further by building a middle-class religious sect in which Confucian teachings were explicitly supported by those of Buddhism and Daoism. Lin was known as "Master of the Three Teachings," the patron saint of what became a popular movement with temples still extant in Singapore and Malaysia in the mid-twentieth century. This tendency to incorporate Confucianism into a sectarian religion was echoed by Zhang Jizong (d. 1866) who established a fortified community in Shandong, and by Kang Youwei (1858-1927) at the end of imperial history. Confucian oriented spirit-writing cults also flourished in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, supported by middle level military and civil officials. These cults produced tracts and scriptures of their own. [See the biography of Kang Youwei.]
During the sixteenth century Christian missionaries tried for the third time to establish their faith in China, this time a more successful effort by Italian Jesuits. In 1583 two Italian Jesuits, Michael Ruggerius and Matteo Ricci, were allowed to stay in Zhaoqing in Guangdong Province. By their knowledge of science, mathematics, and geography they impressed some of the local scholars and officials; Ricci eventually became court astronomer in Beijing. He also made converts of several high officials, so that by 1605 there were 200 Chinese Christians. For the next several decades the Jesuit mission prospered, led by priests given responsibility for the sensitive task of establishing the imperial calendar. In 1663 the number of converts had grown to about one hundred thousand. The high point of this early Roman Catholic mission effort came during the reign of the Kangxi emperor (r. 1662-1722), who, while not a convert, had a lively curiosity about European knowledge. [See Jesuits and the biography of Ricci.]
Nonetheless, Chinese suspicions remained, and the mission was threatened from within by rivalries between orders and European nations. In particular, there was contention over Jesuit acceptance of the worship of ancestors and Confucius by Chinese Christian converts. In 1645 a Franciscan obtained a papal prohibition of such "accomodation," and this "rites controversy" intensified in the ensuing decades. The Inquisition forbade the Jesuit approach in 1704, but the Jesuits kept on resisting until papal bulls were issued against them in 1715 and 1742. Kangxi had sided with the Jesuits, but in the end their influence was weakened and their ministry made less adaptable to Chinese traditions. There were anti-Christian persecutions in several places throughout the mid-eighteenth century; however, some Christian communities remained, as did a few European astronomers at court. There were several more attempts at suppression in the early nineteenth century, with the result that by 1810 there were only thirty-one European missionaries left, with eighty Chinese priests, but church membership remained at about two hundred thousand.
The first Protestant missionary to reach China was Robert Morrison, sent by the London Missionary Society to Canton in 1807. He and another missionary made their first Chinese convert in 1814 and completed translating the Bible in 1819. From then on increasing numbers of Protestant missionaries arrived from other European countries and the United States. [See the biography of Morrison.]
Christian impact on the wider world of Chinese religions has traditionally been negligible, although there is some indication that scholars such as Fang Yizhi (1611-1671) were influenced by European learning and thus helped prepare the way for the practical emphases of Qing Confucianism. Zhuhong and Ricci had engaged in written debate over theories of God and rebirth, and even the Kangxi emperor was involved in such discussions later, but there was no acceptance of Christian ideas and practices by Chinese who did not convert. This is true at the popular level as well, where in some areas Chinese sectarians responded positively to both Roman Catholic and Protestant missionaries. Christians and the sectarians were often persecuted together, and shared concerns for congregational ritual, vernacular scriptures, and a compassionate creator deity. Yet nineteenth century sectarian texts betray few traces of Christian influence, and even when Jesus speaks in later spirit-writing books it is as a supporter of Chinese values.
Chinese Judaism thrived, at least in Kaifeng, through the Ming and part of the Qing dynasties. The Ming, in fact, has been called a "Golden Age"of Judaism in Kaifeng. Many members of the community achieved success in the civil service examinations and were appointed to relatively high government positions; good relations with Chinese officials helped the community to rebuild its synagogue after floods six times during the Ming.
In 1605, a Kaifeng Jew named Ai Tian was visiting the capital at Beijing and, having heard that there were Westerners there who worshipped one god but were not Muslims, paid Matteo Ricci a visit, thinking that these Westerners might be fellow Jews. After some awkward conversation, in which Ai thought Ricci was a Jew and Ricci thought Ai was a Christian, the truth emerged and the Chinese Jews came to the attention of the Western world for the first time. During the Rites Controversy the Jesuits consulted with the Kaifeng Jews on their practice of honoring ancestors in the synagogue, and used that as part of their argument for toleration of the custom.
There were unsuccessful missionary efforts to convert the Jews to Christianity, but the Jews suffered neither discrimination from Chinese society nor repression from the Chinese government, except for a few slightly restrictive decrees concerning kosher slaughter during the Yuan dynasty. Nonetheless, the high level of involvement of Kaifeng Jews in the civil service examination system, which required a heavy investment of time in the study of Chinese classics, history, and literature, resulted in fewer educated Jews studying Hebrew. This eventually contributed to their complete assimilation in Chinese society and the disappearance of Jewish practice in China. Another factor was the expulsion of the Christian missionaries after the Rites Controversy, as they had been the Chinese Jews' major link to the world outside China.
Qing Dynasty. The Manchus, a tribal confederation related to the Jurchen, had established their own state in the northeast in 1616 and named it Qing in 1636. As their power grew, they sporadically attacked North China and absorbed much Chinese political and cultural influence. In 1644 a Qing army was invited into China by the Ming court to save Beijing from Chinese rebels. The Manchus not only conquered Beijing but stayed to rule for the next 268 years. In public policy the Manchus were strong supporters of Confucianism, and relied heavily on the support of Chinese officials, but in their private lives the Qing rulers were devoted to Tibetan Buddhism. Most religious developments during the Qing were continuations of Ming traditions, with the exception of Protestant Christianity and the Taiping movement it helped stimulate.
Before their conquest of China the Manchus had learned of Tibetan Buddhism through the Mongols, and had a special sense of relationship to a bodhisattva much venerated in Tibet, Manjusri. [See Manjusri.] Nurhachi (1559-1626), the founder of the Manchu kingdom, was considered an incarnation of Manjusri. After 1644 the Manchus continued to patronize Tibetan Buddhism, which had been supported to some extent in the Ming as well, in part to stay in touch with the dominant religion of Tibet and the Mongols. In 1652 the Dalai Lama was invited to visit Beijing, and in the early eighteenth century his successors were put under a Qing protectorate. In 1780 the Panchen Lama paid a visit to the Qianlong emperor (r. 1736-1795) on his seventieth birthday at the imperial retreat of Rehe (formerly written Jehol, now called Chengde), northeast of Beijing. At Rehe the earlier Qing emperors had built a dozen Tibetan Buddhist temples (in addition to a Confucian temple and school), including a smaller replica of the Potala Palace in Lhasa.
Early Qing emperors were interested in Chan Buddhism as well. The Yongzheng emperor (r. 1723-1735) published a book on Chan in 1732 and ordered the reprinting of the Buddhist canon, a task completed in 1738. He also supported the printing of a Tibetan edition of the canon, and his successor, Qianlong, sponsored the translation of this voluminous body of texts into Manchu. The Pure Land tradition continued to be the form of Buddhism most supported by the people. The most active Daoist schools were the monastic Quanzhen and the Zhengyi, more concerned with public rituals of exorcism and renewal, carried on by a married priesthood. However, Daoism no longer received court support. Despite repeated cycles of rebellions and persecutions, popular sects continued to thrive, although after the Eight Trigrams uprising in 1813 repression was so severe that production of sectarian scripture texts declined in favor of oral transmission, a tendency operative among some earlier groups as well.
The most significant innovation in Qing religion was the teachings of the Taiping Tianguo (Celestial Kingdom of Great Peace), which combined motifs from Christianity, shamanism, and popular sectarian beliefs. The Taiping movement was begun by Hong Xiuquan (1814-1864), a would-be Confucian scholar who first was given Christian tracts in 1836. After failing civil service examinations several times, Hong claimed to have had a vision in which it was revealed that Hong was the younger brother of Jesus Christ, commissioned to be a new messiah. Hong proclaimed a new kingdom upon earth, to be characterized by theocratic rule, enforcement of the ten commandments, the brotherhood of all, equality of the sexes, and redistribution of land. Hong and other Taiping leaders were effective preachers who wrote books, edicts, and tracts proclaiming their teachings and regulations and providing prayers and hymns for congregational worship. They forbade ancestor veneration and the worship of Buddhas and Daoist and popular deities. Wherever the Taipings went they destroyed images and temples. They rejected geomancy and divination and established a new calendar free of the old festivals and concerns for inauspicious days.
In the late 1840s Hong Xiuquan organized a group called the God Worshipers Society with many poor and disaffected among its members. They moved to active military rebellion in 1851, with Hong taking the title "Celestial King" of the new utopian regime. Within two years they captured Nanjing. Here they established their capital and sent armies north and west, involving all of China in civil war as they went. Although the Qing government was slow to respond, in 1864 Nanjing was retaken by imperial forces and the remaining Taiping forces slaughtered or dispersed. For all of the power of this movement, Taiping teachings and practices had no positive effect on the history of Chinese religions after this time, while all the indigenous traditions resumed and rebuilt. [See Taiping.]
The Qing also witnessed the decline of Chinese Jewish religious life. By the mid-nineteenth century in Kaifeng there were no Jews left who could read Hebrew. Without a rabbi there was little reason to keep the Kaifeng synagogue in repair, so the community sold the property to the Canadian Anglican mission. Today on the site is a hospital, behind which is "South Teaching the Torah Lane" (Nan jiaojing hutong), formerly the heart of the Jewish quarter in Kaifeng. There are still two or three hundred Jews living in Kaifeng, and others spread throughout the country, but aside from the their ethnic self-identification they have little knowledge of or contact with Judaism. Since the 1980s there has been a revival of interest, both among the Chinese Jews themselves and in the academic world. Since the 1990s several institutional centers of Judaic studies have been established at major universities in China.
The End of Empire and Postimperial China
In the late nineteenth century some Chinese intellectuals began to incorporate into their thought new ideas from Western science, philosophy, and literature, but the trend in religion was toward reaffirmation of Chinese values. Even the reforming philosopher Kang Youwei tried to build a new cult of Confucius, while at the popular level spirit-writing sects proliferated. In 1899 a vast antiforeign movement began in North China, loosely called the Boxer Rebellion because of its martial arts practices. The ideology of this movement was based on popular religion and spirit mediumship, and many Boxer groups attacked Christian missions in the name of Chinese gods. This uprising was put down in 1900 by a combination of Chinese and foreign armies, after the latter had captured Beijing.
The Qing government attempted a number of belated reforms, but in 1911 it collapsed from internal decay, foreign pressure, and military uprisings. Some Chinese intellectuals, free to invest their energies in new ideas and political forms, avidly studied and translated Western writings, including those of Marxism. One result of this westernization and secularization was attacks on Confucianism and other Chinese traditions, a situation exacerbated by recurrent civil wars that led to the destruction or occupation of thousands of temples. However, these new ideas were most influential in the larger cities; the majority of Chinese continued popular religious practices as before. Many temples and monasteries survived, and there were attempts to revive Buddhist thought and monastic discipline, particularly by the monks Yinguang (1861-1940) and Taixu (1889-1947). [See the biography of Taixu.]
Since 1949 Chinese religions have increasingly prospered in Taiwan, particularly at the popular level, where the people have more surplus funds and freedom of belief than ever before. Many new temples have been built, sects established, and scriptures and periodicals published. The same can be said for Chinese popular religion in Hong Kong, Macao and Singapore. The Daoist priesthood is active in Taiwan, supported by the presence of hereditary Celestial Masters from the mainland who provide ordinations and legitimacy. There are also several large and prosperous Chan organizations with branches all over the world. Another rapidly growing Buddhist sect in Taiwan is the Buddhist Compassion Relief (Ciji) Foundation, founded by the nun, Cheng Yan, in 1966 to mobilize social work and education from a Mahayana Buddhist perspective.
The constitution of the People's Republic establishes the freedom both to support and oppose religion, although proselytization is illegal. In practice religious activities of all types declined drastically there after 1949, and virtually disappeared during the Cultural Revolution of 1966 to 1976. In official documents and state-controlled media religion was depicted along Marxist lines as "feudal superstition" that must be rejected by those seeking to build a new China. Nonetheless, many religious activities continued until the Cultural Revolution, even those of the long proscribed popular sects. The Cultural Revolution, encouraged by Mao Zedong and his teachings, was a massive attack on old traditions, including not only religion, but education, art, and established bureaucracies. In the process thousands of religious images were destroyed, temples and churches confiscated, leaders returned to lay life, and books burned. At the same time a new national cult arose, that of Chairman Mao and his thought, involving ecstatic processions, group recitation from Mao's writings, and a variety of quasi-religious ceremonials. These included confessions of sins against the revolution, vows of obedience before portraits of the Chairman, and meals of wild vegetables to recall the bitter days before liberation. Although the frenzy abated, the impetus of the Cultural Revolution continued until Mao's death in 1976, led by a small group, later called "the Gang of Four," centered around his wife, Jiang Qing (1914-1991).
This group was soon deposed, a move followed by liberalization of policy in several areas, including religion. Since 1980 many churches, monasteries, and mosques have reopened, and religious leaders reinstated, in part to establish better relationships with Buddhist, Christian, and Muslim communities in other countries. There has been an accelerating revival of popular religion as well, spurred in part by the return of market capitalism under Deng Xiaoping (1904-1997). This occurred primarily in the southeast at first; since the early 1990s Taiwanese have been allowed to travel to the mainland, and many have financially supported the reconstruction of local temples, especially in Fujian province, from which most mainland Taiwanese emigrated. But the revival of popular religion is occuring throughout China, most notably in rural areas.
The official line on religion has moderated, the government now acknowledging that some aspects of China's traditional culture are worth preserving; also that religion will eventually disappear on its own when the perfect socialist state is realized, so it is unnecessary to forcefully hasten the process. Along with the booming capitalist economy that developed in the 1990s and into the twenty-first century,"socialism with Chinese characteristics" - a popular slogan of the former leader, Deng Xiaoping (1905-1997) - allows the state to tolerate and support religion, within limits.
The religious revival includes many groups devoted to various forms of qigong, the "manipulation of qi," which has roots in Daoist self-cultivation. In 1999 the government began a severe crackdown on one such cult, Falun Dafa (Great Law of the Dharma Wheel), commonly referred to in the West as Falun Gong (Exercise of the Dharma Wheel), which more accurately denotes their Buddho-Daoist-inspired form of mental and physical cultivation. Founded in 1992 by Li Hongzi (b. 1951 or 1952), Falun Dafa attracted practitioners in the tens of millions in part because of its claims to improve health and lengthen life, in the context of the aging of the Chinese population and the collapse of state-supported cradle-to-grave health care. In April of 1999 the organization, largely through the medium of e-mail, secretly organized a silent demonstration by an estimated 10,000 practitioners outside the residence compound of China's top leaders in Beijing to protest what they said was a slanderous magazine article and the refusal of the authorities to let them register as a religious organization. The group's ability to mobilize such large numbers and the fact that Li Hongzhi lived in the United States apparently motivated the repression.
Other sensitive areas of religious life in China include illegal Christian "house churches," Buddhists in Tibet (an "autonomous province" of China), and Muslims in the far-western autonomous province of Xinjiang. The latter two cases are related to the government's fear of forces that could support independence movements. The Christian churches, given the long and problematic history of missionary activity and colonialism in China, are suspect for their potential ties to the West. Although Catholicism is one of the five officially-recognized religions (Buddhism, Daoism, Islam, Protestant Christianity and Catholic Christianity), the Roman Catholic Church is outlawed because of its allegiance to the Vatican; only the Chinese Patriotic Catholic Association is recognized. The other four religions likewise have government-supported associations as the means of government control. Popular religion and Confucianism, which in the West are both routinely classified as religious, are not officially designated as such in China; popular religion is considered "superstition," and Confucianism is considered an "ideology," although not necessarily (any longer) a "feudal" ideology. There is in fact renewed interest in Confucianism among intellectuals, many of whom sense a moral vacuum in China since Marxist/Maoist thought ceased to exert any influence outside government. A modernized, less patriarchal form of Confucianism, they believe, might provide a set of moral principles better suited to Chinese culture than one imported from the West. Although China was once thought by Westerners to be a "timeless" realm in which nothing changed, the story of religion in China, as far back as we can see, has been one of constant change.
[For further discussion of the various traditions treated in this article, see Buddhism, article on Buddhism in China; Buddhism, Schools of, article on Chinese Buddhism; Daoism; Confucian Thought; and Chinese Philosophy. For a discussion of the influence of the major monotheistic religions on Chinese religion, see Islam, article on Islam in China; Christianity, article on Christianity in Asia; and Judaism, article on Judaism in Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. For the influence of Inner Asian civilizations on Chinese thought, see Inner Asian Religions, Mongol Religions, and Buddhism, article on Buddhism in Central Asia. See also Domestic Observances, article on Chinese Practices, and Chinese Religious Year.]
|
Muslim
|
In pathology what is the common term for a displacement and protrusion of part of an organ through its cavity wall?
|
Chinese Religions: An Overview
The End of Empire and Postimperial China
Bibliography
[This article provides an introduction to the rise and development of various religious movements, themes, and motifs over time. Its emphasis is on historical continuities and on the interaction of diverse currents of Chinese religious thought and practice from the prehistoric era to the present].
The study of Chinese religion presents both problems and opportunities for the general theory of religion. It is therefore instructive, before embarking on a historical survey, to outline a theoretical approach that will accomodate the wide variety of beliefs and practices that have traditionally been studied under the rubric of religion in China.
One indicator of the problematic nature of the category "religion" in Chinese history is the absence of any pre-modern word that is unambiguously associated with the category. The modern Chinese word zongjiao was first employed to mean "religion" by late 19th-century Japanese translators of European texts. Zongjiao (or shky in Japanese) is a compound consisting of zong (sh), which is derived from a pictogram of an ancestral altar and most commonly denotes a "sect," and jiao (ky), meaning "teaching." (The compound had originally been a Chinese Buddhist term meaning simply the teachings of a particular sect.) Zongjiao/shky thus carries the connotation of "ancestral" or sectarian teachings. The primary reference of this newly-coined usage for shky in the European texts being translated was, of course, Christianity. And since Christianity does in fact demand exclusive allegiance and does emphasize doctrinal orthodoxy (as in the various credos), zongjiao/shky is an apt translation for the concept of religion that takes Christianity as its standard or model.
Part of the problem arising from this situation is that Chinese (and Japanese) religions in general do not place as much emphasis as Christianity does on exclusivity and doctrine. And so Chinese, when asked to identify what counts as zongjiao in their culture, are often reluctant to include phenomena that Westerners would be willing to count as religion, because the word "religion" - while notoriously difficult to define - does not carry the same connotations as zongjiao.
Before the adoption of zongjiao, jiao itself ("teaching") came closest, in usage, to the meaning of "religion." Since at least the Ming dynasty (1368-1644), the standard rubric for discussing the religions of China was san jiao, or the "three teachings," referring to Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. Yet this is problematic too, as it excludes what today is usually called "popular religion" (or "folk religion"), which throughout Chinese history has probably accounted for more religious behavior than the "three teachings" combined. This exclusion is more than a matter of usage: jiao does not apply well to popular religion beause popular religion is strongly oriented toward religious action or practice; it has very little doctrine and, apart from independent sects, no institutionally-recognized canonical texts in which doctrines would be presented.
Although constituting a standard chapter in modern Western surveys of Chinese religion, Confucianism is very often described as something other than a religion in the strict (yet poorly defined) sense. There was a time in Western scholarship when Buddhism was occasionally described in similar fashion, although outside the most conservative theological frameworks that is no longer the case. But the status of Confucianism, even in academic circles focused on Chinese religion, is still disputed.
The problematic nature of Confucianism vis-à-vis religion is the most compelling reason to suggest at the outset a conceptual framework in which all the varieties of Chinese religion can be understood. In effect this is a "definition" of religion, although it should not be considered an exclusive definition. It is, instead, one way of conceptualizing religion that is well-suited to its subject - i.e. that makes particularly good sense of Chinese religion - and that sheds light not only on the non-controversial forms of Chinese religion but also on those forms that might be excluded by some definitions. But it should be acknowledged that, since religion is a multi-dimensional set of complex human phenomena, no single definition (short of a laundry list of common characteristics) should be expected to capture its essence. Indeed, perhaps religion has no essence.
The concept of religion that will be presumed here is that religion is a means of ultimate transformation and/or ultimate orientation. This is an elaboration of a definition proposed by the Buddhologist Frederick Streng, who suggested that religion is "a means to ultimate transformation" (Streng, p. 2). "Ultimate transformation" implies (1) a given human condition that is in some way flawed, unsatisfactory, or caught in a dilemma; (2) a goal that posits a resolution of that problem or dilemma; and (3) a process leading toward the achievement of the goal. This formula is well-suited to Chinese religions because the concept of transformation (hua) is in fact a highly significant element in Confucian, Daoist, and Chinese Buddhist thought and practice. The qualifier "ultimate" means that the starting point, process, and goal are defined in relation to whatever the tradition in question believes to be absolute or unconditioned. "Ultimate orientation" introduces an aspect of Mircea Eliade's theory of sacred space and sacred time: spatial orientation to an axis mundi or "sacred pole," a symbolic connection between heaven and earth; or temporal orientation marked in reference to periods of sacred ritual time, such as annual festivals. This addition to Streng's definition accounts for certain popular practices that are not conceived in terms of ultimate transformation. Much of the contemporary practice of Chinese popular religion - such as worship and sacrifice for such mundane ends as success in school or business - can be explained in terms of ultimate orientation. And Confucianism, the most problematic strand of Chinese religion, can clearly be seen as a "means of ultimate transformation" toward the religious goal of "sagehood" (sheng), a term whose religious connotations are suggested, for example, by the use of the same word to translate the Jewish and Christian "Holy Scriptures" (shengjing).
The geographic scope of Chinese religions extends from mainland China to Taiwan, Singapore, Southeast Asia, and scattered Chinese communities throughout the world. Although religion in the Peoples Republic of China on the mainland was harshly suppressed from the 1950s through the 1970s, and indeed almost disappeared during that period, there has been considerable (although not untroubled) revitalization since the early 1980s. Our discussion of religion in Chinese history up to the middle of the twentieth century will be limited to mainland China; only after that point will it extend to the rest of the Chinese world, with a focus on Taiwan.
Contemporary Chinese religion is the product of continuous historical development from prehistoric times. In that period the area of present-day China was inhabited by a large number of tribal groups. In around 5000 B.C.E. several of these tribes developed agriculture and began to live in small villages surrounded by their fields. Domesticated plants and animals included millet, rice, dogs, pigs, goats, sheep, cattle, and silkworms. The physical characteristics of these early agriculturalists were similar to those of modern Chinese. The archaeological record indicates gradual development toward more complex technology and social stratification. By the late Neolithic period (beginning around 3200 B.C.E.) there were well-developed local cultures in several areas that were to become centers of Chinese civilization later, including the southeast coast, the southwest, the Yangze River valley, the northeast, and the northern plains. The interaction of these cultures eventually led to the rise of literate, bronze-working civilizations in the north, the Xia (before 1500 B.C.E.) and Shang (c. 1500-1050 B.C.E.). The existence of the Xia kingdom is attested in early historical sources that have otherwise been shown to accord with archaeological discoveries. However, archaeologists are still debating whether the Xia period constituted a state-level "dynasty," as it has traditionally been described. The Shang has been archaeologically verified, beginning with the excavation of one of its capitals in 1928.
There is some evidence for prehistoric religious activities, particularly for a cult of the dead, who were often buried in segregated cemeteries, supine, with heads toward a single cardinal direction. In some sites houses and circles of white stones are associated with clusters of graves, while in others wine goblets and pig jaws are scattered on ledges near the top of the pit, perhaps indicating a farewell feast. There seems to have been a concern for the precise ordering of ritual acts, perhaps an early version of the importance of universal order or pattern in later Chinese cosmology. In the Wei River area, secondary burial was practiced, with bones from single graves collected and reburied with those of from twenty to eighty others. Grave offerings are found in almost all primary burials, with quantity and variety depending on the status of the deceased; tools, pottery vessels, objects of jade and turquoise, dogs, and, in some cases, human beings. Jade, in particular - a substance that does not break down and requires extraordinary skill and effort to carve with the simplest of tools - was associated with high-status burials and perhaps symbolized the eternity of the afterlife. The bi (a flat disk with a central hole) and cong (a tube, square on the outside and circular inside) were jade mortuary objects - apparently not used in life - whose meanings have not been determined. The bodies and faces of the dead were often painted with red ochre, a symbol of life. All of these practices constitute the prehistoric beginnings of Chinese ancestor worship. Other evidence for prehistoric religion includes deer buried in fields and divination through reading cracks in the dried shoulder bones of sheep or deer. This form of divination, attested in what is now northeast China by 3560-3240 B.C.E., is the direct antecedent of similar practices in historical times. Buried deer suggest offerings to the power of the soil, a common practice in later periods.
Early Historical Period
The early historical period (Shang and Zhou kingdoms) saw the development of many of the social and religious beliefs and practices that continue to this day to be associated with the Chinese. Although obvious links with the earlier period persist, it is with the emergence of these kingdoms that the religious history of the Chinese properly begins.
The Shang. The formation of the Shang kingdom was due to technological innovation such as bronze casting, and to the development of new forms of social and administrative control. Extant evidence provides information about the religion of the Shang aristocracy, characterized in the first place by elaborate graves and ceremonial objects for the dead. Grave offerings include decapitated human beings, horses, dogs, large numbers of bronze vessels, and objects of jade, stone, and shell. Some tombs were equipped with chariots hitched to horses. These tomb offerings indicate a belief that afterlife for members of the royal clan was similar to that of their present existence, but in a heavenly realm presided over by the Shang high god Di ("Lord") or Shangdi ("Lord on High").
The major sources for our understanding of Shang religion are inscriptions on oracle bones and in bronze sacrificial vessels. From these we learn that the most common recipients of petition and inquiry were the ancestors of the royal clan. These deified ancestors were believed to have powers of healing and fertility in their own right, but also could serve as intermediaries between their living descendants and more powerful gods of natural forces and Shangdi. Ancestors were ranked by title and seniority, with those longest dead having the widest authority. Since they could bring harm as well as aid to their descendants, it was necessary to propitiate the ancestors to ward off their anger as well as to bring their blessing. Nature deities named in the inscriptions personify the powers of rivers, mountains, rain, wind, and other natural phenomena. Shangdi, whose authority exceeded that of the most exalted royal ancestor, served as a source of unity and order. [See Shangdi.]
To contact these sacred powers the Shang practiced divination and sacrificial rituals, usually closely related to each other. In divination, small pits were bored in the backs of turtle plastrons or the shoulder blades of oxen or sheep. Heated bronze or wooden rods were placed in these impressions, causing the bones to crack with a popping sound. Diviners then interpreted the pattern of the cracks on the face of the bone, perhaps combined with the sound of the popping, to determine yes or no answers to petitions. The subjects of divination include weather, warfare, illness, administrative decisions, harvests, royal births (with the preference for sons that was to continue throughout Chinese history already present) and other practical issues, but the most frequent type of inquiry was in reference to sacrifices to ancestors and deities. Sacrifices to ancestors and spirits residing above consisted mainly of burning meat and grain on open air altars; gods of the earth were offered libations of fermented liquors, and those of bodies of water given precious objects such as jade. Sacrificial animals included cattle, dogs, and sheep. Human beings were sacrificed during the funeral rituals of kings, presumably to serve them in the afterlife. At least one powerful woman was also buried with human sacrifices, in addition to thousands of precious objects (bronze and jade objects, cowrie shells). This was Fu Hao (Lady Hao), the wife of King Wuding, around 1200 B.C.E., who apparently commanded an army during her lifetime and was given sacrifices after her death.
The Shang had a ten-day week, and the titles of the deified royal ancestors corresponded to the day on which sacrifice was made to them. Thus their personal characteristics were less significant than their seniority and their place in the ritual cycle. In the sacrifices themselves what was most important was the proper procedure; the correct objects offered in the right way were believed to obligate the spirits to respond. Thus, in Shang sacrifice we already see the principle of reciprocity, which has remained a fundamental patten of interaction throughout the history of Chinese religions. In Shang theology the king played the role of intermediary between the human and heavenly realms. He was responsible for maintaining harmonious relations with his ancestors, Di, and the other deities, and so ensuring their blessings on the realm. The considerable expenditures of time and resources devoted to sacrifice and divination in the Shang court suggest that the authority of the king depended in part on his role as the pivot between heaven and earth.
The Zhou. There are many references in Shang oracle bone texts to a people called Zhou who lived west of the Shang center, in the area of modern Shanxi Province. The Zhou, who were considered to be an important tributary state, were at first culturally and technologically inferior to the Shang, but learned rapidly and by the eleventh century B.C.E. challenged the Shang for political supremacy. The final Zhou conquest took place in about 1050 B.C.E.. Remnants of the Shang royal line were allowed to continue their ancestral practices in the small state of Song, in exchange for pledging loyalty to the Zhou.
The Zhou system of government has been loosely called "feudal," but it differed from European feudalism in that the peasants were not legally bound to the land, and the local lords (gong, or "dukes") owed allegiance to the central king (wang) based not on law but on bonds of kinship. The king directly ruled only a small territory around the capital city, Chang'an, which was located in the Wei River valley near present-day Xi'an. He controlled an army, which frequently was joined by armies of the various dukes. The Zhou kings were the first to call themselves "Son of Heaven" (Tianzi), a term that continued to be applied to the later emperors of China up to the early 20th century. Corollary to their identity as Son of Heaven, they alone had the right and responsibility to make annual sacrifices to Heaven. This too was a practice that lasted until the 20th century.
The Zhou dynasty lasted, nominally, almost 800 years, making it the longest-lasting dynasty in world history. But in fact their power and their territory remained intact only until 771 B.C.E., when the king was assassinated and the capital was moved eastward to the more easily defended Luoyang. The periods corresponding to these two capitals are called Western Zhou (1050-771) and Eastern Zhou (771-221). The Eastern Zhou was a period of increasing fragmentation, and is further divided into the Spring and Autumn period (722-476) and the Warring States period (475-221). The former is named after a chronicle of the state of Lu, in contemporary Shandong Province, covering these years and traditionally attributed to Confucius (Lu was Confucius's home state). The latter period, as the name implies, saw almost constant warfare, as the last seven major states (formerly Zhou fiefdoms) battled it out until only one was left standing, the Qin.
The Western Zhou period, especially the periods of the earliest kings, was regarded by later Chinese thinkers as a golden age of enlightened, benevolent rule by sage-kings. They especially revered the first two kings, Wen and Wu (whose names mean "culture" and "military," respectively), and King Wu's brother, the Duke of Zhou, whose "fief" was the state of Lu (later to be Confucius' home state). But it was the Eastern Zhou, the period of political disintegration, that witnessed the origins of classical Chinese civilization. It was during this era - sometimes called the Period of the Hundred Philosophers - that Confucianism, Taoism, and many other schools of thought began.
Unlike the sources available to us regarding Shang religion, which are limited to oracle bones and inscriptions on bronze ritual vessels, there are enough Zhou sources to allow us say something about the religion of common people as well that of the aristocracy. Both commoners and elite believed in gods, ghosts, ancestors, and omens (the significance to human beings of unusual phenomena in nature) and practiced divination, sacrifice, and exorcism. The common ground shared by the elite and the common people was much more extensive than their differences, which for the most part were differences in emphasis and interpretation. These distinctions begin to emerge in the Western Zhou and become clearer in the Eastern Zhou or Classical period.
The early Zhou elite, as might be expected, were chiefly concerned with their aristocratic ancestors, the powerful ruling gods, and political matters, while the common people had more interaction with lower gods, demons, and ghosts that inhabited the world and generally made trouble for people. The Zhou ancestors were believed to reside in a celestial court presided over by Tian, "Heaven," the Zhou high god, similar to Shangdi in scope and function although less personalized. The ancestors had power to influence the prosperity of their descendants, their fertility, health, and longevity. Through ritual equation with deities of natural forces the ancestors could also influence the productivity of clan lands. In addition, royal ancestors served as intermediaries between their descendants and Tian. [See Tian.]
Ancestral rituals took the form of great feasts in which the deceased was represented by an impersonator, usually a grandson or nephew. In these feasts the sharing of food and drink confirmed vows of mutual fidelity and aid. The most important ancestor worshiped was Hou Ji, who was both legendary founder of the ruling house and the patron of agriculture. As was true for the Shang, Zhou rituals were also directed toward symbols of natural power such as mountains and rivers; most significant natural phenomena were deified and worshipped. The proper time and mode of such rituals were determined in part by divination, which in the Zhou involved both cracking bones and turtle plastrons and the manipulation of dried stalks of the yarrow or milfoil plant. Divination was also employed in military campaigns, the interpretation of dreams, the siting of cities, and in many other situations involving important decisions.
Milfoil divination became the method at the core of the Zhouyi, or Changes of Zhou, a divination manual that acquired philosophical commentaries and became known as the Yijing, or Scripture of Change, part of the earliest Confucian canon. The Yijing classifies human and natural situations by means of sixty-four sets of six horizontal lines (hexagrams), each of which is either broken or solid. The solid lines represent qian or Heaven, the creative or initiating force of nature, while the broken lines represent kun or earth, which receives and completes. The permutations of these fundamental principles, according to early Chinese cosmology, constitute the patterns or principles of all possible circumstances and experiences. Through ritual manipulation involving chance divisions the milfoil stalks are arranged in sets with numerical values corresponding to lines in the hexagrams. One thereby obtains a hexagram that reflects one's present situation; additional line changes indicate the direction of change, and thus a potential outcome. Contemplation of these hexagrams clarifies decisions and provides warning or encouragement.
The Yijing is essentially a book of wisdom for personal and administrative guidance, used since at least the seventh century B.C.E.. However, from the sixth century B.C.E. on commentaries were written to amplify the earliest level of the text, and by the first century C.E. there were seven such levels of exposition, some quite philosophical in tone. The Scripture of Change was believed to reflect the structure of the cosmic order and its transformations, and hence became an object of reverent contemplation in itself. Its earliest levels antedated all the philosophical schools, so it belonged to none, though the Confucians later claimed it as sacred scripture. The polarity of qian and kun provided a model for that of yang and yin, first discussed in the fourth century B.C.E.. The Yijing's sometimes obscure formulations gave impetus to philosophical speculations throughout the later history of Chinese thought.
A third focus of Zhou worship, in addition to ancestors and nature gods, was the she, a sacred earth mound located in the capital of each state and in at least some villages. The state she represented the sacred powers of the earth available to a particular domain, and so was offered libations upon such important occasions in the life of the state as the birth of a prince, ascension to rule, and military campaigns. Beside the earth mound stood a sacred tree, a symbol of its connection to the powers of the sky. The she was an early form of the shrine to the earth-god, or tudigong, which is a prominent part of Chinese popular religion today.
The early Zhou aristocracy carried out sacrificial rituals to mark the seasons of the year and promote the success of farming. These sacrifices, performed in ancestral temples, were offered both to the high god Tian and to ancestors. These and other Zhou rituals were elaborate dramatic performances involving music, dancing, and archery, concluding with feasts in which much wine was consumed.
The most distinctive early Zhou contribution to the history of Chinese religions was the theory of tianming, the "mandate of Heaven," first employed to justify the Zhou conquest of the Shang and attributed to the Duke of Zhou. According to this theory, Heaven as a high god wills order and peace for human society. This divine order is to be administered by virtuous kings who care for their subjects on Heaven's behalf. These kings are granted divine authority to rule, but only so long as they rule well. If they become indolent, corrupt, and cruel, the "mandate of Heaven" can be transferred to another line. This process can take a long time and involve many warnings to the ruler in the form of natural calamities and popular unrest. Those who heed such warnings can repent and rehabilitate their rule; otherwise, the mandate can be claimed by one who promises to restore righteous administration. In practice it is the victors who claim the mandate, as did the founding Zhou kings, on the grounds of the alleged indolence and impiety of the last Shang ruler. The idea of the mandate of Heaven has gripped the Chinese political imagination ever since. It became the basis for the legitimacy of dynasties, the judgment of autocracy, and the moral right of rebellion. This status it owed in part to its support by Confucius and his school, who saw the mandate of Heaven as the foundation of political morality. The corollary notion that Heaven has a moral will was the first formulation of what later became a foundation principle of Confucian thought: that human moral values are ground in the natural world.
Commoners during the Zhou period had less reason to trust in the moral will of Heaven, as the lives they led were more subject to hardships imposed by capricious natural phenomena than those of the ruling elite. The Scripture of Odes (Shijing), for example, contains the following verse that probably reflects the feelings of common people:
Great Heaven, unjust,
Is sending down these exhausting disorders.
Great Heaven, unkind,
Is sending down these great miseries (trans. Poo, p. 37).
While such sentiments were undoubtedly not limited entirely to the common people, they are strikingly at odds with the concept of a moral, just Heaven. Commoners' beliefs were closely tied to the agricultural cycle and the negative or dangerous spiritual forces inhabiting the world. In contrast to the more abstract Heaven, these forces took the form of an astonishing variety of gods, demons, and spirits. These included the gods of particular mountains, rivers, and seas (usually depicted in hybrid animal or animal-human forms), earth gods (tu shen), a sacred serpent, a thorn demon, a water-bug god, hungry ghosts, and the high god, called Shang Di (High Lord, the same term used during the Shang dynasty), Shang Huang (High Sovereign), or Shang Shen (High God). With the possible exception of the high god, these deities were not immortal. Nor were they concerned with human morality; unlike Tian, they responded only to properly-performed sacrifices. Sacrifice by commoners was generally performed for personal and familial welfare, unlike the predominant concerns among the elite for affairs of state.
When the early Zhou political and social synthesis began to deteriorate in the eighth century and competing local states moved toward political, military, and ritual independence, rulers from clans originally enfeoffed by Zhou kings also lost their power, which reverted to competing local families. This breakdown of hereditary authority led to new social mobility, with status increasingly awarded for military valor and administrative ability, regardless of aristocratic background. There is some evidence that even peasants could move about in search of more just rulers. These political and social changes were accompanied by an increase in the number and size of cities, and in the circulation of goods between states. But as warfare increased throughout this period, commoners were repeatedly conscripted into various armies, playing havoc with local agricultural economies (not to mention social morale and family life) as able-bodied men were forcibly taken away from their fields. There were numerous shifting alliances among the powerful states (as the former fiefdoms could now be called), and gradually their number decreased as the most powerful gobbled up the weaker ones. During the final century or so of the Warring States period, some of the dukes began calling themselves kings (wang), usurping the title reserved for the central monarch under the Zhou system.
This time of social mobility and political chaos was a fertile period in the history of Chinese religion and philosophy. There began to appear a new class of intellectual elite, who would eventually produce the texts that formed the foundations of the classical tradition. The intellectuals, like the ruling elite, were interested in the abstract notion of a moral Heaven, although they understood it less as a doctrine of political legitimation and more as a religious basis for a system of ethical thought and practice. The ruling elite, on the other hand -- finding that the need for legitimation of their military takeover of the Shang (now over two hundred years in the past) was not as pressing as it once had been - seem to have lost interest in the idea and concentrated more on the older systems of worship of royal ancestors and spirits of nature. These older rituals became more elaborate and were focused on the ancestors of the rulers of the states rather than on those of the Zhou kings.
Some intellectuals in this era were led to question the power of the gods. In theory, the loss of a state was ultimately due to ritual negligence by the ruler, while the victors were supposed to provide for sacrifices to the ancestors of the vanquished. But in practice, many gods charged with protection were deemed to have failed while their desecrators flourished. The worldviews of the elite and the commoners were not radically distinct: the panoply of spiritual beings was known to all, and to the extent that members of the elite had family roots in the agricultural tradition, they too engaged in the ritual forms of propitiation of and communication with the various gods, ghosts, and spirits. The religious worldview was a continuous whole, in which differences in emphasis corresponded to differences in the immediate concerns and interests of its participants.
By the sixth century a more rationalistic perspective developed in the minds of many intellectuals, accompanied by a turning away from gods and spirits to the problems of human society and governance. The collapse of the Zhou system persuaded the majority of intellectuals that there was a critical need for a new political and ideological foundation for the state. There were, essentially, two aspects to the intellectual problem posed by the Zhou breakdown: theoretical and practical. The theoretical problem stemmed from the doctrine of the Mandate of Heaven: if Heaven indeed has (or is) a moral will, and if Heaven has the power to influence human events by replacing evil rulers with good ones, how can such violence and suffering continue? [See Theodicy.] This question and the question of the nature and origin of evil (usually posed as the question of human nature), became central to the Confucian tradition by the end of the Zhou period. The practical problem, which on the whole received more attention than the theoretical one, was simply: how are social and political order and harmony to be restored? What is the proper role of government in human life, and how should society and government be organized and run? How can rulers discharge their moral responsibilities to their people and to Heaven? How can they maintain their legitimacy in light of the Mandate of Heaven?
Confucius. It was in this context that we find the beginnings of Chinese philosophy. Confucius (c. 551-479 B.C.E.) was born in the small state of Lu, near the present city of Qufu, in present-day Shandong province. His given name was Kong Qiu; as an adult he was commonly known as Kong Zhongni, although many called him by the honorific name Kongzi, or Master Kong. "Confucius" is a Latinized name invented by 17th-century Jesuit missionaries in China, based on a very rarely-used honorific name, Kongfuzi. Lu was a state in which the old Zhou cultural traditions were strong but that was buffeted both by repeated invasions and by local power struggles. Confucius's goal was the restoration of the ethical standards, just rule, and legitimate government -- the Dao or "Way" -- of the early Zhou period as he understood them. The models for the restoration of the Dao were the founding kings of the Zhou dynasty, who had ruled with reverence toward their ancestors and kindness toward their people, ever fearful of losing Heaven's approval. These models had mythic force for Confucius, who saw himself as their embodiment in his own age.
The sources from which the Way of the ancient kings could be learned were ritual, historical, literary, and oracular texts, some of which later came to be known as the Five Scriptures (wu jing). ("Five Classics" is the usual translation, but they certainly were regarded by Confucius and his followers as sacred texts, so "scriptures" is more accurate.) In addition to the Yijing, the divination text discussed above, they included the Shijing (Scripture of Odes), a collection of folk and aristocratic songs allegedly collected by Confucius; the Shujing (Scripture of Documents), purporting to consist of official documents from the ancient Xia dynasty (still historically undocumented) up through the Shang and early Zhou dynasties; the Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn), the terse history of Confucius's home state of Lu; and the Liji (Record of Ritual), which describes not only the formal rituals of the early Zhou, but also the modes of behavior, customs, dress, and other aspects of the lives of the early kings. A sixth one, the Yuejing (Scripture of Music), is no longer extant but sections of it survive in the Liji.
Although several parts of the Five Scriptures were later attributed to Confucius, it is not likely that he wrote anything that survives. The best source of his teachings is the Lunyu (Analects), a collection of his sayings recorded by his disciples after his death. Since the compilation of this text continued for over a century, much of it is not historically reliable. Nevertheless, throughout Chinese history until recent times it has been regarded as the definitive teachings of Confucius, so in terms of its influence on Chinese culture it can be read as a whole.
Confucius believed that society could be transformed by the moral cultivation of those in power, because virtue (de) has a natural transformative effect on others. This inner moral power or potential was "given birth to" or generated in the individual by Heaven, and it was this that Heaven responded to, not merely the outward show of ritual or the exercise of force. Thus government by virtue - i.e. by setting a moral example - was actually more effective in the long run than government by force or the strict application of law and punishment. De had earlier referred simply to the power of a ruler to attract and influence subjects, so in this and several other respects Confucius's innovation was to moralize a concept that hitherto had been ethically neutral. The moral perfection of the individual and the perfection of society were coordinate goals, for the moral perfection of the self required a morally supportive social environment, in the form of stable and loving families, opportunities for education, and good rulers to serve as models. Society as a whole could best be perfected from the top down, and in terms of the political situation it was most important to establish a government staffed by virtuous men (women did not serve in government). For these reasons Confucius directed his teaching toward local rulers and men whose goal was to serve in government. Literacy was a major component of the moral cultivation that he taught, and so he did not bring his message to the masses, the great majority of whom at that time were illiterate.
He gathered a small group of disciples whom he taught to become junzi ("superior men"), men of ethical sensitivity and historical wisdom who were devoted to moral self-cultivation in preparation to become humane and able government officials. The term junzi had originally referred to hereditary nobility, but Confucius used it to mean a kind of moral nobility. Likewise, he expanded the meaning of li, or "ritual," to mean proper behavior and a kind of reverent seriousness in one's every action. [See Li.] The highest virtue was ren, "humanity" or "humaneness," which Confucius understood to be the perfection of being human. Ren described the inner moral character that was necessary in order for one's outward behavior, or li, to be authentic and meaningful. Confucius regarded ren as a nearly transcendental quality that only the mythic sages of the past had actually attained, although later Confucians claimed it was attainable by anyone.
Thus Confucius initiated a new level of ethical awareness in Chinese culture and a new form of education, education in what he believed were universal principles for mature humanity and civilization. He assumed that the criteria for holding office were intelligence and high moral principles, not hereditary status, and so further undermined the Zhou feudal system that was crumbling around him. His ethical teachings were intended to describe the "Way" (dao) of the superior or morally noble person, a way that originated in the will of Heaven for its people. Although this Way had been put into practice by the glorious founders of the Zhou dynasty, it was not presently being practiced. The absence of the Way was manifested by widespread conflict and a breakdown of ritual and propriety (li), indicating not only a breach in the social order but also in the cosmic order. Ritual or ritual propriety, therefore, was not merely a means of enforcing social order, nor was Confucius's innovation a turn from religion to philosophy; rather it was a philosophical deepening of a fundamentally religious worldview. Despite the fact that he urged his followers to pay more attention to human affairs than to the worship of the variety of traditional spiritual beings, he denied neither their existence nor the importance of worshipping ancestors. He redirected the religious sense of awe and reverence that had traditionally been focused on the realm of gods and spirits to the human, social and political sphere. [See the biography of Confucius.]
The followers of Confucius came to be known as ru or "scholars," signifying their relationship with the literary tradition. They were in a sense custodians of and experts in the literate cultural tradition (wen), especially in the areas of court ritual, official protocol, and history. By the fourth and third centuries B.C.E. other schools of thought were developing. They included a school of natural philosophy based on the concept of the yin (dark, quiescent) and yang (light, active) phases of qi (psycho-physical substance); an early form of Daoism (Taoism); a school of Legalism that taught the strict application of law and punishment as the solution to the era's disorder; a school based on the investigation of names and their meanings; and several others. In the culture at large religious beliefs and activities continued unabated; divination and rituals accompanied every significant activity, and a quest for personal immortality was gaining momentum. One of the new schools of thought that reflected this common concern for religion was that of Mozi.
Mozi. Mozi (Master Mo, fifth century B.C.E.), a thinker from an artisan background, was a thorough-going utilitarian who taught that the fundamental criterion of value was practical benefit to all. He was from Confucius's home state of Lu and was educated in the emerging Confucian tradition, but turned against what he perceived to be its elitism and wasteful concern with elaborate rituals. In his ethical teaching Mozi reinterpreted along utilitarian lines such Confucian principles as righteousness and filial reverence, focusing on the theme of universal love without familial and social distinctions. He also attracted a group of disciples whom he sent out to serve in various states in an attempt to implement his teachings.
For the history of Chinese religions the most significant aspect of Mozi's thought is his concern to provide theological sanctions for his views. For Mozi, Tian, or Heaven, is an active creator god whose will or mandate extends to everyone; what Heaven wills is love, prosperity, and peace for all. Heaven is the ultimate ruler of the whole world; Tian sees all, rewards the good, and punishes the evil. In this task it is aided by a multitude of lesser spirits who are also intelligent and vital and who serve as messengers between Tian and human beings. Mozi advocated that since this is the nature of divine reality, religious reverence should be encouraged by the state as a sanction for moral order.
To protect himself from intellectual skeptics Mozi at one point allowed that even if deities and spirits do not exist communal worship still has social value. Although his whole attempt to argue for belief in Heaven on utilitarian grounds could be understood as a last stand for traditional religion within a changing philosophical world, there is no reason to doubt that Mozi himself believed in the gods. [See Moism and the biography of Mozi.]
The fourth century B.C.E. was a period of incessant civil war on the one hand and great philosophical diversity on the other. A variety of thinkers arose, each propounding a cure for the ills of the age, most seeking to establish their views by training disciples and attaining office. Some advocated moral reform through education, others authoritarian government, laissez faire administration, rationalized bureaucracy, agricultural communes, rule in accord with the powers of nature, or individual self-fulfillment. Religious concerns were not paramount for these thinkers; indeed, for some they do not appear at all. The two traditions of this period that do warrant discussion here are the Confucian, represented by Mengzi (Mencius, c. 371-289 B.C.E.), and that of the mystically inclined individualists, traditionally known as the Daoists.
Mengzi. Master Meng, whose given name was Meng Ke, was a teacher and would-be administrator from the small state of Zou who developed Confucius's teachings and placed them on a much firmer philosophical and literary base. Mengzi was concerned to prepare his disciples for enlightened and compassionate public service, beginning with provision for the physical needs of the people. He believed that only when their material livelihood is secure can the people be guided to higher moral awareness. This hope for moral transformation is grounded in Mengzi's conviction that human nature contains the potential for goodness. What is needed are rulers who nourish this potential as "fathers and mothers of the people." These teachings Mengzi expounded courageously before despotic kings whose inclinations were quite otherwise.
Tian or Heaven, for Mencius, is an expression of the underlying moral structure of the world, so that in the long run "those who accord with Heaven are preserved, and those who oppose Heaven are destroyed." Heaven's will is known through the assent or disapproval of the people -- a proto-democratic aspect of Mencius's thought. The human mind possesses an innate potential for moral awareness, a potential bestowed by Heaven at birth, so that "to understand human nature is to understand Heaven" and "to preserve one's mind and nourish one's nature is to serve Heaven." This potential is more than mere possibility; it is comprised of innate and concrete emotional dispositions which, when nourished or developed, become the core virtues of humanity (ren), rightness or appropriateness (yi), propriety (li), and moral wisdom (zhi). This natural course of human development, rather than a static essence, is what constitutes human nature for Mencius. In cultivating our moral capacities we become fully human and actualize the moral potential of the cosmos. But this process requires a supportive, nourishing environment: a loving and supportive family, opportunities for education, and a humane government.
As had Confucius, Mengzi assumed that ancestor veneration was a basic requirement of civilized life, but neither thinker emphasized such veneration as much as did later texts like the Xiaojing, the Scripture of Filiality (third century B.C.E.). And while Confucius had relied largely upon the power of the cultural tradition - in particular the words and examples of the ancient sages preserved in the Five Scriptures - to serve as agents of individual and social transformation, Mencius's theory could be characterized as a developmental moral psychology. Mengzi represents both a further humanization and a further spiritualization of the Confucian tradition, and his emphasis on the powers of human nature did much to shape the religious sensibilities of Chinese philosophy. In a third century B.C.E. text closely associated with the Mencian school, the Zhongyong ( "The Mean in Practice" or "Centrality and Commonality"), these tendencies were developed to a point not seen again until the eleventh and twelfth century revival of Confucianism:
Only that one in the world who is most perfectly authentic is able to give full development to his nature. Being able to give full development to his nature, he is able to give full development to the nature of other human beings and, being able to give full development to the nature of other human beings, he is able to give full development to the natures of other living things. Being able to give full development to the natures of other living things, he can assist in the transforming and nourishing powers of Heaven and Earth; being able to assist in the transforming and nourishing powers of Heaven and Earth, he can form a triad with Heaven and Earth.
[See the biography of Mengzi.]
Xunzi. The third most important Confucian philosopher before the Han dynasty (202 B.C.E.-220 C.E.) was Xunzi (Xun Qing, d. 215 B.C.E.), a scholar from the state of Zhao who held offices for a time in the larger states of Qi and Chu. Xunzi's thought was influenced by several of the traditions that had developed before his time, including those of the Logicians, Daoists, and Legalists. Xunzi agreed with the Legalist emphasis on the need for strong centralized rule and a strict penal code. He also shared their low estimate of human nature, which in his view tended toward selfishness and competition. Nonetheless, Xunzi believed that human attitudes and behavior are perfectible by dint of much discipline and effort, so his differences with Mencius on this point are those of degree. Both thinkers claimed that the ordinary person can become a "sage" (shengren), one who fully exemplifies the virtue of humanity (ren). But for Mencius this was a developmental process, while for Xunzi it was a transformation (hua) requiring the external leverage, so to speak, of past sages.
Xunzi's chief contribution was his reinterpretation of Tian as the order of nature, an order that has no consciousness and is not directly related to human concerns. This interpretation is parallel to the views of the Laozi (Daodejing) and Zhuangzi texts concerning the cosmic "Way" (Dao). Xunzi was concerned to separate the roles of heaven, earth, and man, with human attention directed toward ethics, administration, and culture. In this context rituals such as funeral rites are valuable channels for emotions, but have no objective referent; their role is social and psychological, not theological. Ignorant "petty people" who literally believe in the efficacy of rain dances and divination are to be pitied; for the gentleman such activities are "cultural adornment."
Xunzi thus gave impetus to the skeptical tradition in Chinese thought that began before Confucius and was reinforced by later thinkers such as Wang Chong (c. 27-96 C.E.). Xunzi's teachings at this point provided a theoretical basis for a rough bifurcation between elite and popular attitudes toward religion and for sporadic attempts to suppress "excessive cults." Xunzi's epistemology also set up the intellectual framework for a critique of heresy, conceived as inventing words and titles beyond those employed by general consensus and sanctioned by the state. These themes had important implications for the remainder of Chinese history, including official attitudes toward religion today. [See the biography of Xunzi.]
Early Daoist thought. The earliest extant writings focused on the mysterious cosmic "Way" (dao) that underlies all things are the first seven chapters of the extant Zhuangzi, a text attributed to a philosopher named Zhuang Zhou of the fourth century B.C.E., and one section of the Guanzi, another fourth-century text. Zhuang Zhou, or Zhuangzi (Master Zhuang), was convinced that the world in its natural state is peaceful and harmonious, a state exemplified by the growth of plants and the activities of animals. Disorder is due to human aggression and manipulation, a tendency that finds as much expression in Confucian and Moist moralizing as in cruel punishments and warfare. Such moralizing in turn is rooted in a false confidence in words, words that debators use to express their own limited points of view and thus to dichotomize our understanding of the world. Indeed, all perspectives are limited and relative, conditioned by the interests and anxieties of species, social positions, and individuals. The answer to this problem is to understand and affirm the relativity of views, and thus harmonize them all. This the sage does by perceiving the constant rhythms of change within all life and identifying with them. In his view all dichotomies are unified; hence there is no need for struggle and competition. The sage intuits the Dao within and behind all things, and takes its all-embracing perspective as his own. This perspective allows him to achieve a state of emotional equanimity, which even a serious illness or the death of a loved-one cannot disturb. Indeed, such events illustrate the ultimate truth of the Way - change and transformation - and can therefore provide opportunities to rejoice in one's participation in what is fundamentally real. [See the biography of Zhuangzi.]
The Guanzi is a long, composite text attributed to a famous statesman of the seventh century B.C.E., but it was probably written or compiled from the fourth to the second centuries B.C.E., and its actual authors are unknown. Its earliest sections focuses on the cosmological and physiological bases of self-transformation according to the Way, using such concepts as qi (the psycho-physical substance of all things), jing (life-giving essence), and shen (spirit), all of which remained central to the Daoist religion in its later development.
The best-known book devoted to discussing the Dao behind all things is the early third-century B.C.E. Daodejing (The Way and Its Power), also known as the Laozi, after its reputed author, a mythical sage known simply as the "Old Master," said to have been an older contemporary of Confucius. The Laozi discusses the Way in more direct, metaphysical terms than does the Zhuangzi, all the while protesting that such discussion is ultimately futile. Here we are told that the Dao is the source of all things, "the mother of the universe," the ineffable cosmic womb out of which all emerges. The Dao also "works in the world," guiding all things in harmonious development and interaction. As both source and order of the world the Dao serves as a model for enlightened rulers who gain power by staying in the background and letting their people live spontaneously in response to their own needs. The Dao is the vital force of life perceived at its utmost depth; it works mysteriously and imperceptibly and yet there is nothing it does not accomplish. Its symbols are water rather than rock, valleys rather than hills, the female rather than the male. Although its perspective is profound, its author intended this book to be a handbook of wise and successful living, living characterized by a natural, spontaneous action that does not prematurely wear itself out. [See Dao and De.]
These texts were the sources of a persistent tradition of naturalistic mysticism in the history of Chinese religions. They were the inspiration for much poetry, romantic philosophy, and meditation, all intended as a corrective for the bustle and competition of life, a means to peace of mind, and a clarification and broadening of perspective. They describe the enlightened person as living peacefully and long because he does not waste his vital powers on needless contention and aggression. In the Laozi, for example, we are told that "He who knows when to stop is free from danger; therefore he can long endure" (chap. 44), and that one who is "a good preserver of his life" cannot be harmed, "because in him there is no room for death" (chap. 50). Although in some passages of the Zhuangzi an enlightened perspective leads to acceptance of death, a few others provide poetic visions of immortals, those who have transcended death by merging with the Dao. One of the terms Zhuangzi uses for these individuals is zhenren, "perfected people," a term that later became important in the fully-developed Daoist religion that took shape after the second century C.E.. These indications of immortality in the earliest Daoist texts provided the chief point of contact between the classical tradition and those who sought immortality by more direct means, including later practitioners of Daoist religion.
The quest for immortality. An explicit concern for long life (shou) had already appeared on early Zhou bronzes and in poems in the Scripture of Odes. Beginning in the eighth century B.C.E. we find terms expressing a hope for immortality, such as "no death," "transcending the world," and "becoming an immortal." By the fourth century B.C.E. there is evidence of an active quest for immortality through a variety of means, including exercises imitating the movements of long-lived animals, diets enforcing abstinence from grains, the use of food vessels inscribed with characters indicating longevity, the ingestion of herbs and chemicals, and petitions for the aid of immortals residing in mountains or distant paradises. It was in this context that Chinese alchemy began. The alchemical quest became the most dramatic form of the quest to transcend death, growing in popularity during the Qin (221-207 B.C.E.) and Western Han (202 B.C.E.-9 C.E.) dynasties.
The goal of all these practices was to return the body to its original state of purity and power with its yin and yang forces vital and in proper balance. [See Yin-yang Wuxing.] The fact that some of the compounds used were poisonous did not deter the experimenters; those who died were believed by devotees to have transferred themselves to another plane of existence, that of the immortals (xian). [See Xian.] All this effort and expense were considered necessary because in ancient China the person was understood to be a psycho-physical whole, composed throughout of one vital substance, qi, in different modes and densities. [See Qi.] Corresponding to the yin and yang phases of qi there were thought to be two "souls," the po and hun, respectively. The po, associated with the gross physical body, would ideally remain with the body after death, or would descend to a murky underworld, the Yellow Springs. The hun, associated with the more intelligent and spiritual aspect of the person, would rise up to heaven and would retain its integrity only as long as it was ritually acknowledged and "nourished" through ancestor worship.
These forms of continuation after death were perceived by some to be tenuous and limited, so they attempted to make the entire person/body immortal by transforming its substance. There was no doctrine of an eternal, immaterial soul to fall back on as in India or the Hellenistic world, so the only alternative was physical immortality. In China this tradition continued to develop through the Eastern (Latter) Han dynasty (25-220 C.E.) and produced texts of its own full of recipes, techniques, and moral exhortations. As such, it became one of the major sources of the Daoist religion that emerged in the second century C.E.. [See Alchemy, article on Chinese Alchemy, and Soul, article on Chinese Concepts.]
Spirit mediums. The other important expression of Chinese religious consciousness before the Han dynasty was shamanism, which most commonly took the form of deities and spirits possessing receptive human beings. Spirit mediums both female and male are mentioned in discussions of early Zhou religion as participants in court rituals, responsible for invoking the descent of the gods, praying and dancing for rain, and for ceremonial sweeping to exorcise harmful forces. They were a subordinate level of officially accepted ritual performers, mostly women, who spoke on behalf of the gods to arrange for sacrifices. In conditions of extreme drought they could be exposed to the sun as an inducement to rain. Female mediums were called wu, a word etymologically related to that for dancing; male mediums were called xi. In the state of Chu, south of the center of Zhou culture, there were shamans believed able to practice "magic flight," that is, to send their souls on journeys to distant realms of deities and immortals. [See Flight.]
Han historical sources indicate that by the third century B.C.E. there were shamans all over China, many of whom were invited by emperors to set up shrines in the capital. This was done in part to consolidate imperial control, but also to make available fresh sources of sacred power to support the state and heal illness. Sporadic attempts were also made by officials to suppress shamanism. These began as early as 99 B.C.E. and continued in efforts to reform court rituals in 31-30 B.C.E., and to change local practices involving human sacrifice in 25 C.E.. However, it is clear that shamanism was well established among the people and continued to have formal influence at court until the fifth century C.E.. Shamans were occasionally employed by rulers to call up the spirits of royal ancestors and consorts and incidents of court support continued into the eleventh century. Owing in part to the revival of Confucianism in that period, in 1023 a sweeping edict was issued that all shamans be returned to agricultural life and their shrines be destroyed. Thus, the gradual Confucianization of the Chinese elite led to the suppression of shamanism at that level, but it continued to flourish among the people, where its activities can still be observed in China, Taiwan, and other Chinese communities. [See Shamanism, overview article.]
The Beginnings of Empire
In the fifth century B.C.E. the disintegration of the Zhou feudal and social order quickened under the pressure of incessant civil wars. The larger states formed alliances and maneuvered for power, seeking hegemony over the others, aiming to reunify the area of Zhou culture by force alone. In 256 B.C.E. the state of Qin, under the influence of a ruthlessly applied ideology of laws and punishments suggested in the fourth century B.C.E. by Shang Yang, one of the founders of the Legalist school, eliminated the last Zhou king and then finished off its remaining rivals. Finally, in 221 the state of Qin became the empire of Qin (221-207 B.C.E.), and its ruler took a new title, "First Emperor of Qin" (Qin shi huangdi). With this step China as a semicontinental state was born. There were many periods of division and strife later, but the new level of unification achieved by the Qin was never forgotten, and became the goal of all later dynasties.
The Qin emperors attempted to rule all of China by the standards long developed in their own area; laws, measurements, written characters, wheel tracks, thought, and so forth were all to be unified. Local traditions and loyalties were still strong, however, and Qin rule remained precarious. After the emperor died in 209 he was replaced by a son who proved unequal to the task. Rebellions that broke out in that year severely undermined Qin authority and by 206 one of the rebel leaders, a village head named Liu Bang, had assumed de facto control of state administration. In 202 Liu Bang was proclaimed emperor of a new dynasty, the Han (202 B.C.E.-220 C.E.), built upon Qin foundations but destined to last, with one interregnum, for over four hundred years.
The Qin. The Qin was noteworthy both for its suppression of philosophy and its encouragement of religion. The Legalist tradition dominant in the state of Qin had long been hostile to the Confucians and Moists, with their emphasis on ethical sanctions for rule. For the Legalists the only proper standard of conduct was the law, applied by officials concerned with nothing else, whose personal views were irrelevant as long as they performed their task. The only sanctions the state needed were power and effective organization. Not long after Qin became an empire it attempted to silence all criticism based on the assumption of inner standards of righteousness that were deemed to transcend political power and circumstance. In 213 B.C.E. the court made it a capital offence to discuss Confucian books and principles and ordered that all books in private collections be burned, save those dealing with medicine, divination, and agriculture, as well as texts of the Legalist school. In this campaign, several scores of scholars were executed, and a number of philosophical schools were eliminated as coherent traditions, including the Moists and the Dialecticians. In the early Han dynasty both Daoist philosophy and Confucianism revived, and Legalism continued to be in evidence in practice if not in theory, but the golden age of Chinese philosophy was over. A unified empire demanded unified thought, a dominant orthodoxy enforced by the state. From this perspective variety was a threat, and furthermore, there were no independent states left to serve as sanctuaries for different schools. To be sure, China continued to produce excellent scholars and philosophers, and Buddhism contributed an important body of new material, but most of the issues debated in later Chinese philosophy had already been articulated before the Han. The task of philosophy was now understood to be the refinement and application of old teachings, not the development of new ones. [See Legalism and the biography of Han Feizi.]
Qin policy toward religion, by contrast, encouraged a variety of practices to support the state. To pay homage to the sacred powers of the realm and to consolidate his control, the First Emperor included worship at local shrines in his extensive tours. Representatives of regional cults, many of them spirit mediums, were brought to the court, there to perform rituals at altars set up for their respective deities. The Qin expanded the late Zhou tendency to exalt deities of natural forces; over one hundred temples to such nature deities were established in the capital alone, devoted to the sun, moon, planets, several constellations, and stars associated with wind, rain, and long life. The nation was divided into sacred regions presided over by twelve mountains and four major rivers, with many lesser holy places to be worshiped both by the people and the emperor. Elaborate sacrifices of horses, rams, bulls, and a variety of foodstuffs were regularly offered at the major sites, presided over by officials with titles such as Grand Sacrificer and Grand Diviner. Important deities were correlated with the Five Phases (wuxing), the modes of interaction of natural forces, the better to personify and control these powers.
A distinctive feature of Qin religion was sacrifices to four "Supreme Emperors" responsible for natural powers in each of the four quarters. Only the Emperor could worship these deities, a limitation true as well for two new rites he developed in 219, the feng and shan sacrifices. These were performed on sacred Mount Tai, in modern Shandong province, to symbolize that the ruler had been invested with power by Heaven itself. Another driving force behind Qin encouragement of religious activities was the first Emperor's personal quest for immortality. We are told that in this quest he sent groups of young people across the China Sea to look for such islands of the immortals as Penglai.
The Han. The defeat of Qin forces in the civil wars leading up to the founding of the Han dynasty deposed Legalist political thought along with the second and last Qin emperor. It took several decades for the new Han dynasty to consolidate its power. Since the Legalists had developed the most detailed policies for administering an empire, many of these policies were followed in practice in modified form.
Some early Han scholars and emperors attempted to ameliorate royal power with a revival of Confucian concern for the people and Daoist principles of noninterference (wuwei). For example, a palace counselor named Jia Yi (200-168 B.C.E.) echoed Mencius in his emphasis that the people are the basis of the state, the purpose of which should be to make them prosperous and happy, so as to gain their approval. A similar point of view is presented in more Daoist form in the Huainanzi, a book presented to the throne in 139 B.C.E. by a prince of the Liu clan who had convened a variety of scholars in his court. This book discusses the world as a fundamentally harmonious system of resonating roles and influences. The ruler's job is to guide it, as an experienced charioteer guides his team. [See the biography of Liu An.]
Both Jia Yi and the Huainanzi assume that the rhythms that order society and government emanate from the cosmic Dao. The ruler's task is to discover and reinforce these rhythms for the benefit of all. This understanding of a Daoist "art of rulership" is rooted in the teachings of the early Daoist texts discussed above (Zhuangzi, Guanzi, and Laozi), which in the early Han were called the Huang-Lao school, the tradition of the Yellow Emperor and Laozi. Four other Huang-Lao texts were rediscovered in 1973 at Mawangdui, in a tomb sealed in 168 B.C.E.. This early form of Daoism, which was adopted by the early Han emperors, is concerned with the Dao as the creative source of both nature and man, their patterns of order, and the ontological basis of law and administration. Here we see an attempt to apply Daoist philosophical principles to the ordering of society by blending them with Legalist ideas. [See Huanglao Jun.]
Some Confucian books had escaped the flames of 213 B.C.E., and those that did not were reconstructed or written anew, with little but the old titles intact. By this time scholars such as Xunzi had already incorporated the best thought of their day into fundamentally Confucian expositions that advocated a strong centralized state and an ethical teaching enforced by law. This expanded interpretation of Confucius's teachings served his followers well in the early Han. They occupied the middle ground between Legalism and Daoist laissez-faire. There was room in their perspective for political power, criminal law, advocacy of benevolent rule, moral suasion, religious rituals, and personal ethical development, all supported by a three-century tradition of training disciples to study sacred texts and emulate the models they provided. In addition, the philosopher Dong Zhongshu (c. 179-104 B.C.E.) incorporated into Confucianism the theories of Zou Yan and the "Naturalists," who in the fourth century B.C.E. had taught that the world is an interrelated organic whole that operates according to the cosmic principles of yin-yang and wuxing (Five Phases). [See the biography of Zou Yan.] The Huainanzi had already given this material a Daoist interpretation, stressing the natural resonance between all aspects of the universe. In the hands of Dong Zhongshu this understanding became an elaborate statement of the relationship of society and nature, with an emphasis on natural justification for hierarchical social roles, focused on that of the ruler. [See the biography of Dong Zhongshu.]
Dong Zhongshu provided a more detailed cosmological basis for Confucian ethical and social teachings and made it clear that only a unified state could serve as a channel for cosmic forces and sanctions. Dong was recognized as the leading scholar of the realm, and became spokesman for the official class. At his urging, the sixth Han emperor, Wudi (r. 140-87 B.C.E.), shifted his allegiance from Huang-Lao Daoism to Confucianism. In 136 B.C.E. the Confucian classics were made the prescribed texts studied at the imperial academy. Texts of other schools including the Daoist theories of administration noted above, were excluded. This meant in effect that Dong Zhongshu's version of Confucianism became the official state teaching, a status it retained throughout the Han dynasty. So it was that the humble scholar of Lu, dead for over three hundred years, was exalted as patron saint of the imperial system, a position he retained until 1911. State-supported temples were established in Confucius's name in cities all over the land, and his home at Qufu became a national shrine. In these temples, spirit tablets of the master and his disciples (replaced by images from 720 to 1530) were venerated in elaborate and formal rituals. As the generations passed, the tablets of the most influential scholars of the age came to be placed in these temples as well, by imperial decree, and so the cult of Confucius became the ritual focus of the scholar-official class. [See Confucian Thought, article on The State Cult.]
Dong Zhongshu's incorporation of yin-yang thought into Confucian philosophy had the unfortunate effect of legitimating and accentuating what was already a patriarchal social system. The root meanings of yin (dark) and yang (light) were not gendered, but neither did they necessarily imply a complementarity of equals. The predominant interpretation of the yin-yang polarity throughout Chinese history (with a few texts like the Laozi as prominent exceptions) understood the relationship as a hierarchical complementarity, with yin as quiescent and sinking and yang as active and rising. The general preference for yang over yin, combined with the patriarchal association of women with yin and men with yang, provided philosophical justification for the subservience of women to men. Educated women as well as men accepted this as a fact of nature. Ban Zhao (45-114 C.E.), the most famous female intellectual in Chinese history, wrote an influential book called "Lessons for Women" (Nujie), which emphasized the propriety of women's humility and subservience, although her support of education for girls could, in its context, be considered a "feminist" position. In general, Confucians believed that women could become Sages, but only by perfecting the virtues of the "woman's Way" as wives and mothers.
Han state rituals were based upon those of Qin, but were greatly expanded and more elaborate. The first emperor, Gaozu, instituted the worship of a star god believed to be associated with Houji, the legendary founder of the Zhou royal line. Temples for this deity were built in administrative centers around the realm, where officials were also instructed to worship gods of local mountains and rivers. Gaozu brought shamans to the palace and set up shrines for sacrifices to their regional deities. He also promoted the worship of his own ancestors; at his death temples in his honor were built in commanderies throughout the empire.
These efforts to institute an imperial religious system supported by officials at all levels were energetically continued by Emperor Wu, during whose fifty-four-year reign the foundations of imperial state religion were established for Chinese history into the twentieth century. The emperor's religious activities were in turn supported by the philosophy of Dong Zhongshu, with its emphasis on the central cosmic role of the ruler. Emperor Wu revived the jiao or suburban sacrifice at the winter solstice to express imperial support for the revival of life forces. [See Jiao.] He also began to worship Taiyi, the "Supreme One," a star deity most noble in the heavens, an exalted version of a Zhou god. Taiyi was coequal with Heaven and earth, a symbol of both cosmic power and the emperor's status. In the period 112-110 B.C.E. Emperor Wu renewed the feng and shan sacrifices at Mount Tai, the sacred mountain of the east, a key place of direct communication with Heaven for the sake of the whole realm. In 109 B.C.E. he ordered that a ming tang ("hall of light") be built at the foot of Mount Tai as a temple where all the major deities of China could assemble and be worshiped. Emperor Wu also toured the realm, sacrificing at important shrines along the way, all to express his religious convictions and assert his authority.
Detailed instructions for these Han rituals were provided by handbooks of ritual and etiquette such as the Liji (Record of Ritual), the present version of which was compiled in the second century B.C.E. but includes earlier material as well. Here we find descriptions of royal rituals to be performed at the solstices and the equinoxes, as well as instructions for such matters as the initiation ("capping") of young men and the veneration of ancestors. The emphasis throughout is on the intimate correlations of nature and society, so that social custom is given cosmic justification. The Liji complements Dong Zhongshu's philosophy by extending similar understandings to the social life of the literate elite. In this context periodic rituals served as concentrated reminders of the cosmic basis of the whole cultural and political order. Thus did the imperial ruling class express its piety and solidify its position.
It should be noted, however, that the old Zhou concept of the "mandate of Heaven" continued to influence Han political thought in a form elaborated and attenuated at the same time. Particularly in the writings of Dong Zhongshu, evidence for divine approval or disapproval of the ruler was discerned in natural phenomena, such as comets or earthquakes, interpreted as portents and omens. In accord with this belief, officials were appointed to record and interpret portents and to suggest appropriate responses, such as changes in ritual procedure and the proclamation of amnesties. The developing tradition of political portents recognized the importance of divine sanctions but provided a range of calibrated responses that enabled rulers to adjust their policies rather than face the prospect of rejection by Heaven. The "mandate of Heaven" in its earlier and starker form was evoked chiefly as justification for rebellion in periods of dynastic decay. Nonetheless, portent theory in the hands of a conscientious official could be used in attempts to check or ameliorate royal despotism, and hence was an aspect of the state religious system that could challenge political power as well as support it.
The Han emperor Wu devoted much effort to attaining immortality, as had his Qin predecessor. As before, shamans and specialists in immortality potions were brought to court, and expeditions were sent off to look for the dwelling places of those who had defeated death. The search for immortality became quite popular among those who had the money and literacy to engage in it. In part this was due to the transformation of the Yellow Emperor (Huangdi) into the patron deity of immortality, the earliest popular saving deity of this type in China. This transformation, fostered by magicians or "technique specialists" (fangshi) at Emperor Wu's court, included stories that the Yellow Emperor had ascended to Heaven with his whole retinue, including a harem of over seventy. [See Fangshi and Huangdi.]
A more common expression of hope for some sort of continuity after death may be seen in tombs of Han aristocrats and officials, many of which were built as sturdy brick replicas of houses or offices, complete with wooden and ceramic utensils, attendants, and animals, as well as food, drugs, clothing, jade, bamboo books, and other precious objects. To a large extent this was a modification of Shang and Zhou traditions. However, in a few Han tombs there were tightly sealed coffins filled with an embalming fluid in which even the skin and flesh of the bodies have been preserved. An elaborate silk banner has been found on top of one of these coffins, from the southern state of Chu, painted with a design evidently intended to guide the occupant to a paradise of the immortals, perhaps that of the Queen Mother of the West, Xi Wang Mu.
Another destination for the dead was an underworld that was a Han elaboration of the old myth of the Yellow Springs, a shadowy place beneath the earth referred to as early as the eighth century B.C.E.. From the Han period, there are tomb documents by which living officials transferred the dead in their jurisdiction to those of their counterparts in the underworld. There are also references to a realm of the dead inside Mount Tai. The god of this mountain keeps registers of the lifespans of all, and death may be referred to as "to return to the Eastern Peak." By the third and fourth centuries C.E. it was believed that there was a subterranean kingdom within Mount Tai, where judges decided the fate of the dead. These alternative beliefs represent the state of Chinese understandings of afterlife before Buddhist impact. [See Afterlife, article on Chinese Concepts.]
What came to be called the Former Han dynasty ended in 8 C.E. when the throne was occupied by a prime minister named Wang Mang (r. 9-23 C.E.), who established a Xin ("new") dynasty that was to last for fourteen years. Wang's chief contribution to the history of Chinese religions was his active promotion of prognostication as a way of understanding the intimate relationship between Heaven and the court. In 25 C.E. Liu Xiu (r. 25-57), a member of the Han royal line, led a successful attack on Wang Mang and reestablished the (Latter) Han dynasty. Like Wang Mang, he actively supported prognostication at court, despite the criticism of rationalist scholars such as Huan Tan (43 B.C.E.-28 C.E.), who argued that strange phenomena were a matter of coincidence and natural causes rather than messages from Heaven.
A related development was controversy between two movements within Confucian scholarly circles, the so-called New Text school of the Former Han, and a later rationalistic reaction against it, the Old Text school. The New Text school developed out of Dong Zhongshu's concern with portents. Its followers wrote new commentaries on the classics that praised Confucius as a superhuman being who predicted the future hundreds of years beyond his time. By the end of the first century B.C.E. this interpretation of the sage in mythological terms was vigorously resisted by an Old Text school that advocated a more restrained and historical approach. These two traditions coexisted throughout the remainder of the Han dynasty, with the New Text scholars receiving the most imperial support through the first century C.E.. After Huan Tan the best known rationalist was Wang Chong, whose Lunheng (Balanced Essays) fiercely criticizes religious opinions of his day, including prognostication and belief in spirits of the dead. Although Wang Chong was not well known by his contemporaries, his thought was rediscovered in the third century and established as a key contribution to the skeptical tradition in Chinese philosophy. [See the biography of Wang Chong.] An important religious legacy of the New Text school was the exalted interpretation of Confucius as a semidivine being, which was echoed in later popular religion. Its concern with portents and numerology also influenced Daoism.
We have noted the appearance of the Yellow Emperor as a divine patron of immortality, and as a representative of a new type of personified saving deity with power over a whole area of activity. In the latter half of the Han dynasty the number and popularity of such deities increased, beginning with the cult of the Queen Mother of the West (Xi Wang Mu). She was associated with the Kunlun mountains in the northwest where she presided over a palace and received a royal visitor, King Mu of the Zhou dynasty, whom she predicted would be able to avoid death. In 3 B.C.E. Hsi Wang Mu's promise of immortality to all became the central belief of an ecstatic popular cult in her name that swept across North China. Although this movement abated in a few months, the Queen Mother herself is commonly portrayed in Latter Han iconography. Kunlun is described as the center pillar of the world, from where she controls cosmic powers and the gift of immortality. This goddess has continued to have an important role in Chinese religion until the present day. [See Xi Wang Mu.]
Mountain-dwelling immortals constituted another source of personal deities in this period. These beings were believed to descend to aid the ruler in times of crisis, sometimes with instructions from the Celestial Emperor (Tiandi), sometimes themselves identified with the "perfect ruler" who would restore peace to the world. By the second century C.E. the most important of these figures was Laozi, the legendary author of the Daodejing, who appears as a deity called Huang Laojun (Yellow Lord Lao) or Taishang Laojun (Most High Lord Lao). [See Huang Laojun.] By this time Laozi had been portrayed for centuries in popular legend as a mysterious wise man who disappeared without a trace. We have seen that the book in his name contains passages that could be interpreted as support for the immortality cult, and by the first century he was referred to as an immortal himself. In an inscription of 165 C.E. Laozi is described as a creator deity, equal in status to the sun, moon, and stars. A contemporary text assures his devotees that he has manifested himself many times in order to save mankind, that he will select those who believe in him to escape the troubles of the age, and that he will "shake the Han reign." [See the biography of Laozi.] It is this messianic theme that provided the religious impetus for two large popular religious movements in the late second century C.E. that were important sources of later Daoist religion and the popular sectarian tradition. These movements were the Tianshi Dao (Way of the Celestial Masters) in the west and the Taiping Dao (Way of Great Peace) in the north.
The Way of the Celestial Masters began with a new revelation from the Most High Lord Lao to a man named Zhang Daoling in 142 C.E.. In this revelation Zhang was designated as the first "Celestial Master" and was empowered to perform rituals and write talismans that distributed this new manifestation of the Dao for the salvation of humankind. Salvation was available to those who repented of their sins, believed in the Dao, and pledged allegiance to their Daoist master. The master in turn established an alliance between the gods and the devotee, who then wore at the waist a list or "register" of the names of the gods to be called on for protection. The register also served as a passport to heaven at death. Daoist ritual consists essentially of the periodic renewal of these alliances by meditative visualization, ritual confession and petition, and sacrificial offering of incense and sacred documents. Daoist texts are concerned throughout for moral discipline and orderly ritual and organization.
Under Zhang Daoling's grandson, Zhang Lu, the Way of the Celestial Masters established a theocratic state in the area of modern Sichuan Province with an organization modeled in part on Han local administration. The administrative units or "parishes" were headed by "libationers," some of whom were women, whose duties included both religious and administrative functions. Their rituals included reciting the Laozi, penance to heal illness, and the construction of huts in which free food was offered to passers-by. Converts were required to contribute five pecks of rice, from which the movement gained the popular name of "The Way of Five Pecks of Rice" (Wudoumi Dao). In 215 Zhang Lu pledged allegiance to a Han warlord (Cao Cao), whose son founded the new state of Wei in 220. The members of the sect were required to disperse their self-governing community in Sichuan, but they were allowed to continue their activities and taught that Wei had simply inherited divine authority from the Celestial Master Zhang and his line. By the fourth century the Celestial Masters developed more elaborate collective rituals of repentance, retrospective salvation of ancestors, and the strengthening of vital forces through sexual intercourse. Eventually all branches of Daoism traced their origins to the Way of the Celestial Masters. [See the biographies of Zhang Daoling and Zhang Lu.]
We know less about the practices of the Way of Great Peace because it was destroyed as a coherent tradition in the aftermath of a massive uprising in 184 C.E.. Its leader, also named Zhang (Zhang Jue, d. 184 C.E.), proclaimed that the divine mandate for the Han rule, here symbolized by the wood (green) phase (of the Five Phases), had expired, to be replaced by the earth phase, whose color is yellow. Zhang Jue's forces thus wore yellow cloths on their heads as symbols of their destiny, and hence the movement came to be called the Yellow Scarves (often misleadingly translated as "Yellow Turbans"). The Han court commissioned local governors to put down the uprising, which was soon suppressed with much bloodshed, although remnants of the Yellow Scarves continued to exist until the end of the century. [See the biography of Zhang Jue.]
The Yellow Scarves are better understood as a parallel to the Celestial Master sect rather than as connected to it, although the two movements shared some beliefs and practices, particularly healing through confession of sins. The Way of Great Peace employed a scripture known as the Taipingjing (Scripture of Great Peace), which emphasizes the cyclical renewal of life in the jiazi year, the beginning of the sixty-year calendrical cycle. Both sects were utopian, but the Yellow Scarves represent a more eschatalogical orientation. In retrospect, both of these groups appear as attempts to reconstruct at a local level the Han cosmic and political synthesis that was collapsing around them, with priests taking the place of imperial officials.
The most important legacy of the late Han popular religious movements was their belief in personified divine beings concerned to aid humankind, a belief supported by new texts, rituals, and forms of leadership and organization. This belief was given impetus by the expectation that a bearer of collective salvation was about to appear in order to initiate a new time of peace, prosperity, and long life. From the third century on this hope was focused on a figure called Li Hong, in whose name several local movements appeared, some involving armed uprisings. This eschatological orientation was an important dimension of early Daoism, which at first understood itself as a new revelation, intended to supplant popular cults with their bloody sacrifices and spirit mediums.
In addition to such organized movements as the Yellow Scarves, Han popular religion included the worship of local sacred objects such as trees, rocks, and streams, the worship of dragons (thought to inhabit bodies of water), the belief that spirits of the dead have consciousness and can roam about, and a lively sense of the power of omens and fate. By the third century there are references to propitiation of the spirits of persons who died violent deaths, with offerings of animal flesh presided over by spirit mediums.
Fengshui ("wind and water"), or geomancy, also developed during the Han as a ritual expression of the yin/yang and five-phases worldview. It is the art of locating graves, buildings, and cities in auspicious places where there is a concentration of the vital energies (qi) of earth and atmosphere. It is believed that the dead in graves so located will bless their descendants. The earliest extant fengshui texts are attributed to famous diviners of the third and fourth centuries. Chinese religion was thus developed at a number of levels by the time Buddhism arrived, although Buddhism offered several fresh interpretations of morality, personal destiny, and the fate of the dead.
The Period of Disunion
By the time the first Buddhist monks and texts appeared in China around the first century C.E., the Han dynasty was already in decline. At court, rival factions competed for imperial favor, and in the provinces restless governors moved toward independence. Political and military fragmentation was hastened by the campaigns against the Yellow Scarves uprising, after which a whole series of adventurers arose to attack each other and take over territory. In the first decade of the third century three major power centers emerged in the north, southeast, and southwest, with that in the north controlling the last Han emperor and ruling in his name. By 222 these three centers each had declared themselves states, and China entered a period of political division that was to last until late in the sixth century. In this time of relatively weak central government control, powerful local clans emerged to claim hereditary power over their areas.
The Beginnings of Buddhism in China. With the gradual expansion of Buddhism under the patronage of the Kushan rulers (in present-day northwest India, Pakistan and Afghanistan) into the oasis states of Central Asia, and with the corresponding expansion of Chinese influence into this same region, it became inevitable that Buddhism would be introduced into East Asia. Over a thousand-year period from the beginning of the common era until the close of the first millennium the opportunities for cultural exchange with South and West Asia afforded by the so-called Silk Route - actually a whole network of trade routes throughout Asia and connecting it with Europe -- nourished vibrant East Asian Buddhist traditions. These began with earnest imitation of their Indian antecedents and culminated in the great independent systems of thought that characterize the fully developed tradition: Huayan, Tiantai, Jingtu, and Chan.
From about 100 B.C.E. on it would have been relatively easy for Buddhist ideas and practices to come to China with foreign merchants, but the first reliable notice of it in Chinese sources is dated 65 C.E.. In a royal edict of that year we are told that a prince administering a city in what is now northern Jiangsu Province "recites the subtle words of Huang-Lao, and respectfully performs the gentle sacrifices to the Buddha." He was encouraged to "entertain upasakas and sramanas," Buddhist lay devotees and initiates. In 148 C.E. the first of several foreign monks, An Shigao, settled in Luoyang, the capital of the Latter Han. Over the next forty years he and other scholars translated about thirty Buddhist scriptures into Chinese, most of them from pre-Mahayana traditions, emphasizing meditation and moral principles. However, by about 185 three Mahayana Prajñaparamita (Perfection of Wisdom) texts were translated as well.
A memorial dated 166, approving Buddhist "purity," "emptiness," nonviolence, and control of sensual desires, further informs us that in that year the emperor performed a joint sacrifice to Laozi and the Buddha. In 193/194 a local warlord in what is now Jiangsu erected a Buddhist temple that could hold more than three thousand people. It contained a bronze Buddha image before which offerings were made and scriptures were read. During ceremonies in honor of the Buddha's birthday thousands came to participate, watch, and enjoy free food and wine. Thus, by the end of the second century there were at least two centers of Buddhist activity, Luoyang in the north and an area in the southeast. At court Buddhist symbols were used in essentially Daoist rituals, but in the scriptures the novelty and difference of Buddhism were made clear in crude vernacular translations. Such novelty appears in injunctions to eliminate desires, to love all beings equally, without special preference for one's family, and to regard the body as transitory and doomed to decay, rather than an arena for seeking immortality.
Although early sources mention terms for various clerical ranks, rules for monastic life were transmitted in a haphazard and incomplete fashion. Monks and nuns lived in cloisters that cannot properly be called monasteries until a few centuries later. Meanwhile, leadership of the Chinese clergy was provided first by Central Asian monks, then by naturalized Chinese of foreign descent, and by the fourth century, by Chinese themselves. Nuns are first mentioned in that century as well.
The movement of Buddhism to China, one of the great cultural interactions of history, was slow and fortuitous, carried out almost entirely at a private level. The basic reason for its eventual acceptance throughout Chinese society was that it offered several religious and social advantages unavailable to the same extent in China before. These included a full-time religious vocation for both men and women in an organization largely independent of family and state, a clear promise of life after death at various levels, and developed conceptions of paradise and purgatory, connected to life through the results of intentional actions (karma). Many women found Buddhism an attractive alternative to the "woman's Way" supported by Confucianism, with its limited options for fulfillment as wives and mothers. Buddhism also offered the worship of heroic saviors in image form, supported by scriptures that told of their wisdom and compassion. For ordinary folk there were egalitarian moral principles, promises of healing and protection from harmful forces, and simple means of devotion; for intellectuals there were sophisticated philosophy and the challenge of attaining new states of consciousness in meditation, all of this expounded by a relatively educated clergy who recruited, organized, translated, and preached.
In the early fourth century North China was invaded by the nomadic Xiongnu, who sacked Luoyang in 311 and Chang'an in 316. Thousands of elite families fled south below the Yangze River, where a series of short-lived Chinese dynasties held off further invasions. In the North a succession of kingdoms of Inner Asian background rose and fell, most of which supported Buddhism because of its religious appeal and its non-Chinese origins. The forms of Buddhism that developed here emphasized ritual, ideological support for the state, magic protection, and meditation
It was in the South, however, that Buddhism first became a part of Chinese intellectual history. The Han imperial Confucian synthesis had collapsed with the dynasty, a collapse that encouraged a quest for new philosophical alternatives. Representatives of these alternatives found support in aristocratic clans, which competed with each other in part through philosophical debates. These debates, called qingtan, or "pure conversation," revived and refined a tradition that had been widespread in the period of the so-called Hundred Philosophers (sixth and fifth centuries B.C.E.), a tradition with precise rules of definition and criteria for victory. By the mid-third century these debates revolved around two basic perspectives, that of rather conservative moralists called the "school of names" (mingjiao) and that of those advocating "spontaneous naturalism" (ziran). By the early fourth century Buddhist monks were involved in these debates, supported by sympathetic clans, advocating a middle ground between the conservatives and libertarians, spiritual freedom based on ethical discipline. Although Buddhism was still imperfectly understood, it had gained a vital foothold.
Chinese intellectuals first attempted to understand Buddhism through its apparent similarities to certain beliefs and practices of Daoism and immortality cults. Thus, bodhisattvas and Buddhas were correlated with sages and immortals, meditation with circulation of the vital fluids, and nirvana with wuwei, spontaneous, non-intentional action. However, Indian Buddhism and traditional Chinese thought have very different understandings of life and the world. Buddhist thought is primarily psychological and epistemological, concerned with liberation from samsara, the world perceived as a realm of suffering, impermanence, and death. For the Chinese, on the other hand, nature and society are fundamentally good; our task is to harmonize with the positive forces of nature, and enlightenment consists of identifying with these forces, rather than in being freed from them. The interaction of these worldviews led Chinese Buddhists to interpret psychological concepts in cosmological directions. For example, the key Mahayana term "emptiness" (sunyata in Sanskrit, kong in Chinese) refers primarily to the interdependence of all things -- i.e. their lack of any independent nature or being - and to the radically objective and neutral mode of perception that accepts the impermanence and interdependence of things without trying to control them or project onto them human concepts and values. Indeed, the first discussions of this term used it as a logical tool to destroy false confidence in philosophical and religious concepts, particularly earlier Buddhist ones. All concepts, according to this doctrine, are mutually contradictory and refer to nothing substantial; hence they are "empty." In China, however, "emptiness" immediately evoked discussion about the origin and nature of the phenomenal world. "Emptiness" was equated with "non-being" (wu), the fecund source of existence, and "vacuity" (xu), the absence of concrete existence or cognitive preconception, both of which are prominent concepts in the Laozi. As their understanding of Buddhism deepened, Chinese thinkers became more aware of the epistemological force of the term "emptiness," but continued to see it primarily as a problem in interpreting the world itself. In that respect it was somewhat consistent with certain Confucian and Daoist ideas, such as the notion that persons and things are defined by their relationships with others or their positions in the overall pattern of things -- the Dao.
Buddhist thought was already well developed and complexly differentiated before it reached China. Likewise, Chinese culture, religion, and philosophy were mature and highly developed when Buddhism entered China. So the story of Buddhism in China was a case of two mature cultural systems, with some rather fundamental linguistic and social differences, interacting and transforming each other. But at first the Chinese knew of Buddhism only through scriptures haphazardly collected, in translations of varying accuracy, for very few Chinese learned Sanskrit. Since all the sutras claimed to be preached by the Buddha himself, they were accepted as such, with discrepancies among them explained as deriving from the different situations and capacities of listeners prevailing when a particular text was preached. In practice, this meant that the Chinese had to select from a vast range of data those themes that made the most sense in their pre-existing worldview. For example, as the tradition develops we find emphases on simplicity and directness, the universal potential for enlightenment, and the Buddha mind as source of the cosmos, all of them prepared for by similar ideas in indigenous thought and practice.
The most important early Chinese Buddhist philosophers, organizers, and translators were Daoan (312-385), Huiyuan (334-417), and Kumarajiva (334-413), each of whom contributed substantially to the growth of the young "church." Daoan was known principally for his organizational and exegetical skills and for the catalog of Buddhist scriptures he compiled. His disciple Huiyuan, one of the most learned clerics in South China, gathered a large community of monks around him and inaugurated a cult to Amitabha, a popular Buddha. Kumarajiva, the most important and prolific of the early translators, was responsible for the transmission of the Madyamika (Sanlun) tradition to China. His lectures on Buddhist scripture in Chang'an established a sound doctrinal basis for Mahayana thought in the Middle Kingdom. Another formative early figure was Daosheng (d. 434 C.E.), a student of Kumarajiva. He is known for his emphasis on the positive nature of nirvana, his conviction that even non-believers have the potential for salvation, and his teaching of instantaneous enlightenment. Like the concept of emptiness, these ideas resonated well with certain Confucian and Daoist concepts, such as the goodness of human nature in Mencius and the Daoist notion of spontaneity. Such themes helped lay the foundation for Chan (Jpn., Zen) Buddhism in the seventh and eighth centuries. [See the biographies of Daoan, Huiyuan, Kumarajiva, and Daosheng.]
The history of monastic Buddhism was closely tied to state attitudes and policies, which ranged from outright suppression to complete support, as in the case of Emperor Wu of the Liang dynasty (r. 502-549), who abolished Daoist temples and built Buddhist ones, and three times entered a monastery himself as a lay servitor. [See the biography of Liang Wudi.] However, by the fifth century Buddhism was becoming well established among people of all classes, who, to gain karmic merit, donated land and goods, took lay vows, served in monasteries, and established a variety of voluntary associations to copy scriptures, provide vegetarian food for monks and nuns, and carve Buddha images. The most important image-carving projects were at Yungang in Shanxi and Longmen in Honan, where huge figures, chiefly those of Sakyamuni and Maitreya, were cut into cliffs and caves. Such major projects of course also involved large-scale official and clerical support.
It was in the fifth century as well that Chinese Buddhist eschatology developed, based in part on predictions attributed to the Buddha that a few hundred years after his entry into nirvana the Dharma (the Buddha's teachings) would lose its vigor, morals would decline, and ignorant, corrupt monks and nuns would appear. In addition, from its inception as a full-fledged religion in the second century Daoism had proclaimed itself to be the manifestation of a new age of cosmic vitality, supported by pious devotees, "seed people." A combination of these motifs led to the composition in China of Buddhist scriptures saying that since the end of the age had come, more intense morality and piety were required of those who wished to be saved. These texts also promised aid from saving bodhisattvas such as Maitreya, the next Buddha-to-be. In some cases the apocalyptic vision of these texts inspired militant utopian movements, led by monks, but with lay membership. By the early seventh century a few of these groups were involved in armed uprisings in the name of Maitreya, which led eventually to a decline in official support for his cult, although he remained important in popular sectarian eschatology. [See Millenarianism, article on Chinese Millenarian Movements, and Maitreya.]
The first important school of Buddhist thought developed in China was the Tiantai, founded by the monk Zhiyi (538-597). This school is noted for its synthesis of earlier Buddhist traditions into one system, divided into five periods of development according to stages in the Buddha's teaching. According to Tiantai, the Buddha's teachings culminated in his exposition of the Lotus Sutra, in which all approaches are unified. Zhiyi also systematized the theory and practice of Mahayana meditation. His most important philosophical contribution was his affirmation of the absolute Buddha mind as the source and substance of all phenomena. In Zhiyi's teaching the old Madhyamika logical destruction of dualities is replaced by a positive emphasis on their identity in a common source. So, in impeccably Buddhist language, he was able to justify the phenomenal world, and thus to provide an intellectual foundation for much of the later development of Buddhism in China. [See Tiantai and the biography of Zhiyi.]
In 581 China was reunified by the Sui dynasty (581-618) after three and a half centuries of political fragmentation. The Sui founder supported Buddhism, particularly the Tiantai school, as a unifying ideology shared by many of his subjects in both North and South. After four decades of rule the Sui was overthrown in a series of rebellions, to be replaced by the Tang (618-907). Although the new dynasty tended to give more official support to Confucianism and Daoism, Buddhism continued to grow at every level of society.
The Rise of Daoist Religion. By the fourth century Daoism was characterized by a literate and self-perpetuating priesthood, a pantheon of celestial deities, complex rituals, and revealed scriptures in classical (literary) Chinese. Although the first elements of this tradition appeared in the second century popular movements discussed above, the tradition underwent further development at the hands of gentry scholars versed in philosophy, ethical teachings, and alchemy. These scholars saw themselves as formulators of a new, more refined religion superior to the popular cults around them. This new system was led by priests who, though not officials, claimed celestial prerogatives.
Daoism is fundamentally rooted in the concept of qi, the psycho-physical-spiritual substance out of which nature, gods, and humans evolve. The source and order of this vital substance is the Dao, the ultimate power of life in the universe. The gods are personified manifestations of qi, symbolizing astral powers of the cosmos and organs of the human body with which they are correlated. Under the conditions of ordinary existence qi becomes stale and dissipated, so it must be renewed through ritual and meditative processes that restore its primal vitality. Some of these practices consist of visualizing and calling down the cosmic gods to reestablish their contact with their bodily correlates. In this way the adept ingests divine power and so recharges his bodily forces for healing, rejuvenation, and long life. In others, the substances of the human body - jing (life-giving "essences," such as sexual fluids), qi ("vital breath," in a more specific sense than the general qi of which all things are composed), and shen (spirit) - are manipulated and purified through visualization and meditation. Physical exercises and dietary practices (such as abstinence from grains, which are thought to contain the dark yin power of the earth) are also parts of the Daoist regimen. The general aim of these practices is to enhance spiritual and physical health. Accomplished practice results in the purification of the psycho-physical being into the embryo of a new, immortal self. Rituals are also performed for an entire community; Daoist masters can release their cosmic power through ritual actions that revive the life forces of the community around them.
When the Celestial Master sect was officially recognized by the state of Wei (220-266) in the early third century its leadership was established in the capital, Luoyang, north and east of the old sect base area in modern Sichuan. In the North remnants of the Yellow Scarves still survived, and before long the teachings and rituals of these two similar traditions blended together. A tension remained, however, between those who saw secular authority as a manifestation of the Way and those determined to bring in a new era of peace and prosperity by militant activity. Uprisings led by charismatic figures who claimed long life and healing powers occurred in different areas throughout the fourth century and later.
Meanwhile, in the southeast another tradition emerged that was to contribute to Daoism, a tradition concerned with alchemy, the use of herbs and minerals to attain immortality. Its chief literary expression was the Baopuzi (The Master Who Embraces Simplicity) written by Ge Hong in about 320. Ge Hong collected a large number of alchemical formulas and legends of the immortals, intended to show how the body can be transformed by the ingestion of gold and other chemicals and by the inner circulation of the vital qi, special diets, and sexual techniques, all reinforced by moral dedication. Ge Hong's concerns were supported by members of the old aristocracy of the state of Wu (222-280) whose families had moved south during the Latter Han period. [See the biography of Ge Hong.]
When the northern state of Jin was conquered by the Xiongnu in 316, thousands of Jin gentry and officials moved south, bringing the Celestial Master sect with them. The eventual result was a blending of Celestial Master concern for priestly adminstration and collective rituals with the more individualistic and esoteric alchemical traditions of the southeast. Between the years 364 and 370 a young man named Yang Xi claimed to receive revelations from "perfected ones" (zhenren, a term from the Zhuangzi) or exalted immortals from the Heaven of Supreme Purity (Shangqing). These deities directed Yang to make transcripts and deliver them to Xu Mi (303-373), an official of the Eastern Jin state (317-420) with whom he was associated. Yang Xi believed his new revelations to be from celestial regions more exalted than those evoked by the Celestial Master sect and Ge Hong. The Perfected Ones rewrote and corrected earlier texts in poetic language, reformulated sexual rites as symbols of spiritual union, and taught new methods of inner cultivation and alchemy. These teachings were all presented in an eschatological context, as the salvation of an elect people in a time of chaos. They prophesied that a "lord of the Way, [a] sage who is to come" would descend in 392. Then the wicked would be eliminated and a purified terrestrial kingdom established, ruled over by such pious devotees as Xu Mi, now perceived as a priest and future celestial official. It is perhaps not accidental that these promises were made to members of the old southern aristocracy whose status had recently been threatened by the newcomers from the north. [See Zhenren.]
Xu Mi and one of his sons had retired to Maoshan, a mountain near the Eastern Jin capital (modern Nanjing); hence the texts they received and transcribed came to be called those of a Maoshan "school." In the next century another southern scholar, Tao Hongjing (456-536), collected all the remaining manuscripts from Yang Xi and the Xu family and edited them as the Zhen'gao (Declarations of the Perfected). With this the Maoshan/Shangqing scriptures were established as a foundation stone of the emerging Daoist canon. [See the biography of Tao Hongjing.]
In the meantime another member of Ge Hong's clan had written a scripture in about 397, the Lingbaojing (Scripture of the Sacred Jewel), which he claimed had been revealed to him by the spirit of an early third-century ancestor. This text exalted "celestial worthies" (tianzun), who were worshiped in elaborate collective rituals directed by priests in outdoor arenas. The Lingbaojing established another strand of Daoist mythology and practice that was also codified in the South during the fifth century. Its rituals replaced those of the Celestial Master tradition, while remaining indebted to them. Lingbao texts were collected and edited by Lu Xiujing (406-477), who wrote on Daoist history and ritual. [See the biography of Lu Xiujing.]
Daoism was active in the North as well, in the Northern Wei kingdom (386-534), which established Daoist offices at court in 400. In 415 and 423 a scholar named Kou Qianzhi (d. 448) claimed to have received direct revelations from Lord Lao while he was living on a sacred mountain. The resulting scriptures directed Kou to reform the Celestial Master tradition; renounce popular cults, messianic uprisings, and sexual rituals; and support the court as a Daoist kingdom on earth. Kou was introduced to the Wei ruler by a sympathetic official named Cui Hao (d. 450) in 424 and was promptly appointed to the office of "Erudite of Transcendent Beings." The next year he was proclaimed Celestial Master, and his teachings "promulgated throughout the realm." For the next two decades Kou and Cui cooperated to promote Daoism at the court. As a result, in 440 the king accepted the title Perfect Ruler of Great Peace, and during the period 444 to 446 proscribed Buddhism and local "excessive cults." Although Cui Hao was eventually discredited and Buddhism established as the state religion by a new ruler in 452, the years of official support for Daoism clarified its legitimacy and political potential as an alternative to Confucianism and Buddhism. [See the biography of Kou Qianzhi.]
The Consolidation of Empire: Seventh to Fourteenth Century
The Chinese religious traditions that were to continue throughout the rest of imperial history all reached maturity during the Tang (618-907) and Song (960-1279) periods. These traditions included Buddhism, Daoism, Neo-Confucianism, Islam, and popular religion in both its village and sectarian forms. It was in these centuries as well that other foreign religions were practiced for a time in China, particularly Manichaeism, Nestorian Christianity, and Judaism (at least one Jewish community continued to flourish until the mid-nineteenth century). Rituals performed by the emperor and his officials continued to be elaborated, with many debates over the proper form and location of altars and types of sacrifices to be offered. During the Tang dynasty, cults devoted to the spirits of local founders and protectors were established in many cities. These city gods (chenghuang shen) were eventually brought into the ranks of deities to whom official worship was due.
Manichaeism, Nestorian Christianity, Judaism, and Islam. The area of the Tang dynasty rivaled that of the Han, with western boundaries extending far into Central Asia. This expansion encouraged a revival of foreign trade and cultural contacts. Among the new foreign influences were not only Buddhist monks and scriptures but also the representatives of other religions. There is evidence for Zoroastrianism in China by the early sixth century, a result of contacts between China and Persia that originated in the second century B.C.E. and were renewed in an exchange of envoys with the Northern Wei court in 455 and around 470. [See Zoroastrianism.]
A foreign tradition with more important influence on the history of Chinese religions was Manichaeism, a dynamic missionary religion teaching ultimate cosmic dualism founded by a Persian named Mani (216-277?). The first certain reference to Manichaeism in a Chinese source is dated 694, although it may have been present about two decades earlier. As was true with Zoroastrianism, Manichaeism in its early centuries in China was primarily practiced by foreigners, although its leaders soon composed catechisms and texts in Chinese stressing the congruence of their teachings with Buddhism and Daoism. In 755 a Chinese military commander named An Lushan led a powerful rebellion that the Tang court was able to put down only with the help of foreign support. One of these allies was the Uighur, from a kingdom based in what is now northern Mongolia. In 762 a Uighur army liberated Luoyang from rebel forces, and there a Uighur kaghan (king) was converted to Manichaeism. The result was new prestige and more temples for the religion in China.
However, in 840 the Uighurs were defeated by the Kirghiz, with the result that the Chinese turned on the religion of their former allies, destroyed its temples, and expelled or executed its priests. Nonetheless, at least one Manichaean leader managed to escape to Quanzhou in Fujian Province on the southeast coast. In Fujian the Manichaeans flourished as a popular sect until the fourteenth century, characterized by their distinctive teachings, communal living, vegetarian diet, and nonviolence. They were called the Mingjiao ("religion of light"). They disappeared as a coherent tradition as a result of renewed persecutions during the early Ming dynasty (1368-1644). Several Manichaean texts were incorporated into the Daoist and Buddhist canons, and it is likely that Manichaean lay sects provided models for similar organizations that evolved out of Buddhism later. Manichaean dualism and demon exorcism may have reinforced similar themes in Daoism and Buddhism as they were understood at the popular level. [See Manichaeism, overview article.]
According to a stone inscription erected in Chang'an (present-day Xian) in 781, the first Nestorian missionary reached China in 635 and taught about the creation of the world, the fall of humankind, and the birth and teaching of the Messiah. The ethics and rituals described are recognizably Christian. Chinese edicts of 638 and 745 refer to Nestorianism, which appears to have been confined to foreign communities in large cities on major trade routes. In 845 Nestorianism was proscribed along with Buddhism and other religions of non-Chinese origin, but it revived in China during the period of Mongol rule in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In 1289 the court established an office to supervise Christians, and a 1330 source claims that there were more than thirty thousand Nestorians in China, some of them wealthy and in high positions, no doubt a result of the Mongol policy of ruling China in part with officials of foreign origin. In this period the church was most active in eastern cities such as Hangzhou and Yangzhou. The Nestorians were expelled from China with the defeat of the Mongols in the mid-fourteenth century, and no active practitioners were found by the Jesuits when they arrived about two hundred years later. So the first Christian contact with China expired, leaving no demonstrable influence on Chinese religion and culture. [See Nestorianism.]
There is no certainty regarding the date of Judaism's entrance into China. Two of the four surviving commemorative stelae from the synagogue in Kaifeng trace it to the Han dynasty, suggesting that the emigration might have followed the destruction of the Jerusalem Temple in 70 C.E. But most scholars today agree that it was more likely during the Tang that Jewish merchants from Persia or Bukhara first settled in Kaifeng, on the Yellow River in Honan province. Other pre-modern Jewish communities existed in Ningbo, Hangzhou, Yangzhou, and Guangzhou, al probably established by merchants arriving by sea, but the Kaifeng community was the most successful. Kaifeng was the capital of the Northern Song dynasty (960-1127), and at some point during that period the emperor received representatives of the Jewish community at court and bestowed upon them Chinese surnames, one of which was his own (Zhao). In 1163, under the Jurchen Jin dynasty that had conquered northern China, the Jews built their first synagogue, with approval from the government. Over the ensuing centuries the synagogue was destroyed by floods, rebuilt, and expanded several times. [See Judaism in Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa.]
The Chinese first learned of Islam in 638 from an emissary of the last Sasanid king of Persia, who was seeking their aid against invading Arab armies. This the Chinese refused, but a number of Persian refugees were admitted a few years later after the Sasanid defeat and allowed to practice their Zoroastrian faith. In the early eighth century Arab armies moved into Central Asia, and in 713 ambassadors of Caliph Walid were received at court in Chang'an, even though they refused to prostrate themselves before the emperor. However, in 751 a Chinese army far to the west was defeated in the Battle of Talas by a combination of Central Asian states with Arab support. This defeat led to the replacement of Chinese influence in Central Asia with that of the Arabs and the decline of Buddhism in that area in favor of Islam. In 756 another caliph sent Arab mercenaries to aid the Chinese court against An Lushan; when the war ended many of these mercenaries remained, forming the beginning of Islamic presence in China, which by the late twentieth century totaled about thirty million people, one of the five basic constituencies of the People's Republic. The eighth-century Arab population was augmented by Muslim merchants who settled in Chinese coastal cities, for a time dominating the sea trade with India and Southeast Asia.
The major influx of Muslim peoples occurred during the Yuan dynasty (1271-1368) when the land routes across Central Asia were secure and the Mongols brought in large numbers of their non-Chinese subjects to help administer China. It was in this period that Islam spread all over China and established major population bases in the western provinces of Yunnan and Gansu. Here their numbers increased through marriage with Chinese women and adoption of non-Muslim children, all converted to Islam. Although the result was a dilution of Arab physical characteristics, the use of the Chinese language, and the adoption of some Chinese social customs, for most the Islamic core remained. Muslims did not accept such dominant Chinese traditions as ancestor worship and pork eating, and kept their own festival calendar. In part this resistance was due to the tenacity of their beliefs, in part to the fact that their numbers, mosques, and essentially lay organization permitted mutual support.
Muslims in China have always been predominantly Sunni, but in the sixteenth century Sufism reached China through Central Asia. By the late seventeenth century Sufi brotherhoods began a reform movement that advocated increased use of Arabic and a rejection of certain Chinese practices that had infiltrated Islam, such as burning incense at funerals. Sufism also emphasized ecstatic personal experience of Allah, the veneration of saints, and the imminent return of the Mahdi, who would bring a new age, this last theme due to Shi`i influence as well.
These reformist beliefs, coupled with increased Chinese pressure on Islam as a whole, led eventually to a powerful uprising in Yunnan between 1855-1873, an uprising allowed to develop momentum because of old ethnic tensions in the area and the distraction of the Chinese court with the contemporary Taiping Rebellion (1851-1864). The Yunnan rebellion was eventually put down by a combination of Chinese and loyalist Muslim forces, and the Muslims resumed their role as a powerful minority in China, called the Hui people.
The chief role of Islam in China was as the religion of this minority group, although in some twentieth-century popular texts it was recognized as one of the "five religions" whose teachings were blended into a new synthetic revelation, along with Confucianism, Daoism, Buddhism, and Christianity. Another aspect of Islam's historical impact was to sharply reduce Chinese contact with India and Central Asia after the eighth century, and thus to cut off the vital flow of new texts and ideas to Chinese Buddhism. And since the 1980s, mostly in the Uighur Autonomous Region of Xinjiang, there has been increasing pressure, fueled by Islamic militancy, for independence from the People's Republic of China.
Tang Buddhism. The first Tang emperor, Gaozu (r. 618-626) approved of a plan to limit both Daoist and Buddhist temples. His son Taizong (r. 626-649) agreed with the Daoist contention that the imperial family was descended from Laozi, whose legendary surname was also Li; however, Taizong also erected Buddhist shrines on battlefields and ordered monks to recite scriptures for the stability of the empire. Buddhist philosophical schools in this period were matters of both belief and imperial adornment, so, to replace the Tiantai school, now discredited on account of its association with the Sui dynasty, the Tang court turned first to the Faxiang or Weishi ("consciousness only") school, an idealist teaching known in Sanskrit as Yogacara or Vijñanavada. [See Yogacara.] Some texts of this tradition had been translated earlier by Paramartha (499-569), but it came to be thoroughly understood in China only after the return of the pilgrim Xuanzang in 645 from his sixteen year-long overland journey to India. Xuanzang was welcomed at court and provided with twenty-three scholar-monks from all over China to assist in translating the books he had brought back. The emperor wrote a preface for the translation of one major Vijñanavada text, and his policy of imperial support was continued by his son Gaozong(r. 649-683). [See the biography of Xuanzang.]
However, the complex psychological analysis of the Vijñanavada school, coupled with its emphasis that some beings are doomed by their nature to eternal rebirth, were not in harmony with the Chinese worldview, which had been better represented by Tiantai. Hence, when imperial support declined at Gaozong's death in 683, the fortunes of the Faxiang school declined as well, despite the excellent scholarship of Xuanzang's disciple Kuiji (632-682). [See the biography of Kuiji.] At the intellectual level it was replaced in popularity by the Huayan ("flower garland") school as formulated by the monk Fazang (643-712). This school, based on a sutra of the same name (Skt., Avatamsaka), taught the emptiness and interpenetration of all phenomena in a way consonant with old Chinese assumptions. Furthermore, in Huayan teaching the unity and integration of all things is symbolized by a Buddha called Vairocana who presides over his Pure Land in the center of an infinite universe. [See Mahavairocana.] However dialectically such a symbol might be understood by Buddhist scholars, at a political and popular level it was appropriated more literally as a Buddhist creator deity. [See Huayan and the biography of Fazang.]
It is no accident that the Huayan school was first actively supported by Empress Wu Zhao (Wu Zetian, r. 690-705) who took over the throne from her sons to set up her own dynasty, the Zhou. Since Confucianism did not allow for female rulers, Empress Wu, being a devout Buddhist, sought for supporting ideologies in that tradition, including not only Huayan but also predictions in obscure texts that the Buddha had prophesied that several hundred years after his death a woman would rule over a world empire. Monks in Wu Zetian's entourage equated her with this empress and further asserted that she was a manifestation of the future Buddha Maitreya.
When Empress Wu abdicated in 705 her son continued to support the Huayan school, continuing the tradition of close relationship between the court and Buddhist philosophical schools. However, during this period Buddhism continued to grow in popularity among all classes of people. Thousands of monasteries and shrines were built, supported by donations of land, grain, cloth, and precious metals, and by convict workers, the poor, and serfs bound to donated lands. Tens of thousands of persons became monks or nuns, elaborate rituals were performed, feasts provided, and sermons preached in both monastery and marketplace. Buddhist observances such as the Lantern Festival, the Buddha's birthday, and the Ghost Festival became universally practiced, while pious lay societies multiplied for carving images and inscriptions and disseminating scriptures. Wealthy monasteries became centers of money lending, milling, and medical care, as well as hostels for travelers and retreats for scholars and officials. In high literature the purity of monks and monasteries was admired, while in popular stories karma, rebirth, and purgatory became unquestioned truths. The state made sporadic attempts to control this exuberance by licensing monasteries, instituting examinations for monks, and issuing ordination certificates, but state control was limited and "unofficial" Buddhist practices continued to flourish.
An important factor in this popularity was the rise of two more simple and direct forms of Chinese Buddhism, much less complex than the exegetical and philosophical schools that were dominant earlier. These were the Pure Land (Jingtu) school, devoted to rebirth in Amitabha's paradise, and the Chan ("meditation") school, which promised enlightenment in this life to those with sufficient dedication. These traditions were universalist and nonhierarchical in principle, yet came to have coherent teachings and organizations of their own appealing to a wide range of people. Both should be understood as products of gradual evolution in the seventh and eighth centuries, as a positive selection from earlier teachings, particularly Tiantai, and as a reformist reaction against the secularization of the Tang monastic establishment.
By the third century C.E. texts describing various "pure realms" or "Buddha lands" had been translated into Chinese, and some monks began to meditate on the best known of these "lands," the Western Paradise of the Buddha Amitabha. [See Pure and Impure Lands and Amitabha.] In the fourth century Zhi Dun (314-366) made an image of Amitabha and vowed to be reborn in his paradise, as did Huiyuan in 402. [See the biography of Huiyuan.] These early efforts concentrated on visualization of Buddha realms in states of meditative trance. [See Nianfo.] However, in two Pure Land sutras describing Amitabha and his realm devotees are assured that through a combination of ethical living and concentration on this Buddha they will be reborn at death in his realm, owing to a vow he had made aeons ago to create out of the boundless merit he had accumulated on the long path to Buddhahood a haven for sentient beings. This promise eventually led some monks to preach devotion to Amitabha as an easier way to salvation, available to all, through a combination of sincere thinking on the Buddha and the invocation of his name in faith. To strengthen their proclamation, these monks argued that in fact Amitabha's Pure Land was at a high level, beyond samsara (the cycle of rebirth), and thus functionally equivalent to nirvana for those less philosophically inclined.
Philosophers of the fifth and sixth centuries such as Sengzhao and Zhiyi discussed the Pure Land concept as part of larger systems of thought, but the first monk to devote his life to proclaiming devotion to Amitabha as the chief means of salvation for the whole of society was Tanluan (476-542), a monk from North China where there had long been an emphasis on the practical implementation of Buddhism. Tanluan organized devotional associations whose members both contemplated the Buddha and orally recited his name. It was in the fifth and sixth centuries as well that many Chinese Buddhist thinkers became convinced that the final period of Buddhist teaching for this world cycle was about to begin, a period (called in Chinese mofa, the Latter Days of the Law) in which the capacity for understanding Buddhism had so declined that only simple and direct means of communication would suffice. [See Mappo and the biographies of Sengzhao and Tanluan.]
The next important preacher to base his teachings solely on Amitabha and his Pure Land was Daochuo (562-645). It was he and his disciple Shandao (613-681) who firmly established the Pure Land movement and came to be looked upon as founding patriarchs of the tradition. Although both of these men advocated oral recitation of Amitabha's name as the chief means to deliverance, such recitation was to be done in a concentrated and devout state of mind and was to be accompanied by confession of sins and the chanting of sutras. They and their followers also organized recitation assemblies and composed manuals for congregational worship. Owing to their efforts, Pure Land devotion became the most popular form of Buddhism in China, from whence it was taken to Japan in the ninth century. Pure Land teachings supported the validity of lay piety as no Buddhist school had before, and hence both made possible the spread of Buddhism throughout the population and furthered the development of independent societies and sects outside the monasteries. [See Jingtu and the biographies of Daochuo and Shandao.]
The last movement within orthodox Buddhism in China to emerge as an independent tradition was Chan (Jpn., Zen), characterized by its concentration on direct means of individual enlightenment, chiefly meditation. Such enlightenment had always been the primary goal of Buddhism, so in a sense Chan began as a reform movement seeking to recover the experiential origins of its tradition. Such a reform appeared all the more necessary in the face of the material success of Tang Buddhism, with its ornate rituals, complex philosophies, and close relationships with the state. Chan evolved out of the resonances of Mahayana Buddhism with the individualist, mystical, and iconoclastic strand of Chinese culture, represented chiefly by the philosophy of the Laozi and Zhuangzi, especially the latter. This philosophy had long advocated individual identification with the ineffable foundations of being, which cannot be grasped in words or limited by the perspectives of traditional practice and morality. Such identification brings a new sense of spiritual freedom, affirmation of life, and acceptance of death. The importance of meditation had long been emphasized in Chinese Buddhism, beginning with Han translations of sutras describing the process. The Tiantai master Zhiyi discussed the stages and positions of meditation in great detail in the sixth century. Thus, it is not surprising that by the seventh century some monks appeared who advocated meditation above all, a simplification parallel to that of the Pure Land tradition.
The first references to a "Chan school" appeared in the late eighth century. By that time several branches of this emerging tradition were constructing genealogies going back to Sakyamuni himself; these were intended to establish the priority and authority of their teachings. The genealogy that came to be accepted later claimed a lineage of twenty-eight Indian and seven Chinese patriarchs, the latter beginning with Bodhidharma (c. 461-534), a Central Asian meditation master active in the Northern Wei kingdom. Legends concerning these patriarchs were increasingly elaborated as time passed, but the details of most cannot be verified. [See the biography of Bodhidharma.] The first Chinese monk involved whose teachings have survived is Daoxin (580-651), who was later claimed to be the fourth patriarch. Daoxin specialized in meditation and monastic discipline, and studied for ten years with a disciple of the Tiantai founder, Zhiyi. He is also noted for his concern with image worship and reciting the Buddha's name to calm the mind.
One of Daoxin's disciples was Hongren (601-674), who also concentrated on meditation and on maintaining "awareness of the mind." His successor was Faru (d. 689), whose spiritual heir in turn was Shenxiu (d. 706), who had also studied with Hongren. Shenxiu was active in North China, where he was invited to court by the Empress Wu and became a famous teacher. In the earliest and most reliable sources Hongren, Faru, and Shenxiu are described as the fifth, sixth, and seventh Chan patriarchs, with Faru eventually omitted and replaced in sixth position by Shenxiu. However, in the early eighth century this succession, based in the capitals of Luoyang and Chang'an in the North (and hence retrospectively referred to as the "Northern school"), was challenged by a monk named Shenhui (670-762), who had studied for several years with a teacher named Huineng (638-713) in a monastery in Guangdong Province in the South. Shenhui labored for years to establish a new form of Chan, a "Southern school," centered on recognizing the Buddha nature within the self, and thus less concerned with worship, scripture study, and prescribed forms of meditation.
Shenhui's most lasting achievement was the elevation of his teacher Huineng to the status of "sixth patriarch," displacing Shenxiu. This achievement was textually established through the composition of a book entitled The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch (platform here means the high chair on which the abbot sits while giving Dharma talks) in about 820 by members of Shenhui's school. Portions of this book are very similar to the teachings of Shenhui, who did not cite any writings by Huineng although he was no doubt influenced by his study with him. In the Platform Sutra Huineng is portrayed as a brilliant young layman of rustic background who, despite the fact that he is only a kitchen helper in the monastery, confounds Shenxiu and is secretly given charge of the transmission by Hongren, the fifth patriarch. This book teaches instantaneous enlightenment through realization of inner potential, while criticizing gradualist approaches that rely on outer forms such as images and scriptures. As such it is an important source of the Chan individualism and iconoclasm well known (and often exaggerated) in the West. [See Chan and the biography of Huineng.]
Although Buddhism flourished at all levels of Chinese society in the Tang period, an undercurrent of resentment and hostility toward it by Confucians, Daoists, and the state always remained. Han Yu (768-824), one of China's great writers, campaigned against Buddhist influence and argued for a revival of the teachings of Confucius and Mencius. This hostility came to a head in the mid-ninth century, strongly reinforced by the fact that Buddhist monasteries had accumulated large amounts of precious metals and tax exempt land. From 843 to 845 Emperor Wuzong (r. 840-846), an ardent Daoist, issued decrees that led to the destruction of 4,600 monasteries and 40,000 temples and shrines, and the return of 260,500 monks and nuns to lay life. Although this suppression was ended in 846 by Wuzong's successor, monastic Buddhism never fully regained its momentum. Nonetheless, Buddhist ideas, values, and rituals continued to permeate Chinese society through the influence of the Chan and Pure Land schools, which survived the 845 persecution because of widespread support throughout the country.
Tang Daoism. Daoism continued to develop during the Tang period, in part because it received more support from some emperors than it had under the Sui. As noted earlier, Taizong claimed Laozi as a royal ancestor, and in 667 the Emperor Gaozong (r. 649-683) conferred on Laozi the title of emperor, thus confirming his status. Empress Wu, Gaozong's wife, swung the pendulum of support back to Buddhism, but Daoism was favored in later reigns as well and reached the high point of its political influence in the Tang with the suppression of Buddhism and other non-Chinese religions in the 840s.
The most important Daoist order during the Tang was that based on Maoshan in Jiangsu, where temples were built and reconstructed, disciples trained, and scriptures edited. Devotees on Maoshan studied Shangqing scriptures, meditated, practiced alchemy, and carried out complex rituals of purgation and cosmic renewal, calling down astral spirits and preparing for immortality among the stars. These activities were presided over by a hierarchical priesthood, led by fashi, "masters of doctrine," the most prominent of whom came to be considered patriarchs of the school.
Daoism in the Song and Yuan Periods. The old Tang aristocracy had begun to lose its power after the An Lushan rebellion in the eighth century. The turmoil of the ninth and tenth centuries sealed its fate and helped prepare the way for a more centralized state in the Song, administered by bureaucrats who were selected through civil service examinations. This in turn contributed to increased social mobility, which was also enhanced by economic growth and diversification, the spread of printing, and a larger number of schools. These factors, combined with innovations in literature, art, philosophy, religion, science, and technology have led historians to describe the Song period as the beginning of early modern China. It was in this period that the basic patterns of life and thought were established for the remainder of imperial history.
During the tenth through thirteenth centuries Daoism developed new schools and texts and became more closely allied with the state. The Song emperor Chenzong (r. 990-1023) bestowed gifts and titles on a number of prominent Daoists, including one named Zhang from the old Way of the Celestial Masters, based on Mount Longhu in Jiangxi Province. This led to the consolidation of the Zhengyi (Orthodox Unity) sect led by hereditary Celestial Masters. The other official Daoist ordination centers in this period were those at Maoshan and the Lingbao center in Jiangsu.
A century later, during the reign of Emperor Huizong (r. 1101-1126), the most famous imperial patron of Daoism, three new Daoist orders appeared, one with a popular base in southeastern Jiangxi, another a revival of Maoshan teachings, and the third the Shenxiao Fa (Rites of the Divine Empyrean), initiated by Lin Lingsu, who was active at court from 1116 to 1119. Lin's teachings were presented in a new, expanded edition of a fourth-century Lingbao text, the Durenjing (Scripture of Salvation). The scripture proclaimed that a new divine emperor would descend to rule in 1112, thus bestowing additional sacred status on Huizong. This liturgical text in sixty-one chapters promises salvation to all in the name of a supreme celestial realm, a theme welcome at a court beset with corruption within and foreign invaders without. The Jiangxi movement, called Tianxin (Heart of Heaven) after a star in Ursa Major, was most concerned with the ritual evocation of astral power to exorcise disease-causing demons, particularly those associated with mental illness. The first edition of its texts was also presented to Huizong in 1116.
In 1126 the Song capital Kaifeng was captured by the Jurchen, a people from northeastern Manchuria who, with other northern peoples, had long threatened the Song. As a result the Chinese court moved south across the Yangze River to establish a new capital in Hangzhou, thus initiating the Southern Song period (1127-1279). During this period China was once again divided north and south, with the Jurchen ruling the Jin kingdom (1115-1234). It was here in the north that three new Daoist sects appeared, the Taiyi (Grand Unity), the Dadao (Great Way), and the Quanzhen ( Complete Perfection). The Taiyi sect gained favor for a time at the Jin court because of its promise of divine healing. Dadao disciples worked in the fields, prayed for healing rather than using charms, and did not practice techniques of immortality. Both groups were led by a succession of patriarchs for about two hundred years, but failed to survive the end of the Yuan dynasty. Both included Confucian and Buddhist elements in a Daoist framework.
The Quanzhen sect was founded in similar circumstances by a scholar named Wang Zhe (1113-1170), but continues to exist. Wang claimed to have received revelations from two superhuman beings, whereupon he gathered disciples and founded five congregations in northern Shandong. After his death seven of his leading disciples continued to proclaim his teachings across North China. One of them was received at the Jin court in 1187, thus beginning a period of imperial support for the sect that continued into the time of Mongol rule, particularly after another of the founding disciples visited Chinggis Khan at his Central Asian court in 1222. [See the biography of Wang Zhe.]
In its early development the Daoist quest for personal immortality employed a combination of positive ritual techniques: visualization of astral gods and ingestion of their essence, internal circulation and refinement of qi, massage, ingesting elixirs of cinnabar, mica, or gold in suspension, all accompanied by taboos and ethical injunctions. During the Song and Yuan periods, the ingestion of elixirs, called waidan (external alchemy), was replaced by forms of meditation and visualization in which the bodily substances and meditative exercises were expressed in alchemical terms. This new form of practice, called neidan (internal alchemy), is well expressed in the writings of Zhang Boduan (983-1082). Under Confucian and Chan influence the Quanzhen school further "spiritualized" the terminology of these older practices, turning its physiological referents into abstract polarities within the mind, to be unified through meditation. Perhaps in part because of this withdrawal into the mind, Quanzhen was the first Daoist school to base itself in monasteries, although celibacy to maintain and purify one's powers had been practiced by some adepts earlier, and some Daoist monasteries had been established in the sixth century under pressure from the state and the Buddhist example.
The Quanzhen sect reached the height of its influence in the first decades of the thirteenth century, and for a time was favored over Chinese Buddhism by Mongol rulers. Buddhist leaders protested Daoist occupation of their monasteries and eventually regained official support after a series of debates between Daoists and Buddhists at court between 1255 and 1281. After Buddhists were judged the winners, Khubilai Khan ordered that the Daoist canon be burned and Daoist priests returned to lay life or converted to Buddhism. In the fourteenth century the Quanzhen sect merged with a similar tradition from South China, the Jindandao (Golden Elixir Way) also devoted to attaining immortality through cultivating powers or "elixirs" within the self. The name Quanzhen was retained for the monastic side of this combined tradition, whereas the Jindandao continued as a popular movement that has produced new scriptures and sects since at least the sixteenth century. The older Daoist schools continued to produce new bodies of texts from the eleventh century on, all claiming divine origin, and powers of healing, exorcism, and support for the state.
The Revival of Confucianism. Confucianism had remained a powerful tradition of morality, social custom, and hierarchical status since the fall of the Han, but after the third century it no longer generated fresh philosophical perspectives. There were a few Confucian philosophers such as Wang Tong (584?-617), Han Yu, and Li Ao (fl. 798), but from the fourth through the tenth century Buddhism and Daoism attracted a great many intellectuals; the best philosophical minds, in particular, were devoted to Buddhism. However, in the eleventh century there appeared a series of thinkers determined to revive Confucianism. In this task they were inevitably influenced by Buddhist theories of mind, enlightenment, and ethics; indeed, most of these men went through Buddhist and Daoist phases in their early years and were "converted" to Confucianism later. Nonetheless, at a conscious level they rejected Buddhist "emptiness," asceticism, and monastic life in favor of a positive metaphysics, ordered family life, and concern for social and governmental reform. With a few exceptions the leaders of this movement, known in the West as Neo-Confucianism, went through the civil service examination system and held civil or military offices.
Early Neo-Confucianism had both rationalistic and idealistic tendencies; the aim of both was to actualize the inherent Sagehood of every human being by realizing and acting upon the ultimate principle (li) of the natural/moral order. The more rationalist school believed that this order or principle was present in humans as their fundamental, metaphysical nature (xing), but that the physical nature of the mind (xin) obscured the metaphysical nature and hindered our awareness of it. This line of thinking was developed by Cheng Yi (1033-1107) and Zhu Xi (1130-1200) and became known as the Cheng-Zhu school. The idealistic approach, which later became known as the Lu-Wang school after Lu Jiuyuan (1139-1193) and Wang Yangming (1472-1529), said that the fundamental natural/moral order was fully present to awareness in the active, functioning mind, and so did not require intellectual learning to be known. Thus both schools focused on the mind; their differences concerned whether li was already present in the mind and needed only to be acted upon, or whether it first had to be intellectually induced through the rational investigation of human nature and the natural world. Interaction between these poles provided the impetus for new syntheses until the seventeenth century. But Zhu Xi's version - synthesizing the teachings of not only Cheng Yi but also his brother Cheng Hao (1032-1085), their former teacher Zhou Dunyi (1017-1073), their uncle Zhang Zai (1020-1077), and their friend Shao Yong (1011-1077) - was made the basis of the civil service examinations in 1313, and hence came to have a powerful influence throughout literate society that lasted until the examination system was abolished in 1905. [With the exception of Shao Yong, all of the thinkers mentioned above are the subject of independent entries.]
In the history of Chinese religions, the impact of Neo-Confucianism is evident at different levels. The intellectual and institutional success of this movement among the Chinese elite led many of them away from Buddhism and Daoism toward a reaffirmation of the values of family, clan, and state. While the elite were still involved in such popular traditions as annual festivals, geomancy, and funeral rituals, the rational and nontheistic orientation of Neo-Confucianism tended to inhibit their participation in ecstatic processions and shamanism. These tendencies meant that after the eleventh century sectarian and popular forms of religion were increasingly denied high level intellectual stimulation and articulation. Indeed, state support for a new Confucian orthodoxy gave fresh impetus to criticism or suppression of other traditions. Another long term impact of Neo-Confucianism was the Confucianization of popular values, supported by schools, examinations, distribution of tracts, and lectures in villages. This meant that from the Song dynasty on the operative ethical principles in society were a combination of Confucian virtues with Buddhist karma and compassion, a tendency that became more widespread as the centuries passed.
All of these developments were rooted in the religious dimensions of the Neo-Confucian tradition, which from the beginning was most concerned with the moral transformation of self and society. This transformation was to be carried out through intensive study and discussion, self-examination, and meditation, often in the social context of public and private schools and academies, where prayers and sacrificial offerings to former Confucian "sages and worthies" accompanied study and discussion. Through the process of self-cultivation one could become aware of the patterns of moral order within the mind and in the cosmos, an insight that itself became a means of clarifying and establishing this cosmic order within society. So Confucianism became a more active and self-conscious movement than it ever had been before. [See Confucian Thought, article on Neo-Confucianism.]
Song Buddhism. Song Buddhist activities were based on the twin foundations of Chan and Pure Land, with an increasing emphasis on the compatability of the two. Although the joint practice of meditation and invocation of the Buddha's name had been taught by Zhiyi and the Chan patriarch Daoxin in the sixth and seventh centuries, the first Chan master to openly advocate it after Chan was well established was Yanshou (904-975). This emphasis was continued in the Yuan (1271-1368) and Ming (1368-1644) dynasties, so that by the late traditional period meditation and recitation were commonly employed together in monasteries as two means to the same end of emptying the mind of self-centered thought.
During the Song dynasty Buddhism physically recovered from the suppression of the ninth century, with tens of thousands of monasteries, large amounts of land, and active support throughout society. By the tenth century the Chan school was divided into two main branches, both of which had first appeared earlier, the Linji (Jpn., Rinzai), emphasizing gongan practice and dramatic and unexpected breakthroughs to enlightenment in the midst of everyday activities, and the Caodong (Jpn., St), known for a more gradual approach through seated meditation, or zuochan (Jpn., zazen). [See the biography of Linji.] The most prominent Song representative of the Linji lineage was Dahui Zonggao (1089-1163), a popular preacher to laypeople as well as a meditation master. In the Caodong lineage the most prominent teacher was Hongzhi Zhengjue (1091-1157), who taught meditation as "silent illumination" (mozhao).
Although the Tang dynasty has traditionally been called the "Golden Age" of Chan Buddhism, it was actually during the Song that Chan became firmly established and developed the styles today associated with it. Notwithstanding its often colorful and iconoclastic teaching methods, Chan has always been characterized by disciplined communal living in monasteries, centered on group meditation but with a strong emphasis on traditional Buddhist ethics. The hallmarks of Chan monasticism have traditionally been ascribed to Baizhang Huaihai (749-814). These include the rejection of a central Buddha hall containing images in favor of a Dharma hall, where the abbot would lecture and conduct services; a Sangha or monks' hall with platforms along the sides for sleeping and meditation; private consultations with the abbot; and shared responsibility for manual labor, including agricultural work to reduce dependence on outside donations with the reciprocal obligations they involved. Evaluating this traditional view, historians have noted that the earliest extant text containing Baizhang's rules dates from the late tenth century, and the earliest extant detailed code of monastic conduct is dated 1103 or 1104; thus we have Song dynasty texts purporting to describe Tang dynasty monasteries. Research has also found that the allegedly unique features of Chan monasteries were also found in Tiantai monasteries, and that the claim of a distinct style dating back to the Tang, a style actually common to the majority of monasteries, served as support for the Song policy by which all publicly supported monasteries were designated as Chan and their abbacies restricted to monks in a Chan lineage. This policy took effect during the Northern Song. After Chan thus became the "established" sect, agricultural labor was reduced as Chan monasteries received donations of land and goods from wealthy patrons.
During the Song Chan produced new genres of Buddhist literature that eventually became more central to its teaching than the older Mahayana sutras. The "recorded sayings" (yulu) of patriarchs and abbots with their disciples were an adaptation of an older Chinese form whose most notable example was the Analects (Lunyu) of Confucius. From these were extracted shorter sayings and conversations demonstrating the struggle to attain enlightenment These records, codified as "public cases" (Chin., gongan; Jpn., kan), were meditated upon by novices as they sought to experience reality directly. And "Lamp Records" (denglu) were compilations of specific lineages of masters and disciples, demonstrating what Chan teachers called the "mind-to-mind transmission" that connected them with Sakyamuni Buddha. This doctrine also supported the Chan claim to represent a more authentic form of Buddhism than the other major Chinese schools (Tiantai, Huayan, and Pure Land), each of which focused on a particular sutra (the Lotus, the Avatamsaka or Huayan, and the three Pure Land sutras, respectively). Thus Chan Buddhism constructed what we might call a mythic history of itself that had important "political" ramifications.
One of the most important developments in Song Buddhism was the spread of lay societies devoted to good works and recitation of the Buddha's name. These groups, usually supported by monks and monasteries, ranged in membership from a few score to several thousand, including both men and women, gentry and commoners. In the twelfth century these societies, with their egalitarian outreach and congregational rituals, provided the immediate context for the rise of independent popular sects, which in turn spread throughout China in succeeding centuries. The Song associations were an organized and doctrinally aware means of spreading Buddhist ideas of salvation, paradise and purgatory, karma, and moral values to the population at large, and so contributed to the integration of Buddhism with Chinese culture.
Popular Religion. The other major tradition that took its early modern shape during the Song period was popular religion, the religion of the whole population other than orthodox Daoist priests, Buddhist monks, Confucian scholars, and state officials in their public roles (although elements of popular religion overlapped with these more specialized vocations). Zhou and Han sources note a variety of religious practices current throughout the population, including ancestor worship, sacrifices to spirits of sacred objects and places, belief in ghosts, exorcism, divination, and the activities of spirit mediums. Many of these practices began in prehistoric times and formed the sea out of which more structured and focused traditions gradually emerged, traditions such as the state cult, Confucian philosophy, and Daoist religion. Each of these emerging traditions was associated with social elites who had to define themselves as different from their peasant and artisan surroundings. In the process they often came to criticize or even suppress cults active among common folk devoted to local spirits and concerned primarily with efficacious response to immediate needs. Since the Chinese state had always claimed religious prerogatives, the most important factor was official authorization by some level of government. Unauthorized cults were considered "excessive," beyond what elite custom and propriety admitted. Nonetheless, such distinctions were of importance primarily to the more self-conscious supporters of literate alternatives; to their less theologically inclined peers, "popular religion" was a varied set of customs that reflected the way the world was.
Popular religious practices were diffused throughout the social system, based in family, clan, and village, at first devoted only to spirits with limited and local powers. By the Han dynasty personified deities of higher status appeared, along with organized sects such as the Way of the Celestial Masters, with ethical teachings and new myths of creation and world renewal, all reinforced by collective rituals. These developments were produced by literate commoners and minor officials at an intermediate level of education and status, and show remarkable resemblance to the first records of such middle-class thought in the writings of Mozi, six hundred years earlier. This level of Chinese religious consciousness was strongly reinforced by Mahayana bodhisattvas, images, offering rituals, myths of purgatory, and understandings of moral causation. By the fourth century, Daoist writers were developing elaborate mythologies of personified deities and immortals and their roles in a celestial hierarchy.
During the Song period all these various strands came together to reformulate popular religion as a tradition in its own right, defined by its location in the midst of ordinary social life, its pantheon of personified deities, views of afterlife, demonology, and characteristic specialists and rituals. Its values were still founded on pragmatic reciprocity, but some assurances about life after death were added to promises for aid now.
This popular tradition is based on the worship or propitiation of gods, ghosts, and ancestors. The boundaries between these categories are somewhat fluid. Under ideal circumstances when a person dies the hun, or yang soul, rises to heaven and becomes an ancesor (zu or zuxian) and the po or yin soul remains with the body in the earth - provided that the death was normal, the body was buried in a proper funeral, and subsequent memorial services or ancestral sacrifices were properly made by blood or ritually adopted descendants. If these conditions are not met, either the hun or the po (depending on local beliefs) can become a ghost (gui). Ghosts can be ritually adopted or -- in the case of unmarried women -- posthumously married, thereby becoming ancestors; they can even be enshrined and worshipped as minor gods. Although scholars differ on whether the propitiation of ancestors should be called worship or veneration (since they are not gods), the basic ritual actions performed for gods and ancestors (burning incense, praying, offering food or "spirit money") are virtually identical. The status of the particular recipient is indicated by certain variations, such as offering uncooked food for a god but cooked food for an ancestor; cooked food implies a meal being shared, and ordinary people do not presume to invite gods into their homes for meals. Phenomenologically, the difference between a god and an ancestor is that the former has more numinous power (ling), and can therefore exert influence on a wider circle of the living than his or her own family. [See Ancestors, article on Ancestor Cults.]
Beyond the household popular religion is practiced at shrines for local earth-gods and at village or city neighborhood temples. Temples are residences of the gods, where they are most easily available and ready to accept petitions and offerings of food and incense. Here too, the gods convey messages through simple means of divination, dreams, spirit mediums, and spirit writing. Great bronze incense burners in temple courtyards are the central points of ritual communication, and it is common for local households to fill their own incense burners with ashes from the temple. All families residing in the area of the village or the city neighborhood are considered members of the temple community.
Most of the deities characteristic of this tradition are human beings deified over time by increasing recognition of their efficacy and status. Having once been human they owe their positions to veneration by the living and hence are constrained by reciprocal relationships with their devotees. Many of the deities of popular religion are responsible for specific functions such as providing rain or healing diseases, while others are propitiated for a wide variety of reasons - sometimes simply for general good fortune, or to maintain a harmonious relationship with the unseen world. Under Daoist influence the pantheon came to be organized in a celestial hierarchy presided over by the Jade Emperor, a deity first officially recognized as such by the Song emperor Zhenzong in the beginning of the eleventh century. The Jade Emperor is called Yuhuang dadi (Jade Emperor Great Lord) or Yuhuang shangdi (Jade Emperor High Lord) -- the latter incorporating the name of the high god of the Shang dynasty. [See Yuhuang.]
Gods are symbols of order, and many of the gods of Daoism and popular religion are equipped with weapons and troops. Such force is necessary because beneath the gods is a vast array of demons, hostile influences that bring disorder, disease, suffering, and death. Although ultimately subject to divine command, and in some cases sent by the gods to punish sinners, these demons are most unruly, and often can be subdued only through repeated invocation and strenuous ritual action. It is in such ritual exorcism that the struggle between gods and demons is most starkly presented. Most demons, or gui, are ghosts, or the spirits of the restless dead who died unjustly, or whose bodies are not properly cared for; they cause disruption to draw attention to their plight. Other demons represent natural forces that can be perceived as hostile, such as mountains and wild animals. Much effort in popular religion is devoted to dealing with these harmful influences.
There are three different types of leadership in this popular tradition--hereditary, selected, and charismatic--although of course in any given situation these types can be mixed. Hereditary leaders include the fathers and mothers of families who carry out ancestor worship in the clan temple and household, and sect leaders who inherit their positions. Hereditary Daoist priests also perform rituals for the community. Village temples, on the other hand, tend to be led by a village elder selected by lot, on a rotating basis. Charismatic leaders include spirit mediums, spirit writers, magicians, and healers, all of whom are defined by the recognition of their ability to bring divine power and wisdom directly to bear on human problems.
Popular religion is also associated with a cycle of annual festivals, funeral rituals, and geomancy (feng-shui). Popular values are sanctioned by revelations from the gods and by belief in purgatory, where the soul goes after death, there to be punished for its sins according to the principle of karmic retribution. There are ten courts in purgatory, each presided over by a judge who fits the suffering to the crime. Passage through purgatory can be ameliorated through the transfer of spirit money by Buddhist or Daoist rituals. When its guilt has been purged, the soul advances to the tenth court, where the form of its next existence is decided. This mythology is a modification of Buddhist beliefs described in detail in texts first translated in the sixth century.
The Period of Mongol Rule. The Mongols under Chinggis Khan (1167-1227) captured the Jin capital of Yanjing (modern Beijing) in 1215 and established the Yuan dynasty (1271-1368). From China they ruled their vast domain, which extended all the way to central Europe. For the next several decades the "Middle Kingdom" was the eastern end of a world empire, open as never before to foreign influences. In the realm of religion these influences included the Nestorians, a few Franciscan missionaries in the early fourteenth century, the growth of the Jewish community in Kaifeng, and a large number of Tibetan Buddhist monks.
The first Mongol contact with Chinese Buddhism was with Chan monks, a few of whom attained influence at court. In the meantime, however, the Mongols were increasingly attracted by the exorcistic and healing rituals of Tantric Buddhism in Tibet, the borders of which they also controlled. In 1260 a Tibetan monk, 'Phags-pa (1235-1280), was named imperial preceptor, and soon after chief of Buddhist affairs. Tibetan monks were appointed as leaders of the samgha all over China, to some extent reviving the Tantric (Zhenyan) school that had flourished briefly in the Tang. [See Zhenyan.]
By the early fourteenth century another form of popular religion appeared, the voluntary association or sect that could be joined by individuals from different families and villages. These sects developed out of lay Buddhist societies in the twelfth century, but their structure owed much to late Han religious associations and their popular Daoist successors, Buddhist eschatological movements from the fifth century on, and Manichaeism. By the Yuan period the sects were characterized by predominantly lay membership and leadership, hierarachical organization, active proselytism, congregational rituals, possession of their own scriptures in the vernacular, and mutual economic support. Their best known antecedent was the White Lotus sect, an independent group founded by a monk named Mao Ziyuan (1086-1166). Mao combined simplified Tiantai teaching with Pure Land practice, invoking Amitabha's saving power with just five recitations of his name. After Mao's death the sect, led by laymen who married, spread across south and east China. In the process it incorporated charms and prognostication texts, and by the fourteenth century branches in Guangxi and Honan were strongly influenced by Daoist methods of cultivating the internal elixirs. This led to protests from more orthodox leaders of the Pure Land tradition, monks in the east who appealed to the throne that they not be proscribed along with the "heretics." This appeal succeeded, and the monastic branch went on to be considered part of the tradition of the Pure Land school, with Mao Ziyuan as a revered patriarch.
The more rustic side of the White Lotus tradition was prohibited three times in the Yuan, but flourished nonetheless, with its own communal organizations and scriptures and a growing emphasis on the presence within it of the future Buddha Maitreya. During the civil wars of the mid-fourteenth century this belief encouraged full-scale uprisings in the name of the new world Maitreya was expected to bring. The Ming founder Zhu Yuanzhang (1328-1398) had for a time been an officer in one of the White Lotus armies, but after his victory tried to suppress the sect. It continued to multiply nonetheless, under a variety of names.
The first extant sectarian scriptures, produced in the early sixteenth century, indicate that by that time there were two streams of mythology and belief, one more influenced by Daoism, the other by Buddhism. The Daoist stream incorporated much terminology from the Golden Elixir school (Jindandao), and was based on the myth of a saving mother goddess, the Eternal Venerable Mother, who is a modified form of the old Han-dynasty Queen Mother of the West, a figure mentioned in Quanzhen teachings as well. The Buddhist stream was initiated by a sectarian reformer named Luo Qing (1443-1527), whose teachings were based on the Chan theme of "attaining Buddhahood through seeing one's own nature." Luo criticized the White Lotus and Maitreya sects as being too concerned with outward ritual forms, but later writers in his school incorporated some themes from the Eternal Mother mythology, while other sectarian founders espousing this mythology imitated Luo Qing's example of writing vernacular scriptures to put forth their own views. These scriptures, together with their successors, the popular spirit-writing texts of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, constitute a fourth major body of Chinese sacred texts, after those of the Confucians, Buddhists, and Daoists.
The number of popular religious sects increased rapidly during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, all part of the same general tradition but with different founders, lines of transmission, texts, and ritual variations. Such groups had been illegal since the Yuan and some resisted prosecution with armed force or attempted to establish their own safe areas. In a few cases sect leaders organized major attempts to overthrow the government and put their own emperor on the throne, to rule over a utopian world in which time and society would be renewed. However, for the most part the sects simply provided a congregational alternative to village popular religion, an alternative that offered mutual support and assurance and promised means of going directly to paradise at death without passing through purgatory.
Popular religious sects were active on the China mainland until the start of the Cultural Revolution in 1966, and they continue to multiply in Taiwan, where they can be legally registered as branches of Daoism. Since the late nineteenth century most sectarian scriptures have been composed by spirit writing, direct revelation from a variety of gods and culture heroes.
Ming and Qing Religion
Mongol rule began to deteriorate in the early fourteenth century, due to struggles between tribal factions at court, the decline of military power, and the devolution of central authority to local warlords, bandit groups, and sectarian movements. After twenty years of civil war Zhu Yuanzhang, from a poor peasant family, defeated all his rivals and reestablished a Chinese imperial house, the Ming dynasty (1368-1644). Zhu (Ming Taizu, r. 1368-1398) was an energetic ruler of strong personal religious beliefs who revised imperial rituals, promulgated strict laws against a variety of popular practices and sects, and recruited Daoist priests to direct court ceremonies. For him the mandate of Heaven was a living force that had established him in a long line of sacred emperors; his ancestors were deemed powerful intermediaries with Shangdi. He elaborated and reinforced the responsibility of government officials to offer regular sacrifices to deities of fertility, natural forces, and cities, and to the spirits of heroes and abandoned ghosts.
Ming Dynasty. Under the Ming, such factors as the diversification of the agricultural base and the monetization of the economy had an impact on religious life; there were more excess funds for building temples and printing scriptures, and more rich peasants, merchants, and artisans with energy to invest in popular religion, both village and sectarian. Sectarian scriptures appeared as part of the same movement that produced new vernacular literature of all types, morality books to inculcate Neo-Confucian values, and new forms and audiences for popular operas. More than ever before the late Ming was a time of economic and cultural initiatives from the population at large, as one might expect in a period of increasing competition for recources by small entrepreneurs. These tendencies continued to gain momentum in the Qing period.
Ming Buddhism showed the impact of these economic and cultural factors, particularly in eastern China where during the sixteenth century reforming monks such as Yunqi Zhuhong (1535-1615) organized lay societies, wrote morality books that quantified the merit points for good deeds, and affirmed Confucian values within a Buddhist framework. Zhuhong combined Pure Land and Chan practice and preached spiritual progress through sparing animals from slaughter and captivity. The integration of Buddhism into Chinese society was furthered as well by government approval of a class of teaching monks, ordained with official certificates, whose role was to perform rituals for the people. [See the biography of Zhuhong.]
Buddhism also had a synergetic relationship with the form of Neo-Confucianism dominant in the late Ming, Wang Yangming's "study of mind." On the one hand, Chan individualism and seeking enlightenment within influenced Wang and his disciples; on the other hand, official acceptance of Wang's school gave indirect support to the forms of Buddhism associated with it, such as the teachings of Zhuhong and Hanshan Deqing (1546-1623).
Daoism was supported by emperors throughout the Ming, with Daoist priests appointed as officials in charge of rituals and composing hymns and messages to the gods. The Quanzhen sect continued to do well, with its monastic base and emphasis on attaining immortality through "internal alchemy." Its meditation methods also influenced those of some of Wang Yangming's followers, such as Wang Ji (1497-1582). However, it was the Zhengyi sect led by hereditary Celestial Masters that had the most official support during the Ming and hence was able to consolidate its position as the standard of orthodox Daoism. Zhengyi influence is evident in scriptures composed during this period, many of which trace their lineage back to the first Celestial Master and bear imprimaturs from his successors. The forty-third-generation master was given charge of compiling a new Daoist canon in 1406, a task completed between 1444 and 1445. It is this edition that is still in use today.
By the seventeenth century, Confucian philosophy entered a more nationalistic and materialist phase, but the scholar-official class as a whole remained involved in a variety of private religious practices beyond their official ritual responsibilities. These included not only the study of Daoism and Buddhism but the use of spirit-writing séances and prayers to Wenchang, the god of scholars and literature, for help in passing examinations. Ming Taizu had proclaimed that each of the "three teachings" of Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism had an important role to play, which encouraged synthetic tendencies present since the beginnings of Buddhism in China. In the sixteenth century a Confucian scholar named Lin Zhaoen (1517-1598) from Fujian took these tendencies a step further by building a middle-class religious sect in which Confucian teachings were explicitly supported by those of Buddhism and Daoism. Lin was known as "Master of the Three Teachings," the patron saint of what became a popular movement with temples still extant in Singapore and Malaysia in the mid-twentieth century. This tendency to incorporate Confucianism into a sectarian religion was echoed by Zhang Jizong (d. 1866) who established a fortified community in Shandong, and by Kang Youwei (1858-1927) at the end of imperial history. Confucian oriented spirit-writing cults also flourished in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, supported by middle level military and civil officials. These cults produced tracts and scriptures of their own. [See the biography of Kang Youwei.]
During the sixteenth century Christian missionaries tried for the third time to establish their faith in China, this time a more successful effort by Italian Jesuits. In 1583 two Italian Jesuits, Michael Ruggerius and Matteo Ricci, were allowed to stay in Zhaoqing in Guangdong Province. By their knowledge of science, mathematics, and geography they impressed some of the local scholars and officials; Ricci eventually became court astronomer in Beijing. He also made converts of several high officials, so that by 1605 there were 200 Chinese Christians. For the next several decades the Jesuit mission prospered, led by priests given responsibility for the sensitive task of establishing the imperial calendar. In 1663 the number of converts had grown to about one hundred thousand. The high point of this early Roman Catholic mission effort came during the reign of the Kangxi emperor (r. 1662-1722), who, while not a convert, had a lively curiosity about European knowledge. [See Jesuits and the biography of Ricci.]
Nonetheless, Chinese suspicions remained, and the mission was threatened from within by rivalries between orders and European nations. In particular, there was contention over Jesuit acceptance of the worship of ancestors and Confucius by Chinese Christian converts. In 1645 a Franciscan obtained a papal prohibition of such "accomodation," and this "rites controversy" intensified in the ensuing decades. The Inquisition forbade the Jesuit approach in 1704, but the Jesuits kept on resisting until papal bulls were issued against them in 1715 and 1742. Kangxi had sided with the Jesuits, but in the end their influence was weakened and their ministry made less adaptable to Chinese traditions. There were anti-Christian persecutions in several places throughout the mid-eighteenth century; however, some Christian communities remained, as did a few European astronomers at court. There were several more attempts at suppression in the early nineteenth century, with the result that by 1810 there were only thirty-one European missionaries left, with eighty Chinese priests, but church membership remained at about two hundred thousand.
The first Protestant missionary to reach China was Robert Morrison, sent by the London Missionary Society to Canton in 1807. He and another missionary made their first Chinese convert in 1814 and completed translating the Bible in 1819. From then on increasing numbers of Protestant missionaries arrived from other European countries and the United States. [See the biography of Morrison.]
Christian impact on the wider world of Chinese religions has traditionally been negligible, although there is some indication that scholars such as Fang Yizhi (1611-1671) were influenced by European learning and thus helped prepare the way for the practical emphases of Qing Confucianism. Zhuhong and Ricci had engaged in written debate over theories of God and rebirth, and even the Kangxi emperor was involved in such discussions later, but there was no acceptance of Christian ideas and practices by Chinese who did not convert. This is true at the popular level as well, where in some areas Chinese sectarians responded positively to both Roman Catholic and Protestant missionaries. Christians and the sectarians were often persecuted together, and shared concerns for congregational ritual, vernacular scriptures, and a compassionate creator deity. Yet nineteenth century sectarian texts betray few traces of Christian influence, and even when Jesus speaks in later spirit-writing books it is as a supporter of Chinese values.
Chinese Judaism thrived, at least in Kaifeng, through the Ming and part of the Qing dynasties. The Ming, in fact, has been called a "Golden Age"of Judaism in Kaifeng. Many members of the community achieved success in the civil service examinations and were appointed to relatively high government positions; good relations with Chinese officials helped the community to rebuild its synagogue after floods six times during the Ming.
In 1605, a Kaifeng Jew named Ai Tian was visiting the capital at Beijing and, having heard that there were Westerners there who worshipped one god but were not Muslims, paid Matteo Ricci a visit, thinking that these Westerners might be fellow Jews. After some awkward conversation, in which Ai thought Ricci was a Jew and Ricci thought Ai was a Christian, the truth emerged and the Chinese Jews came to the attention of the Western world for the first time. During the Rites Controversy the Jesuits consulted with the Kaifeng Jews on their practice of honoring ancestors in the synagogue, and used that as part of their argument for toleration of the custom.
There were unsuccessful missionary efforts to convert the Jews to Christianity, but the Jews suffered neither discrimination from Chinese society nor repression from the Chinese government, except for a few slightly restrictive decrees concerning kosher slaughter during the Yuan dynasty. Nonetheless, the high level of involvement of Kaifeng Jews in the civil service examination system, which required a heavy investment of time in the study of Chinese classics, history, and literature, resulted in fewer educated Jews studying Hebrew. This eventually contributed to their complete assimilation in Chinese society and the disappearance of Jewish practice in China. Another factor was the expulsion of the Christian missionaries after the Rites Controversy, as they had been the Chinese Jews' major link to the world outside China.
Qing Dynasty. The Manchus, a tribal confederation related to the Jurchen, had established their own state in the northeast in 1616 and named it Qing in 1636. As their power grew, they sporadically attacked North China and absorbed much Chinese political and cultural influence. In 1644 a Qing army was invited into China by the Ming court to save Beijing from Chinese rebels. The Manchus not only conquered Beijing but stayed to rule for the next 268 years. In public policy the Manchus were strong supporters of Confucianism, and relied heavily on the support of Chinese officials, but in their private lives the Qing rulers were devoted to Tibetan Buddhism. Most religious developments during the Qing were continuations of Ming traditions, with the exception of Protestant Christianity and the Taiping movement it helped stimulate.
Before their conquest of China the Manchus had learned of Tibetan Buddhism through the Mongols, and had a special sense of relationship to a bodhisattva much venerated in Tibet, Manjusri. [See Manjusri.] Nurhachi (1559-1626), the founder of the Manchu kingdom, was considered an incarnation of Manjusri. After 1644 the Manchus continued to patronize Tibetan Buddhism, which had been supported to some extent in the Ming as well, in part to stay in touch with the dominant religion of Tibet and the Mongols. In 1652 the Dalai Lama was invited to visit Beijing, and in the early eighteenth century his successors were put under a Qing protectorate. In 1780 the Panchen Lama paid a visit to the Qianlong emperor (r. 1736-1795) on his seventieth birthday at the imperial retreat of Rehe (formerly written Jehol, now called Chengde), northeast of Beijing. At Rehe the earlier Qing emperors had built a dozen Tibetan Buddhist temples (in addition to a Confucian temple and school), including a smaller replica of the Potala Palace in Lhasa.
Early Qing emperors were interested in Chan Buddhism as well. The Yongzheng emperor (r. 1723-1735) published a book on Chan in 1732 and ordered the reprinting of the Buddhist canon, a task completed in 1738. He also supported the printing of a Tibetan edition of the canon, and his successor, Qianlong, sponsored the translation of this voluminous body of texts into Manchu. The Pure Land tradition continued to be the form of Buddhism most supported by the people. The most active Daoist schools were the monastic Quanzhen and the Zhengyi, more concerned with public rituals of exorcism and renewal, carried on by a married priesthood. However, Daoism no longer received court support. Despite repeated cycles of rebellions and persecutions, popular sects continued to thrive, although after the Eight Trigrams uprising in 1813 repression was so severe that production of sectarian scripture texts declined in favor of oral transmission, a tendency operative among some earlier groups as well.
The most significant innovation in Qing religion was the teachings of the Taiping Tianguo (Celestial Kingdom of Great Peace), which combined motifs from Christianity, shamanism, and popular sectarian beliefs. The Taiping movement was begun by Hong Xiuquan (1814-1864), a would-be Confucian scholar who first was given Christian tracts in 1836. After failing civil service examinations several times, Hong claimed to have had a vision in which it was revealed that Hong was the younger brother of Jesus Christ, commissioned to be a new messiah. Hong proclaimed a new kingdom upon earth, to be characterized by theocratic rule, enforcement of the ten commandments, the brotherhood of all, equality of the sexes, and redistribution of land. Hong and other Taiping leaders were effective preachers who wrote books, edicts, and tracts proclaiming their teachings and regulations and providing prayers and hymns for congregational worship. They forbade ancestor veneration and the worship of Buddhas and Daoist and popular deities. Wherever the Taipings went they destroyed images and temples. They rejected geomancy and divination and established a new calendar free of the old festivals and concerns for inauspicious days.
In the late 1840s Hong Xiuquan organized a group called the God Worshipers Society with many poor and disaffected among its members. They moved to active military rebellion in 1851, with Hong taking the title "Celestial King" of the new utopian regime. Within two years they captured Nanjing. Here they established their capital and sent armies north and west, involving all of China in civil war as they went. Although the Qing government was slow to respond, in 1864 Nanjing was retaken by imperial forces and the remaining Taiping forces slaughtered or dispersed. For all of the power of this movement, Taiping teachings and practices had no positive effect on the history of Chinese religions after this time, while all the indigenous traditions resumed and rebuilt. [See Taiping.]
The Qing also witnessed the decline of Chinese Jewish religious life. By the mid-nineteenth century in Kaifeng there were no Jews left who could read Hebrew. Without a rabbi there was little reason to keep the Kaifeng synagogue in repair, so the community sold the property to the Canadian Anglican mission. Today on the site is a hospital, behind which is "South Teaching the Torah Lane" (Nan jiaojing hutong), formerly the heart of the Jewish quarter in Kaifeng. There are still two or three hundred Jews living in Kaifeng, and others spread throughout the country, but aside from the their ethnic self-identification they have little knowledge of or contact with Judaism. Since the 1980s there has been a revival of interest, both among the Chinese Jews themselves and in the academic world. Since the 1990s several institutional centers of Judaic studies have been established at major universities in China.
The End of Empire and Postimperial China
In the late nineteenth century some Chinese intellectuals began to incorporate into their thought new ideas from Western science, philosophy, and literature, but the trend in religion was toward reaffirmation of Chinese values. Even the reforming philosopher Kang Youwei tried to build a new cult of Confucius, while at the popular level spirit-writing sects proliferated. In 1899 a vast antiforeign movement began in North China, loosely called the Boxer Rebellion because of its martial arts practices. The ideology of this movement was based on popular religion and spirit mediumship, and many Boxer groups attacked Christian missions in the name of Chinese gods. This uprising was put down in 1900 by a combination of Chinese and foreign armies, after the latter had captured Beijing.
The Qing government attempted a number of belated reforms, but in 1911 it collapsed from internal decay, foreign pressure, and military uprisings. Some Chinese intellectuals, free to invest their energies in new ideas and political forms, avidly studied and translated Western writings, including those of Marxism. One result of this westernization and secularization was attacks on Confucianism and other Chinese traditions, a situation exacerbated by recurrent civil wars that led to the destruction or occupation of thousands of temples. However, these new ideas were most influential in the larger cities; the majority of Chinese continued popular religious practices as before. Many temples and monasteries survived, and there were attempts to revive Buddhist thought and monastic discipline, particularly by the monks Yinguang (1861-1940) and Taixu (1889-1947). [See the biography of Taixu.]
Since 1949 Chinese religions have increasingly prospered in Taiwan, particularly at the popular level, where the people have more surplus funds and freedom of belief than ever before. Many new temples have been built, sects established, and scriptures and periodicals published. The same can be said for Chinese popular religion in Hong Kong, Macao and Singapore. The Daoist priesthood is active in Taiwan, supported by the presence of hereditary Celestial Masters from the mainland who provide ordinations and legitimacy. There are also several large and prosperous Chan organizations with branches all over the world. Another rapidly growing Buddhist sect in Taiwan is the Buddhist Compassion Relief (Ciji) Foundation, founded by the nun, Cheng Yan, in 1966 to mobilize social work and education from a Mahayana Buddhist perspective.
The constitution of the People's Republic establishes the freedom both to support and oppose religion, although proselytization is illegal. In practice religious activities of all types declined drastically there after 1949, and virtually disappeared during the Cultural Revolution of 1966 to 1976. In official documents and state-controlled media religion was depicted along Marxist lines as "feudal superstition" that must be rejected by those seeking to build a new China. Nonetheless, many religious activities continued until the Cultural Revolution, even those of the long proscribed popular sects. The Cultural Revolution, encouraged by Mao Zedong and his teachings, was a massive attack on old traditions, including not only religion, but education, art, and established bureaucracies. In the process thousands of religious images were destroyed, temples and churches confiscated, leaders returned to lay life, and books burned. At the same time a new national cult arose, that of Chairman Mao and his thought, involving ecstatic processions, group recitation from Mao's writings, and a variety of quasi-religious ceremonials. These included confessions of sins against the revolution, vows of obedience before portraits of the Chairman, and meals of wild vegetables to recall the bitter days before liberation. Although the frenzy abated, the impetus of the Cultural Revolution continued until Mao's death in 1976, led by a small group, later called "the Gang of Four," centered around his wife, Jiang Qing (1914-1991).
This group was soon deposed, a move followed by liberalization of policy in several areas, including religion. Since 1980 many churches, monasteries, and mosques have reopened, and religious leaders reinstated, in part to establish better relationships with Buddhist, Christian, and Muslim communities in other countries. There has been an accelerating revival of popular religion as well, spurred in part by the return of market capitalism under Deng Xiaoping (1904-1997). This occurred primarily in the southeast at first; since the early 1990s Taiwanese have been allowed to travel to the mainland, and many have financially supported the reconstruction of local temples, especially in Fujian province, from which most mainland Taiwanese emigrated. But the revival of popular religion is occuring throughout China, most notably in rural areas.
The official line on religion has moderated, the government now acknowledging that some aspects of China's traditional culture are worth preserving; also that religion will eventually disappear on its own when the perfect socialist state is realized, so it is unnecessary to forcefully hasten the process. Along with the booming capitalist economy that developed in the 1990s and into the twenty-first century,"socialism with Chinese characteristics" - a popular slogan of the former leader, Deng Xiaoping (1905-1997) - allows the state to tolerate and support religion, within limits.
The religious revival includes many groups devoted to various forms of qigong, the "manipulation of qi," which has roots in Daoist self-cultivation. In 1999 the government began a severe crackdown on one such cult, Falun Dafa (Great Law of the Dharma Wheel), commonly referred to in the West as Falun Gong (Exercise of the Dharma Wheel), which more accurately denotes their Buddho-Daoist-inspired form of mental and physical cultivation. Founded in 1992 by Li Hongzi (b. 1951 or 1952), Falun Dafa attracted practitioners in the tens of millions in part because of its claims to improve health and lengthen life, in the context of the aging of the Chinese population and the collapse of state-supported cradle-to-grave health care. In April of 1999 the organization, largely through the medium of e-mail, secretly organized a silent demonstration by an estimated 10,000 practitioners outside the residence compound of China's top leaders in Beijing to protest what they said was a slanderous magazine article and the refusal of the authorities to let them register as a religious organization. The group's ability to mobilize such large numbers and the fact that Li Hongzhi lived in the United States apparently motivated the repression.
Other sensitive areas of religious life in China include illegal Christian "house churches," Buddhists in Tibet (an "autonomous province" of China), and Muslims in the far-western autonomous province of Xinjiang. The latter two cases are related to the government's fear of forces that could support independence movements. The Christian churches, given the long and problematic history of missionary activity and colonialism in China, are suspect for their potential ties to the West. Although Catholicism is one of the five officially-recognized religions (Buddhism, Daoism, Islam, Protestant Christianity and Catholic Christianity), the Roman Catholic Church is outlawed because of its allegiance to the Vatican; only the Chinese Patriotic Catholic Association is recognized. The other four religions likewise have government-supported associations as the means of government control. Popular religion and Confucianism, which in the West are both routinely classified as religious, are not officially designated as such in China; popular religion is considered "superstition," and Confucianism is considered an "ideology," although not necessarily (any longer) a "feudal" ideology. There is in fact renewed interest in Confucianism among intellectuals, many of whom sense a moral vacuum in China since Marxist/Maoist thought ceased to exert any influence outside government. A modernized, less patriarchal form of Confucianism, they believe, might provide a set of moral principles better suited to Chinese culture than one imported from the West. Although China was once thought by Westerners to be a "timeless" realm in which nothing changed, the story of religion in China, as far back as we can see, has been one of constant change.
[For further discussion of the various traditions treated in this article, see Buddhism, article on Buddhism in China; Buddhism, Schools of, article on Chinese Buddhism; Daoism; Confucian Thought; and Chinese Philosophy. For a discussion of the influence of the major monotheistic religions on Chinese religion, see Islam, article on Islam in China; Christianity, article on Christianity in Asia; and Judaism, article on Judaism in Asia and Sub-Saharan Africa. For the influence of Inner Asian civilizations on Chinese thought, see Inner Asian Religions, Mongol Religions, and Buddhism, article on Buddhism in Central Asia. See also Domestic Observances, article on Chinese Practices, and Chinese Religious Year.]
|
i don't know
|
A limited company (e.g., in the UK 'Ltd', US 'LLC', Germany 'GmbH') has limited what?
|
Germany Company Formation
Contact Us
Germany - Gesellschaft mit beschränkter Haftung (Gmbh)
Gesellschaft mit beschränkter Haftung translates to “company with limited liability” and, like limited companies in the UK, a GmbH is a legal entity that is separate and distinct from the individuals who run it. For sole traders and for people in partnerships, the individuals’ personal assets are at risk if there is a claim against the organisation but shareholders in a GmbH are liable to lose only the value of the share capital to which they subscribe.
Germany’s business sector is renowned for its technical, engineering and automotive industries and, with its, stable economy and well-developed financial and banking markets it remains an attractive jurisdiction for foreign investors to looking to incorporate in Europe.
Enquire about an Germany company formation
Company Name
A German GmbH name can be in any language and it will need to end with the suffix GmbH. Having submitted the name of your company to us, we obtain approval from the Handelsregister. We can then reserve and hold your proposed company name for up to ten days.
Registered Agent
It is a requirement that a German GmbH must have a registered agent and a registered address where all official correspondence will be sent. This is provided as part of our incorporation service.
Directors
A German company requires only one person to act as a director. This person may be of any nationality and may be a corporate entity. Director names are filed on the public register.
Shareholders
A German company requires only one person to act as a shareholder, shareholders may be of any nationality and corporate entities are allowed, there is a no upper limit to the number of shareholders. Shareholder names are filed on the public register.
Share Capital
The standard authorised share capital requirement for a GmbH is €25,000. With an ordinary GmbH, the minimum share capital is €25,000 and it must be divisible into shares with a minimum face value of €100. It is possible to form a mini GmbH (UG Company) which has a lower paid-up share capital. Please visit UG companies for more information.
When incorporating, a bank account must be opened immediately after signing the deed of incorporation with the notary, and the share capital must be deposited into that account. Also, a bank statement showing the amount of capital used for the company incorporation needs to be filed with the Court of Registration, along with the Company Statutes.
Filing Requirements
A GmbH is required to file an annual return and maintain a register of officers and accounts. In some instances an audit can be expected.
Timescale
It takes from one to two weeks to incorporate a new company from the date we receive your proofs of address and identity.
Fees
£3290
Proof of Identity
As part of our due diligence we require proof of identity in the form of a passport copy for all directors and shareholders of the company.
Travel
It is necessary to visit Germany to open a bank account and to deposit the paid up share capital.
Germany - Company Formations & Company Documents
|
Liability
|
Sinhalese (or Singhalese) is the language and people originating in north India now largely populating which country?
|
Nevis LLC and Offshore Bank Account
Get a Consultation
Nevis LLC
A Nevis LLC is a legal entity that has been established under the Nevis Limited Liability Company Ordinance. Nevis is an island located in the Caribbean Sea that comprises a portion of the Federation of Saint Kitts and Nevis. A limited liability company combines many of the lawsuit protection advantages of a corporation with the asset protection provisions of a limited partnership in a single legal tool. If you are looking for information, tips, and helpful hints about asset protection and you want a low cost method of protecting and sheltering money as well as gaining financial privacy, expert research and experience shows that a Nevis Limited Liability Company and offshore bank account may be a favorable solution.
Nevis was the first offshore tax haven to enact LLC statutes. The statues greatly enhance this protection with the outstanding privacy advantages.
NEVIS LLC OFFERS OUTSTANDING PRIVACY:
In a LLC statutes in Nevis the owners and managers are not registered anywhere, which provides for complete secrecy.
Nevis has strong privacy laws to prevent the registration, filing or disclosure of directors, shareholders of a Nevis Corporation or members or managers of a Nevis LLC. Therefore, there are not any initial or annual director filings in Nevis. Thus, the identity of the owners and managers are not attainable by any outside agency short of serious criminal activity such as drug-related issues and terrorism. Therefore Nevis limited liability companies offer greater privacy than those of any country in the world.
You may locate your company records in any location on the globe.
NEVIS LLC – OUTSTANDING ASSET PROTECTION BENEFITS:
A Nevis LLC allows you to shield your assets from lawsuits, agencies, and financial creditors.
Owners are shielded from legal liability.
Owners can manage the company without becoming liable for company financial obligations or legal liabilities.
One big benefit is that it has members rather than shareholders. Therefore, there are not any shares that can be seized by a court of law.
Moreover, members are not legally responsible for company obligations.
ADDITIONAL NEVIS LLC ADVANTAGES:
A manager can have 100% control of the company.
The manager of the LLC does not need to have any ownership and yet can control the entire company and all of its assets.
A creditor must post a $100,000 bond prior to filing legal documents to enforce a judgment against one’s interest in a Nevis LLC.
The statute of limitations for fraudulent transfer is only two years. So, when you transfer assets into a Nevis LLC, two years later the courts will decline to hear the case.
A creditor needs to show beyond a reasonable doubt that the member transferred assets to the company in order to delay creditors.
Asset protection preventing a creditor from seizing the company or the assets inside is available to single-member as well as multi-member LLCs.
Any charging orders against a member’s interest in the company fall away after three years and are not renewable.
The company can have as many members as one desires.
Any person or company can own the entity.
Nevis does not impose corporate tax, income tax, withholding tax, stamp tax, asset tax, exchange controls or other fees or taxes on assets or income originating outside of Nevis.
Members of LLCs may be individuals or business entities of any nationality or domicile.
Members may amend their Articles of Organization, merge, or consolidate with other domestic or foreign LLCs or other business entities.
Members of the offshore company may assign their interests to other parties unless restricted otherwise. Nevis permits single member LLCs.
Management of the companies may be by the members or by managers designated by the members.
There are no stock limitations and can issue preferred interests analogous to preferred stock of corporations.
It is an excellent vehicle if used by a group of investors for a joint venture investment. In this respect it functions as if it was a Limited Partnership, but with all the added liability protection features and advantages of a corporation.
– It can be set up within 24 hours and has low initial cost and low annual fees.
The beautiful Nevis Four Seasons Resort
LLC vs. Corporation:
The primary distinction between an LLC and a “normal” company such as a “C” corporation (USA) or a PLC (United Kingdom), is that the LLC is a tax-neutral vehicle because it is taxed as a partnership, rather than as a corporation. Thus, using an LLC can eliminate tax at the corporate level. In this regard, it is somewhat like a U.S. “S” corporation or a German GmbH but without all the restrictions and disadvantages. So if the LLC itself has no tax payment obligation – then who does? The obligation for any taxes that would otherwise be owed by the company bypasses the company itself and attaches directly to the members. Members are to LLCs what shareholders are to corporations. Other companies, as well as individuals and trusts, can be members of an LLC. There are no limits on the number of members or the classes of members that an LLC may have. The important issue is that each member is responsible for his, her or its own pro-rata share of any overall tax obligation, if any, and that the LLC itself has no tax obligations.
LLC as an alternative or in addition to a Trust
Because of the flexibility available in LLC management structuring and because of the favorable way in which the laws of Nevis are drafted, this type of entity can also be used as alternatives to or in addition to an asset protection trust . The manager of the LLC is somewhat akin to the trustee of a trust and the members are akin to the beneficiaries of a trust. OffshoreCorporation.com can act as a nominee manager of an LLC on behalf of a client who desires to take advantage of our corporate management services.
Substituting an LLC for a trust can change the reporting requirements of taxpayers in onshore jurisdictions. The income or capital gain of an LLC is not reportable as trust income or gain or as corporate income or gain but is treated as personal income (as in the US or UK) or gain or is non-taxable, depending upon the jurisdiction in which the owners reside.
Multi-National Joint Ventures:
LLCs are excellent vehicles for structuring joint venture arrangements between project participants from different countries. This is so because the venture can enjoy all of the benefits of incorporation, but each member is liable for his own taxation in his own country. Moreover, the membership flexibility allows different joint ventures to have different levels of ownership and reward based upon the value that each constituent member brings to the project.
Tax Free:
All Nevis LLCs are free from all forms of Nevisian taxation. There are no Nevisian taxes on dividends, income, capital distribution, or wages whatsoever. Moreover, unlike many onshore jurisdictions, Nevis does not tax an LLC for accumulated (but undistributed) earnings.
Privacy:
All of the affairs of the LLC are private and cannot be disclosed except under truly exceptional circumstances such as links to international terrorism. The only document that needs to be filed with the government is the annual corporate license and this contains minimal information. There is no annual report or annual financial return that needs to be made to the government. There is no public inspection of your LLCs’ records. Confidentiality is further enhanced if the LLC appoints our company as manager and we perform the minimal corporate duties required under Nevisian law.
Enhanced Confidentiality:
Nevisian LLC laws contain many requirements related to confidentiality including strict financial secrecy laws. Strict legal requirements, known as fiduciary duties, would also govern the behavior of Offshorecorporation.com as a manager of an LLC. These fiduciary duties are imposed on managers by both the equivalent of the LLCs bylaws and by the proper law of the LLC (usually the law of the country where the manager is located).
Many of these fiduciary requirements relate to secrecy and accounting obligations by which the manager must abide. Nevisian LLC law prevents your company formation specialist from discussing your business with anyone to which you have not instructed us to speak.
Others cannot force your company formation specialist to discuss your business with anyone unless they obtain a court order against you or your specialist or both ordering a disclosure to be made. But a court order from their respective jurisdiction is useless in Nevis. In accordance with strong Nevisian law, a judgement from outside of Nevis will not be recognized by Nevisian courts. This means an onshore judgement creditor who won a lawsuit against you or your LLC in, for example, the U.S., UK, Canada or Germany cannot take that foreign judgement and require a Nevisian court to enforce it.
In addition to not recognizing the judgements of other countries, Nevisian law and Nevisian courts do not favor the granting of court orders against LLCs except under truly exceptional circumstances. Nevisian law favors upholding the independence and application of its own law over the enforcement of foreign, onshore laws.
Offshore Bank Account:
Your offshore company should own your offshore a bank account . Offshorecorporation.com (a division of Companies Incorporated) has been in business since 1977 and has relationships with large, safe and convenient offshore banks.
You can access your money conveniently via offshore debit card, check and bank wire transfer. Offshorecorporation.com can also establish a bank account that gives you online access to your money 24 hours per day.
Rather than the usual $3,000 US to $5,000 US for an offshore company, a Nevis LLC is only $1495 US.
An offshore bank account is only $350 US.
The total for the Nevis LLC plus offshore bank account is only $1845 US.
We highly recommend the Nevis Office Program which gives you a Nevis office address with mail forwarding, a shared telephone number answered by a live receptionist, and a Nevis fax number. For extra legitimacy and privacy, you can place your Nevis Office Program address, telephone number and fax number on your website and on company letterhead. The Nevis office program can be added for only $995 US. View our Nevis Complete Management Package
|
i don't know
|
Abbrieviated to PIE, what is the ancient Eurasian reconstructed language and origin of wide-ranging modern languages including English, Spanish, Russian, Greek, Urdu and Farsi?
|
/dz/, or that we must take Hittite spelling literally and read
as /tts/ and
as /ts/ is a matter of interpretation. I favour the latter view. ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From mcv at wxs.nl Thu Mar 4 20:03:07 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Thu, 4 Mar 1999 20:03:07 GMT Subject: IE, Genetic Data, Languages of Anatolia In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
Due to the interruption of mailing list traffic and my impression that this message was addressed to me only, I answered privately to Wolfgang Schulze' message close to a month ago. Here is another response.
wrote: >Miguel Carrasquer Vidal schrieb: >> I tend think of North Caucasian (NEC/NWC) as the >> primary candidate for the original language of the steppe lands. >> The Northern Caucasus is a "residual zone", in Johanna Nichols' >> terminology. It contains the linguistic residue of the peoples >> that were once dominant in the neighbouring "spread zone" (the >> steppe). >Do you have any LINGUISTIC proof or at least some indications that would >justify such an assumption? My argument was not specifically linguistic, but historico-geographical. It is a matter of simple observation that the North Caucasian zone harbours the linguistic residues of what once were the predominant populations in the steppe zone to the north of it. The predominant language now is Slavic, but we find Mongolian (Kalmuck) and Turkic (Nogai, Balkar etc.) enclaves in the North Caucasus zone. Ossetic remains as the residue of the Scytho-Sarmatian predominance in the steppe zone before the coming of the Turks. The logical next step is to think that NWC and NEC are also North Caucasian remnants of populations that were once predominant in the steppe *before* the coming of Iranian and Indo-European. Especially so if one, like me, rejects the notion of a steppe homeland for PIE. Of course, if one accepts the steppe homeland hypothesis, the thought that NWC and NEC might also be "residual" pre-IE populations never crosses one's mind, which is why Johanna Nichols herself ("The Epicentre of the IE Linguistic Spread" [in: Blench/Spriggs, "Archaeology and Language", 1997]) uses NWC and NEC linguistic data (borrowings from ANE languages) as a *fixed* reference point to measure the distance of "mobile" PIE and PKartv from the Near East, as if it were a given that PWC and PEC had been in their present positions "forever". That being said, what LINGUISTIC evidence would we expect to find for a former presence of NEC and/or NWC in the Pontic-Caspian steppe? I don't think the "horse" word is relevant: horses were domesticated in the steppe by Indo-European speakers after the supposed replacement of PEC and PWC speakers by IE speakers. This replacement would have been one by (Sub-)Neolithic pastoralists/agriculturalists (IE) of prior Mesolithic (PWC/PEC) populations, which requires very little contact between the two groups (the Mesolithic population just gets instantly outnumbered), so I wouldn't expect PWC/PEC toponyms surviving or a significant amount of PWC/PEC borrowings into Eastern IE. The only linguistic arguments would be if NWC or NEC could be linked up to languages to the north and east of the Pontic-Caspian steppe. In that sense, Starostin's Sino-Caucasian interests me for the consequences it may have for the PIE homeland. I don't know enough about Caucasian and Sino-Tibetan linguistics to evaluate the proposals, even if I had seen all of them. However, my mind was somewhat prepared to consider Sino-Caucasian as a possibility because, before I had ever heard of Sino-Caucasian or Starostin, I had discovered for myself some interesting parallels between NWC, NEC and ST numerals. For instance: Tib Lak Lezg Ubyx Adyghe 1. g-cig ca sa za z@ 2. g-nis [k.i q.we tq.wa t.w@] 3. g-sum s^an [pu] ssa s^@ 4. b-zhi [muq. q.u] pL'@ pL'@ 5. l-nga [xxyu wa s^x'@ tf@] 6. d-rug ryax rugu [f@ x'@] 7. b-dun [arul iri bl@ bL@] 8. br-gyad myay mu"z^u" g'w@ y@ 9. d-gu urc^. k.u" bg'@ bg'w@ 10. b-cu ac. c.u z^w@ ps.'@ There may be something there. Not that this, if true, proves a genetic connection (numerals are easily borrowed), but it may at least suggest ancient contacts between the NC groups and (S)Tib, and the only logical place for this to have happened is the Central Asian steppe. ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam [ Moderator's note: This is moving away from Indo-European; perhaps a shift to the Nostratic list is indicated for follow-ups other than to the IE portions above. --rma ] From JoatSimeon at aol.com Thu Mar 4 20:16:04 1999 From: JoatSimeon at aol.com (JoatSimeon at aol.com) Date: Thu, 4 Mar 1999 15:16:04 EST Subject: IE and Substrates Message-ID:
I think we should keep in mind that the European linguistic situation in historical times is probably much simpler than it was in the Mesolithic or early Neolithic. Reasoning by analogy from the situation in New Guinea or eastern pre-Columbian North America, there were probably _many_ more languages and language-families in Europe before the Indo-European expansion. Not just one or a few non-IE families which were then replaced by Indo-European. The IE expansion would then represent a massive linguistic simplification, a "reformatting" of a previously crowded scene. From petegray at btinternet.com Thu Mar 4 20:11:20 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Thu, 4 Mar 1999 20:11:20 -0000 Subject: Update on *nekw and the N-word Message-ID:
Glen Gordon said: >IE *nek-/*nok- "to bear, to carry, to convey" > (I've never seen this root. Does anyone know? Try: Avestan fra-nas- = to bring; (nas = to reach) Vedic naSa:mi = to reach Greek e:negkon, ene:nokha, etc all < e-nek- (aorist and perfect forms of) to carry Old Norse nest = provisions for a journey OCS nesti etc to carry, bear, bring Lithuanian neSu etc. Latvian nesu etc. I don't have a Pokorny, but I suspect this is one of the cognates not to be found in him. Peter From petegray at btinternet.com Thu Mar 4 20:23:12 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Thu, 4 Mar 1999 20:23:12 -0000 Subject: Greek question & the pre-history of *nekwt Message-ID:
> BTW: is Hittite
/dz, z^/, /ts,c/ or /z/? No doubt someone will prove me wrong, but I believe Hittite was deciphered at first by German speakers - so z was used as in German, which is a great pain. It = /ts/. Peter From mcv at wxs.nl Thu Mar 4 20:25:24 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Thu, 4 Mar 1999 20:25:24 GMT Subject: Ix-nay on the ostratic-nay In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu wrote: > With regard to reconstructing 1sg pronouns, there is (or so I seem >to recall) a cross-linguistic tendency for these to be formed with /m-/, >probably from a weaker variant of what might be called the "mama >syndrome": sounds that babies tend to make early tend to be pressed into >service as words that mamas and babies might use to relate to each other, >like "mama" and "me". I don't think so. > So seeing a 1sg in /m-/ does not necessarily mean much. This is true (although seeing 1sg in /m-/ AND 2sg. in /t-/, or 1sg. in /n-/ AND 2sg. in /k-/ may definitely mean more). There is, I think, a cross-linguistic tendency for (personal) pronouns to be short forms. For instance, in PIE they show a pattern CV where verbal and nominal roots have at least CVC. The same thing is true for many other language families, although I have not made a study of this. In that sense, seeing a 1sg. form apparently based on *mV- doesn't mean much in itself, especially given the fact that /m/ is a phoneme that is present and common in the overwhelming majority of the world's languages. I also haven't made a study of phoneme frequencies the world over, but my impression is that the general monosyllabicity of pronominal stems and the relatively high frequency of the phoneme /m/, plus "number of pronominal stems to be distinguished" versus "number of phonemes in the language" are sufficient to explain the number of languages that have 1p.sg. *mV- (which really isn't *that* large, I'd say 10-20%). No need for a "mama-effect". ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From w.behr at em.uni-frankfurt.de Thu Mar 4 21:02:45 1999 From: w.behr at em.uni-frankfurt.de (WB (in Frankfurt today)) Date: Thu, 4 Mar 1999 22:02:45 +0100 Subject: IE, Genetic Data, Languages of Anatolia Message-ID:
At 13:30 25.02.99 -0500, Alexis wrote: AMR| I have yet to AMR| see any real debate of the SC hypothesis. If there is any AMR| competent comment on this hypothesis, pro or con, I would AMR| appreciate references. Well, take a look at Alexander Vovin's excellent review article on WSY Wang ed. (1995), _The ancestry of the Chinese language_ (_Journal of CHinese Linguistics 25[1997]2: 308-336) for starts. Sasha demon- strates that Starostin's SC reconstruction rests on multiple correspon- dances not showing any trace of phonological conditioning (ST *-t, for instance, has no less than 17 PNC correspondances!), that "there is anything but regularity", that SC "with its 150 or 180 consonants does not even remotely resemble a human language", and that Starostin introduces rather dubious rules of root reduction (a la Paul King Benedict), which are even contradicted by his own etymologies. Vovin concludes (fair enough, I must say!), "In my opinion, the Sino-Cua- casian theory in the shape as it is presented is better placed on the back burner, until more regular and phonologically motivated corres- pondances can be offered." If I remember things correctly, there will be a workshop on SC in Cambridge (at the McDonald Institute of Archeo- logy) sometime this year, so maybe we will see a convincing defense of Starostin before long ??? Cheers, Wolfgang ps, re: AMR| I don't know what Miguel views of Sino-Caucasian are, but I AMR| do know that these kinds of speculations are precisely grist AMR| to the mill of those, like Wolfgang, who are perhaps all AMR| too eager to dismiss the SC theory w/o a proper evaluation. Oh well... for Wolfgang Schulze's _very proper_ evaluation of the C-part of SC, cf. his review of Starostin & Nikolayev in _Diachronica_ 1997.1: 149-161. From glengordon01 at hotmail.com Thu Mar 4 21:41:20 1999 From: glengordon01 at hotmail.com (Glen Gordon) Date: Thu, 4 Mar 1999 13:41:20 PST Subject: IE and Etruscan Message-ID:
>>>Etruscan is non-Indo-European. Hell, we can't even read it! >>Oh, but we can! There is general agreement on the values of the >>letters and a large proportion of the inscriptions can be >>translated without much difficulty. >There are also words in Latin said to be of Etruscan origin [e.g. >satelles, persona, etc.] as well non-IE substrate common to Latin & >Greek that may from Etruscan and/or a congener [I think form-/morph- >are among them] While there are things like
"grandson" which look much like loans from Latin, when you find enormous coincidences that couldn't possibly have been borrowed into Etruscan from Latin or Greek such as
"in front of" with the initial laryngeal or
"build, found", you really have to start wondering about a genetic relationship of some kind with IE, especially when there is a pattern of unique sound correspondances to boot. Even Anatolian borrowings don't cut it because of those pesky grammatical elements that won't go away. So amidst all this data I would personally say that anyone that doesn't agree that IE and Etruscan are genetically related by now are the ones that are truly gaga. So get ye to a library! :) -------------------------------------------- Glen Gordon glengordon01 at hotmail.com Kisses and Hugs -------------------------------------------- From X99Lynx at aol.com Fri Mar 5 05:19:57 1999 From: X99Lynx at aol.com (X99Lynx at aol.com) Date: Fri, 5 Mar 1999 00:19:57 EST Subject: *p>f Revisited - When was German invented? Message-ID:
In a message dated 1/26/99 8:32:31 AM, Miguel Carrasquer Vidal wrote: <
> Returning my question about Why *p>f?: The answer most commonly given related either to social causes or in a certain case to some tendency towards aspiration. There is another explanation however. It suggests that Germanic seems "archaic" not because it split-off early as Miquel suggests above, but because it emerged very late. And it explains p>f not as a "sound shift," but as a fundamental part of the conversion from a non-IE to an IE language by German speakers. John Hawkins in Bernard Comrie's The World's Major Languages (1987) (p.70-71) puts the general case for this, using a migration theory: "At least two facts suggest that the pre-Germanic speakers migrated to their southern Scandanavian location sometime before 1000BC and that they encountered a non-IE speaking people from whom linguistic features were borrowed that were to have a substantial impact on the developement of Proto-Germanic." Hawkins goes on to mention the 30% non-IE vocabulary that is being documented on this list. He also goes to another piece of evidence: "...the consonantal changes of the First Sound Shift are unparalleled in their extent elsewhere in Indo-European and suggest that speakers of a fricative-rich language with no voiced stops made systematic conversions of Indo-European sounds into their own nearest equivalents..." Both Hawkins and Comrie assumed, of course, that there was a migration - which we now have strong reason to believe did not occur, given both Cavalli-Sforza's evidence and the recent mDNA findings that show even less evidence of any meaningful migration. And - and this is key - if there was no migration, then the change that Hawkins speaks about - conversion of IE sounds to a fricative-rich language with no voiced stops - MUST HAVE HAPPENED right from the beginning of German. It makes no sense to think that Germanic speakers first adopted proper IE sounds and then returned to their former non-IE accents. This means the First Germanic Sound Shift ACTUALLY reflects the presrvation of prior non-IE sounds during conversion to an IE language. AND it would mean that the First Sound Shift must have happened at the time the IE language was first introduced. In other words, there was no Germanic *p> Germanic f. There was no proto-Germanic *pemke (five). Because the non-IE speakers had no reason to drop the /f/ in adopting the IE word and then go back later and sound shift back to it. And, BTW, this explanation of how the First "Sound Shift" happened is far more reasonable than postulating a massive arbitrary later adoption of those sound changes. Or an unexplainable impulse to fricatives, etc. Germanic as IE "with an accent" explains the "shift" with a consistent underlying reason (a partial conversion from non-IE) that works across the board for all former speakers of that earlier language rather than being a later "trend" that coincidentally got picked up by all Germanic speakers but somehow was rejected by all non-Germanic speakers. That kind of subtle consensus is improbable. (Because he is postulating a mass migration, Hawkins uses the words "systematic conversion" to IE, which seems to postulate some Proto-Germanic Academy of Language. An non-IE accent is much more plausible for the universality of the sound change in German-speakers and total non-adoption by any others IE speaking group.) If the First "Sound Shift" actually marks the conversion of a non-IE language into IE Germanic, then it was only completed around 500BC (according to Hawkins and Comrie.) And this would have many implications for our understanding of the history and spread of IE languages. For one thing it would not make sense to talk about "proto-Germanic" branching off a "proto-IndoEuropean" core. There would have been no PIE at this point in time. Germanic would have had to have been acquired from a SPECIFIC existing IE language or languages. (I even think I have a candidate for that language and somewhat documented historical circumstances.) And there is nothing inconsistent with this archaeologically. I don't think I need to repeat the often repeated dictum that we have no reason to think Corded Ware/Battle Axe cultural evidence tells us in any way what language was spoken by those who left it behind. Or that any change in language from non-IE to IE would be marked by any noticeable change in that material evidence, since it was preliterate. Finally, as a reality check, it should be remembered that we have no solid evidence of Germanic before 300ace. If IEGermanic was finally formed some short time before 500bce, then that would mean 800 years passed before the Gothic Bible was written down. 800 years was sufficient for Gallic to be replaced entirely by the new language of French. Yet less remains of Gallic among the contiguous population of France then remains of non-IE among the Germans. There is really no need and no evidence that would necessarily extend the emergence of an IE proto-Germanic much before 500bce. Respectfully, Steve Long [ Moderator's comment: And what of the very similar, though completely separate, Armenian shift? --rma ] From maxw at cogs.susx.ac.uk Fri Mar 5 11:29:34 1999 From: maxw at cogs.susx.ac.uk (Max W Wheeler) Date: Fri, 5 Mar 1999 11:29:34 +0000 Subject: rate of change In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
On Wed, 24 Feb 1999, Rick Mc Callister wrote: > But before 1500, Spanish & Portuguese were farther apart than they are now. > Rick Mc Callister Oh yeah? Who says? It wouldn't take long to list some significant changes in Spanish since 1500 which have moved it away from Portuguese. But it won't be worth it without a good reason to believe the claim made above. Max ___________________________________________________________________________ Max W. Wheeler
School of Cognitive and Computing Sciences University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9QH, UK Tel: +44 (0)1273 678975; fax: +44 (0)1273 671320 ___________________________________________________________________________ From maxw at cogs.susx.ac.uk Fri Mar 5 14:18:29 1999 From: maxw at cogs.susx.ac.uk (Max W Wheeler) Date: Fri, 5 Mar 1999 14:18:29 +0000 Subject: non-IE/Germanic In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
Many thanks to Rick McCallister for these interesting lists (only recently received, since forwarded by our moderator from Nostratic, which I'm not on. One thing is not clear to me. What is the significance of the presence in the list of Romance borrowings from Germanic (?all from Vennemann 1984)? Is it because the etyma are not themselves attested in Germanic? This might be the case for Fr heraut (> Eng herald) < Frk *herialt, or Fr honte < Frk *haunitha. In which case, is it being suggested that these words don't have plausible etymologies within Germanic, or IE cognates? [according to Onions, ODEE, herald is orig from Gc *xariwald- < *xarjaz `army' + *wald- `rule'.] But this wouldn't seem to apply to the entries like It. guatare, in connection with which Meyer-Lübke, Romanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, cites Frk wahta (REW 9477c) and Langobardic wahtari (REW 9478), without asterisks. [And Onions, ODEE gives OHG wahten, s.v. wait.] (And as Germanic words, the entries with Romance guV- belong under w-, and the French with e'c(h)- belong under sk-.) Max ___________________________________________________________________________ Max W. Wheeler
School of Cognitive and Computing Sciences University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9QH, UK Tel: +44 (0)1273 678975; fax: +44 (0)1273 671320 ___________________________________________________________________________ From ERobert52 at aol.com Fri Mar 5 16:43:16 1999 From: ERobert52 at aol.com (ERobert52 at aol.com) Date: Fri, 5 Mar 1999 11:43:16 EST Subject: IE and Etruscan Message-ID:
jpmaher at neiu.edu wrote: > Vladimir Georgiev [Sofia] held that Etruscan was early IE and > related to Hittite. > ... > nobody contested his data nor his thesis. > ERobert52 at aol.com wrote: >> No sensible person thinks Etruscan is IE, and most people who say >> it is are pretty wacky, A comparison of Etruscan with Hittite and the other Anatolian languages shows some similar features such as noun declension endings and the role of clitics, indeed some of the clitics are the same. Some possible cognate lexical items have also been pointed to. These are either due to chance, Sprachbund, borrowing, a substrate, or a genetic relationship. However, all other things being equal, the common ancestor of such a genetic relationship would need to be at a date prior to the break-up between Proto-Anatolian and the rest of IE because Etruscan is less similar to the rest of IE than the Anatolian languages are. What is clear is that Etruscan cannot constitute a branch of IE on a par with, say, Celtic or Albanian, let alone be a member of such a branch, despite repeated efforts to prove the contrary over the years by e.g. Mayani, Gruamach etc. by attempting to look up Etruscan words in a modern dictionary for the relevant language group that they want to claim a relationship with. Sometimes similar suggestions even involve throwing in some inscriptions that are actually Umbrian or Venetic and lo and behold, Etruscan is suddenly IE. I would describe these approaches as not sensible. I discovered another website today where somebody's "research" had led them to the conclusion that Etruscan was actually Ukrainian (not even Proto-Slav, nor OCS, but Ukrainian). This I call wacky. This should be contrasted with points of view such as the idea that Etruscan forms part of a longer range construct including but prior to IE (Kretschmer), or has some sort of affinity with certain Anatolian languages (Stoltenberg), which are points of view that deserve to be treated seriously, although their linguistic evidence is, understandably, a bit slim. I believe Georgiev was saying something perfectly reasonable similar to this. On a related matter, there is obviously some sort of connection between Etruscan and western Anatolia given the historical references from several sources linking the Etruscans to Lydia. Frank Rossi speculated recently (on historical grounds) that there might be an Etruscan substrate in Lydian. However as far as I can see there is no more linguistic evidence that would link Etruscan with Lydian than would link Etruscan with Hittite. Or am I missing something? Ed. Robertson From petegray at btinternet.com Mon Mar 8 18:07:11 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 10:07:11 -0800 Subject: Salmon. Message-ID:
>salmon in the Danube. Salmon trout are found in the Danube according to Mallory - but not the other kind of salmon. Peter From xdelamarre at siol.net Sat Mar 6 00:31:27 1999 From: xdelamarre at siol.net (Xavier Delamarre) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 01:31:27 +0100 Subject: Non IE words in early Celtic Message-ID:
Reply to Rick Mc Callister : 1/ *abol- (*a:b- with Lex Winter) "apple" : Italic, Celtic, Germanic, Balto-Slavic, possibly Thracian or Dacian (the gloss dinupula < *k'un-a:bo:la:). Enough to have IE status. Considered as non-IE because of -b-, itself considered as non-IE, circular. 2/ *aliso "alder": add Slavic jelicha, Russ. _ol'cha_, lithuanian _alksnis_, Latin _alnus_ (*alisnos). Enough to have IE status. 3/ Gaulish _bra:ca_ : latin _suffra:go:_ "jarret" (<*bhra:g- "cul"), cf after Schrader, O. Szemenenyi (An den Quellen des lateinischen Wortschatzes, 117-18). 4/ Gaulish _bri:ua_ "bridge" (cf place names Caro-briua, Briuo-duron etc.), germanic *bro:wo: & *bruwwi: (> bridge etc.), OCS _bruvuno_ "poutre, rondin", Serbian _brv_ "passerelle" (prob. the original meaning). 5/ Germanic _bukkaz_, clearly an expressive gemination of *bhug'o- (Avestic _buza_) etc. 6/ Gaulish _dunum_ "enclosed place", Germanic *tu:na- (> town, Zaun etc.) ; C. Watkins, Select. Writ. 2, 751-53, has related Hittite _tuhhusta_ "finish, come to an end, come full circle" (cf Latin _fu:-nes-_ < *dhu:-). A possibility : I am a bit suspicious because it is a root-etymology. 7/ *gwet- "resin" : not only Celtic-Germanic, (Latin _bitu-men_, may come also from Osco-Umbrian), but O.Ind. _jatu-_ "Lack, Gummi", Mayrhofer EWAia 1, 565. 8/ Gaulish (& Celtic) _i:sarno_ "iron" : explained convincingly by W. Cowgill as the regular reflex of IE _*e:sr-no-_ "the bloody (red) metal" (Idg Gramm. 1,1). 9/ Gaulish canto- "edge, circle" : explained by O. Szemerenyi, Scrip. Min. 4, 2036-38, as _*kmto-_ from a root _*kem-_ 'cover'. A possibility. 10/ "lake" : add Greek _lakkos_ <*_lakwos_ "cisterna", OCS _loky_ "id." ; for the alternance a / o (as for the word 'sea' *mori/*mari), JE Rasmussen, Studien zur Morphophonemik der idg Spr. 239-40, has proposed an explanation. I hope to be able to present a more detailed account of these etymologies in my "Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise", to appear in the coming years. I do not believe very much in "Nordwestblock" theories (Hamp, Huld, recently Beekes, who does not think that *ab- "water" and *teuta: "people" are IE), taken from Meillet's "vocabulaire du nord-ouest" (by the way) : you can prove the antiquity of a designation (by a set of correspondences), but not draw conclusions in reason of its absence (argumentum e silentio) in a given dialect. The old problem of dialectology. A good example has been given recently : a lot of speculation, with sociological consequences, had been produced from the fact the Celtic had no representant of the canonic IE words for son & daughter (*su:nus, *dhugHte:r). The later word is now attested in the Plomb du Larzac as _duxtir_ ; by pure chance. the same is true of _lubi_ "love" (no trace of this IE root in insular Celtic) or _deuoxtonion_ gen. plur. "of Gods & Men" (no trace of dvandva compositum in ins. C.). etc. Xavier Delamarre Ljubljana From mcv at wxs.nl Sat Mar 6 03:29:58 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 03:29:58 GMT Subject: Anatolians In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
Rick Mc Callister
wrote: >Would your outline would be something like this? >Outliers are marked with * >I.IE to c. 5500 BCE >A. *Anatolian c. 5500 BCE >B. Non-Anatolian IE 5500 BCE > 1. *Tocharian c. 5000 BCE > 2. Eastern [Steppe] IE c. 5000/4500 BCE > a. Indo-Iranian 3200 BC > b. Greco-Armenian [Thracian?] 3200 BC > i. Hellenic > ii. *Armenian > iii. Thracian-Phrygian Too little is known about Thracian and Phrygian to call them. I've also grown rather dubious about Greco-Armenian. The similarities between Greek and Armenian (mainly in vocabulary) must be secondary, resulting from interaction in the Balkans, but Armenian must've split off from the main body of IE containing Greek earlier. > 3. Central/Western [LBK] IE c. 5000/4500 BCE > a. Germano-Balto-Slavic 4500-4000? BCE > i. Balto-Slavic 4000 BCE [GBS Sprachbund 3K-1K BCE] > ii. *Germanic 4000 BCE [GBS Sprachbund 3K-1K BCE] Same doubts about GBS as about Armeno-Greek. Secondary interactions. > b. Celto-Italic-Venetic-etc. [Illyrian?] 4500-2000 BCE? > i. Celtic 2000 BCE > ii. Italic 2000 BCE > iii. Venetic 2000 BCE > iv. ?Illyrian? 2000 BCE? > v. Lusitanian? 2000 BCE? Nothing is known about Illyrian, little about Venetic or Lusitanian. > And there the question of what Albanian is/was. > Is it the remains of whatever Balkan IE language was there before >Greco-Armenian? My feeling is that it's somewhat intermediate between Greek and Balto-Slavic, maybe leaning more towards the BS side. Although it also has some things in common with Italo-Celtic in the verbal system. It seems much more logical that it would be descended from Illyrian rather than from Thracian (much more Latin than Greek borrowings), and I can say that with impunity, as *nothing* is known about Illyrian (not even if it was a single language group). The diagram as I posted it some time ago: Stage 1. Anatolian splits off (actually, PIE (LBK) splits off: 5500). Anatolian <-- PIE Stage 2. Tocharian splits off (c. 5000 ?). Anatolian ; PIE --> Tocharian Stage 3. Germanic and Armenian split off (4000?). Anatolian ; Germanic <-- PIE --> Armenian ; Tocharian Stage 4/5. Final break-up of PIE (3500). Anatolian; Germanic ; Italo-Celtic <-- Greek-Indo-Iranian --> Balto-Slavic , Albanian ; Armenian ; Tocharian So the original tree would be: PIE / \ Anatolian /\ / \ /\ Tocharian / \ /\ /\ / | | \ Germanic | | Armenian | |\ Italo-Celtic | \ / \ Albanian / \ /\ Balto-Slavic / \ Greek Indo-Iranian After that, the situation was slightly complicated by secondary interactions between Germanic and Balto-Slavic, and Greek/Albanian/Armenian. Stage 6. Balkan and Baltic interaction spheres (3000-2500). Anatolian [Greece/Anatolia]; Greek/Albanian/Armenian [Balkan]; Italo-Celtic [Bell Beaker]; Germanic/Balto-Slavic [Corded Ware]; Indo-Iranian [(pre-)Andronovo]; Tocharian [Yenisei/Sinkiang] Stage 7. Further interactions (2000-1000). Anatolian/Armenian [Anatolia]; Greek/Albanian/Italic [Mediterranean]; Celtic/Germanic [NW Europe]; Balto-Slavic/Iranian [E Europe/C Asia/Iran]; Indic [India]; Tocharian[/Iranian] [Sinkiang] ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From mcv at wxs.nl Sat Mar 6 03:50:55 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 03:50:55 GMT Subject: /Anatolian /-nt-/ and Greek /-nth-/ In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu wrote: > Perhaps I am missing something here, but why should Anatolian >place-names with /-nt-/ (or for that matter /-nd-/) be borowed into Greek >with /-nth-/? Probably because Anatolian t was aspirated, or sounded aspirated to the Greeks. >I suppose we could say that the form was originally >/-ndh-/, but the Anatolian forms in /-nt/ are generally considered older. The IE etymon is *-nt- (probably identical to the Luwian/Slavic/Tocharian collective (plural) suffix *-(e/o)nt-). ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From mcv at wxs.nl Sat Mar 6 05:36:13 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 05:36:13 GMT Subject: Anatolians In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
JoatSimeon at aol.com wrote: >>mcv at wxs.nl writes: >We know Renfrew's 7000 BCE is too early for PIE >because of the absence of the late-Neolithic innovations recorded in PIE in >7000 BCE. However, that vocabulary _is_ there in Anatolian. Let's take a closer look at this. What are these late Neolithic innovations? Mallory claims that such words as "wool", "milk", "plough" and "yoke" belong here, as central parts of the new vocabulary associated with the "Secondary Products Revolution" (Sherrat) of the late Neolithic. But surely there's no reason to think that words such as "milk" and "wool" didn't exist in the vocabulary even in pre-Neolithic times. In the early Neolithic, sheep, goats and cattle were domesticated, and there is evidence for dairying of cattle in Northern European LBK sites. The plough was also used since the very beginning of the Neolithic, if only in the form of a branch or stick (Irish ce:cht, Gothic ho:ha, Slavic soxa; Skt. hala-). That leaves only "yoke", with the undoubted Hittite reflex
as a possible candidate for being a late Neolithic innovation. I've been unable to find a reference to the first archaeological evidence for the yoke, and I gather that Sherrat's inclusion of the yoke in the "Secondary Products Revolution" toolset is mainly based on Sumerian depictions of it (Johanna Nichols compares PIE *yugom with PKartv. *uG-el- and PEC *r=u(L')L' (*r=u(k')k')). Another undoubted Late Neolithic innovation is metal working, but here the Hittite vocabulary is completely unrelated to the main IE one (except maybe the word for "white, silver" harki-). Finally, the principal lexical argument revolves around the horse and horse technology. The Hittite word for "horse" is unknown (aways written Sumerograpically as AN$E.KUR.RA), but there is a Luwian attestation: asuwa. This looks very much like an Indo-Iranian borrowing (Skt. as'va < PIE *ek^wos), were it not for the fact that Luwian "dog" is
(PIE *k^won-). So either there was a satem-like Luwian sound law *k^w > sw, or Luwian borrowed both words from Mitanni-Aryan. Borrowing of the horse word is not surprising (the Hittite archives at Boghazko"y yielded a treatise on horses, containing a number of words of Indo-Iranian origin, written by a Mitannian called Kikkuli). Borrowing of the dog word seems less plausible (although Slavic sobaka is of course borrowed from Iranian as well). The other words related to horse technology yield no Hittite cognates (Hittite "wheel" is not *kwekwlo- or *rotHo- but
, related only to Tocharian
"circle, wheel"), except for two curious items: "shaft/pole", Hittite hissa ~ Skt. i:s.a:, Grk. oie:ks, Slav. oje(s)- and "(to) harness", Hittite turiia- ~ Skt. dhu:r-. It is, I believe, no coincidence that these are Hittite-Sanskrit isoglosses (if we discard the Greek and Slavic words for having different Ablaut). Again, the most likely explanation is that these are Mitanni-Aryan loanwords. After all, it would be rather strange to find the exact same inherited words for cultural items such "shaft" and "harness" when Hittite doesn't even share its basic kinship terminology with Indo-European and has a different word for "four". ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From petegray at btinternet.com Sat Mar 6 12:58:42 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 12:58:42 -0000 Subject: /Anatolian /-nt-/ and Greek /-nth-/ Message-ID:
DLW asks: >why should Anatolian >place-names with /-nt-/ (or for that matter /-nd-/) be borowed into Greek >with /-nth-/? (a) a phonetic explanation: Hittite (as you probably know) shows only the voiceless stops. If there is no phonemic distinction between aspirate and unaspirated, or between voiced and voiceless in Hittite (although there may be between geminate and non-geminate), then we know nothing about the actual articulation. So perhaps the Greek borrowings, if they were borrowings, are genuine reflections of the actual phonetic value. (b) a non-phonetic explanation We should also note that borrowings into other languages from English sometimes have results that are odd to our eyes, and may be done for morphophonemic reasons, e.g. the Hebrew use of /q/ for English /k/, which prevents fricativisation in certain contexts. So perhaps we should leave open the idea that the borrowing as Hittite written -nt- as an aspirate or a voiced consonant might have had some non-phonetic explanation. Peter From petegray at btinternet.com Sat Mar 6 13:09:26 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 13:09:26 -0000 Subject: Celtic and English Again Message-ID:
On the lack of influence from Celtic in English: Perhaps a comparable situation can be found in Egypt, which was Egyptian-speaking for yonks, then Greek speaking for nearly a thousand years, but now speaks Arabic with very little, if any, trace of either "substrate". Does this suggest that languages can indeed be replaced without great effect on the invading language, if other circumstances are right, and that the lack of influence from Celtic on English is not really so remarkable? Peter From petegray at btinternet.com Sat Mar 6 13:17:21 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 13:17:21 -0000 Subject: Cowgill's Law Message-ID:
Our Moderator said: >Cowgill's Law ... >I see that it does not appear in Collinge, It would not be in Collinge since he deliberately excludes those laws which are specific to one language group. Peter [ Moderator's comment: Of course! I wasn't thinking when I flipped it open to check. Thanks! --rma ] From petegray at btinternet.com Sat Mar 6 13:04:32 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 13:04:32 -0000 Subject: Germanic and Balto-Slavic Cases in /m/ Message-ID:
DLW suggested: /bhi/ being added to the accusative (in /-m/) This in itself would be an enormous innovation, which no other IE language group shows for any of its cases. (The only exception might be the unproven development of the accusative plural from accusative singular +s). So alas, even if true, (which it isn't), it would still remain "diagnostic". Peter From petegray at btinternet.com Sat Mar 6 13:01:09 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 13:01:09 -0000 Subject: Chariots Message-ID:
"true cavalry". This has to do with the development of a horse strong enough to be ridden. I think there has been discussion of this in this group before, with inconclusive results about when horses were strong enough to carry a person on their back. Peter From glengordon01 at hotmail.com Sun Mar 7 03:37:01 1999 From: glengordon01 at hotmail.com (Glen Gordon) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 19:37:01 PST Subject: IE to ProtoSteppe Message-ID:
[ Moderator's note: While I would prefer not to discuss this here when it is an on-going topic on HistLing, I can't in good conscience not post it and then post other items to which it has something to say. So since it started out on the IE list, I'm posting it to the IE list rather than Nostratic (where I'd not be any happier to see it, really :-). --rma ] Hi y'all, I have transfered this N-word topic over to the NOSTRATIC list from the INDO-EUROPEAN List. It really belongs in both but the IE world and the moderator, stubborn as they both are :), are not ready yet for this kind of discussion in the latter list. Sadly its likeliest pre-history and those of the language groups it interacts with, is very important in the discussion of IE and the geographical position of its range that we eventually find: ME (GLEN): >>If we accept (as we should) that IE is genetically tied to languages >>like Uralic and Altaic JOATSIMEON: >-- frankly, I think relationships at that time-depth are >unrecoverable with any degree of confidence. This illustrates one of my frustrations about debates on these lists (and don't get me wrong, I'm glad that they exist and they are necessary). You see, I'm trying to understand the logic that some employ to deny external relationships with IE and I often find it gnawing at my nerves because of its senselessness. (I know, even on the Nostratic list, there are some who fight long-range genetic relationships in favor of the Valley Girl's NULL hypothesis). Now, I can fully understand that one can have the legitimate view that _AT PRESENT TIME_, such things are not recoverable to a _strong degree_ as JS points out. This is a matter of opinion. However, should this stop one from thinking and conjecturing beyond what we know in order to even vaguely answer these questions of genetic relationship? How can a study progress if one doesn't strive to progress with new ideas and to stretch all that is known to its fullest volume? This is how any science in general works and conjecture is a necessary component in good research. Many will agree that IE is now reconstructable to a decent degree (at least in terms of general vocab). So is that it? We just stop, fly our hands up in the air and quit? Well, unless we have grown old of our research, we take what we know and expand it, conjecture, find more evidence, etc., so that we can reach a new level of understanding about the field we're working with. Therefore, why is it then that we have many on this list and others with this illogical agnostic/defeatist attitude? Can we really place a limit on what we can find out or learn at any given time? Again, no. We ironically don't know enough to begin to calculate such a limit unless we profess divinity of ourselves. We simply don't know what we will discover or can discover and I hope no one will argue with that bit of intuitive reasoning. This problem fits the topic of external IE genetic relationship as good as any. Do we know 100% that IE is related to Uralic? No. Do we know 100% that IE is NOT related to Uralic? No. Do we know 100% that IE existed as we expect it does? No. Maybe 25%, 80%, maybe 95% or even 99% but we can't say that it's proven for all time or without foundation of "evidence" and wipe one's hands clean of it. The questions remain to be answered, not ignored carelessly. Thus it should be fairly apparent to people already what I'm getting at. Until those wacky nuclear physicists back at the science lab discover how to warp space-time back to the time of a given proto-language, comparative linguistics will always be _pure theory_. Since this is theory, Alexis' opinion is off-center. There can be no unanimous distinction on what is dismissable "conjecture" and what isn't. Ideally and preferably, to make a conjecture more probable, a theory should be based on relevant evidence of some kind. Many times, because this is a topic of linguistics, linguistical evidence is supplied to validate a theory. Sometimes it's archaeoligical in nature, or even (gasp!) genetic. Despite the type of evidence, though, "proof" as such is really a matter of logic and relative probability. "Proof" is defined by the degree of likelihood an idea has to overcome the barrier of insignificance of its beholder and to stick it out from other competing theories. So here's my conjecture and let it's proof be Reason at last: IE is more closely related to Uralic, Altaic and other "Eurasiatic" languages than anything else. What do IEists often say to this? "Can't be proven", "I don't think it can be recoverable", "Pure hogwash" and that's that. This is where my sense of logic starts paining me because here we find such a defeatist attitude at work deceiving many into an ultra-conservative, anti-research frame of mind that denies answers to questions simply because the answers are purely probabilistic, not boolean. "Maybe" instead of "is, without a doubt". Probability, however, is the vary nature of comparative linguistics! Surely IE is most likely related to something. No self-professed linguist could possibly pretend that IE invented its own language (aside from Pat in re of his Sumerian idea). So we go beyond that, we conjecture, we allow ourselves to step beyond the obvious and fight for more knowledge. We search for the most probable external links with IE. We can't prove without a trace of uncertainty that IE is related to Uralic and Altaic. We may not be able to prove it with a 25% probability, a 5% probability, or even a 0.00001% probability. We can't even measure the probability in realistic terms. The probability of the theory on its own is not the point. The point is: in regards to any other competing theories out there on IE external links (from NWC to Benue-Congo), what is the MOST probable? What has the most weight? Is this probability large enough over the other possibilities. Well, given that language groups like Algic or other "Amerind" langauges have to be an exceedingly low probability on this list of possibilities, we thus CAN create a list of language groups ordered by their degree of probability and, to the very least, answer vaguely the question of IE genetic relationships (ie: "It's very, very, very unlikely that IE is related to Amerind languages within the past 10,000 years"). The probability may appear "small" (a relative term to the beholder) but in relation to all other theories possible in terms of genetic relationship with IE, Eurasiatic languages are set miles apart from the rest. If you disagree, don't just say "dunno". Agnosticism is blatantly illogical. What is the most probable answer in all in your view? What is your basis? Answer it, even if it is a vague and probabilistic answer. Dare to have an opinion. It's reasonable to have one as long as you understand that it has less weight over theories with large amounts of evidence. Even someone who thinks that we will never know for absolute surity, must with any degree of sanity agree this hypotheses is the best possible one we can have. I really would like to crack the "can't-do-it-so-why-bother" reasoning and talk realistically about these external relationships. I would prefer to do it on the IE group where this discussion would be all the more meaningful amongst those staunchly opposed to long-range comparison but alas... -------------------------------------------- Glen Gordon glengordon01 at hotmail.com Kisses and Hugs -------------------------------------------- From proto-language at email.msn.com Sat Mar 6 14:13:25 1999 From: proto-language at email.msn.com (Patrick C. Ryan) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 08:13:25 -0600 Subject: Greek question & the pre-history of *nekwt Message-ID:
[ moderator re-formatted ] Dear Rich and IEists: -----Original Message----- From: Patrick C. Ryan
Date: Friday, March 05, 1999 10:14 PM >I know of no reflex that suggests a palatal (^) + labial combination. Are you >suggesting that I am considering g[^]h-w-? I am not. I think -gh-w- is still >the likeliest termination. >[ Moderator's comment: > Perhaps I am confused about what you mean when you write
: To me, > this suggests a segment *gh followed by a segment *w, especially when you > write about the latter being "carried over into the first syllable". Yes, this is exactly what I meant: *negh(V)w-. > My point is that the symbol used in all Indo-Europeanist literature which is > not limited to ASCII has a superscript
, which in my TeX-influenced way > I would write as *g{^w}h (or less preferably *gh{^w}). Rich, I never write anything as
because I frequently am switching from email to .html and whatever is between the < and > is treated as an instruction rather than copy in .html. [ Moderator's comment: Old habit: If square brackets indicate phonetic values, and slashes indicate phonemic values, then angle brackets indicate *graphemic* values, that is, how something is spelled in the orthography under discussion. Much older than HTML, so I'm going to claim priority for it. ;-] I have tried to indicated the labiovelars as g[w], k[w], and the palatalized versions g[^][w], k[^][w]. [ Moderator continues: See above: That is extremely confusing--either mixing phonetics in, or if taken as in syntax, indicating something optional. --rma ] > I'm afraid that the sloppy manner in which labiovelars get written has > misled you into thinking that the -u- of the Greek word _nuks, nuktos_ is > metathesized from after a palatal (or simple velar, if you allow three > series of dorsals). Well, I might not have it right, but that is what I favor at the moment. *negh(V)w- -> *neugh- + s/t -? neuk(h)s/t-. [ Moderator's response: It may be what you favor, but it flies in the face of the data: Sanskrit *requires* a labiovelar, or the accusative would be **nas.t.am rather than the attested _naktam_. And what is represented by that "*s/t -?" ? --rma ] >But, let me ask a question: are you saying that Hittite does *not* suggest >that the final element before the [w], glide or extension, was voiced? That >is a perfectly legtimate position but I was not aware it was very >well-represented these days. >[ Moderator's response: > I've not addressed this issue before. Sturtvant himself noted a *tendency* > for single vs. double writing of (mostly voiceless) stops to correspond to > a voiced vs. voiceless distinction in the rest of Indo-European (or, as he > would have it, in Indo-European proper). However, as I remember what he > said about Hittite _nekuz_, he considered the spelling
to represent a > labiovelar which could not otherwise be written in cuneiform--and since it > thus appears before another consonant, the single/double writing tendency > would not be germane. [ Moderator's comment on previous response: I have since looked in Sturtevant's _Comparative Grammar of Hittite_ (2nd, 1951) and his _Indo-Hittite Laryngeals_, and find that I have mis-stated his views: He clearly reads the syllable as such. I cannot for the life of me remember where I learned the other interpretation. --rma ] Yes, I believe that must have been Sturtevant's view with a modification. On pg. 43 of "A Comparative Grammar of the Hittite Langauge), he indicates Indo-Hittite *nekwts. But then on p. 59, contradictorily, he indicates *neg'wty; and goes on to say: ". . . such forms as nukha . nuktor (Hesych.), ennukhos 'of night', pannukhios, autonnnukhi 'in the same night', whose aspirate proves that the second consonant of the IH word was g' ". On the previous page, he defines IH g' as "IE gh, g[^]h, or the velar part of ghw". Finally, on page 181, Sturtevant lists "ne-ku-uz . . . . . . neguts", which is the "Suggested phonetic interpretation". Now, this all suggests to me that Sturtevant believed (at least as of the writing of this book) that the IE stem was *negh(V)w-. [ Moderator's response: You are correct, this does appear to be what he believed. However, I think he was wrong. The argument I first cited was not Sturtevant's, but it was nevertheless the right interpretation, based on readings of other lexical items such as the interrogatives. --rma ] Pat From iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu Sat Mar 6 15:48:56 1999 From: iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu (iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 09:48:56 -0600 Subject: Celtic influence In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
Yes, I agree there is seemingly Celtic (grammatical) influence in most of Western Romance, most notably French. It is just a little more difficult to nail down, without actual knowledge of the Celtic languages in question. For example we may note the "two BE verbs" syndrome in Iberian. DLW From iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu Sat Mar 6 16:02:45 1999 From: iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu (iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 10:02:45 -0600 Subject: Feminines in Neuter Plurals Message-ID:
What exactly is the argument here? That if the feminine had been a recent development from the masculine, the masculine plural rather than the neuter would be used for mixed M/F plurals, therefore the feminine cannot be a recent development from the masculine? What if the feminine is a recent development from the neuter/inanimate? Very un-PC, I know, but stranger (and more un-PC) things have happened. And is it not true the Conventional Wisdom has the feminine developing from the neuter/inanimate anyway? Perhaps I am missing something, but I find it difficult to understand what is being alledged. DLW From dtompkin at thunder.ocis.temple.edu Sat Mar 6 17:19:10 1999 From: dtompkin at thunder.ocis.temple.edu (Dan Tompkins) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 12:19:10 -0500 Subject: Mallory Message-ID:
On pastoralism, I'm no expert. And I have not followed the discussion closely. Here are two comments that may or may not be appropriate: if they are not, I apologize. The situation of the Plains Indians sounds in any case anomalous, doesn't it, in that there were two big exogenous variables at work: getting forced out of areas like Wisconsin, and then getting the horse. On pastoralism in the Greek world, Jens Erik Skydsgaard, 'Transhumance in the Greek Polis,' in C.R. Whittaker (ed), Pastoral Economies in Classical Antiquity (Cambridge UP, 1988) argued (as I recall: can't find the book right now) that 'pure' pastoralism did not exist, that in general agriculture took place at the same time. Without the essay in front of me I can't tell what time frame he put on this. Anyhow, the discussion is interesting! Dan Tompkins Faculty Fellow for Learning Communities Associate Professor, Greek, Hebrew & Roman Classics Conwell Hall, Temple University 1801 North Broad Street Philadelphia, PA 19122-6096 215 204-4900 (phone) 215 204-5735 (fax) dtompkin at thunder.ocis.temple.edu [ moderator snip ] From dtompkin at thunder.ocis.temple.edu Sat Mar 6 17:48:16 1999 From: dtompkin at thunder.ocis.temple.edu (Dan Tompkins) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 12:48:16 -0500 Subject: Error on pastoralism Message-ID:
On consulting some notes I realize I had it wrong on Skydsgaard. There are two essays in the Whittaker volume dealing with transhumance. Here is my summary of the one by Stephen Hodkinson: Hodkinson, S. (1988). Animal husbandry in the Greek polis. C. R. Whittaker (editor), Pastoral Economies in Classical Antiquity, Cambridge Philological Society Supplementary Volume 14, (pp. 35- 74). Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. Argues that pastoralism and agriculture were integrated more than standard view holds. (As I recall, SH was opposing the standard view as a form of "environmental determinism" based on departure of flocks from valleys in summer due to heat, and consequent lack of manure in fields). Skydsgaard in same volume opposes this view; Spurr in his review JRS 79 (1989) also has reservations. Spurr says small farmers could devise ways to keep flocks on farm all yr round, and himself opposes environmental determinism. Jameson in "Agric. Labor in Ancient Greece" in Berit Wells (ed) Agriculture in Ancient Greece (Stockholm, 1992) finds the notion that animal husbandry on small scale was an "integral part of mixed agriculture" convincing. Dan Tompkins From JoatSimeon at aol.com Sun Mar 7 02:06:17 1999 From: JoatSimeon at aol.com (JoatSimeon at aol.com) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 21:06:17 EST Subject: Chariots Message-ID:
[ moderator re-formatted ] In a message dated 3/5/99 7:31:44 PM Mountain Standard Time, iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu writes: >But if this is true, it has implications (however circumstiantial) for the >development of true cavalry, for as of about 2000 BC chariot cavalry was >evidently regarded as the latest most terrifying thing by all concerned (as >various nomads burst out of various steppes employing it) and so this would >suggest that the development of true cavalry must have been later. >> -- depends what you mean by "cavalry", which is not the same thing as "riding horses". Chariots were generally used as mobile missile platforms for archers. Developing the proper type of bow for use from horseback, and the techniques for employing it, took time. Shock action from horseback needed developments in weapons and horse-harness. From JoatSimeon at aol.com Sun Mar 7 02:14:00 1999 From: JoatSimeon at aol.com (JoatSimeon at aol.com) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 21:14:00 EST Subject: Celtic influence Message-ID:
In other words, French has about 200 words borrowed from Gaulish -- including many very common items of everyday speech -- while OE has 12 from Brythonic. Furthermore, the emergence of a standardized written form of OE (based on the Wessex dialect) took place centuries _after_ the Anglo-Saxon settlements in Britain. For the first 200 years and more, the Saxons were illiterate. From mcv at wxs.nl Sun Mar 7 06:59:11 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 06:59:11 GMT Subject: Non-IE roots in Germanic/@, a, e, i, j, o, u In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
Larry Trask
wrote: >> aecse [OE] > ax, axe >> [< ?Vasconic"; see Basque aizkora "axe, hatchet"] [tv95, tv97] >I think everyone agrees that Basque
`ax' is a loan from Latin >
`hatchet'. The Latin word would have been borrowed as >*
; the [h] is a suprasegmental feature in Basque; the */l/ would >have undergone the categorical early medieval change of intervocalic /l/ >to /r/; and the diphthongization of /a/ to /ai/ in an initial syllable >is a familiar though sporadic in Basque: compare
`sacred, >holy', from some Romance development of Latin
. Might the word not have been borrowed directly as
, with metathesis of the /i/ (especially if Latin
already had a degree of allophonic palatalization)? That, or analogy with the other tool words in (h)ai(t)z-. ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From proto-language at email.msn.com Sun Mar 7 08:15:49 1999 From: proto-language at email.msn.com (Patrick C. Ryan) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 02:15:49 -0600 Subject: Greek question & the pre-history of *nekwt Message-ID:
Dear Glen and IEists: -----Original Message----- From: Glen Gordon
Date: Saturday, March 06, 1999 9:16 PM >PATRICK: >>In any case, I have subsequently revised my reconstruction to >>*negh-w-. >First, we will assume that you mean *negh
-, where
is superscript, >as the moderator validly keeps pointing out but that you blatantly >ignore. I am sorry that you do not understand what a root extension is. In previous postings, I have identified the -w- as a root extension. This has nothing to do with g[w], which is the method I use to indicate the so-called labiovelar. [ Moderator's note: I had also noted your use of the term "root extension", which I understood perfectly (Petersson's _Wurzeldeterminativ_, for example), but assumed that it was part of your misanalysis of the ASCII string "neghw-" as a palatal + a labial rather than a badly written labiovelar. So lay off Mr. Gordon. --rma ] >This means that the labial element is _fused_ to the velar. >There is no suffixing whatsoever. The phoneme *ghw is ONE element in >this case, otherwise we should expect -v- in Sanskrit
. We don't, >so that's it. I have also written that I believe that possibly two roots were in use: *negh- and *negh-w-. Do you not comprehend what you read? [ Moderator's comment: Since I did not comprehend it, either, I see no need to pursue this line of insult any further. --rma ]
>Third, re Hittite's doubled consonants, are you sure that when a medial >consonant is doubled that it means "un-voiced"? That is what Sturtevant thought. [ Moderator's comment: It is indeed the standard theory, though there are some who see rather lenis- fortis than voiced/voiceless. --rma ] >I could have sworn it >was meant to be the other way around which would mean that Hitt.
>comes from *nekwt as expected and all you have to work with is Greek to >keep the (and I'll say it again) "flimsy" Nostratic theory afloat. If you ever read Sturtevant, and a few other appropriate manuals, you might be in a much better position to usefully discuss Nostratic. [ Moderator's comment: Sturtevant did not address the Nostratic theory of his day; he was instead denying that the Anatolian languages were part of Indo-European proper. That is, he fully accepted a Neogrammarian reconstruction of PIE, and was trying to explain how Anatolian differed, rather than taking the Anatolian data as calling for a different interpretation of the IE data already at hand. So a reading of Sturtevant, while instructive for a budding laryngealist as to the extremes to which it can be taken, has nothing to offer to Nostratic. --rma ] >The theory is flimsy because you use localized phenomena in a single IE >language (in this case, Greek) as a means to create an unsupported IE >reconstruction so that you can then casually link IE directly to >Egyptian of all things. I have also used Hittite. [ Moderator's comment: But you still haven't explained the rest of the Indo-European data, which at the very least call for a labiovelar (cf. Sanskrit) and not a determinative *-w-. --rma ] >You seem to forget that not only does Egyptian come from Afro-Asiatic first >off from which many, many millenia seperate these two stages but that on top >of it, IE and Afro-Asiatic would be seperated by a good 10,000 years or more >by even the most right-wing Nostraticist. That does not change a thing. Pat From proto-language at email.msn.com Sun Mar 7 08:40:43 1999 From: proto-language at email.msn.com (Patrick C. Ryan) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 02:40:43 -0600 Subject: Greek question Message-ID:
Dear Rich and IEists: -----Original Message----- From: Patrick C. Ryan
Date: Sunday, March 07, 1999 2:27 AM >Dear Rich and IEists: [ moderator snip ] >If you want me to cite individual etymologies, I will be glad to do so but >I have collected a great number of them, illustrating this relationship, in >my Afrasian essay at >http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/2803/comparison.AFRASIAN.3.htm >[ Moderator's response: > I want to see not only individual etymologies, I want to see an exposition > of the sound laws which drive them. I want to see not only "the roots of > verbs" but "the forms of grammar", such that "no philologer could examine > them ... without believing them to be sprung from some common source." > --rma ] Perhaps you did not notice the Table of Correspondences. http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/2803/comparison-AFRASIAN-3-table.htm [ moderator snip ] >[ Moderator's response: > You could assert it, but you have not proven it. Please remember that this > is the Indo-European list, and that a relationship with Egyptian cannot be > *assumed* for your argument, but rather must be demonstrated using accepted > comparative methodology which addresses the standard model of Indo-European. > --rma ] I have demonstrated it using accepted comparative methodology. Pat [ Moderator's response: No, I submit that you have suggested a line of inquiry at most. You have yet to demonstrate it to the satisfaction of J. Random Linguist. And your con- tinued assertion that your version of Proto-World is directly ancestral to PIE weakens your credibility greatly. --rma ] From mcv at wxs.nl Tue Mar 9 17:55:22 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 09:55:22 -0800 Subject: Anatolians In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
JoatSimeon at aol.com wrote: >>mcv at wxs.nl writes: >>Renfrew's 7000 BC is too early [for PIE], Mallory's 4000 BC is >>too late [for Anatolian]. >-- nope to the latter. We know Renfrew's 7000 BCE is too early for PIE >because of the absence of the late-Neolithic innovations recorded in PIE in >7000 BCE. However, that vocabulary _is_ there in Anatolian. Such as? >Eg., the First Vowel Shift in Germanic can be >securely dated to after 700 BCE, because Celtic ironworking loan-words in >Proto-Germanic underwent the shift. You must mean the First Consonant Shift. But there's no such thing. There's no reason to assume, and some rather good reasons to reject the notion that Grimm's Laws worked all simultaneously and in one go, or even that such a thing as Grimm's ever took place. It's a generally recognized fact that a PIE stop system *t, *d, *dh is typologically unacceptable. The original Proto-Germanic phonological system must have been similar to the Armenian one, with *t = *th, *d = *t['], *dh = *d, yet another archaic feature of Germanic, though not quite as archaic as Hittite and Tocharian. But Verner's Law *is* as archaic as that, as we can equate it with the Baltic-Finnic consonant mutation tt ~ t under the influence of stress/syllable structure [see Vennemann, "Hochgermanisch und Niedergermanisch", sorry can't find the exact ref. now Theo?], so it must have worked in Germanic at a period when (partial) voicing had not yet taken place, and the opposition was (as in Hittite) between fortis *tt (=*t) and lenis *t' (=*d) and *th (=*dh). The final stage, aspirate > fricative (*th > *T, *kh > *x) was probably much more recent and in fact rather trivial. ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From petegray at btinternet.com Sun Mar 7 16:46:00 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 16:46:00 -0000 Subject: St Jerome Message-ID:
>Peter and or Graham said that Jerome wrote 'bad Latin'. My original posting was so long ago I have forgotten both the content and the context. If I did really say that, I apologise deeply to the group! But I suspect I am being misquoted! Peter From jer at cphling.dk Sun Mar 7 18:22:36 1999 From: jer at cphling.dk (Jens Elmegaard Rasmussen) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 19:22:36 +0100 Subject: PIE *gn- > know/ken In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
On Sat, 27 Feb 1999, Miguel Carrasquer Vidal wrote: [...] > The most acceptable solution from my point of view is that PIE > did not have any voiced stops at all. Instead it made a > distinction between fortis and lenis stops (as in Finnish, Danish > or Hittite), where the fortis (tense) stops (*t etc.) were always > voiceless and pronounced longer/with more energy ([t:] or [tt]). > The lenis (lax) stops (*d and *dh, etc.) were less energetic/ > shorter, and had voiced allophones. They came in two kinds, one > aspirated (*dh = [th]), the other not (*d = [t]). Or, > equivalently, one glottalized (*d = [t']), the other not (*dh = > [t]). Not wanting to open the whole can of worms again, let me just ask this: Is a change from lenis to voiced stop natural and frequently seen? If so, where? If it is not part of general experience I do not see the commending simplicity in choosing "lenis t" as the origin of Latin, Greek and Indic plain voiced d. Where "d" and "dh" merged, they are voiced, as in Balto-Slavic, Celtic and Albanian - why derive this from a basically voiceless protoform? - Isn't the only thing "wrong" with the IE system that the aspirated tenues (ph, th, kh ...) have not been accepted? Then, if we have SOME evidence for asp.ten., but not enough to guarantee reconstruction of an overwhelming number of etymologies, but without them the system as such becomes a truly overwhelming mess, isn't the easiest solution then to accept that SOME etymologies containing ph, th, kh are correct and that the PIE system was as in Sanskrit? Is it not a very strong claim that ALL cases of asp.ten. are in last analysis based on mistakes? For some I could understand this right away, even for many, perhaps most, but for each single item?? Jens E.R. From JoatSimeon at aol.com Sun Mar 7 20:15:01 1999 From: JoatSimeon at aol.com (JoatSimeon at aol.com) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 15:15:01 EST Subject: Danube homeland. Message-ID:
>mcv at wxs.nl writes: >but it makes it the best candidate by default, and any alternative theories >should offer a pretty good case for why the IE homeland should be located >elsewhere, and what happened to the languages of these "Anatolian farmers" or >"Old Europeans". -- same thing that happened to the languages of the Elamo-Dravidians who were the first farmers throughout Iran and North India. The area between Iraq, Central Asia and Central India is just as large as Europe and got agriculture just as early, earlier in fact. It's also historically demonstrable that the IE languages were intrusive in this area, and virtually completely replaced the previous language-families; with a few minor exceptions like Brahui, comparable to Basque. >The gap between Anatolian and the rest of IE is too large to be fitted into >the limited time allowed by the Kurgan movements into SE Europe. -- nope. The speed of linguistic change is not even remotely consistent. Eg., Lithuanian and Sanskrit, both about equally distant from PIE, one spoken in the 2nd millenium BCE, one spoken in the 2nd millenium CE. >Why shouldn't Anatolian simply have changed quickly?then it's perfectly >imaginable that PIE developed after 7000 BC somewhere in the Balkans or >Hungary, and spread across the rest of the continent (C., N. and E. Europe) >in the LBK/Danubian phase, c. 5500 BC, as well as to the steppe zone >(Dnepr-Donets Tocharian?] before 5000 and Sredny-Stog [>Indo-Greek?] c. 4500). -- nonsensical. The PIE vocabulary is full of items which just weren't around before 4000 BCE. This alone completely rules out such a hypothesis. From glengordon01 at hotmail.com Mon Mar 8 00:41:29 1999 From: glengordon01 at hotmail.com (Glen Gordon) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 16:41:29 PST Subject: Caucasian languages and Asia Minor Message-ID:
DR WOLFGANG SCHULZE: >The problem is that people do not accept language isolates. What is an >isolate? It's a language that obviously has no documented relatives. Yes there is a problem but it's not the definition of "isolates". I fully understand that this means that a given language MIGHT have relationships but that the language is difficult to relate to others, pure and simple. This could be for many reasons, one of them being that there may be only very distant siblings that survive to be analysed, as you say. However, I have trouble with the idea that seems to arise on this subject that because a language group can't be 100% proven to be related to another language group that we should take up the NULL hypothesis in place of it, ignoring the question completely of genetic relationship and the probabilities and uncertainties inheirant in its answer (whether this be NEC or IE). There still remains the most likely relationships and I would be concerned of the reasoning skills of anyone who considers the possibility of IE being closely related to Uralic as equal as the possibility, say, of a strong relationship with Algic, half-way 'cross the world. There remain high probabilities and low probabilities despite lack of what you would accept as certain "proof". This is the probabilistic nature of comparative linguistics. The idea that IE is the ancestor language of the languages we find in Europe and India now (as well as the ubiquitous English), is all based on probability too. We don't find actual, _physical proof_ of people speaking this supposed IE language but it is highly probable that one existed in some form at least 5,000 years ago based on a damn good theory that has been refined better as we learn more, a theory that, because of alot of speculation beyond what we had known in the past, has moved forward. >Relatives are established by means of regular sound correspondencies >based on lexical *words* (and not *stems*) as well as on morphological >correspondencies that match established sound correspondencies. And wouldn't it be wonderful in an ideal world? However, in the case of IE, (and I suspect similarily in NEC) much of the recoverable language is verb roots, whether that be nouns or adjectives based on verb roots or extended verbs built on the more basic ones. Atomic nouns are not all that common in the IE language and inevitably due to declension and the nominative *-s, are ALL "stems" save those 1% who have no marker in the nominative. Thus, morphological correspondances by your criteria must hold most of the weight of the proof. So how much proof is proof enough to make it credible? This is a very subjective thing. What we SHOULD be concerned about is finding the relative probability of a hypothesis, based not only on the data that one can supply for it but on the probabilities of other possible theories of relationship in comparison to it. At that, we can conclude very apparent things such as Algic's relationship with IE is extremely remote in comparison with a Uralic relationship (as we should be concluding intuitively!) as well as more opaque concepts such as the most likely pre-IE interactions with neighbouring languages. Unfortunately, we can't even begin to fathom answers to these questions, not because we don't know enough, but because we've gotten stuck in a rut over the impossible-to-attain "100% probability" and not on "the BEST probability that we can achieve at present". >[An isolate] simply is an orphan with unknown parents. [...] >I think that's just what the situation is like with respect to East >Caucasian. Unless you're saying that NEC invented its own language, it's related to something (even if it is remote as I suspect similarly). So there must be some candidates that stick out amongst the random chaos of world language groups like Benue-Congo, Austronesian, Ainu, etc. I'm willing to wager that NWC is one of those better candidates even lacking your absolute "proof". And because I know that IE is likely to be related to something for the same reason as NEC above, I'm willing to wager that IE (and Etruscan) are more closely affiliated with languages like Uralic and Altaic as opposed to things like Basque (Larry will agree :), Ainu, NEC (you'll even agree), etc. This is just common sense and taking the NULL position on this subject isn't. >These nagging questions are quite trendy, but that does not mean that >they are on safe grounds with respect to method and language theory... >But paradigms [hopefully] change, as Kuhn told us.... Humans answering nagging questions has been trendy for millions of years. It's all logic and probability with a hint of imagination. Hopefully this is a paradigm that will never change. -------------------------------------------- Glen Gordon glengordon01 at hotmail.com Kisses and Hugs -------------------------------------------- From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Sun Mar 7 17:58:03 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 11:58:03 -0600 Subject: non-IE/Germanic/h In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
[snip] As Mao Ze Dong once said, "Don't match pearls with the God of the Deep Blue Sea." So I'll correct the Basque spellings and meanings. >> haltha- "slope, slant, incline" > Halde "slope, hillside", heald [OE] >> "hillside" >> [< ?Vasconic; >> see Basque halde, alde, ualde < ?*kalde "face, side, flank"] [tv95, tv97] >The Basque word is
in the eastern dialects but
everywhere >else, as a result of the categorical voicing of plosives after /l/ in >all but the eastern dialects. No such form as *
is known to me. >Lhande's 1926 dictionary cites
and attributes it solely to the >17th-century writer Oihenart, but Oihenart in fact used
, and so I >suspect an error here. (Lhande is full of errors.) >The form
is an error: this must be the compound with initial >
`water', which appears as
~
, and means literally >`waterside'. >The central meaning of the Basque word is everywhere `side', with >transferred senses like `flank' and `region'. I don't think it really >means `face', and it certainly doesn't mean `slope'. This word resembles Spanish falda "skirt, flank"--which unaccountably begins with /fV/; which, as anyone who was studied Ibero-Romance knows, is a no-no. Is there an Old Castilian, Gasco'n or Aragone's form /*alda, *alde/ ? >> Harn "bladder" >> [< ?Vasconic"; >> see Basque garnur "bladder" < *kernu] [tv95, tv97] >The Basque word for `urine' is
, with a typical western variant >
. This word, with its almost unique /rn/ cluster, has been much >discussed, but its origin is unknown. The alleged Basque *
>`bladder' is unknown to me and to the lexicographers, and I query its >existence. This is my error and is what predictably happens when you try to read a language you've never studied, German, with a cheapo dictionary. My dictionary gave "urine & bladder". I made the wrong choice. My apologies to Theo and everyone else. Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Sun Mar 7 18:08:40 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 12:08:40 -0600 Subject: non-IE/Germanic/m In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
[snip] I was also thinking of Spanish muro, Latin murus [sp?] "wall" or Spanish moro'n "hillock, rise of land" except that the double /rr/ of murru screws things up --and then there's Spanish morro, "a small promontory on a neck of land jutting out into the water [where forts were often built]" Maybe Celtic offers more clues [or enigmas] to this set of words >> moraine, Moräne "moraine", >> Mur[e] "pile of rocks [Bavarian] >> [?< Vasconic; >> see Basque murru "hill"] [tv97] >The form
can hardly be ancient in Basque. There exists a >sizeable number of severely localized Basque words of the form
, >with very diverse meanings, but `hill' is not one of them. The most >widespread sense (throughout the French Basque Country) is `wall'. >The closest to `hill' in sense is `pile, heap', reported nowhere but in >the Baztan valley. >Larry Trask Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Sun Mar 7 18:12:04 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 12:12:04 -0600 Subject: Non-IE roots in Germanic/@, a, e, i, j, o, u In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
Yes, it is a compound of *harja- 'army' + *manna- 'man' AFAIK it's from a list of Germanic [and other] non-IE words in Romance et al. The article was in German and I may have missed something No explanation was given >Rick Mc Callister wrote: >> arimanno "warrior" [It < Germanic] [tv84] >Isn't this a compound, *harja- 'army' + *manna- 'man'? The first at >least doesn't seem peculiarly Germanic, to judge by the cognates given >in Buck's dictionary. (I don't have ready access to the Vennemann >reference, I'm afraid, so I don't know what argument he makes.) >Brian M. Scott Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Sun Mar 7 17:44:52 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 11:44:52 -0600 Subject: non-IE/Germanic/g In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
*gar- is a Germanic root. Thanks for pointing out the need for labeling here. The Romance lexicon includes words of Germanic origin [or believed to be so, in some cases], as well as words believed to have cognates to modern Basque in a few cases [snip] >I've no idea what that asterisked *
is meant to denote: the Basque >for `assemble, collect, gather' is
. Nor am I any too sure what >the Spanish words are doing in here, but I don't have Corominas handy. [snip] Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From ECOLING at aol.com Mon Mar 8 02:27:26 1999 From: ECOLING at aol.com (ECOLING at aol.com) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 21:27:26 EST Subject: IE and Uralic pronouns Message-ID:
I have been present when solid competent linguists admitted that the field is "not ready" to deal with the pronoun patterns which are the subject of recent discussion. (For a completely traditional approach to some pronoun matches, please see near the end of this message.) In other words, it is likely that something genetic is going on in these pronouns, our sound-symbolism approach is not adequate to the data distributions, and our tools for historical reconstruction can't handle it either. So what do we do? Hide our heads! Shame. Rather appear to be knowing the answers, and hide the questions we don't know the answers to? Or declare them off-limits? In a business firm, that would be a recipe for near-immediate bankruptcy, failing to act positively and strongly in moving towards the future. Better to ADMIT to students that we need more powerful tools for penetrating the noise of centuries and even millennia, to set more and more students to this task, to studying how deeply, and against which kinds of noise, each tool we have can penetrate (estimates in all cases are fine), and to estimate in as many situations as possible how much residue should still be detectable despite the noise of historical change, WITHOUT the assumptions that the sample used as controls ARE IN FACT UNRELATED. That is the fallacy in all such approaches I have read. Because if the supposed controls ARE related, even very distantly, it may distort our estimates of what background noise is. Rather we need GRAPHS of the degree of noise present, and our ability to penetrate it, across the full range of cases we can estimate time depths for, then extrapolate beyond that to those cases like Afro-Asiatic where the pronoun system, for example, preserves "distinctive oppositions in distantly related languages" (the title of a Gene Schramm paper, if I remember). In that case, there is a known relationship, though not well known, it is a distant one, the pronoun sound correspondences do not follow the normal sound laws for these families, yet they ARE related. Because there is a pattern with its own laws. The palatal / labial opposition which is in the consonants in one family is in the vowels in the other. I don't remember details of the data, but approximately this: hi vs. hu in one family (NW Semitic?) sa vs. fa in another family (Egyptian?) Now if our standard tools for historical reconstruction cannot deal with that, then we need to extend those tools slightly, a little bit at a time, go back and test the change of tools against the various things we know the answers to, and see whether the new tools manage to extract a slightly cleaner set of data that makes a known relationship clearer. If it does, then we may perhaps apply that newly refined tool to cases where we do NOT know the answer or only suspect it, and see what happens. Another example of this which came to my attention in the past year or two is this, which I will pose as a question. Why is the second comparison (b) better than the first (a) if we are looking for potential cognates? (a) sepo in one language teka in the second language (b) sepa in one language teko in the second language I don't think most historical linguists have an IMMEDIATE recognition that these are two wildly different proposals for cognates. That means we are not making the best possible use of our tools. (The conclusion is not a certain one, just like any other historical inference, but it is a reasonable one that (b) is a better comparison thatn (a).) We are never dealing with "clean" or "dirty" data. We are always dealing with "slightly more clean" or "slightly more dirty" data. If slightly cleaner data makes a language relationship look more solid, that is perhaps an indication (not a proof) that we may be on the track of a real relationship. ***** If you want to try to use traditional tools on Eurasian pronouns, here is an example from my paper Grammatical-Meaning Universals and Proto-Language Reconstruction, or: "Proto-World Now", in Papers of the Chicago Linguistics Society, 1975. p.15 of the paper, or Fig.(26). I am sure that paper contains a lot of wrong things and some right things. I only expected to find truth statistically, not certainly. A second example follows below. Here is what I was able at that time to find for a standard approach to reconstructing IE-Uralic pronoun systems. Of course borrowing or contact may have created a false temptation here, but such an escape from the obvious interpretation of the data would itself require considerable work to prove: I was discussing a relic IE alternation /m/ in plural vs. /w/ in dual. It is matched in Uralic, and an -n- "with,and" is present in the plural, which I hypothesized caused the assimilation. -va-s dual 1st person Sanskrit -ma-s plural -tha-s dual 2nd person Sanskrit -tha(-na) plural Now compare Ziryene (Uralic), EARLY plural forms: -m-ny-m 1st person -d-ny-d 2nd person. Selkup had these forms of the first person: -mi-y dual -my-n plural So my conclusions: Selkup leveled the person-marker, while IE leveled the markers of dual/plural, and kept the originally allophonic variants of the person. Uralic shows in EARLY Ziryene the structure of the paradigm from which this could have arisen. I'm not sure one could get more traditional in approach. ***** Here is the second item in that 1975 paper which really calls out for work. The rotation of the vowel space makes these more than mere identities, and suggests hypotheses for further work. (ng for the velar nasal phoneme) ple:-nus 'full' Latin, IE *pling 'full', Tibeto-Burman pla:-nus 'flat' Latin, IE *pleng 'straight' Tibeto-Burman Lloyd Anderson From mcv at wxs.nl Mon Mar 8 04:21:29 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 04:21:29 GMT Subject: IE and Etruscan In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
"Jim Rader"
wrote: >Nearly twenty years ago I heard Eric Hamp give an account of >Georgiev's lecture. As I recall Hamp telling it, Georgiev thought >that Etruscan practically WAS Hittite, i.e., that Etruscan was an >Anatolian language. The audience didn't contest his thesis out of >sheer stupefaction, not because they agreed. Gueterbock walked out >of the lecture shaking his head and saying "Very interesting, very >interesting!" Another Indo-Europeanist arguing for Etruscan as an Anatolian language is Francisco Adrados of the Spanish Academy: Adrados, Francisco R., "Etruscan as an IE Anatolian (but not Hittite) Language," Journal of Indo-European Studies 17 (Proceedings of the Second Conference on the Transformation of European and Anatolian Culture 4500-2500 B.C. (Part I) September 15-19, 1989, Dublin, Ireland), (1989) 363-383. Adrados, Francisco R., "More on Etruscan as an IE-Anatolian Language," Historische Sprachforschung 107/1 (1994) 54-76. Has anybody read these? ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From jpmaher at neiu.edu Mon Mar 8 06:19:35 1999 From: jpmaher at neiu.edu (maher, johnpeter) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 00:19:35 -0600 Subject: IE and Etruscan Message-ID:
Good old G-bock was honest. Privately -- to me --Hamp only said: VG's data seem to work, but oughta have more. pete Jim Rader wrote: > Nearly twenty years ago I heard Eric Hamp give an account of > Georgiev's lecture. As I recall Hamp telling it, Georgiev thought > that Etruscan practically WAS Hittite, RIGHT: this is what I remember. > i.e., that Etruscan was an > Anatolian language. The audience didn't contest his thesis out of > sheer stupefaction, not because they agreed. Gueterbock walked out > of the lecture shaking his head and saying "Very interesting, very > interesting!" > > Jim Rader [ moderator snip ] From X99Lynx at aol.com Mon Mar 8 06:27:19 1999 From: X99Lynx at aol.com (X99Lynx at aol.com) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 01:27:19 EST Subject: Greek question (night?) Message-ID:
In a message dated 3/7/99 9:42:14 PM, "Patrick C. Ryan"
wrote: <<...if *negh-w- were the basis for both, as I think likely,... *negh-(w)-, 'dark', with root extensions -t, 'night',...>> Am I correct in this meaning that the reconstruction here is *negh-w-t > "night?" Why would that /-t be there? In which IE languages does -t appear in "night" besides Germanic or Modern French? Regards, Steve Long [ Moderator's response: Greek _nuks, nuktos_, Latin _nox, noctis_, Sanskrit _nak (IIRC), naktam_, Hittite _nekuz = nek{^w}t+s_, ... --rma ] From iglesias at axia.it Mon Mar 8 17:25:28 1999 From: iglesias at axia.it (Rossi Francesco Luigi) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 09:25:28 PST Subject: Celtic influence Message-ID:
Further to Shilpi M. Badra's message on Saturday, 27 February 1999 on Celtic loanwords in Romance, I would like to contribute the following on Italian, and especially the Northern Italian dialects (Gallo-Italic) and Friulan. 1) Place-names in Northern Italy (former Cisalpine Gaul): Milan (Mediolanum), Bologna (Bononia, Etruscan: Felsina), and many others. 2) Latinized -dunum (Irish dun -`fortress'): Duno (Varese), Induno (Varese), Comenduno (Bergamo), Verduno (Cuneo), ... and others 3) Formations ending in -ac : Arsago, Barzago, Cadorago, Dalrago, ... Sumirago, Tregnago, Urago, in Lombardy alone. This ending in common all over Northern Italy. In the Friulan area, the ending is rendered in standard Italian as -acco: e.g., Premariacco (Udine). 4) Terminology: Lat. camisiam > It. camicia, Lat. caballam > It. cavallo; Lat carrum > It. carro and the Lat verb cambiare > It. cambiare 5) Celtic survivals of northern and central Iberia: Sp., Port.alamo `poplar', Cf. It. olmo Sp., Port. gancho `hook', Cf. It. gancio 6) Sound change from Latin u to French y: All gallo-italic dialects except that of Romagna and certain mountain areas, e.g., Piedmontese, Emilian, Lombard: myr This sound does not occur in Friulan (despite the presumable Celtic substrate: Carnii), but it does occur in other forms of Rhaeto-Romance, e.g. Vallader (Lower Engadine). The sound does not occur in Venetian and related dialects (with IE Venetic substrate). 7) Consonantal groups: Piedmontese, Emilian, Lombard: factum > fait, fat, fac ("c" pron. "ch" as in English or Spanish) Piedmontese, Emilian, Lombard: noctem > neuit (read "eu" as in French), not, noc ("c" pron. "ch" as in English or Spanish): 8) Nasal consonants: pan, man, bon, ... with pure nasalisation in some areas, Emilia for example, and varying degrees of nasalisation elsewhere. Bibliography: Giovan Battista Pellegrini, Toponomastica italiana. MIlan: Hoepli. 1990 Maurizio Dardano, Manueletto di linguistica italiana, Bologna: Zanichelli, 1991 Frank Rossi Bergamo, Italy iglesias at axia.it From mcv at wxs.nl Mon Mar 8 08:28:30 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 08:28:30 GMT Subject: Update on *nekw and the N-word In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
>[ Moderator's response: > There is a serious mixing of levels here, in that a Romance-specific > development is being projected back to Nostratic, although other Indo- > European languages do not have this phonotactic constraint, e. g. Greek. > Before we can even accept it as a parallel, we have to determine what > the digraph
represents in Bomhard, a unit phoneme or a cluster. > --rma ] A unit phoneme, probably a lateral affricate (> Semitic *s', a lateral fricative). ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From mcv at wxs.nl Mon Mar 8 08:31:38 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 08:31:38 GMT Subject: Trojan and Etruscan In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) wrote: >Now assuming Greek Trooa is from the same root Sorry, I was being 8-bitty again. That's Troi"a, with i-diaeresis. ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From glengordon01 at hotmail.com Mon Mar 8 09:19:39 1999 From: glengordon01 at hotmail.com (Glen Gordon) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 01:19:39 PST Subject: PIE gender Message-ID:
ALEXIS RAMER: >>There has been some discusion here of the (assumed) fact that >>the feminine gender is an innovation, and one not shared by >>the Anatolian lgs. WR SCHMIDT: >[...] I'd like to suggest that linguistic gender may have once been >more related to biological gender than - AFAIK - has heretofore been >thought A rich, cerebral dessert, I might say. :) But, how does one know that IE's view of the world was based on animism to start with? -------------------------------------------- Glen Gordon glengordon01 at hotmail.com Kisses and Hugs -------------------------------------------- From mcv at wxs.nl Mon Mar 8 10:04:11 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 10:04:11 GMT Subject: Greek question & the pre-history of *nekwt In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) wrote: >The spelling
stands for >/nekwt-s/. The problem is that we would expect
if the >word is to be derived from PIE *nekwt- ~ *nokwt-. The single
>suggests PIE *g(h)w. But I must agree with Rich's "moderator comment" elsewhere that in this case the spelling
may reflect all of PIE *kw, *gw or *ghw [*gwh if you prefer]. After all, if the etymon were *kw, the geminate spelling should not be
but
, and there is no way of writing that in cuneiform (nor in ASCII, as the recurrent confusions about labiovelars show). ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From mcv at wxs.nl Mon Mar 8 10:45:32 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 10:45:32 GMT Subject: IE and Substrates In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
JoatSimeon at aol.com wrote: >I think we should keep in mind that the European linguistic situation in >historical times is probably much simpler than it was in the Mesolithic or >early Neolithic. >Reasoning by analogy from the situation in New Guinea or eastern pre-Columbian >North America, there were probably _many_ more languages and language-families >in Europe before the Indo-European expansion. Not just one or a few non-IE >families which were then replaced by Indo-European. The IE expansion would >then represent a massive linguistic simplification, a "reformatting" of a >previously crowded scene. True, except that this "reformatting" clearly had already happened in the *early* Neolithic, and at least for the broad continental area from Greece to Holland, with its two large historically connected cultural areas (the Balkans and the LBK/TRB zone), we can expect a single or at most two linguistic substrates. While the late Neolithic "Secondary Products Revolution" (use of more intensive mixed farming techniques) may have caused a doubling or tripling or so of the population density, along with a number of social changes, that's all small potatoes compared with the Mesolithic/Early Neolithic transition (fiftyfold increase in population densities). ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From mcv at wxs.nl Mon Mar 8 12:52:40 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 12:52:40 GMT Subject: Greek question & the pre-history of *nekwt In-Reply-To: <010b01be667d$6104c400$c93963c3@niywlxpn> Message-ID:
"Peter &/or Graham"
wrote: >> BTW: is Hittite
/dz, z^/, /ts,c/ or /z/? >No doubt someone will prove me wrong, but I believe Hittite was deciphered >at first by German speakers - so z was used as in German, which is a great >pain. It = /ts/. OK, I'll prove you wrong :-) Hittite was deciphered by a Czech, Hrozny', the
in whose name is /z/. The
derives from the conventions used for Akkadian cuneiform. Akkadian was deciphered by Germans. ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu Mon Mar 8 13:51:44 1999 From: iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu (iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 07:51:44 -0600 Subject: /m/ in 1st Person Pronouns In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
Please try to remain calm, Mr. Gordon. Actually the study I am thinking of showed, as I now recall, a tendency for 1st person pronouns to have nasals. The matter of /m/ or /n/ was not, and to my knowledge has not been, adressed. My "mama" thing is just a guess at what lies behind the facts. It does not imply that all languages have 1st person pronouns with /m/, and more than recognizing the "mama" syndrome implies that in all languages the word for 'mother' has /m/. Nor does it imply anything about "borrowing" of pronouns, a notion I am quite unkeen on. DLW From roslynfrank at hotmail.com Mon Mar 8 14:36:58 1999 From: roslynfrank at hotmail.com (roslyn frank) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 06:36:58 PST Subject: gender Message-ID:
Hello, Over the past months this thread on questions of gender in (P)IE has provided different opinions on the issue. Would it be possible for someone to: 1) list several of the most well-known bibliographic references on this particular topic; and 2) perhaps summarize the *current* thinking on the issue. I may the second request because discussions groups tend to "discuss" but often in the process the overall outlines of what is standard in the current (canonical??) debate get somewhat blurred. Also, it's possible that I may have missed some of the early contributions by list members. Currently I am preparing a paper for the upcoming ICLC '99 conference in Stockholm. In it I briefly discuss the problem of gender in Euskera. (Bai, badakit euskaraz hitz egiten... Kaixo Larry eta Miguel!) Because of my interest in this particular question, I wonder if anyone could speculate on when (along a rough time continuum) gender entered IE languages, i.e., when (P)IE acquired gender. And finally, has anyone contemplated the possibility that there might have been an even earlier stage that needs to be reconstructed (e.g. perhaps in the case of Euskera) that eventually gave rise to a animate/inanimate dichotomy (e.g., as it is found today in Euskera)? Any ideas on that, Larry? This would imply that cognitively speaking, there could have been an earlier structure that was not based on an "animate/inanimate" contrast but on another ontological type or definition of "being." Best regards, Roz Frank March 8, 1999 Department of Spanish & Portuguese University of Iowa Iowa City, IA 52242 U.S.A. e-mail: roz-frank at uiowa.edu [currently on-leave in Panama] From iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu Mon Mar 8 14:54:20 1999 From: iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu (iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 08:54:20 -0600 Subject: Trojan and Etruscan In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
On Thu, 4 Mar 1999, Miguel Carrasquer Vidal wrote: > The problem is that you're mixing up various reflexes from > various languages here. The Latin forms with -sc- (Tusci, > Tuscania/Toscana, Etrusci) are simply extensions of the roots > Tu(r)s- and Etrus- with the Latin adjectival suffix -cus (*-ko-). This is probably true, but it is also possible that the use of such suffixes could have been suggested by the nature of the sound, which the Egyptian evidence indicates was /sh/, not /s/. > Now assuming Greek Trooa is from the same root, it can be derived > from *Trosia, with Greek loss of intervocalic -s-, just like > Latin Etruria < *Etrusia with intervocalic -s- > -r-. Again the > suffix -ia is Latin and Greek, not necessarily Tyrrhenian. Again, it could be as above. > Which reminds me, there is also Greek Tyrrhe:n- < *turse:n-. > > For the vowel, it is difficult to decide between /o/ or /u/, but > >as /a/ occurs in some words that might be additional variants > >(tarhuntassa, tauros, tarsus, tarquin), with lowering before /r/ being the > >culprit in these, I favor /o/. Thus the original form would be /trosha/. I take this opportunity to note that the forms with /u/ are all western, so that the use of /u/ could conceivably be merely from the Greek change of /ou/ to /u/, carried westward by colonists. DLW From iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu Tue Mar 9 12:55:31 1999 From: iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu (iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 06:55:31 -0600 Subject: Celtic influence In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
On Sat, 6 Mar 1999 JoatSimeon at aol.com wrote: > In other words, French has about 200 words borrowed from Gaulish -- including > many very common items of everyday speech -- while OE has 12 from Brythonic. Both still overwhelmingly non-Celtic, as noted before. That is the forest, regardless of the trees. > Furthermore, the emergence of a standardized written form of OE (based on the > Wessex dialect) took place centuries _after_ the Anglo-Saxon settlements in > Britain. For the first 200 years and more, the Saxons were > illiterate. Class dialects have little to do with literacy, especially the very marginal kind of literacy of early medieval Europe. DLW From iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu Mon Mar 8 14:59:48 1999 From: iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu (iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 08:59:48 -0600 Subject: Salmon. In-Reply-To: <010a01be667d$5e09d380$c93963c3@niywlxpn> Message-ID:
On Thu, 4 Mar 1999, Peter &/or Graham wrote: > >salmon in the Danube. > Salmon trout are found in the Danube according to Mallory - but not the > other kind of salmon. I think I'll break down and actually go look at Grzimek again. DLW From X99Lynx at aol.com Tue Mar 9 13:50:13 1999 From: X99Lynx at aol.com (X99Lynx at aol.com) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 08:50:13 EST Subject: *p>f Revisited - When was German invented? Message-ID:
[ moderator re-formatted ] In a message dated 3/8/99 08:49:13 AM, rma wrote: <<[ Moderator's comment: And what of the very similar, though completely separate, Armenian shift? --rma ]>> Once again, I'm just following through on the commentary made in Bernard Comrie's book that attributes the "First Sound Shift" in German to the conversion of IE sounds into "the nearest equivalents" of a prior non-IE language. It is interesting to see where it goes. (I am aware that there is a "reconstructed obstruent system" based on a breakdown of glottalized/voiced and unvoiced stops that explains the Germanic/Armenian shifts as "archaisms" rather than innovations.) If the Germanic consonant "shift" is due to conversion from a non-IE language, then how can the Armenian shift can be explained?: 1. An obvious explanation that comes to mind is that Armenian was another language that "converted" to IE from a similiar non-IE language with roughly the same sound shifts. Mallory in "In search of the Indo-Europeans" summarizes the case for Armenian originating in the Balkans. Neolithic and Bronze Age archaeology show a clear lines of continuity from the mouth of the Elbe to the mouth of the Danube with evidence of such material cultures as "Globular Amphora". Strabo, the Greek geographer of the 1st Century AD, tells us that tradition says Armenia was founded out of Thessaly (a town called Armenium); and that Armenians continue to follow Thessalian habits in clothes, etc. If non-IE speakers occupied a corridor running from the mouth of the Danube up past the gap west of the Carpathians and up to Jutland "sometime before 1000 BC" - then the Armenian shift might represent a conversion of some of those non-IE speakers to IE just as it did - perhaps later on - in Germanic. The result was however more proximate to and therefore more "Greek." When Armenian migrated it managed to preserve the shift because it became isolated from the IE mainstream that would have removed those vestiges of the old sound system - just as Germanic remained relatively isolated. Or became isolated when the eastward spread of the Celts cut off the NW-SE routes across the eastern midsection of Europe. 2. Perhaps another explanation is that Armenian - in its Balkan form - represented a Greekified German, already converted to IE but heavily influenced by Greek and later on tranformed by Urartian and Iranian influences. Although it has always been contested by certain historians, the "Getae", who lived north of the Danube were explicitly identified by Strabo and others as being neither Thracian nor Kelts. Strabo obviously identified the Getae with Germanic tribes: "As for the southern part of Germany beyond the Albis, the portion which is just contiguous to that river is occupied by the Suevi; then immediately adjoining this is the land of the Getae,... who occupy the whole plain from north of the Danube to Germany..." (Geo 7.3.1 et seq) The Getae are identified as "Dacians" occasionally, but what this tells us about them I don't know since Dacian is hardly pin-point identifiable. Oddly, the "Massagetae" are located in the Caucasus region by Herodotus, 400 years earlier, on the far side of the Scythians. This puts them relatively close by the Armenians. If Phrygian is descended from Thracian, as the classical historians suggest and Mallory notes, then the Armenian connection with the Pontus and the western shore of the Black Sea could explain proto-Germanic settlers coming along with that migration. Strabo states that Thracian and Getae intermarried, an apparent variant on the "Basternak" identity later mentioned by Tacitus and Ptolemy for the inhabitants of the Danube Delta, the "Peucini" - also often associated with the Chernyakovian material culture which by the first century BC had strong Gothic elements. In connection with this, Miguel Carrasquer Vidal has written in past post: <
> And... <> Note that in the above analysis Greek is already a separate language. If we shorten the dates - so that Greek appears in Greece roughly at the same time Linear B makes its appearance - than Armenian is an independent language with strong affinities to German but in a position to make strong lexical borrowings from Greek. Or that the conversion from non-IE itself was the result of Greek or a closely related language. The reality check says that no written evidence of Armenian exists before 200BC and that the Armenians (per Mallory) date their own origins to 800 BC. Finally, are there any IE languages that have closer early syntactic similarities to German/Armenian than Greek? Regards, Steve Long From iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu Mon Mar 8 15:08:09 1999 From: iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu (iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 09:08:09 -0600 Subject: Ix-nay on the ostratic-nay In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
On Thu, 4 Mar 1999, Miguel Carrasquer Vidal wrote: > iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu wrote: > > With regard to reconstructing 1sg pronouns, there is (or so I seem > >to recall) a cross-linguistic tendency for these to be formed with /m-/, > >probably from a weaker variant of what might be called the "mama > >syndrome": sounds that babies tend to make early tend to be pressed into > >service as words that mamas and babies might use to relate to each other, > >like "mama" and "me". > I don't think so. See coming response to Glenny. Both /m/ and /n/ tend to occur in words for female care-givers, with /n/ typically referring to more secondary ones, as in "nanny". 1st pronouns do show a statistically significant tendency to use nasals, which appears to me to be a sort of opposite side of the coin phenemenon. If a mother is going to imagine that her baby, who is in fact only babbling, is talking to her, then "mama" and "me" are the words she will want to hear the baby say. From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Mon Mar 8 17:31:53 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 11:31:53 -0600 Subject: non-IE/Germanic In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
[ moderator re-formatted ] >One thing is not clear to me. What is the significance of the presence >in the list of Romance borrowings from Germanic (?all from Vennemann >1984)? [ moderator snip ] >Max W. Wheeler
I have to admit to scrounging around and using Theo Vennemann's lists --which are just lists of words he believes to be of non-IE origin borrowed from Germanic languages. I have not finished yet. Among other things, I need to track down more sources and check them out with the Oxford Dictionary. As for guV-, you're absolutely correct, but I wanted to wait until I had the correct form of the original. Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From proto-language at email.msn.com Mon Mar 8 15:47:15 1999 From: proto-language at email.msn.com (Patrick C. Ryan) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 09:47:15 -0600 Subject: gender Message-ID:
Dear Alexis and IEists: -----Original Message----- From: manaster at umich.edu
Date: Sunday, March 07, 1999 11:50 PM >On Thu, 25 Feb 1999, Patrick C. Ryan wrote: >> I do not believe that there is anything which the current "laryngeal" theory >> explains that this re-formulation of it will not equally well explain. >This is what you have not even begun to demonstrate, as you >well know from our private discussions, so it does not >seem right to me to make this claim. Yes, it is premature. I said this because I have surveyed the theory many times in the past, and found it poorly formulated --- although I did not put these criticisms down on paper. I am in the process of doing that now. Pat From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Mon Mar 8 17:43:47 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 11:43:47 -0600 Subject: rate of change In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
[ moderator re-formatted ] >Max W. Wheeler
>On Wed, 24 Feb 1999, Rick Mc Callister wrote: > >> But before 1500, Spanish & Portuguese were farther apart than they are now. >Oh yeah? Who says? It wouldn't take long to list some significant >changes in Spanish since 1500 which have moved it away from Portuguese. >But it won't be worth it without a good reason to believe the claim made >above. You missed the context. I was speaking about lexical items. Yes-- Spanish has dropped future subjunctive and has reduced /sh, zh/ > /x, h/ /s, z/ > /s, S/ /dz, ts/ > /s, th/ and pretty much mutated /L/ > /j, zh, Y, sh/ BUT lexically, Spanish and Portuguese are more alike grammatically, some Spanish and Portuguese dialects are replacing condicional with imperfect & imperfect subjunctive Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From maxw at cogs.susx.ac.uk Mon Mar 8 17:06:25 1999 From: maxw at cogs.susx.ac.uk (Max W Wheeler) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 17:06:25 +0000 Subject: rate of change In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
On Thu, 4 Mar 1999, Rick Mc Callister wrote: > There is no such language as "Gallego-Spanish". There is, however, > galego or Galician, called gallego in Spanish. It is closer to Portuguese > than to Spanish and, in my experience, is more difficult to understand than > Brazilian Portuguese or standard Continental Portuguese. The Galician > literary standard, however, is a bit easier to read. But Galician is a > series of spoken dialects. > Note: > Spanish lobo /loBo/ > Portuguese lobo /loBu, lobu/ > Galician /tsoBu, shoBu, LoBu/ But these so-called Galician forms are not Galician but (Asturo-)Leonese. See A. Zamora Vicente, Dialectologia Espan~ola, 1967, 122-130. Max ___________________________________________________________________________ Max W. Wheeler
School of Cognitive and Computing Sciences University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9QH, UK Tel: +44 (0)1273 678975; fax: +44 (0)1273 671320 ___________________________________________________________________________ From proto-language at email.msn.com Tue Mar 9 15:00:36 1999 From: proto-language at email.msn.com (Patrick C. Ryan) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 09:00:36 -0600 Subject: Greek question & the pre-history of *nekwt Message-ID:
Dear Rich and IEists: -----Original Message----- From: Patrick C. Ryan
Date: Tuesday, March 09, 1999 2:05 AM
>[ Moderator's response: > It may be what you favor, but it flies in the face of the data: Sanskrit > *requires* a labiovelar, or the accusative would be **nas.t.am rather than > the attested _naktam_. And what is represented by that "*s/t -?" ? > --rma ] Not at all. I am suggesting that the IE accusative was *nektom for those branches which either derived from forms without the w-extension or deleted it. *negh(-w)-t- -> *nek(h)t-. As for the *-s/t-, I believe that Pokorny has erred in reconstructing *neuk-, 'dark'. This looks like a set of derivatives of the *negh-w- stem I postulate plus *-s, which had the same effect on the *-gh- as *-t- did: *negh-w-s -> *neugh-s- -> *neuk(h)s-.
Pat [ Moderator's response: I give up. I will not argue the question with someone who does not see that the question exists; I do not have the time. --rma ] From mclssaa2 at fs2.mt.umist.ac.uk Mon Mar 8 09:11:28 1999 From: mclssaa2 at fs2.mt.umist.ac.uk (Anthony Appleyard) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 09:11:28 GMT Subject: Laryngeals In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
For the Nostratic and/or Indoeuropean lists as you think suitable:- .................................... "Patrick C. Ryan"
wrote (Subject: Re: Laryngeal symbols) replying to nicholas.widdows at traceplc.co.uk:- >>> I believe that the "laryngeals" in IE stem from earlier /?,h,?,H/, ... >> ... use another symbol for ayin, Patrick! It's throwing everybody >> off. Suggestion: /`/ or /3/ >Well, I plead in my defense that the upside down question-mark is generally >used in print for 'ayin, and, before I changed to MSN 2.5, it came through >when produced by Alt-168. And this should go in the FAQ: High-order characters (= with code values over 127) in email are the Chaos Bringer, don't use them; DOS and Windows and Mac etc all are liable to display or corrupt them differently; some emailers transmit them modulo 128, e.g. turning DOS e-umlaut into tabulate. > How about [2] and [3] for the pharyngals, from the Arabic letters? I agree, particularly as I believe also that the H2 laryngeal was the {h.} sound as in Arabic {h2aram} = "sacred, forbidden", (Muh2ammad}, and H3 was the ayin (e.g.root H3-D-W in Arabic {h3aduuw} = "enemy" and Greek {odussomai}). I believe that the usual H1 was the glottal stop. If anyone needs a second different H1, it was likely the ordinary {h} sound. And we need a reasonably compact name for the {h.} sound, like we have for its voiced counterpart `ayin'. > In view of the fact that [3] is used for the Egyptian vulture, which was > really an /r/, .I am reluctant to adopt that suggestion. I thought that the Egyptian vulture (Neophron percnopterus) was the glottal stop. The 3-like sign that Egyptologists use for that sign is specific to Egyptology. The Egyptian letter sign for {r} was the mouth or the lion. (Distinguish from the `Gyps fulvus' vulture hieroglyph, which has another use.) Likely also the reason why single-reed is sometimes glottal stop and sometimes {y} is that it used to me always {y}, but some time in predynastic or Old Kingdom times in Egyptian initial {y} became silent like it did in the Old Norse branch of Common Germanic. In emailing we are restricted to the standard 95 reliably emailable ascii characters and may need to adjust usage accordingly. >>The X-SAMPA symbols for fricatives are: >>palatal [C] [j\] ... >> and [H] is the semivowel in [French]
. > I sure do not like that one. I don't either. This `H' probably got in because whoever invented the IPA (International Phonetic Alphabet) had (in those days of hand typesetting) much more consideration for printers than many maths and nuclear science etc men did, and e.g. for this sound chose `h' set upside-down because it looked rather like `y'. It would have helped linguists if Microsoft Word etc had had an option "set next character upside down". From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Mon Mar 8 17:14:36 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 11:14:36 -0600 Subject: rate of change In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
[ moderator re-formatted ] >> But before 1500, Spanish & Portuguese were farther apart than they are now. >Surely not in terms of basic vocabulary. In some cases, yes. Both modern Spanish & Portuguese have
/familya/ which SHOULD have evolved as *hameja /amexa/ in Spanish *famia /famia/ in Portuguese Latinate relexification did affect a fair share of basic words. The development of literary standards affected lexical choice, with the Latinate words or words from Ibero-Romance literary standards often winning out. In certain domains, one language became dominant. Spanish borrowed a large percentage of sailing terms from Portuguese, etc. Most basic vocabulary is pretty much the same as it was but a fair share of it has spilled from one language to the other --especially in regional dialects, which with mass communication have become generally known. So Mexican giz [from Portuguese], instead of standard tiza "chalk" is understood. Argentine Spanish shares a lot of terms for food, plants and animals [as well as slang] with Brazilian Portuguese --and these are known to any school kid who has read Borges & Quiroga. In some cases, the words have acquired limited meanings Spanish mun~eca /muN~eka/ "doll, pretty girl" [also wrist, originally from a word for "bump, lump"] is cognate with Portuguese boneca /bunek@/ "doll, pretty girl" BUT since in Rio, this word is applied to transvestites who have a beauty contest and "escola de samba" at Carnaval, in Latin American slang it means "transvestite, transexual" Thanx to TV, movies, radio, cassettes/CDs and immigration, even more vocabulary is flowing between the languages and some words get relexified In Brazil, the linguistic center has shifted to the South, and now is moving from Rio to Sa~o Paulo, which has a large --if not huge-- Spanish speaking population. Argentina, Cuba & Puerto Rico have large Galician populations. Buenos Aires is the largest Galician city in the world. Although Galician is a separate language, it is much closer to Portuguese than Spanish. Given that it is essentially a series of rural dialects, western Galician would be [or would have been] closer to Old Portuguese. Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From glengordon01 at hotmail.com Mon Mar 8 20:12:06 1999 From: glengordon01 at hotmail.com (Glen Gordon) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 12:12:06 PST Subject: Update on *nekw and the N-word Message-ID:
ME (GLEN): >>IE *nek-/*nok- "to bear, to carry, to convey" >> (I've never seen this root. Does anyone know? PETER: >Try: >Avestan fra-nas- = to bring; (nas = to reach) >Vedic naSa:mi = to reach >Greek e:negkon, ene:nokha, etc all < e-nek- (aorist and perfect > forms of) to carry >Old Norse nest = provisions for a journey >OCS nesti etc to carry, bear, bring >Lithuanian neSu etc. >Latvian nesu etc. Hmm, thanx alot Miguel and Peter. Gee, I could be looney but wouldn't a reconstruction of *?nek^- be in order rather than just *nek^- based on the Greek form? Why the long /e/ for augment? If *?nek^- is correct, then a connection with a Nostratic *nitl- becomes more and more unlikely (as I should expect). -------------------------------------------- Glen Gordon glengordon01 at hotmail.com Kisses and Hugs -------------------------------------------- From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Tue Mar 9 15:57:42 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 09:57:42 -0600 Subject: Celtic and English Again In-Reply-To: <005e01be67d4$a93c94c0$af3fac3e@niywlxpn> Message-ID:
I've been told by Egytians that colloquial Egyptian Arabic has a fair share of Coptic "influence". I don't know if they were referring to lexicon, morphology or both. Standard Arabic, of course, does have some Greek lexical substrate, although what I've seen are mainly learned words. [snip] >Perhaps a comparable situation can be found in Egypt, which was >Egyptian-speaking for yonks, then Greek speaking for nearly a thousand >years, but now speaks Arabic with very little, if any, trace of either >"substrate". [snip] Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From petegray at btinternet.com Mon Mar 8 20:37:22 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 20:37:22 -0000 Subject: Hittite spelling Message-ID:
>Hittite spelling ... distinguish[es] (in medial position at least) >C from CC, where usually the single consonant etymologically >derives from a PIE voiced one and the geminate from a PIE >voiceless consonant. What is actually the state of play with this? It began as a hypothesis, with some evidence in its favour, and some against. Is it turning into one of those things that everyone agrees on because it's tidy, or is the emerging agreement soundly based? Peter From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Tue Mar 9 16:06:48 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 10:06:48 -0600 Subject: Non-IE roots in Germanic/@, a, e, i, j, o, u In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
[ moderator correction: Miguel Carrasquer Vidal wrote: ] >Larry Trask
wrote: [ moderator snip ] >>I think everyone agrees that Basque
`ax' is a loan from Latin >>
`hatchet'. The Latin word would have been borrowed as >>*
; the [h] is a suprasegmental feature in Basque; the */l/ would >>have undergone the categorical early medieval change of intervocalic /l/ >>to /r/; and the diphthongization of /a/ to /ai/ in an initial syllable >>is a familiar though sporadic in Basque: compare
`sacred, >>holy', from some Romance development of Latin
. >Might the word not have been borrowed directly as
, with >metathesis of the /i/ (especially if Latin
already had a >degree of allophonic palatalization)? That, or analogy with the >other tool words in (h)ai(t)z-. And in the case of saindu, much the same would have happened in that sanctu /sanktu/ > *santyu which in Spanish from the Basque region became the common name Sancho [it became common name Santo, noun/adjective santo everywhere else] and in Basque *santyu > *sayntu > saindu /sayndu/ [or is it /san~du/?] My reconstruction is probably missing something but the same metathesis of /y/ is there, right? Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From larryt at cogs.susx.ac.uk Mon Mar 8 20:59:10 1999 From: larryt at cogs.susx.ac.uk (Larry Trask) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 20:59:10 +0000 Subject: IE and Substrates Message-ID:
JoatSimeon writes: >I think we should keep in mind that the European linguistic situation in >historical times is probably much simpler than it was in the Mesolithic or >early Neolithic. >Reasoning by analogy from the situation in New Guinea or eastern pre-Columbian >North America, there were probably _many_ more languages and language-families >in Europe before the Indo-European expansion. Not just one or a few non-IE >families which were then replaced by Indo-European. The IE expansion would >then represent a massive linguistic simplification, a "reformatting" of a >previously crowded scene. I endorse this absolutely. I think it's probably right, and I think the modest amount of evidence we have supports it. Larry Trask COGS University of Sussex Brighton BN1 9QH UK larryt at cogs.susx.ac.uk From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Tue Mar 9 16:12:55 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 10:12:55 -0600 Subject: Celtic influence In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
Italian also has essere & stare; although it uses them a bit different from Spanish & Portuguese. French seems to have merged them --e^tre is from stare but its conjugated forms are from the Latin root of essere. > Yes, I agree there is seemingly Celtic (grammatical) influence in >most of Western Romance, most notably French. It is just a little more >difficult to nail down, without actual knowledge of the Celtic languages >in question. For example we may note the "two BE verbs" syndrome in >Iberian. > > DLW Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From larryt at cogs.susx.ac.uk Mon Mar 8 21:05:06 1999 From: larryt at cogs.susx.ac.uk (Larry Trask) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 21:05:06 +0000 Subject: IE, Genetic Data, Languages of Anatolia Message-ID:
Wolfgang Behr writes: > If I remember things correctly, there will > be a workshop on SC in Cambridge (at the McDonald Institute of Archeo- > logy) sometime this year, so maybe we will see a convincing defense > of Starostin before long ??? Not this year, I'm afraid. The proposed Cambridge symposium on S-C has been postponed, pending the production of a monograph by Starostin on S-C which is to serve as a basis of discussion. Maybe next year. Larry Trask COGS University of Sussex Brighton BN1 9QH UK larryt at cogs.susx.ac.uk From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Tue Mar 9 16:22:21 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 10:22:21 -0600 Subject: /Anatolian /-nt-/ and Greek /-nth-/ In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
So this would be the same root as the 3rd Singular verb ending -nt- ? e.g. Latin ama-nt "love-they all" >iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu wrote: [ moderator snip ] >>I suppose we could say that the form was originally >>/-ndh-/, but the Anatolian forms in /-nt/ are generally considered older. >The IE etymon is *-nt- (probably identical to the >Luwian/Slavic/Tocharian collective (plural) suffix *-(e/o)nt-). >======================= >Miguel Carrasquer Vidal Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Tue Mar 9 16:27:37 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 10:27:37 -0600 Subject: Greek question & the pre-history of *nekwt In-Reply-To: <004a01be67db$a2b62f60$ca9ffad0@patrickcryan> Message-ID:
[snip] >-----Original Message----- >From: Patrick C. Ryan
>Date: Friday, March 05, 1999 10:14 PM [mucho snip] Then write <X> :> I mean :> >Rich, I never write anything as
because I frequently am switching from >email to .html and whatever is between the < and > is treated as an >instruction rather than copy in .html. [gran esnipo] Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu Tue Mar 9 02:19:47 1999 From: iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu (iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 20:19:47 -0600 Subject: Results of Researches into Salmonids Message-ID:
No, the thing I was vaguely remembering is not the "salmon trout" (salmo trutta). It is the so-called "Danube salmon", or "huchen" (hucho hucho) which is not actually a salmon, or even a trout, but a very close relative of these. Pictures (p. 49 of "The Encyclopedia of Aquatic Life") show something that looks sort of like a monster salmon or trout (weights of over one hundred pounds have been reported). The fish is big enough that in the Volga it gets confused with sturgeon. (Go figure: it does not actually look anything like a sturgeon.) There are two kinds, the European and the Asian. The European kind lives only in the Danube system, while the Asian kind is described as living "from the Volga to the Amur", whatever that means (presumably centrqal and northern Asia). Turning to Malory, and to Diebold as reported by Malory, it seems that somebody has screwed up, for it is said that huchen do not occur in "the Pontic-Caspian steppe". As the Volga flows into the Caspian, I find it difficult to see how this can be right. Perhaps Diebold was not aware of the Asian species? But if Diebold is right that no PIE word for this fish can be reconstructed, then the Caspian part of the Pontic-Caspian steppe would be excluded as a possible homeland, by the usual arguments (which are necessarily decisive.) Speaking of the Caspian, there is (or was) a sub-species of tiger called the Caspian tiger. Though in recent times it has been restricted to the mountains (Elburz?) south of Teheran, it was formerly found along some of the rivers of the Eastern steppe (the Oxus and all that), as were pigs, its main prey. This too seems negative (thought not necessarily decisively so) for this region having been the much-discussed homeland. DLW From X99Lynx at aol.com Tue Mar 9 17:14:10 1999 From: X99Lynx at aol.com (X99Lynx at aol.com) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 12:14:10 EST Subject: IE and Substrates and Time Message-ID:
In a message dated 3/8/99 6:14:14 AM, you wrote: <<
> This seems to me to be very important to any analysis of how IE diffused in Europe. 1. Why do we assume that the IE languages would not act precisely like the non-IE languanges and splinter into extremely local variations? What glue would hold IE together ESPECIALLY if you take the view that PIE entered or expanded in Europe before 4000BC along with agriculture? This gives us a huge period of time for PIE speaking settlers to sit in their own local areas throughout Europe and somehow maintain "a massive linguistic simplification" instead of breaking down into a whole patchwork of PIE descendents. The theory that says that either PIE or the standard IE protolanguages were being spoken in Europe in even 2500BC requires a very small number of language groups to put a hold on localization for a millenium while Hittite, Sanskrit and Mycenean were just getting ready to rear their heads as the first historically identifiable IE languages. What was holding them together as one language or perhaps a set of no more than what?, four or five proto-languages for a thousand years? 2. You analogize the coming of PIE to the coming of the European languages to the patchwork of pre-Columbian American languages. But it took European languages no more than two centuries in most places in America to displace the prior languages in a much greater mass of land. Compare this to the Renfrew or even the Mallory hypotheses that have PIE (as a contiguous language) cross Europe a few square miles per year over as much as 3000 years. The time of conversion is not the point here, it is rather the amount of time intervening afterwards. 3. A critical question this raises seems to me to be how these languages were standardized. The idea of a proto-IE or even a proto-Keltic throughout Europe before say 1800 BC gives us a language being spoken mainly by illiterate sedentary farmers who would have no knowledge if their language had varied from those of their neighbors a hundred miles away. An yet it has them all having spoken fundamentally the same language for as much as 2000 years before hand. If a sound shift did arise out of nowhere because of some sudden predisposition or fashion towards fricatives or aspirates, how was that shift passed on? The English, Spanish and French of the 1600's all had core institutions for regularizing speech and grammar. The hornbook, the Bible, the priest or preacher, the Castilian or Etonian administrator or cleric, the school teacher and of course the itinerant merchant were all instruments of both continuity and change for such a large displacement of language. The written word itself - our only direct evidence of languages and dialects no longer spoken and syntacts no longer used - is something totally absent from the PIE scene in Europe before 1300 BC. What standardized those PIE speakers in Europe so that they didn't turn into the "the situation in New Guinea" over the course of thousands of years? I think one viable answer is that they didn't. The solution is time - to reduce the amount of time they would have to develope thousands of different IE daughter languages in every nook and cranny of the European continent. And it also brings us closer in time to recognizable standardizing influences - like merchants, priests, manufacturing specialists and urban centers. This would also give us a much faster process of conversion to IE, much closer to the analogy given above to the conversion of the American languages - "a massive linguistic simplification." Regards, Steve Long From fcosw5 at mail.scu.edu.tw Wed Mar 10 00:17:05 1999 From: fcosw5 at mail.scu.edu.tw (Steven Schaufele) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 16:17:05 -0800 Subject: Anatolians Message-ID:
Miguel Carrasquer Vidal wrote: > ... > It's a generally recognized fact that a PIE stop system *t, *d, > *dh is typologically unacceptable. What about a stop system distinguishing between voiceless, voiced, and aspirated (unmarked for voicing)? Or am i being naive? Steven Schaufele, Ph.D., Asst. Prof. of Linguistics, English Department Soochow University, Waishuanghsi Campus, Taipei 11102, Taiwan, ROC (886)(02)2881-9471 ext. 6504 fcosw5 at mail.scu.edu.tw http://www.prairienet.org/~fcosws/homepage.html ***O syntagmata linguarum liberemini humanarum!*** ***Nihil vestris privari nisi obicibus potestis!*** From JoatSimeon at aol.com Tue Mar 9 19:38:03 1999 From: JoatSimeon at aol.com (JoatSimeon at aol.com) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 14:38:03 EST Subject: Anatolians Message-ID:
>mcv at wxs.nl writes: >that "wool" didn't exist in the vocabulary even in pre-Neolithic times. -- sheep didn't develop wool, as we know it, until well after domestication. Use of wool as a fabric is comparatively late -- well after the beginning of the neolithic. >The plough was also used since the very beginning of the Neolithic, -- no, nyet, not true. Not unless you redefine "plough" to suit the argument and include wooden shovels and digging sticks. No animal traction, no plow. The ard, the earliest true plow, is 4th millenium BCE (same period as wheeled vehicles) and this is well-attested achaeological fact. >That leaves only "yoke", with the undoubted Hittite reflex
as a >possible candidate for being a late Neolithic innovation. -- this is a rather drastic case of attacking the evidence rather than trying to work with it. Evidence primary, hypothesis secondary, please. >but there is a Luwian attestation: asuwa. This looks very much like an Indo- >Iranian borrowing (Skt. as'va < PIE *ek^wos), were it not for the fact that >Luwian "dog" is -- the obvious, parsimonious explanation is that the Anatolian languages used ordinary IE terminology for the horse. >yielded a treatise on horses, containing a number of words of Indo-Iranian >origin, written by a Mitannian called Kikkuli). -- and the English terminology for formal riding is largely French and Spanish in origin, although English-speakers have been riding horses as long as there's been an English language (or proto-Germanic, come to that). Meaningless. >Hittite cognates (Hittite "wheel" is not *kwekwlo- or *rotHo- but >
, related only to Tocharian
"circle, wheel"), -- and having cognates in Tocharian and Hittite is about as secure a way to put a word into the PIE category as I can think of. Two unrelated IE language families widely separated in time and space -- what do you want, an egg in your beer? The only plausible argument for that is that this is an archaic term, since both Tocharian and Anatolian separated from PIE early. >"shaft" and "harness" when Hittite doesn't even share its basic kinship >terminology with Indo-European and has a different word for "four". -- excuse me, but kinship terminology has some bearing on horse harness technology? Run that one by me again? From sw271 at cus.cam.ac.uk Tue Mar 9 08:52:37 1999 From: sw271 at cus.cam.ac.uk (Sheila Watts) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 08:52:37 +0000 Subject: Greek question & the pre-history of *nekwt In-Reply-To: <010b01be667d$6104c400$c93963c3@niywlxpn> Message-ID:
>No doubt someone will prove me wrong, but I believe Hittite was deciphered >at first by German speakers - so z was used as in German, which is a great >pain. It = /ts/. I am frankly appalled by this level of ethnocentricity. What's the idea, we shouldn't allow non-English speakers to decipher ancient languages because we can only handle orthography that reads like English? If anyone is working in linguistics who finds it a problem when an orthographical symbol has different phonetic value in different languages, he or she should get out fast and try maths instead. Sheila Watts _______________________________________________________ Dr Sheila Watts Newnham College Cambridge CB3 9DF United Kingdom phone +44 1223 335816 From mclssaa2 at fs2.mt.umist.ac.uk Tue Mar 9 08:44:25 1999 From: mclssaa2 at fs2.mt.umist.ac.uk (Anthony Appleyard) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 08:44:25 GMT Subject: Celtic and English Again Message-ID:
Peter &/or Graham
wrote:- > On the lack of influence from Celtic in English: > ... Egypt, which was Egyptian-speaking for yonks, > then Greek speaking for nearly a thousand years The upperclass may well have learned Greek, but the mass of the population may have stuck to the late form of Egyptian called Coptic. For example, the modern Arabic placename Aswan continues Ancient Egyptian `Suan' (or similar) and ignores the Greekized name `Elephantine'. (That and the Egyptian name referred to big round rocks in the Nile there, that looked like elephants wallowing in the water.) > but now speaks Arabic with very little, if any, trace of either "substrate". There are at least these carry-overs from Ancient Egyptian into Egyptian Colloquial Arabic (ECA) (as distinct from educated speech):- (1) Unstressed vowels becoming the same as adjacent stressed vowels, and dropping when possible, e.g. standard Arabic {kabiir} = "big", but ECA {kibiir) = "big", {wa kbiir} = "and big". (2) Initial glottal stop + unstressed vowel often dropping when the previous word ends in a vowel, whether or not in standard Arabic that glottal stop was a {hamzat al was.l}. > Does this suggest that languages can indeed be replaced without great effect > on the invading language, if other circumstances are right, and that the lack > of influence from Celtic on English is not really so remarkable? Anglo-Saxon diphthongizes short front vowels before {r} and {l} or if the next vowel is a back vowel. That occurs also in Old Norse; but where did the Anglo-Saxons pick it up from? From JoatSimeon at aol.com Tue Mar 9 19:46:59 1999 From: JoatSimeon at aol.com (JoatSimeon at aol.com) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 14:46:59 EST Subject: Chariots Message-ID:
>petegray at btinternet.com writes: >with inconclusive results about when horses were strong enough to carry a >person on their back. -- Horses were always strong enough to carry a person on their back _for a while_. Zebras, wild horses, and ponies no larger than the neolithic/Bronze Age chariot pony could all do this. The question actually relates to how long they could be ridden and how much gear the rider could carry. From glengordon01 at hotmail.com Tue Mar 9 09:07:48 1999 From: glengordon01 at hotmail.com (Glen Gordon) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 01:07:48 PST Subject: Lenis and Fortis in IE Message-ID:
MIGUEL (on the topic of potential Greek borrowings of Anatolian): >Probably because Anatolian t was aspirated, or sounded aspirated >to the Greeks. Alright so Anatolian *t was /t
/? I've been thinking about your idea on fortis and lenis stops existing in IE (which is eerily similar to an idea I had about Pre-IE which has been evolving for six monthes or more now). I'm already prone to accept your idea in some form. About Pre-IE, I was considering a while back that although it seems unlikely to me that IE had ejectives (since their glottalic quality seems conveniently to disappear with almost no trace), I considered an alternative idea - that Pre-IE in fact had lenis and fortis stops that were the result of a shift from earlier ejectives (This is in connection with Uralic actually but I will digress). However, I figure that the _fortis_ stops are what Gam. call the "glottalic" and would thus correspond to the *d/*g series. The lenis consonants are the voiced aspirate (*dh) and voiceless plain stops (*t) of old, all of which I had interpreted as voiceless and I believe I mentioned this earlier on the list. Pre-IndoEtruscan (Stage 1) *t
*t? *t Pre-IndoEtruscan (Stage 2) *t
*t: *t IndoEtruscan *t
*t *tT Etruscan t t th IE *t
*t *tT Traditional t d dh In this scenario, Hittite medial geminates would correspond to the aspirate stops in opposition to a merged set corresponding to both the voiceless affricates (*dh, *gh, *bh) and the voiceless inaspirates (*d, *g). Maybe fortis/lenis distinctions in IE proper might have validity but I suspect a more evolved situation from this distinction (cf *t > IE *tT (*dh)). Sanskrit voiced aspirates would have evolved from voiceless affricates as are found in original voiceless form after mobile *s- and in all environments in Greek. The original voicelessness of the "voiced inaspirates" can be found in Germanic and in the Latin initial stops for example. What I like about this idea is that the "fortis" consonants correspond exactly to an earlier "ejective" set that thus explains the lack of *b (which would have been *p? > *p: and then uniquely merging with *p - I guess lips are too weak to make the distinction :) The glottalic theory therefore still supplies the best explanation so far of lack of *b but there is no need for supporting ejectives in actual IE proper. [ Moderator's comment: Modern Estonian has a three-way opposition in the obstruents, lenis ~ fortis ~ geminate (fortis) (traditionally "short" ~ "long" ~ "overlong"). According to Ilse Lehiste, a native speaker, the word for "Help!" is [ap:i]--and the obstruent may be held for some time. --rma ] Optionally, assuming only that you accept Etruscan and IE relationship, a correspondance can be seen between the two as shown above. Note if Etruscan
matches IE *bhi then it suggests to me that a loss of *p: was very early and affects both languages. Suggestion: Pre-IEtr [*t
, *t, *tT] > [*t
|
Proto-Indo-European language
|
For what ethnic group are Misnah and Gemara the two main parts of Talmud law?
|
/dz/, or that we must take Hittite spelling literally and read
as /tts/ and
as /ts/ is a matter of interpretation. I favour the latter view. ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From mcv at wxs.nl Thu Mar 4 20:03:07 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Thu, 4 Mar 1999 20:03:07 GMT Subject: IE, Genetic Data, Languages of Anatolia In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
Due to the interruption of mailing list traffic and my impression that this message was addressed to me only, I answered privately to Wolfgang Schulze' message close to a month ago. Here is another response.
wrote: >Miguel Carrasquer Vidal schrieb: >> I tend think of North Caucasian (NEC/NWC) as the >> primary candidate for the original language of the steppe lands. >> The Northern Caucasus is a "residual zone", in Johanna Nichols' >> terminology. It contains the linguistic residue of the peoples >> that were once dominant in the neighbouring "spread zone" (the >> steppe). >Do you have any LINGUISTIC proof or at least some indications that would >justify such an assumption? My argument was not specifically linguistic, but historico-geographical. It is a matter of simple observation that the North Caucasian zone harbours the linguistic residues of what once were the predominant populations in the steppe zone to the north of it. The predominant language now is Slavic, but we find Mongolian (Kalmuck) and Turkic (Nogai, Balkar etc.) enclaves in the North Caucasus zone. Ossetic remains as the residue of the Scytho-Sarmatian predominance in the steppe zone before the coming of the Turks. The logical next step is to think that NWC and NEC are also North Caucasian remnants of populations that were once predominant in the steppe *before* the coming of Iranian and Indo-European. Especially so if one, like me, rejects the notion of a steppe homeland for PIE. Of course, if one accepts the steppe homeland hypothesis, the thought that NWC and NEC might also be "residual" pre-IE populations never crosses one's mind, which is why Johanna Nichols herself ("The Epicentre of the IE Linguistic Spread" [in: Blench/Spriggs, "Archaeology and Language", 1997]) uses NWC and NEC linguistic data (borrowings from ANE languages) as a *fixed* reference point to measure the distance of "mobile" PIE and PKartv from the Near East, as if it were a given that PWC and PEC had been in their present positions "forever". That being said, what LINGUISTIC evidence would we expect to find for a former presence of NEC and/or NWC in the Pontic-Caspian steppe? I don't think the "horse" word is relevant: horses were domesticated in the steppe by Indo-European speakers after the supposed replacement of PEC and PWC speakers by IE speakers. This replacement would have been one by (Sub-)Neolithic pastoralists/agriculturalists (IE) of prior Mesolithic (PWC/PEC) populations, which requires very little contact between the two groups (the Mesolithic population just gets instantly outnumbered), so I wouldn't expect PWC/PEC toponyms surviving or a significant amount of PWC/PEC borrowings into Eastern IE. The only linguistic arguments would be if NWC or NEC could be linked up to languages to the north and east of the Pontic-Caspian steppe. In that sense, Starostin's Sino-Caucasian interests me for the consequences it may have for the PIE homeland. I don't know enough about Caucasian and Sino-Tibetan linguistics to evaluate the proposals, even if I had seen all of them. However, my mind was somewhat prepared to consider Sino-Caucasian as a possibility because, before I had ever heard of Sino-Caucasian or Starostin, I had discovered for myself some interesting parallels between NWC, NEC and ST numerals. For instance: Tib Lak Lezg Ubyx Adyghe 1. g-cig ca sa za z@ 2. g-nis [k.i q.we tq.wa t.w@] 3. g-sum s^an [pu] ssa s^@ 4. b-zhi [muq. q.u] pL'@ pL'@ 5. l-nga [xxyu wa s^x'@ tf@] 6. d-rug ryax rugu [f@ x'@] 7. b-dun [arul iri bl@ bL@] 8. br-gyad myay mu"z^u" g'w@ y@ 9. d-gu urc^. k.u" bg'@ bg'w@ 10. b-cu ac. c.u z^w@ ps.'@ There may be something there. Not that this, if true, proves a genetic connection (numerals are easily borrowed), but it may at least suggest ancient contacts between the NC groups and (S)Tib, and the only logical place for this to have happened is the Central Asian steppe. ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam [ Moderator's note: This is moving away from Indo-European; perhaps a shift to the Nostratic list is indicated for follow-ups other than to the IE portions above. --rma ] From JoatSimeon at aol.com Thu Mar 4 20:16:04 1999 From: JoatSimeon at aol.com (JoatSimeon at aol.com) Date: Thu, 4 Mar 1999 15:16:04 EST Subject: IE and Substrates Message-ID:
I think we should keep in mind that the European linguistic situation in historical times is probably much simpler than it was in the Mesolithic or early Neolithic. Reasoning by analogy from the situation in New Guinea or eastern pre-Columbian North America, there were probably _many_ more languages and language-families in Europe before the Indo-European expansion. Not just one or a few non-IE families which were then replaced by Indo-European. The IE expansion would then represent a massive linguistic simplification, a "reformatting" of a previously crowded scene. From petegray at btinternet.com Thu Mar 4 20:11:20 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Thu, 4 Mar 1999 20:11:20 -0000 Subject: Update on *nekw and the N-word Message-ID:
Glen Gordon said: >IE *nek-/*nok- "to bear, to carry, to convey" > (I've never seen this root. Does anyone know? Try: Avestan fra-nas- = to bring; (nas = to reach) Vedic naSa:mi = to reach Greek e:negkon, ene:nokha, etc all < e-nek- (aorist and perfect forms of) to carry Old Norse nest = provisions for a journey OCS nesti etc to carry, bear, bring Lithuanian neSu etc. Latvian nesu etc. I don't have a Pokorny, but I suspect this is one of the cognates not to be found in him. Peter From petegray at btinternet.com Thu Mar 4 20:23:12 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Thu, 4 Mar 1999 20:23:12 -0000 Subject: Greek question & the pre-history of *nekwt Message-ID:
> BTW: is Hittite
/dz, z^/, /ts,c/ or /z/? No doubt someone will prove me wrong, but I believe Hittite was deciphered at first by German speakers - so z was used as in German, which is a great pain. It = /ts/. Peter From mcv at wxs.nl Thu Mar 4 20:25:24 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Thu, 4 Mar 1999 20:25:24 GMT Subject: Ix-nay on the ostratic-nay In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu wrote: > With regard to reconstructing 1sg pronouns, there is (or so I seem >to recall) a cross-linguistic tendency for these to be formed with /m-/, >probably from a weaker variant of what might be called the "mama >syndrome": sounds that babies tend to make early tend to be pressed into >service as words that mamas and babies might use to relate to each other, >like "mama" and "me". I don't think so. > So seeing a 1sg in /m-/ does not necessarily mean much. This is true (although seeing 1sg in /m-/ AND 2sg. in /t-/, or 1sg. in /n-/ AND 2sg. in /k-/ may definitely mean more). There is, I think, a cross-linguistic tendency for (personal) pronouns to be short forms. For instance, in PIE they show a pattern CV where verbal and nominal roots have at least CVC. The same thing is true for many other language families, although I have not made a study of this. In that sense, seeing a 1sg. form apparently based on *mV- doesn't mean much in itself, especially given the fact that /m/ is a phoneme that is present and common in the overwhelming majority of the world's languages. I also haven't made a study of phoneme frequencies the world over, but my impression is that the general monosyllabicity of pronominal stems and the relatively high frequency of the phoneme /m/, plus "number of pronominal stems to be distinguished" versus "number of phonemes in the language" are sufficient to explain the number of languages that have 1p.sg. *mV- (which really isn't *that* large, I'd say 10-20%). No need for a "mama-effect". ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From w.behr at em.uni-frankfurt.de Thu Mar 4 21:02:45 1999 From: w.behr at em.uni-frankfurt.de (WB (in Frankfurt today)) Date: Thu, 4 Mar 1999 22:02:45 +0100 Subject: IE, Genetic Data, Languages of Anatolia Message-ID:
At 13:30 25.02.99 -0500, Alexis wrote: AMR| I have yet to AMR| see any real debate of the SC hypothesis. If there is any AMR| competent comment on this hypothesis, pro or con, I would AMR| appreciate references. Well, take a look at Alexander Vovin's excellent review article on WSY Wang ed. (1995), _The ancestry of the Chinese language_ (_Journal of CHinese Linguistics 25[1997]2: 308-336) for starts. Sasha demon- strates that Starostin's SC reconstruction rests on multiple correspon- dances not showing any trace of phonological conditioning (ST *-t, for instance, has no less than 17 PNC correspondances!), that "there is anything but regularity", that SC "with its 150 or 180 consonants does not even remotely resemble a human language", and that Starostin introduces rather dubious rules of root reduction (a la Paul King Benedict), which are even contradicted by his own etymologies. Vovin concludes (fair enough, I must say!), "In my opinion, the Sino-Cua- casian theory in the shape as it is presented is better placed on the back burner, until more regular and phonologically motivated corres- pondances can be offered." If I remember things correctly, there will be a workshop on SC in Cambridge (at the McDonald Institute of Archeo- logy) sometime this year, so maybe we will see a convincing defense of Starostin before long ??? Cheers, Wolfgang ps, re: AMR| I don't know what Miguel views of Sino-Caucasian are, but I AMR| do know that these kinds of speculations are precisely grist AMR| to the mill of those, like Wolfgang, who are perhaps all AMR| too eager to dismiss the SC theory w/o a proper evaluation. Oh well... for Wolfgang Schulze's _very proper_ evaluation of the C-part of SC, cf. his review of Starostin & Nikolayev in _Diachronica_ 1997.1: 149-161. From glengordon01 at hotmail.com Thu Mar 4 21:41:20 1999 From: glengordon01 at hotmail.com (Glen Gordon) Date: Thu, 4 Mar 1999 13:41:20 PST Subject: IE and Etruscan Message-ID:
>>>Etruscan is non-Indo-European. Hell, we can't even read it! >>Oh, but we can! There is general agreement on the values of the >>letters and a large proportion of the inscriptions can be >>translated without much difficulty. >There are also words in Latin said to be of Etruscan origin [e.g. >satelles, persona, etc.] as well non-IE substrate common to Latin & >Greek that may from Etruscan and/or a congener [I think form-/morph- >are among them] While there are things like
"grandson" which look much like loans from Latin, when you find enormous coincidences that couldn't possibly have been borrowed into Etruscan from Latin or Greek such as
"in front of" with the initial laryngeal or
"build, found", you really have to start wondering about a genetic relationship of some kind with IE, especially when there is a pattern of unique sound correspondances to boot. Even Anatolian borrowings don't cut it because of those pesky grammatical elements that won't go away. So amidst all this data I would personally say that anyone that doesn't agree that IE and Etruscan are genetically related by now are the ones that are truly gaga. So get ye to a library! :) -------------------------------------------- Glen Gordon glengordon01 at hotmail.com Kisses and Hugs -------------------------------------------- From X99Lynx at aol.com Fri Mar 5 05:19:57 1999 From: X99Lynx at aol.com (X99Lynx at aol.com) Date: Fri, 5 Mar 1999 00:19:57 EST Subject: *p>f Revisited - When was German invented? Message-ID:
In a message dated 1/26/99 8:32:31 AM, Miguel Carrasquer Vidal wrote: <
> Returning my question about Why *p>f?: The answer most commonly given related either to social causes or in a certain case to some tendency towards aspiration. There is another explanation however. It suggests that Germanic seems "archaic" not because it split-off early as Miquel suggests above, but because it emerged very late. And it explains p>f not as a "sound shift," but as a fundamental part of the conversion from a non-IE to an IE language by German speakers. John Hawkins in Bernard Comrie's The World's Major Languages (1987) (p.70-71) puts the general case for this, using a migration theory: "At least two facts suggest that the pre-Germanic speakers migrated to their southern Scandanavian location sometime before 1000BC and that they encountered a non-IE speaking people from whom linguistic features were borrowed that were to have a substantial impact on the developement of Proto-Germanic." Hawkins goes on to mention the 30% non-IE vocabulary that is being documented on this list. He also goes to another piece of evidence: "...the consonantal changes of the First Sound Shift are unparalleled in their extent elsewhere in Indo-European and suggest that speakers of a fricative-rich language with no voiced stops made systematic conversions of Indo-European sounds into their own nearest equivalents..." Both Hawkins and Comrie assumed, of course, that there was a migration - which we now have strong reason to believe did not occur, given both Cavalli-Sforza's evidence and the recent mDNA findings that show even less evidence of any meaningful migration. And - and this is key - if there was no migration, then the change that Hawkins speaks about - conversion of IE sounds to a fricative-rich language with no voiced stops - MUST HAVE HAPPENED right from the beginning of German. It makes no sense to think that Germanic speakers first adopted proper IE sounds and then returned to their former non-IE accents. This means the First Germanic Sound Shift ACTUALLY reflects the presrvation of prior non-IE sounds during conversion to an IE language. AND it would mean that the First Sound Shift must have happened at the time the IE language was first introduced. In other words, there was no Germanic *p> Germanic f. There was no proto-Germanic *pemke (five). Because the non-IE speakers had no reason to drop the /f/ in adopting the IE word and then go back later and sound shift back to it. And, BTW, this explanation of how the First "Sound Shift" happened is far more reasonable than postulating a massive arbitrary later adoption of those sound changes. Or an unexplainable impulse to fricatives, etc. Germanic as IE "with an accent" explains the "shift" with a consistent underlying reason (a partial conversion from non-IE) that works across the board for all former speakers of that earlier language rather than being a later "trend" that coincidentally got picked up by all Germanic speakers but somehow was rejected by all non-Germanic speakers. That kind of subtle consensus is improbable. (Because he is postulating a mass migration, Hawkins uses the words "systematic conversion" to IE, which seems to postulate some Proto-Germanic Academy of Language. An non-IE accent is much more plausible for the universality of the sound change in German-speakers and total non-adoption by any others IE speaking group.) If the First "Sound Shift" actually marks the conversion of a non-IE language into IE Germanic, then it was only completed around 500BC (according to Hawkins and Comrie.) And this would have many implications for our understanding of the history and spread of IE languages. For one thing it would not make sense to talk about "proto-Germanic" branching off a "proto-IndoEuropean" core. There would have been no PIE at this point in time. Germanic would have had to have been acquired from a SPECIFIC existing IE language or languages. (I even think I have a candidate for that language and somewhat documented historical circumstances.) And there is nothing inconsistent with this archaeologically. I don't think I need to repeat the often repeated dictum that we have no reason to think Corded Ware/Battle Axe cultural evidence tells us in any way what language was spoken by those who left it behind. Or that any change in language from non-IE to IE would be marked by any noticeable change in that material evidence, since it was preliterate. Finally, as a reality check, it should be remembered that we have no solid evidence of Germanic before 300ace. If IEGermanic was finally formed some short time before 500bce, then that would mean 800 years passed before the Gothic Bible was written down. 800 years was sufficient for Gallic to be replaced entirely by the new language of French. Yet less remains of Gallic among the contiguous population of France then remains of non-IE among the Germans. There is really no need and no evidence that would necessarily extend the emergence of an IE proto-Germanic much before 500bce. Respectfully, Steve Long [ Moderator's comment: And what of the very similar, though completely separate, Armenian shift? --rma ] From maxw at cogs.susx.ac.uk Fri Mar 5 11:29:34 1999 From: maxw at cogs.susx.ac.uk (Max W Wheeler) Date: Fri, 5 Mar 1999 11:29:34 +0000 Subject: rate of change In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
On Wed, 24 Feb 1999, Rick Mc Callister wrote: > But before 1500, Spanish & Portuguese were farther apart than they are now. > Rick Mc Callister Oh yeah? Who says? It wouldn't take long to list some significant changes in Spanish since 1500 which have moved it away from Portuguese. But it won't be worth it without a good reason to believe the claim made above. Max ___________________________________________________________________________ Max W. Wheeler
School of Cognitive and Computing Sciences University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9QH, UK Tel: +44 (0)1273 678975; fax: +44 (0)1273 671320 ___________________________________________________________________________ From maxw at cogs.susx.ac.uk Fri Mar 5 14:18:29 1999 From: maxw at cogs.susx.ac.uk (Max W Wheeler) Date: Fri, 5 Mar 1999 14:18:29 +0000 Subject: non-IE/Germanic In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
Many thanks to Rick McCallister for these interesting lists (only recently received, since forwarded by our moderator from Nostratic, which I'm not on. One thing is not clear to me. What is the significance of the presence in the list of Romance borrowings from Germanic (?all from Vennemann 1984)? Is it because the etyma are not themselves attested in Germanic? This might be the case for Fr heraut (> Eng herald) < Frk *herialt, or Fr honte < Frk *haunitha. In which case, is it being suggested that these words don't have plausible etymologies within Germanic, or IE cognates? [according to Onions, ODEE, herald is orig from Gc *xariwald- < *xarjaz `army' + *wald- `rule'.] But this wouldn't seem to apply to the entries like It. guatare, in connection with which Meyer-Lübke, Romanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, cites Frk wahta (REW 9477c) and Langobardic wahtari (REW 9478), without asterisks. [And Onions, ODEE gives OHG wahten, s.v. wait.] (And as Germanic words, the entries with Romance guV- belong under w-, and the French with e'c(h)- belong under sk-.) Max ___________________________________________________________________________ Max W. Wheeler
School of Cognitive and Computing Sciences University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9QH, UK Tel: +44 (0)1273 678975; fax: +44 (0)1273 671320 ___________________________________________________________________________ From ERobert52 at aol.com Fri Mar 5 16:43:16 1999 From: ERobert52 at aol.com (ERobert52 at aol.com) Date: Fri, 5 Mar 1999 11:43:16 EST Subject: IE and Etruscan Message-ID:
jpmaher at neiu.edu wrote: > Vladimir Georgiev [Sofia] held that Etruscan was early IE and > related to Hittite. > ... > nobody contested his data nor his thesis. > ERobert52 at aol.com wrote: >> No sensible person thinks Etruscan is IE, and most people who say >> it is are pretty wacky, A comparison of Etruscan with Hittite and the other Anatolian languages shows some similar features such as noun declension endings and the role of clitics, indeed some of the clitics are the same. Some possible cognate lexical items have also been pointed to. These are either due to chance, Sprachbund, borrowing, a substrate, or a genetic relationship. However, all other things being equal, the common ancestor of such a genetic relationship would need to be at a date prior to the break-up between Proto-Anatolian and the rest of IE because Etruscan is less similar to the rest of IE than the Anatolian languages are. What is clear is that Etruscan cannot constitute a branch of IE on a par with, say, Celtic or Albanian, let alone be a member of such a branch, despite repeated efforts to prove the contrary over the years by e.g. Mayani, Gruamach etc. by attempting to look up Etruscan words in a modern dictionary for the relevant language group that they want to claim a relationship with. Sometimes similar suggestions even involve throwing in some inscriptions that are actually Umbrian or Venetic and lo and behold, Etruscan is suddenly IE. I would describe these approaches as not sensible. I discovered another website today where somebody's "research" had led them to the conclusion that Etruscan was actually Ukrainian (not even Proto-Slav, nor OCS, but Ukrainian). This I call wacky. This should be contrasted with points of view such as the idea that Etruscan forms part of a longer range construct including but prior to IE (Kretschmer), or has some sort of affinity with certain Anatolian languages (Stoltenberg), which are points of view that deserve to be treated seriously, although their linguistic evidence is, understandably, a bit slim. I believe Georgiev was saying something perfectly reasonable similar to this. On a related matter, there is obviously some sort of connection between Etruscan and western Anatolia given the historical references from several sources linking the Etruscans to Lydia. Frank Rossi speculated recently (on historical grounds) that there might be an Etruscan substrate in Lydian. However as far as I can see there is no more linguistic evidence that would link Etruscan with Lydian than would link Etruscan with Hittite. Or am I missing something? Ed. Robertson From petegray at btinternet.com Mon Mar 8 18:07:11 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 10:07:11 -0800 Subject: Salmon. Message-ID:
>salmon in the Danube. Salmon trout are found in the Danube according to Mallory - but not the other kind of salmon. Peter From xdelamarre at siol.net Sat Mar 6 00:31:27 1999 From: xdelamarre at siol.net (Xavier Delamarre) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 01:31:27 +0100 Subject: Non IE words in early Celtic Message-ID:
Reply to Rick Mc Callister : 1/ *abol- (*a:b- with Lex Winter) "apple" : Italic, Celtic, Germanic, Balto-Slavic, possibly Thracian or Dacian (the gloss dinupula < *k'un-a:bo:la:). Enough to have IE status. Considered as non-IE because of -b-, itself considered as non-IE, circular. 2/ *aliso "alder": add Slavic jelicha, Russ. _ol'cha_, lithuanian _alksnis_, Latin _alnus_ (*alisnos). Enough to have IE status. 3/ Gaulish _bra:ca_ : latin _suffra:go:_ "jarret" (<*bhra:g- "cul"), cf after Schrader, O. Szemenenyi (An den Quellen des lateinischen Wortschatzes, 117-18). 4/ Gaulish _bri:ua_ "bridge" (cf place names Caro-briua, Briuo-duron etc.), germanic *bro:wo: & *bruwwi: (> bridge etc.), OCS _bruvuno_ "poutre, rondin", Serbian _brv_ "passerelle" (prob. the original meaning). 5/ Germanic _bukkaz_, clearly an expressive gemination of *bhug'o- (Avestic _buza_) etc. 6/ Gaulish _dunum_ "enclosed place", Germanic *tu:na- (> town, Zaun etc.) ; C. Watkins, Select. Writ. 2, 751-53, has related Hittite _tuhhusta_ "finish, come to an end, come full circle" (cf Latin _fu:-nes-_ < *dhu:-). A possibility : I am a bit suspicious because it is a root-etymology. 7/ *gwet- "resin" : not only Celtic-Germanic, (Latin _bitu-men_, may come also from Osco-Umbrian), but O.Ind. _jatu-_ "Lack, Gummi", Mayrhofer EWAia 1, 565. 8/ Gaulish (& Celtic) _i:sarno_ "iron" : explained convincingly by W. Cowgill as the regular reflex of IE _*e:sr-no-_ "the bloody (red) metal" (Idg Gramm. 1,1). 9/ Gaulish canto- "edge, circle" : explained by O. Szemerenyi, Scrip. Min. 4, 2036-38, as _*kmto-_ from a root _*kem-_ 'cover'. A possibility. 10/ "lake" : add Greek _lakkos_ <*_lakwos_ "cisterna", OCS _loky_ "id." ; for the alternance a / o (as for the word 'sea' *mori/*mari), JE Rasmussen, Studien zur Morphophonemik der idg Spr. 239-40, has proposed an explanation. I hope to be able to present a more detailed account of these etymologies in my "Dictionnaire de la langue gauloise", to appear in the coming years. I do not believe very much in "Nordwestblock" theories (Hamp, Huld, recently Beekes, who does not think that *ab- "water" and *teuta: "people" are IE), taken from Meillet's "vocabulaire du nord-ouest" (by the way) : you can prove the antiquity of a designation (by a set of correspondences), but not draw conclusions in reason of its absence (argumentum e silentio) in a given dialect. The old problem of dialectology. A good example has been given recently : a lot of speculation, with sociological consequences, had been produced from the fact the Celtic had no representant of the canonic IE words for son & daughter (*su:nus, *dhugHte:r). The later word is now attested in the Plomb du Larzac as _duxtir_ ; by pure chance. the same is true of _lubi_ "love" (no trace of this IE root in insular Celtic) or _deuoxtonion_ gen. plur. "of Gods & Men" (no trace of dvandva compositum in ins. C.). etc. Xavier Delamarre Ljubljana From mcv at wxs.nl Sat Mar 6 03:29:58 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 03:29:58 GMT Subject: Anatolians In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
Rick Mc Callister
wrote: >Would your outline would be something like this? >Outliers are marked with * >I.IE to c. 5500 BCE >A. *Anatolian c. 5500 BCE >B. Non-Anatolian IE 5500 BCE > 1. *Tocharian c. 5000 BCE > 2. Eastern [Steppe] IE c. 5000/4500 BCE > a. Indo-Iranian 3200 BC > b. Greco-Armenian [Thracian?] 3200 BC > i. Hellenic > ii. *Armenian > iii. Thracian-Phrygian Too little is known about Thracian and Phrygian to call them. I've also grown rather dubious about Greco-Armenian. The similarities between Greek and Armenian (mainly in vocabulary) must be secondary, resulting from interaction in the Balkans, but Armenian must've split off from the main body of IE containing Greek earlier. > 3. Central/Western [LBK] IE c. 5000/4500 BCE > a. Germano-Balto-Slavic 4500-4000? BCE > i. Balto-Slavic 4000 BCE [GBS Sprachbund 3K-1K BCE] > ii. *Germanic 4000 BCE [GBS Sprachbund 3K-1K BCE] Same doubts about GBS as about Armeno-Greek. Secondary interactions. > b. Celto-Italic-Venetic-etc. [Illyrian?] 4500-2000 BCE? > i. Celtic 2000 BCE > ii. Italic 2000 BCE > iii. Venetic 2000 BCE > iv. ?Illyrian? 2000 BCE? > v. Lusitanian? 2000 BCE? Nothing is known about Illyrian, little about Venetic or Lusitanian. > And there the question of what Albanian is/was. > Is it the remains of whatever Balkan IE language was there before >Greco-Armenian? My feeling is that it's somewhat intermediate between Greek and Balto-Slavic, maybe leaning more towards the BS side. Although it also has some things in common with Italo-Celtic in the verbal system. It seems much more logical that it would be descended from Illyrian rather than from Thracian (much more Latin than Greek borrowings), and I can say that with impunity, as *nothing* is known about Illyrian (not even if it was a single language group). The diagram as I posted it some time ago: Stage 1. Anatolian splits off (actually, PIE (LBK) splits off: 5500). Anatolian <-- PIE Stage 2. Tocharian splits off (c. 5000 ?). Anatolian ; PIE --> Tocharian Stage 3. Germanic and Armenian split off (4000?). Anatolian ; Germanic <-- PIE --> Armenian ; Tocharian Stage 4/5. Final break-up of PIE (3500). Anatolian; Germanic ; Italo-Celtic <-- Greek-Indo-Iranian --> Balto-Slavic , Albanian ; Armenian ; Tocharian So the original tree would be: PIE / \ Anatolian /\ / \ /\ Tocharian / \ /\ /\ / | | \ Germanic | | Armenian | |\ Italo-Celtic | \ / \ Albanian / \ /\ Balto-Slavic / \ Greek Indo-Iranian After that, the situation was slightly complicated by secondary interactions between Germanic and Balto-Slavic, and Greek/Albanian/Armenian. Stage 6. Balkan and Baltic interaction spheres (3000-2500). Anatolian [Greece/Anatolia]; Greek/Albanian/Armenian [Balkan]; Italo-Celtic [Bell Beaker]; Germanic/Balto-Slavic [Corded Ware]; Indo-Iranian [(pre-)Andronovo]; Tocharian [Yenisei/Sinkiang] Stage 7. Further interactions (2000-1000). Anatolian/Armenian [Anatolia]; Greek/Albanian/Italic [Mediterranean]; Celtic/Germanic [NW Europe]; Balto-Slavic/Iranian [E Europe/C Asia/Iran]; Indic [India]; Tocharian[/Iranian] [Sinkiang] ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From mcv at wxs.nl Sat Mar 6 03:50:55 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 03:50:55 GMT Subject: /Anatolian /-nt-/ and Greek /-nth-/ In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu wrote: > Perhaps I am missing something here, but why should Anatolian >place-names with /-nt-/ (or for that matter /-nd-/) be borowed into Greek >with /-nth-/? Probably because Anatolian t was aspirated, or sounded aspirated to the Greeks. >I suppose we could say that the form was originally >/-ndh-/, but the Anatolian forms in /-nt/ are generally considered older. The IE etymon is *-nt- (probably identical to the Luwian/Slavic/Tocharian collective (plural) suffix *-(e/o)nt-). ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From mcv at wxs.nl Sat Mar 6 05:36:13 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 05:36:13 GMT Subject: Anatolians In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
JoatSimeon at aol.com wrote: >>mcv at wxs.nl writes: >We know Renfrew's 7000 BCE is too early for PIE >because of the absence of the late-Neolithic innovations recorded in PIE in >7000 BCE. However, that vocabulary _is_ there in Anatolian. Let's take a closer look at this. What are these late Neolithic innovations? Mallory claims that such words as "wool", "milk", "plough" and "yoke" belong here, as central parts of the new vocabulary associated with the "Secondary Products Revolution" (Sherrat) of the late Neolithic. But surely there's no reason to think that words such as "milk" and "wool" didn't exist in the vocabulary even in pre-Neolithic times. In the early Neolithic, sheep, goats and cattle were domesticated, and there is evidence for dairying of cattle in Northern European LBK sites. The plough was also used since the very beginning of the Neolithic, if only in the form of a branch or stick (Irish ce:cht, Gothic ho:ha, Slavic soxa; Skt. hala-). That leaves only "yoke", with the undoubted Hittite reflex
as a possible candidate for being a late Neolithic innovation. I've been unable to find a reference to the first archaeological evidence for the yoke, and I gather that Sherrat's inclusion of the yoke in the "Secondary Products Revolution" toolset is mainly based on Sumerian depictions of it (Johanna Nichols compares PIE *yugom with PKartv. *uG-el- and PEC *r=u(L')L' (*r=u(k')k')). Another undoubted Late Neolithic innovation is metal working, but here the Hittite vocabulary is completely unrelated to the main IE one (except maybe the word for "white, silver" harki-). Finally, the principal lexical argument revolves around the horse and horse technology. The Hittite word for "horse" is unknown (aways written Sumerograpically as AN$E.KUR.RA), but there is a Luwian attestation: asuwa. This looks very much like an Indo-Iranian borrowing (Skt. as'va < PIE *ek^wos), were it not for the fact that Luwian "dog" is
(PIE *k^won-). So either there was a satem-like Luwian sound law *k^w > sw, or Luwian borrowed both words from Mitanni-Aryan. Borrowing of the horse word is not surprising (the Hittite archives at Boghazko"y yielded a treatise on horses, containing a number of words of Indo-Iranian origin, written by a Mitannian called Kikkuli). Borrowing of the dog word seems less plausible (although Slavic sobaka is of course borrowed from Iranian as well). The other words related to horse technology yield no Hittite cognates (Hittite "wheel" is not *kwekwlo- or *rotHo- but
, related only to Tocharian
"circle, wheel"), except for two curious items: "shaft/pole", Hittite hissa ~ Skt. i:s.a:, Grk. oie:ks, Slav. oje(s)- and "(to) harness", Hittite turiia- ~ Skt. dhu:r-. It is, I believe, no coincidence that these are Hittite-Sanskrit isoglosses (if we discard the Greek and Slavic words for having different Ablaut). Again, the most likely explanation is that these are Mitanni-Aryan loanwords. After all, it would be rather strange to find the exact same inherited words for cultural items such "shaft" and "harness" when Hittite doesn't even share its basic kinship terminology with Indo-European and has a different word for "four". ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From petegray at btinternet.com Sat Mar 6 12:58:42 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 12:58:42 -0000 Subject: /Anatolian /-nt-/ and Greek /-nth-/ Message-ID:
DLW asks: >why should Anatolian >place-names with /-nt-/ (or for that matter /-nd-/) be borowed into Greek >with /-nth-/? (a) a phonetic explanation: Hittite (as you probably know) shows only the voiceless stops. If there is no phonemic distinction between aspirate and unaspirated, or between voiced and voiceless in Hittite (although there may be between geminate and non-geminate), then we know nothing about the actual articulation. So perhaps the Greek borrowings, if they were borrowings, are genuine reflections of the actual phonetic value. (b) a non-phonetic explanation We should also note that borrowings into other languages from English sometimes have results that are odd to our eyes, and may be done for morphophonemic reasons, e.g. the Hebrew use of /q/ for English /k/, which prevents fricativisation in certain contexts. So perhaps we should leave open the idea that the borrowing as Hittite written -nt- as an aspirate or a voiced consonant might have had some non-phonetic explanation. Peter From petegray at btinternet.com Sat Mar 6 13:09:26 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 13:09:26 -0000 Subject: Celtic and English Again Message-ID:
On the lack of influence from Celtic in English: Perhaps a comparable situation can be found in Egypt, which was Egyptian-speaking for yonks, then Greek speaking for nearly a thousand years, but now speaks Arabic with very little, if any, trace of either "substrate". Does this suggest that languages can indeed be replaced without great effect on the invading language, if other circumstances are right, and that the lack of influence from Celtic on English is not really so remarkable? Peter From petegray at btinternet.com Sat Mar 6 13:17:21 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 13:17:21 -0000 Subject: Cowgill's Law Message-ID:
Our Moderator said: >Cowgill's Law ... >I see that it does not appear in Collinge, It would not be in Collinge since he deliberately excludes those laws which are specific to one language group. Peter [ Moderator's comment: Of course! I wasn't thinking when I flipped it open to check. Thanks! --rma ] From petegray at btinternet.com Sat Mar 6 13:04:32 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 13:04:32 -0000 Subject: Germanic and Balto-Slavic Cases in /m/ Message-ID:
DLW suggested: /bhi/ being added to the accusative (in /-m/) This in itself would be an enormous innovation, which no other IE language group shows for any of its cases. (The only exception might be the unproven development of the accusative plural from accusative singular +s). So alas, even if true, (which it isn't), it would still remain "diagnostic". Peter From petegray at btinternet.com Sat Mar 6 13:01:09 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 13:01:09 -0000 Subject: Chariots Message-ID:
"true cavalry". This has to do with the development of a horse strong enough to be ridden. I think there has been discussion of this in this group before, with inconclusive results about when horses were strong enough to carry a person on their back. Peter From glengordon01 at hotmail.com Sun Mar 7 03:37:01 1999 From: glengordon01 at hotmail.com (Glen Gordon) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 19:37:01 PST Subject: IE to ProtoSteppe Message-ID:
[ Moderator's note: While I would prefer not to discuss this here when it is an on-going topic on HistLing, I can't in good conscience not post it and then post other items to which it has something to say. So since it started out on the IE list, I'm posting it to the IE list rather than Nostratic (where I'd not be any happier to see it, really :-). --rma ] Hi y'all, I have transfered this N-word topic over to the NOSTRATIC list from the INDO-EUROPEAN List. It really belongs in both but the IE world and the moderator, stubborn as they both are :), are not ready yet for this kind of discussion in the latter list. Sadly its likeliest pre-history and those of the language groups it interacts with, is very important in the discussion of IE and the geographical position of its range that we eventually find: ME (GLEN): >>If we accept (as we should) that IE is genetically tied to languages >>like Uralic and Altaic JOATSIMEON: >-- frankly, I think relationships at that time-depth are >unrecoverable with any degree of confidence. This illustrates one of my frustrations about debates on these lists (and don't get me wrong, I'm glad that they exist and they are necessary). You see, I'm trying to understand the logic that some employ to deny external relationships with IE and I often find it gnawing at my nerves because of its senselessness. (I know, even on the Nostratic list, there are some who fight long-range genetic relationships in favor of the Valley Girl's NULL hypothesis). Now, I can fully understand that one can have the legitimate view that _AT PRESENT TIME_, such things are not recoverable to a _strong degree_ as JS points out. This is a matter of opinion. However, should this stop one from thinking and conjecturing beyond what we know in order to even vaguely answer these questions of genetic relationship? How can a study progress if one doesn't strive to progress with new ideas and to stretch all that is known to its fullest volume? This is how any science in general works and conjecture is a necessary component in good research. Many will agree that IE is now reconstructable to a decent degree (at least in terms of general vocab). So is that it? We just stop, fly our hands up in the air and quit? Well, unless we have grown old of our research, we take what we know and expand it, conjecture, find more evidence, etc., so that we can reach a new level of understanding about the field we're working with. Therefore, why is it then that we have many on this list and others with this illogical agnostic/defeatist attitude? Can we really place a limit on what we can find out or learn at any given time? Again, no. We ironically don't know enough to begin to calculate such a limit unless we profess divinity of ourselves. We simply don't know what we will discover or can discover and I hope no one will argue with that bit of intuitive reasoning. This problem fits the topic of external IE genetic relationship as good as any. Do we know 100% that IE is related to Uralic? No. Do we know 100% that IE is NOT related to Uralic? No. Do we know 100% that IE existed as we expect it does? No. Maybe 25%, 80%, maybe 95% or even 99% but we can't say that it's proven for all time or without foundation of "evidence" and wipe one's hands clean of it. The questions remain to be answered, not ignored carelessly. Thus it should be fairly apparent to people already what I'm getting at. Until those wacky nuclear physicists back at the science lab discover how to warp space-time back to the time of a given proto-language, comparative linguistics will always be _pure theory_. Since this is theory, Alexis' opinion is off-center. There can be no unanimous distinction on what is dismissable "conjecture" and what isn't. Ideally and preferably, to make a conjecture more probable, a theory should be based on relevant evidence of some kind. Many times, because this is a topic of linguistics, linguistical evidence is supplied to validate a theory. Sometimes it's archaeoligical in nature, or even (gasp!) genetic. Despite the type of evidence, though, "proof" as such is really a matter of logic and relative probability. "Proof" is defined by the degree of likelihood an idea has to overcome the barrier of insignificance of its beholder and to stick it out from other competing theories. So here's my conjecture and let it's proof be Reason at last: IE is more closely related to Uralic, Altaic and other "Eurasiatic" languages than anything else. What do IEists often say to this? "Can't be proven", "I don't think it can be recoverable", "Pure hogwash" and that's that. This is where my sense of logic starts paining me because here we find such a defeatist attitude at work deceiving many into an ultra-conservative, anti-research frame of mind that denies answers to questions simply because the answers are purely probabilistic, not boolean. "Maybe" instead of "is, without a doubt". Probability, however, is the vary nature of comparative linguistics! Surely IE is most likely related to something. No self-professed linguist could possibly pretend that IE invented its own language (aside from Pat in re of his Sumerian idea). So we go beyond that, we conjecture, we allow ourselves to step beyond the obvious and fight for more knowledge. We search for the most probable external links with IE. We can't prove without a trace of uncertainty that IE is related to Uralic and Altaic. We may not be able to prove it with a 25% probability, a 5% probability, or even a 0.00001% probability. We can't even measure the probability in realistic terms. The probability of the theory on its own is not the point. The point is: in regards to any other competing theories out there on IE external links (from NWC to Benue-Congo), what is the MOST probable? What has the most weight? Is this probability large enough over the other possibilities. Well, given that language groups like Algic or other "Amerind" langauges have to be an exceedingly low probability on this list of possibilities, we thus CAN create a list of language groups ordered by their degree of probability and, to the very least, answer vaguely the question of IE genetic relationships (ie: "It's very, very, very unlikely that IE is related to Amerind languages within the past 10,000 years"). The probability may appear "small" (a relative term to the beholder) but in relation to all other theories possible in terms of genetic relationship with IE, Eurasiatic languages are set miles apart from the rest. If you disagree, don't just say "dunno". Agnosticism is blatantly illogical. What is the most probable answer in all in your view? What is your basis? Answer it, even if it is a vague and probabilistic answer. Dare to have an opinion. It's reasonable to have one as long as you understand that it has less weight over theories with large amounts of evidence. Even someone who thinks that we will never know for absolute surity, must with any degree of sanity agree this hypotheses is the best possible one we can have. I really would like to crack the "can't-do-it-so-why-bother" reasoning and talk realistically about these external relationships. I would prefer to do it on the IE group where this discussion would be all the more meaningful amongst those staunchly opposed to long-range comparison but alas... -------------------------------------------- Glen Gordon glengordon01 at hotmail.com Kisses and Hugs -------------------------------------------- From proto-language at email.msn.com Sat Mar 6 14:13:25 1999 From: proto-language at email.msn.com (Patrick C. Ryan) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 08:13:25 -0600 Subject: Greek question & the pre-history of *nekwt Message-ID:
[ moderator re-formatted ] Dear Rich and IEists: -----Original Message----- From: Patrick C. Ryan
Date: Friday, March 05, 1999 10:14 PM >I know of no reflex that suggests a palatal (^) + labial combination. Are you >suggesting that I am considering g[^]h-w-? I am not. I think -gh-w- is still >the likeliest termination. >[ Moderator's comment: > Perhaps I am confused about what you mean when you write
: To me, > this suggests a segment *gh followed by a segment *w, especially when you > write about the latter being "carried over into the first syllable". Yes, this is exactly what I meant: *negh(V)w-. > My point is that the symbol used in all Indo-Europeanist literature which is > not limited to ASCII has a superscript
, which in my TeX-influenced way > I would write as *g{^w}h (or less preferably *gh{^w}). Rich, I never write anything as
because I frequently am switching from email to .html and whatever is between the < and > is treated as an instruction rather than copy in .html. [ Moderator's comment: Old habit: If square brackets indicate phonetic values, and slashes indicate phonemic values, then angle brackets indicate *graphemic* values, that is, how something is spelled in the orthography under discussion. Much older than HTML, so I'm going to claim priority for it. ;-] I have tried to indicated the labiovelars as g[w], k[w], and the palatalized versions g[^][w], k[^][w]. [ Moderator continues: See above: That is extremely confusing--either mixing phonetics in, or if taken as in syntax, indicating something optional. --rma ] > I'm afraid that the sloppy manner in which labiovelars get written has > misled you into thinking that the -u- of the Greek word _nuks, nuktos_ is > metathesized from after a palatal (or simple velar, if you allow three > series of dorsals). Well, I might not have it right, but that is what I favor at the moment. *negh(V)w- -> *neugh- + s/t -? neuk(h)s/t-. [ Moderator's response: It may be what you favor, but it flies in the face of the data: Sanskrit *requires* a labiovelar, or the accusative would be **nas.t.am rather than the attested _naktam_. And what is represented by that "*s/t -?" ? --rma ] >But, let me ask a question: are you saying that Hittite does *not* suggest >that the final element before the [w], glide or extension, was voiced? That >is a perfectly legtimate position but I was not aware it was very >well-represented these days. >[ Moderator's response: > I've not addressed this issue before. Sturtvant himself noted a *tendency* > for single vs. double writing of (mostly voiceless) stops to correspond to > a voiced vs. voiceless distinction in the rest of Indo-European (or, as he > would have it, in Indo-European proper). However, as I remember what he > said about Hittite _nekuz_, he considered the spelling
to represent a > labiovelar which could not otherwise be written in cuneiform--and since it > thus appears before another consonant, the single/double writing tendency > would not be germane. [ Moderator's comment on previous response: I have since looked in Sturtevant's _Comparative Grammar of Hittite_ (2nd, 1951) and his _Indo-Hittite Laryngeals_, and find that I have mis-stated his views: He clearly reads the syllable as such. I cannot for the life of me remember where I learned the other interpretation. --rma ] Yes, I believe that must have been Sturtevant's view with a modification. On pg. 43 of "A Comparative Grammar of the Hittite Langauge), he indicates Indo-Hittite *nekwts. But then on p. 59, contradictorily, he indicates *neg'wty; and goes on to say: ". . . such forms as nukha . nuktor (Hesych.), ennukhos 'of night', pannukhios, autonnnukhi 'in the same night', whose aspirate proves that the second consonant of the IH word was g' ". On the previous page, he defines IH g' as "IE gh, g[^]h, or the velar part of ghw". Finally, on page 181, Sturtevant lists "ne-ku-uz . . . . . . neguts", which is the "Suggested phonetic interpretation". Now, this all suggests to me that Sturtevant believed (at least as of the writing of this book) that the IE stem was *negh(V)w-. [ Moderator's response: You are correct, this does appear to be what he believed. However, I think he was wrong. The argument I first cited was not Sturtevant's, but it was nevertheless the right interpretation, based on readings of other lexical items such as the interrogatives. --rma ] Pat From iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu Sat Mar 6 15:48:56 1999 From: iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu (iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 09:48:56 -0600 Subject: Celtic influence In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
Yes, I agree there is seemingly Celtic (grammatical) influence in most of Western Romance, most notably French. It is just a little more difficult to nail down, without actual knowledge of the Celtic languages in question. For example we may note the "two BE verbs" syndrome in Iberian. DLW From iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu Sat Mar 6 16:02:45 1999 From: iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu (iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 10:02:45 -0600 Subject: Feminines in Neuter Plurals Message-ID:
What exactly is the argument here? That if the feminine had been a recent development from the masculine, the masculine plural rather than the neuter would be used for mixed M/F plurals, therefore the feminine cannot be a recent development from the masculine? What if the feminine is a recent development from the neuter/inanimate? Very un-PC, I know, but stranger (and more un-PC) things have happened. And is it not true the Conventional Wisdom has the feminine developing from the neuter/inanimate anyway? Perhaps I am missing something, but I find it difficult to understand what is being alledged. DLW From dtompkin at thunder.ocis.temple.edu Sat Mar 6 17:19:10 1999 From: dtompkin at thunder.ocis.temple.edu (Dan Tompkins) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 12:19:10 -0500 Subject: Mallory Message-ID:
On pastoralism, I'm no expert. And I have not followed the discussion closely. Here are two comments that may or may not be appropriate: if they are not, I apologize. The situation of the Plains Indians sounds in any case anomalous, doesn't it, in that there were two big exogenous variables at work: getting forced out of areas like Wisconsin, and then getting the horse. On pastoralism in the Greek world, Jens Erik Skydsgaard, 'Transhumance in the Greek Polis,' in C.R. Whittaker (ed), Pastoral Economies in Classical Antiquity (Cambridge UP, 1988) argued (as I recall: can't find the book right now) that 'pure' pastoralism did not exist, that in general agriculture took place at the same time. Without the essay in front of me I can't tell what time frame he put on this. Anyhow, the discussion is interesting! Dan Tompkins Faculty Fellow for Learning Communities Associate Professor, Greek, Hebrew & Roman Classics Conwell Hall, Temple University 1801 North Broad Street Philadelphia, PA 19122-6096 215 204-4900 (phone) 215 204-5735 (fax) dtompkin at thunder.ocis.temple.edu [ moderator snip ] From dtompkin at thunder.ocis.temple.edu Sat Mar 6 17:48:16 1999 From: dtompkin at thunder.ocis.temple.edu (Dan Tompkins) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 12:48:16 -0500 Subject: Error on pastoralism Message-ID:
On consulting some notes I realize I had it wrong on Skydsgaard. There are two essays in the Whittaker volume dealing with transhumance. Here is my summary of the one by Stephen Hodkinson: Hodkinson, S. (1988). Animal husbandry in the Greek polis. C. R. Whittaker (editor), Pastoral Economies in Classical Antiquity, Cambridge Philological Society Supplementary Volume 14, (pp. 35- 74). Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. Argues that pastoralism and agriculture were integrated more than standard view holds. (As I recall, SH was opposing the standard view as a form of "environmental determinism" based on departure of flocks from valleys in summer due to heat, and consequent lack of manure in fields). Skydsgaard in same volume opposes this view; Spurr in his review JRS 79 (1989) also has reservations. Spurr says small farmers could devise ways to keep flocks on farm all yr round, and himself opposes environmental determinism. Jameson in "Agric. Labor in Ancient Greece" in Berit Wells (ed) Agriculture in Ancient Greece (Stockholm, 1992) finds the notion that animal husbandry on small scale was an "integral part of mixed agriculture" convincing. Dan Tompkins From JoatSimeon at aol.com Sun Mar 7 02:06:17 1999 From: JoatSimeon at aol.com (JoatSimeon at aol.com) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 21:06:17 EST Subject: Chariots Message-ID:
[ moderator re-formatted ] In a message dated 3/5/99 7:31:44 PM Mountain Standard Time, iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu writes: >But if this is true, it has implications (however circumstiantial) for the >development of true cavalry, for as of about 2000 BC chariot cavalry was >evidently regarded as the latest most terrifying thing by all concerned (as >various nomads burst out of various steppes employing it) and so this would >suggest that the development of true cavalry must have been later. >> -- depends what you mean by "cavalry", which is not the same thing as "riding horses". Chariots were generally used as mobile missile platforms for archers. Developing the proper type of bow for use from horseback, and the techniques for employing it, took time. Shock action from horseback needed developments in weapons and horse-harness. From JoatSimeon at aol.com Sun Mar 7 02:14:00 1999 From: JoatSimeon at aol.com (JoatSimeon at aol.com) Date: Sat, 6 Mar 1999 21:14:00 EST Subject: Celtic influence Message-ID:
In other words, French has about 200 words borrowed from Gaulish -- including many very common items of everyday speech -- while OE has 12 from Brythonic. Furthermore, the emergence of a standardized written form of OE (based on the Wessex dialect) took place centuries _after_ the Anglo-Saxon settlements in Britain. For the first 200 years and more, the Saxons were illiterate. From mcv at wxs.nl Sun Mar 7 06:59:11 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 06:59:11 GMT Subject: Non-IE roots in Germanic/@, a, e, i, j, o, u In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
Larry Trask
wrote: >> aecse [OE] > ax, axe >> [< ?Vasconic"; see Basque aizkora "axe, hatchet"] [tv95, tv97] >I think everyone agrees that Basque
`ax' is a loan from Latin >
`hatchet'. The Latin word would have been borrowed as >*
; the [h] is a suprasegmental feature in Basque; the */l/ would >have undergone the categorical early medieval change of intervocalic /l/ >to /r/; and the diphthongization of /a/ to /ai/ in an initial syllable >is a familiar though sporadic in Basque: compare
`sacred, >holy', from some Romance development of Latin
. Might the word not have been borrowed directly as
, with metathesis of the /i/ (especially if Latin
already had a degree of allophonic palatalization)? That, or analogy with the other tool words in (h)ai(t)z-. ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From proto-language at email.msn.com Sun Mar 7 08:15:49 1999 From: proto-language at email.msn.com (Patrick C. Ryan) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 02:15:49 -0600 Subject: Greek question & the pre-history of *nekwt Message-ID:
Dear Glen and IEists: -----Original Message----- From: Glen Gordon
Date: Saturday, March 06, 1999 9:16 PM >PATRICK: >>In any case, I have subsequently revised my reconstruction to >>*negh-w-. >First, we will assume that you mean *negh
-, where
is superscript, >as the moderator validly keeps pointing out but that you blatantly >ignore. I am sorry that you do not understand what a root extension is. In previous postings, I have identified the -w- as a root extension. This has nothing to do with g[w], which is the method I use to indicate the so-called labiovelar. [ Moderator's note: I had also noted your use of the term "root extension", which I understood perfectly (Petersson's _Wurzeldeterminativ_, for example), but assumed that it was part of your misanalysis of the ASCII string "neghw-" as a palatal + a labial rather than a badly written labiovelar. So lay off Mr. Gordon. --rma ] >This means that the labial element is _fused_ to the velar. >There is no suffixing whatsoever. The phoneme *ghw is ONE element in >this case, otherwise we should expect -v- in Sanskrit
. We don't, >so that's it. I have also written that I believe that possibly two roots were in use: *negh- and *negh-w-. Do you not comprehend what you read? [ Moderator's comment: Since I did not comprehend it, either, I see no need to pursue this line of insult any further. --rma ]
>Third, re Hittite's doubled consonants, are you sure that when a medial >consonant is doubled that it means "un-voiced"? That is what Sturtevant thought. [ Moderator's comment: It is indeed the standard theory, though there are some who see rather lenis- fortis than voiced/voiceless. --rma ] >I could have sworn it >was meant to be the other way around which would mean that Hitt.
>comes from *nekwt as expected and all you have to work with is Greek to >keep the (and I'll say it again) "flimsy" Nostratic theory afloat. If you ever read Sturtevant, and a few other appropriate manuals, you might be in a much better position to usefully discuss Nostratic. [ Moderator's comment: Sturtevant did not address the Nostratic theory of his day; he was instead denying that the Anatolian languages were part of Indo-European proper. That is, he fully accepted a Neogrammarian reconstruction of PIE, and was trying to explain how Anatolian differed, rather than taking the Anatolian data as calling for a different interpretation of the IE data already at hand. So a reading of Sturtevant, while instructive for a budding laryngealist as to the extremes to which it can be taken, has nothing to offer to Nostratic. --rma ] >The theory is flimsy because you use localized phenomena in a single IE >language (in this case, Greek) as a means to create an unsupported IE >reconstruction so that you can then casually link IE directly to >Egyptian of all things. I have also used Hittite. [ Moderator's comment: But you still haven't explained the rest of the Indo-European data, which at the very least call for a labiovelar (cf. Sanskrit) and not a determinative *-w-. --rma ] >You seem to forget that not only does Egyptian come from Afro-Asiatic first >off from which many, many millenia seperate these two stages but that on top >of it, IE and Afro-Asiatic would be seperated by a good 10,000 years or more >by even the most right-wing Nostraticist. That does not change a thing. Pat From proto-language at email.msn.com Sun Mar 7 08:40:43 1999 From: proto-language at email.msn.com (Patrick C. Ryan) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 02:40:43 -0600 Subject: Greek question Message-ID:
Dear Rich and IEists: -----Original Message----- From: Patrick C. Ryan
Date: Sunday, March 07, 1999 2:27 AM >Dear Rich and IEists: [ moderator snip ] >If you want me to cite individual etymologies, I will be glad to do so but >I have collected a great number of them, illustrating this relationship, in >my Afrasian essay at >http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/2803/comparison.AFRASIAN.3.htm >[ Moderator's response: > I want to see not only individual etymologies, I want to see an exposition > of the sound laws which drive them. I want to see not only "the roots of > verbs" but "the forms of grammar", such that "no philologer could examine > them ... without believing them to be sprung from some common source." > --rma ] Perhaps you did not notice the Table of Correspondences. http://www.geocities.com/Athens/Forum/2803/comparison-AFRASIAN-3-table.htm [ moderator snip ] >[ Moderator's response: > You could assert it, but you have not proven it. Please remember that this > is the Indo-European list, and that a relationship with Egyptian cannot be > *assumed* for your argument, but rather must be demonstrated using accepted > comparative methodology which addresses the standard model of Indo-European. > --rma ] I have demonstrated it using accepted comparative methodology. Pat [ Moderator's response: No, I submit that you have suggested a line of inquiry at most. You have yet to demonstrate it to the satisfaction of J. Random Linguist. And your con- tinued assertion that your version of Proto-World is directly ancestral to PIE weakens your credibility greatly. --rma ] From mcv at wxs.nl Tue Mar 9 17:55:22 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 09:55:22 -0800 Subject: Anatolians In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
JoatSimeon at aol.com wrote: >>mcv at wxs.nl writes: >>Renfrew's 7000 BC is too early [for PIE], Mallory's 4000 BC is >>too late [for Anatolian]. >-- nope to the latter. We know Renfrew's 7000 BCE is too early for PIE >because of the absence of the late-Neolithic innovations recorded in PIE in >7000 BCE. However, that vocabulary _is_ there in Anatolian. Such as? >Eg., the First Vowel Shift in Germanic can be >securely dated to after 700 BCE, because Celtic ironworking loan-words in >Proto-Germanic underwent the shift. You must mean the First Consonant Shift. But there's no such thing. There's no reason to assume, and some rather good reasons to reject the notion that Grimm's Laws worked all simultaneously and in one go, or even that such a thing as Grimm's ever took place. It's a generally recognized fact that a PIE stop system *t, *d, *dh is typologically unacceptable. The original Proto-Germanic phonological system must have been similar to the Armenian one, with *t = *th, *d = *t['], *dh = *d, yet another archaic feature of Germanic, though not quite as archaic as Hittite and Tocharian. But Verner's Law *is* as archaic as that, as we can equate it with the Baltic-Finnic consonant mutation tt ~ t under the influence of stress/syllable structure [see Vennemann, "Hochgermanisch und Niedergermanisch", sorry can't find the exact ref. now Theo?], so it must have worked in Germanic at a period when (partial) voicing had not yet taken place, and the opposition was (as in Hittite) between fortis *tt (=*t) and lenis *t' (=*d) and *th (=*dh). The final stage, aspirate > fricative (*th > *T, *kh > *x) was probably much more recent and in fact rather trivial. ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From petegray at btinternet.com Sun Mar 7 16:46:00 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 16:46:00 -0000 Subject: St Jerome Message-ID:
>Peter and or Graham said that Jerome wrote 'bad Latin'. My original posting was so long ago I have forgotten both the content and the context. If I did really say that, I apologise deeply to the group! But I suspect I am being misquoted! Peter From jer at cphling.dk Sun Mar 7 18:22:36 1999 From: jer at cphling.dk (Jens Elmegaard Rasmussen) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 19:22:36 +0100 Subject: PIE *gn- > know/ken In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
On Sat, 27 Feb 1999, Miguel Carrasquer Vidal wrote: [...] > The most acceptable solution from my point of view is that PIE > did not have any voiced stops at all. Instead it made a > distinction between fortis and lenis stops (as in Finnish, Danish > or Hittite), where the fortis (tense) stops (*t etc.) were always > voiceless and pronounced longer/with more energy ([t:] or [tt]). > The lenis (lax) stops (*d and *dh, etc.) were less energetic/ > shorter, and had voiced allophones. They came in two kinds, one > aspirated (*dh = [th]), the other not (*d = [t]). Or, > equivalently, one glottalized (*d = [t']), the other not (*dh = > [t]). Not wanting to open the whole can of worms again, let me just ask this: Is a change from lenis to voiced stop natural and frequently seen? If so, where? If it is not part of general experience I do not see the commending simplicity in choosing "lenis t" as the origin of Latin, Greek and Indic plain voiced d. Where "d" and "dh" merged, they are voiced, as in Balto-Slavic, Celtic and Albanian - why derive this from a basically voiceless protoform? - Isn't the only thing "wrong" with the IE system that the aspirated tenues (ph, th, kh ...) have not been accepted? Then, if we have SOME evidence for asp.ten., but not enough to guarantee reconstruction of an overwhelming number of etymologies, but without them the system as such becomes a truly overwhelming mess, isn't the easiest solution then to accept that SOME etymologies containing ph, th, kh are correct and that the PIE system was as in Sanskrit? Is it not a very strong claim that ALL cases of asp.ten. are in last analysis based on mistakes? For some I could understand this right away, even for many, perhaps most, but for each single item?? Jens E.R. From JoatSimeon at aol.com Sun Mar 7 20:15:01 1999 From: JoatSimeon at aol.com (JoatSimeon at aol.com) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 15:15:01 EST Subject: Danube homeland. Message-ID:
>mcv at wxs.nl writes: >but it makes it the best candidate by default, and any alternative theories >should offer a pretty good case for why the IE homeland should be located >elsewhere, and what happened to the languages of these "Anatolian farmers" or >"Old Europeans". -- same thing that happened to the languages of the Elamo-Dravidians who were the first farmers throughout Iran and North India. The area between Iraq, Central Asia and Central India is just as large as Europe and got agriculture just as early, earlier in fact. It's also historically demonstrable that the IE languages were intrusive in this area, and virtually completely replaced the previous language-families; with a few minor exceptions like Brahui, comparable to Basque. >The gap between Anatolian and the rest of IE is too large to be fitted into >the limited time allowed by the Kurgan movements into SE Europe. -- nope. The speed of linguistic change is not even remotely consistent. Eg., Lithuanian and Sanskrit, both about equally distant from PIE, one spoken in the 2nd millenium BCE, one spoken in the 2nd millenium CE. >Why shouldn't Anatolian simply have changed quickly?then it's perfectly >imaginable that PIE developed after 7000 BC somewhere in the Balkans or >Hungary, and spread across the rest of the continent (C., N. and E. Europe) >in the LBK/Danubian phase, c. 5500 BC, as well as to the steppe zone >(Dnepr-Donets Tocharian?] before 5000 and Sredny-Stog [>Indo-Greek?] c. 4500). -- nonsensical. The PIE vocabulary is full of items which just weren't around before 4000 BCE. This alone completely rules out such a hypothesis. From glengordon01 at hotmail.com Mon Mar 8 00:41:29 1999 From: glengordon01 at hotmail.com (Glen Gordon) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 16:41:29 PST Subject: Caucasian languages and Asia Minor Message-ID:
DR WOLFGANG SCHULZE: >The problem is that people do not accept language isolates. What is an >isolate? It's a language that obviously has no documented relatives. Yes there is a problem but it's not the definition of "isolates". I fully understand that this means that a given language MIGHT have relationships but that the language is difficult to relate to others, pure and simple. This could be for many reasons, one of them being that there may be only very distant siblings that survive to be analysed, as you say. However, I have trouble with the idea that seems to arise on this subject that because a language group can't be 100% proven to be related to another language group that we should take up the NULL hypothesis in place of it, ignoring the question completely of genetic relationship and the probabilities and uncertainties inheirant in its answer (whether this be NEC or IE). There still remains the most likely relationships and I would be concerned of the reasoning skills of anyone who considers the possibility of IE being closely related to Uralic as equal as the possibility, say, of a strong relationship with Algic, half-way 'cross the world. There remain high probabilities and low probabilities despite lack of what you would accept as certain "proof". This is the probabilistic nature of comparative linguistics. The idea that IE is the ancestor language of the languages we find in Europe and India now (as well as the ubiquitous English), is all based on probability too. We don't find actual, _physical proof_ of people speaking this supposed IE language but it is highly probable that one existed in some form at least 5,000 years ago based on a damn good theory that has been refined better as we learn more, a theory that, because of alot of speculation beyond what we had known in the past, has moved forward. >Relatives are established by means of regular sound correspondencies >based on lexical *words* (and not *stems*) as well as on morphological >correspondencies that match established sound correspondencies. And wouldn't it be wonderful in an ideal world? However, in the case of IE, (and I suspect similarily in NEC) much of the recoverable language is verb roots, whether that be nouns or adjectives based on verb roots or extended verbs built on the more basic ones. Atomic nouns are not all that common in the IE language and inevitably due to declension and the nominative *-s, are ALL "stems" save those 1% who have no marker in the nominative. Thus, morphological correspondances by your criteria must hold most of the weight of the proof. So how much proof is proof enough to make it credible? This is a very subjective thing. What we SHOULD be concerned about is finding the relative probability of a hypothesis, based not only on the data that one can supply for it but on the probabilities of other possible theories of relationship in comparison to it. At that, we can conclude very apparent things such as Algic's relationship with IE is extremely remote in comparison with a Uralic relationship (as we should be concluding intuitively!) as well as more opaque concepts such as the most likely pre-IE interactions with neighbouring languages. Unfortunately, we can't even begin to fathom answers to these questions, not because we don't know enough, but because we've gotten stuck in a rut over the impossible-to-attain "100% probability" and not on "the BEST probability that we can achieve at present". >[An isolate] simply is an orphan with unknown parents. [...] >I think that's just what the situation is like with respect to East >Caucasian. Unless you're saying that NEC invented its own language, it's related to something (even if it is remote as I suspect similarly). So there must be some candidates that stick out amongst the random chaos of world language groups like Benue-Congo, Austronesian, Ainu, etc. I'm willing to wager that NWC is one of those better candidates even lacking your absolute "proof". And because I know that IE is likely to be related to something for the same reason as NEC above, I'm willing to wager that IE (and Etruscan) are more closely affiliated with languages like Uralic and Altaic as opposed to things like Basque (Larry will agree :), Ainu, NEC (you'll even agree), etc. This is just common sense and taking the NULL position on this subject isn't. >These nagging questions are quite trendy, but that does not mean that >they are on safe grounds with respect to method and language theory... >But paradigms [hopefully] change, as Kuhn told us.... Humans answering nagging questions has been trendy for millions of years. It's all logic and probability with a hint of imagination. Hopefully this is a paradigm that will never change. -------------------------------------------- Glen Gordon glengordon01 at hotmail.com Kisses and Hugs -------------------------------------------- From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Sun Mar 7 17:58:03 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 11:58:03 -0600 Subject: non-IE/Germanic/h In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
[snip] As Mao Ze Dong once said, "Don't match pearls with the God of the Deep Blue Sea." So I'll correct the Basque spellings and meanings. >> haltha- "slope, slant, incline" > Halde "slope, hillside", heald [OE] >> "hillside" >> [< ?Vasconic; >> see Basque halde, alde, ualde < ?*kalde "face, side, flank"] [tv95, tv97] >The Basque word is
in the eastern dialects but
everywhere >else, as a result of the categorical voicing of plosives after /l/ in >all but the eastern dialects. No such form as *
is known to me. >Lhande's 1926 dictionary cites
and attributes it solely to the >17th-century writer Oihenart, but Oihenart in fact used
, and so I >suspect an error here. (Lhande is full of errors.) >The form
is an error: this must be the compound with initial >
`water', which appears as
~
, and means literally >`waterside'. >The central meaning of the Basque word is everywhere `side', with >transferred senses like `flank' and `region'. I don't think it really >means `face', and it certainly doesn't mean `slope'. This word resembles Spanish falda "skirt, flank"--which unaccountably begins with /fV/; which, as anyone who was studied Ibero-Romance knows, is a no-no. Is there an Old Castilian, Gasco'n or Aragone's form /*alda, *alde/ ? >> Harn "bladder" >> [< ?Vasconic"; >> see Basque garnur "bladder" < *kernu] [tv95, tv97] >The Basque word for `urine' is
, with a typical western variant >
. This word, with its almost unique /rn/ cluster, has been much >discussed, but its origin is unknown. The alleged Basque *
>`bladder' is unknown to me and to the lexicographers, and I query its >existence. This is my error and is what predictably happens when you try to read a language you've never studied, German, with a cheapo dictionary. My dictionary gave "urine & bladder". I made the wrong choice. My apologies to Theo and everyone else. Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Sun Mar 7 18:08:40 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 12:08:40 -0600 Subject: non-IE/Germanic/m In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
[snip] I was also thinking of Spanish muro, Latin murus [sp?] "wall" or Spanish moro'n "hillock, rise of land" except that the double /rr/ of murru screws things up --and then there's Spanish morro, "a small promontory on a neck of land jutting out into the water [where forts were often built]" Maybe Celtic offers more clues [or enigmas] to this set of words >> moraine, Moräne "moraine", >> Mur[e] "pile of rocks [Bavarian] >> [?< Vasconic; >> see Basque murru "hill"] [tv97] >The form
can hardly be ancient in Basque. There exists a >sizeable number of severely localized Basque words of the form
, >with very diverse meanings, but `hill' is not one of them. The most >widespread sense (throughout the French Basque Country) is `wall'. >The closest to `hill' in sense is `pile, heap', reported nowhere but in >the Baztan valley. >Larry Trask Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Sun Mar 7 18:12:04 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 12:12:04 -0600 Subject: Non-IE roots in Germanic/@, a, e, i, j, o, u In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
Yes, it is a compound of *harja- 'army' + *manna- 'man' AFAIK it's from a list of Germanic [and other] non-IE words in Romance et al. The article was in German and I may have missed something No explanation was given >Rick Mc Callister wrote: >> arimanno "warrior" [It < Germanic] [tv84] >Isn't this a compound, *harja- 'army' + *manna- 'man'? The first at >least doesn't seem peculiarly Germanic, to judge by the cognates given >in Buck's dictionary. (I don't have ready access to the Vennemann >reference, I'm afraid, so I don't know what argument he makes.) >Brian M. Scott Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Sun Mar 7 17:44:52 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 11:44:52 -0600 Subject: non-IE/Germanic/g In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
*gar- is a Germanic root. Thanks for pointing out the need for labeling here. The Romance lexicon includes words of Germanic origin [or believed to be so, in some cases], as well as words believed to have cognates to modern Basque in a few cases [snip] >I've no idea what that asterisked *
is meant to denote: the Basque >for `assemble, collect, gather' is
. Nor am I any too sure what >the Spanish words are doing in here, but I don't have Corominas handy. [snip] Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From ECOLING at aol.com Mon Mar 8 02:27:26 1999 From: ECOLING at aol.com (ECOLING at aol.com) Date: Sun, 7 Mar 1999 21:27:26 EST Subject: IE and Uralic pronouns Message-ID:
I have been present when solid competent linguists admitted that the field is "not ready" to deal with the pronoun patterns which are the subject of recent discussion. (For a completely traditional approach to some pronoun matches, please see near the end of this message.) In other words, it is likely that something genetic is going on in these pronouns, our sound-symbolism approach is not adequate to the data distributions, and our tools for historical reconstruction can't handle it either. So what do we do? Hide our heads! Shame. Rather appear to be knowing the answers, and hide the questions we don't know the answers to? Or declare them off-limits? In a business firm, that would be a recipe for near-immediate bankruptcy, failing to act positively and strongly in moving towards the future. Better to ADMIT to students that we need more powerful tools for penetrating the noise of centuries and even millennia, to set more and more students to this task, to studying how deeply, and against which kinds of noise, each tool we have can penetrate (estimates in all cases are fine), and to estimate in as many situations as possible how much residue should still be detectable despite the noise of historical change, WITHOUT the assumptions that the sample used as controls ARE IN FACT UNRELATED. That is the fallacy in all such approaches I have read. Because if the supposed controls ARE related, even very distantly, it may distort our estimates of what background noise is. Rather we need GRAPHS of the degree of noise present, and our ability to penetrate it, across the full range of cases we can estimate time depths for, then extrapolate beyond that to those cases like Afro-Asiatic where the pronoun system, for example, preserves "distinctive oppositions in distantly related languages" (the title of a Gene Schramm paper, if I remember). In that case, there is a known relationship, though not well known, it is a distant one, the pronoun sound correspondences do not follow the normal sound laws for these families, yet they ARE related. Because there is a pattern with its own laws. The palatal / labial opposition which is in the consonants in one family is in the vowels in the other. I don't remember details of the data, but approximately this: hi vs. hu in one family (NW Semitic?) sa vs. fa in another family (Egyptian?) Now if our standard tools for historical reconstruction cannot deal with that, then we need to extend those tools slightly, a little bit at a time, go back and test the change of tools against the various things we know the answers to, and see whether the new tools manage to extract a slightly cleaner set of data that makes a known relationship clearer. If it does, then we may perhaps apply that newly refined tool to cases where we do NOT know the answer or only suspect it, and see what happens. Another example of this which came to my attention in the past year or two is this, which I will pose as a question. Why is the second comparison (b) better than the first (a) if we are looking for potential cognates? (a) sepo in one language teka in the second language (b) sepa in one language teko in the second language I don't think most historical linguists have an IMMEDIATE recognition that these are two wildly different proposals for cognates. That means we are not making the best possible use of our tools. (The conclusion is not a certain one, just like any other historical inference, but it is a reasonable one that (b) is a better comparison thatn (a).) We are never dealing with "clean" or "dirty" data. We are always dealing with "slightly more clean" or "slightly more dirty" data. If slightly cleaner data makes a language relationship look more solid, that is perhaps an indication (not a proof) that we may be on the track of a real relationship. ***** If you want to try to use traditional tools on Eurasian pronouns, here is an example from my paper Grammatical-Meaning Universals and Proto-Language Reconstruction, or: "Proto-World Now", in Papers of the Chicago Linguistics Society, 1975. p.15 of the paper, or Fig.(26). I am sure that paper contains a lot of wrong things and some right things. I only expected to find truth statistically, not certainly. A second example follows below. Here is what I was able at that time to find for a standard approach to reconstructing IE-Uralic pronoun systems. Of course borrowing or contact may have created a false temptation here, but such an escape from the obvious interpretation of the data would itself require considerable work to prove: I was discussing a relic IE alternation /m/ in plural vs. /w/ in dual. It is matched in Uralic, and an -n- "with,and" is present in the plural, which I hypothesized caused the assimilation. -va-s dual 1st person Sanskrit -ma-s plural -tha-s dual 2nd person Sanskrit -tha(-na) plural Now compare Ziryene (Uralic), EARLY plural forms: -m-ny-m 1st person -d-ny-d 2nd person. Selkup had these forms of the first person: -mi-y dual -my-n plural So my conclusions: Selkup leveled the person-marker, while IE leveled the markers of dual/plural, and kept the originally allophonic variants of the person. Uralic shows in EARLY Ziryene the structure of the paradigm from which this could have arisen. I'm not sure one could get more traditional in approach. ***** Here is the second item in that 1975 paper which really calls out for work. The rotation of the vowel space makes these more than mere identities, and suggests hypotheses for further work. (ng for the velar nasal phoneme) ple:-nus 'full' Latin, IE *pling 'full', Tibeto-Burman pla:-nus 'flat' Latin, IE *pleng 'straight' Tibeto-Burman Lloyd Anderson From mcv at wxs.nl Mon Mar 8 04:21:29 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 04:21:29 GMT Subject: IE and Etruscan In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
"Jim Rader"
wrote: >Nearly twenty years ago I heard Eric Hamp give an account of >Georgiev's lecture. As I recall Hamp telling it, Georgiev thought >that Etruscan practically WAS Hittite, i.e., that Etruscan was an >Anatolian language. The audience didn't contest his thesis out of >sheer stupefaction, not because they agreed. Gueterbock walked out >of the lecture shaking his head and saying "Very interesting, very >interesting!" Another Indo-Europeanist arguing for Etruscan as an Anatolian language is Francisco Adrados of the Spanish Academy: Adrados, Francisco R., "Etruscan as an IE Anatolian (but not Hittite) Language," Journal of Indo-European Studies 17 (Proceedings of the Second Conference on the Transformation of European and Anatolian Culture 4500-2500 B.C. (Part I) September 15-19, 1989, Dublin, Ireland), (1989) 363-383. Adrados, Francisco R., "More on Etruscan as an IE-Anatolian Language," Historische Sprachforschung 107/1 (1994) 54-76. Has anybody read these? ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From jpmaher at neiu.edu Mon Mar 8 06:19:35 1999 From: jpmaher at neiu.edu (maher, johnpeter) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 00:19:35 -0600 Subject: IE and Etruscan Message-ID:
Good old G-bock was honest. Privately -- to me --Hamp only said: VG's data seem to work, but oughta have more. pete Jim Rader wrote: > Nearly twenty years ago I heard Eric Hamp give an account of > Georgiev's lecture. As I recall Hamp telling it, Georgiev thought > that Etruscan practically WAS Hittite, RIGHT: this is what I remember. > i.e., that Etruscan was an > Anatolian language. The audience didn't contest his thesis out of > sheer stupefaction, not because they agreed. Gueterbock walked out > of the lecture shaking his head and saying "Very interesting, very > interesting!" > > Jim Rader [ moderator snip ] From X99Lynx at aol.com Mon Mar 8 06:27:19 1999 From: X99Lynx at aol.com (X99Lynx at aol.com) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 01:27:19 EST Subject: Greek question (night?) Message-ID:
In a message dated 3/7/99 9:42:14 PM, "Patrick C. Ryan"
wrote: <<...if *negh-w- were the basis for both, as I think likely,... *negh-(w)-, 'dark', with root extensions -t, 'night',...>> Am I correct in this meaning that the reconstruction here is *negh-w-t > "night?" Why would that /-t be there? In which IE languages does -t appear in "night" besides Germanic or Modern French? Regards, Steve Long [ Moderator's response: Greek _nuks, nuktos_, Latin _nox, noctis_, Sanskrit _nak (IIRC), naktam_, Hittite _nekuz = nek{^w}t+s_, ... --rma ] From iglesias at axia.it Mon Mar 8 17:25:28 1999 From: iglesias at axia.it (Rossi Francesco Luigi) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 09:25:28 PST Subject: Celtic influence Message-ID:
Further to Shilpi M. Badra's message on Saturday, 27 February 1999 on Celtic loanwords in Romance, I would like to contribute the following on Italian, and especially the Northern Italian dialects (Gallo-Italic) and Friulan. 1) Place-names in Northern Italy (former Cisalpine Gaul): Milan (Mediolanum), Bologna (Bononia, Etruscan: Felsina), and many others. 2) Latinized -dunum (Irish dun -`fortress'): Duno (Varese), Induno (Varese), Comenduno (Bergamo), Verduno (Cuneo), ... and others 3) Formations ending in -ac : Arsago, Barzago, Cadorago, Dalrago, ... Sumirago, Tregnago, Urago, in Lombardy alone. This ending in common all over Northern Italy. In the Friulan area, the ending is rendered in standard Italian as -acco: e.g., Premariacco (Udine). 4) Terminology: Lat. camisiam > It. camicia, Lat. caballam > It. cavallo; Lat carrum > It. carro and the Lat verb cambiare > It. cambiare 5) Celtic survivals of northern and central Iberia: Sp., Port.alamo `poplar', Cf. It. olmo Sp., Port. gancho `hook', Cf. It. gancio 6) Sound change from Latin u to French y: All gallo-italic dialects except that of Romagna and certain mountain areas, e.g., Piedmontese, Emilian, Lombard: myr This sound does not occur in Friulan (despite the presumable Celtic substrate: Carnii), but it does occur in other forms of Rhaeto-Romance, e.g. Vallader (Lower Engadine). The sound does not occur in Venetian and related dialects (with IE Venetic substrate). 7) Consonantal groups: Piedmontese, Emilian, Lombard: factum > fait, fat, fac ("c" pron. "ch" as in English or Spanish) Piedmontese, Emilian, Lombard: noctem > neuit (read "eu" as in French), not, noc ("c" pron. "ch" as in English or Spanish): 8) Nasal consonants: pan, man, bon, ... with pure nasalisation in some areas, Emilia for example, and varying degrees of nasalisation elsewhere. Bibliography: Giovan Battista Pellegrini, Toponomastica italiana. MIlan: Hoepli. 1990 Maurizio Dardano, Manueletto di linguistica italiana, Bologna: Zanichelli, 1991 Frank Rossi Bergamo, Italy iglesias at axia.it From mcv at wxs.nl Mon Mar 8 08:28:30 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 08:28:30 GMT Subject: Update on *nekw and the N-word In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
>[ Moderator's response: > There is a serious mixing of levels here, in that a Romance-specific > development is being projected back to Nostratic, although other Indo- > European languages do not have this phonotactic constraint, e. g. Greek. > Before we can even accept it as a parallel, we have to determine what > the digraph
represents in Bomhard, a unit phoneme or a cluster. > --rma ] A unit phoneme, probably a lateral affricate (> Semitic *s', a lateral fricative). ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From mcv at wxs.nl Mon Mar 8 08:31:38 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 08:31:38 GMT Subject: Trojan and Etruscan In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) wrote: >Now assuming Greek Trooa is from the same root Sorry, I was being 8-bitty again. That's Troi"a, with i-diaeresis. ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From glengordon01 at hotmail.com Mon Mar 8 09:19:39 1999 From: glengordon01 at hotmail.com (Glen Gordon) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 01:19:39 PST Subject: PIE gender Message-ID:
ALEXIS RAMER: >>There has been some discusion here of the (assumed) fact that >>the feminine gender is an innovation, and one not shared by >>the Anatolian lgs. WR SCHMIDT: >[...] I'd like to suggest that linguistic gender may have once been >more related to biological gender than - AFAIK - has heretofore been >thought A rich, cerebral dessert, I might say. :) But, how does one know that IE's view of the world was based on animism to start with? -------------------------------------------- Glen Gordon glengordon01 at hotmail.com Kisses and Hugs -------------------------------------------- From mcv at wxs.nl Mon Mar 8 10:04:11 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 10:04:11 GMT Subject: Greek question & the pre-history of *nekwt In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) wrote: >The spelling
stands for >/nekwt-s/. The problem is that we would expect
if the >word is to be derived from PIE *nekwt- ~ *nokwt-. The single
>suggests PIE *g(h)w. But I must agree with Rich's "moderator comment" elsewhere that in this case the spelling
may reflect all of PIE *kw, *gw or *ghw [*gwh if you prefer]. After all, if the etymon were *kw, the geminate spelling should not be
but
, and there is no way of writing that in cuneiform (nor in ASCII, as the recurrent confusions about labiovelars show). ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From mcv at wxs.nl Mon Mar 8 10:45:32 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 10:45:32 GMT Subject: IE and Substrates In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
JoatSimeon at aol.com wrote: >I think we should keep in mind that the European linguistic situation in >historical times is probably much simpler than it was in the Mesolithic or >early Neolithic. >Reasoning by analogy from the situation in New Guinea or eastern pre-Columbian >North America, there were probably _many_ more languages and language-families >in Europe before the Indo-European expansion. Not just one or a few non-IE >families which were then replaced by Indo-European. The IE expansion would >then represent a massive linguistic simplification, a "reformatting" of a >previously crowded scene. True, except that this "reformatting" clearly had already happened in the *early* Neolithic, and at least for the broad continental area from Greece to Holland, with its two large historically connected cultural areas (the Balkans and the LBK/TRB zone), we can expect a single or at most two linguistic substrates. While the late Neolithic "Secondary Products Revolution" (use of more intensive mixed farming techniques) may have caused a doubling or tripling or so of the population density, along with a number of social changes, that's all small potatoes compared with the Mesolithic/Early Neolithic transition (fiftyfold increase in population densities). ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From mcv at wxs.nl Mon Mar 8 12:52:40 1999 From: mcv at wxs.nl (Miguel Carrasquer Vidal) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 12:52:40 GMT Subject: Greek question & the pre-history of *nekwt In-Reply-To: <010b01be667d$6104c400$c93963c3@niywlxpn> Message-ID:
"Peter &/or Graham"
wrote: >> BTW: is Hittite
/dz, z^/, /ts,c/ or /z/? >No doubt someone will prove me wrong, but I believe Hittite was deciphered >at first by German speakers - so z was used as in German, which is a great >pain. It = /ts/. OK, I'll prove you wrong :-) Hittite was deciphered by a Czech, Hrozny', the
in whose name is /z/. The
derives from the conventions used for Akkadian cuneiform. Akkadian was deciphered by Germans. ======================= Miguel Carrasquer Vidal mcv at wxs.nl Amsterdam From iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu Mon Mar 8 13:51:44 1999 From: iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu (iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 07:51:44 -0600 Subject: /m/ in 1st Person Pronouns In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
Please try to remain calm, Mr. Gordon. Actually the study I am thinking of showed, as I now recall, a tendency for 1st person pronouns to have nasals. The matter of /m/ or /n/ was not, and to my knowledge has not been, adressed. My "mama" thing is just a guess at what lies behind the facts. It does not imply that all languages have 1st person pronouns with /m/, and more than recognizing the "mama" syndrome implies that in all languages the word for 'mother' has /m/. Nor does it imply anything about "borrowing" of pronouns, a notion I am quite unkeen on. DLW From roslynfrank at hotmail.com Mon Mar 8 14:36:58 1999 From: roslynfrank at hotmail.com (roslyn frank) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 06:36:58 PST Subject: gender Message-ID:
Hello, Over the past months this thread on questions of gender in (P)IE has provided different opinions on the issue. Would it be possible for someone to: 1) list several of the most well-known bibliographic references on this particular topic; and 2) perhaps summarize the *current* thinking on the issue. I may the second request because discussions groups tend to "discuss" but often in the process the overall outlines of what is standard in the current (canonical??) debate get somewhat blurred. Also, it's possible that I may have missed some of the early contributions by list members. Currently I am preparing a paper for the upcoming ICLC '99 conference in Stockholm. In it I briefly discuss the problem of gender in Euskera. (Bai, badakit euskaraz hitz egiten... Kaixo Larry eta Miguel!) Because of my interest in this particular question, I wonder if anyone could speculate on when (along a rough time continuum) gender entered IE languages, i.e., when (P)IE acquired gender. And finally, has anyone contemplated the possibility that there might have been an even earlier stage that needs to be reconstructed (e.g. perhaps in the case of Euskera) that eventually gave rise to a animate/inanimate dichotomy (e.g., as it is found today in Euskera)? Any ideas on that, Larry? This would imply that cognitively speaking, there could have been an earlier structure that was not based on an "animate/inanimate" contrast but on another ontological type or definition of "being." Best regards, Roz Frank March 8, 1999 Department of Spanish & Portuguese University of Iowa Iowa City, IA 52242 U.S.A. e-mail: roz-frank at uiowa.edu [currently on-leave in Panama] From iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu Mon Mar 8 14:54:20 1999 From: iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu (iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 08:54:20 -0600 Subject: Trojan and Etruscan In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
On Thu, 4 Mar 1999, Miguel Carrasquer Vidal wrote: > The problem is that you're mixing up various reflexes from > various languages here. The Latin forms with -sc- (Tusci, > Tuscania/Toscana, Etrusci) are simply extensions of the roots > Tu(r)s- and Etrus- with the Latin adjectival suffix -cus (*-ko-). This is probably true, but it is also possible that the use of such suffixes could have been suggested by the nature of the sound, which the Egyptian evidence indicates was /sh/, not /s/. > Now assuming Greek Trooa is from the same root, it can be derived > from *Trosia, with Greek loss of intervocalic -s-, just like > Latin Etruria < *Etrusia with intervocalic -s- > -r-. Again the > suffix -ia is Latin and Greek, not necessarily Tyrrhenian. Again, it could be as above. > Which reminds me, there is also Greek Tyrrhe:n- < *turse:n-. > > For the vowel, it is difficult to decide between /o/ or /u/, but > >as /a/ occurs in some words that might be additional variants > >(tarhuntassa, tauros, tarsus, tarquin), with lowering before /r/ being the > >culprit in these, I favor /o/. Thus the original form would be /trosha/. I take this opportunity to note that the forms with /u/ are all western, so that the use of /u/ could conceivably be merely from the Greek change of /ou/ to /u/, carried westward by colonists. DLW From iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu Tue Mar 9 12:55:31 1999 From: iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu (iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 06:55:31 -0600 Subject: Celtic influence In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
On Sat, 6 Mar 1999 JoatSimeon at aol.com wrote: > In other words, French has about 200 words borrowed from Gaulish -- including > many very common items of everyday speech -- while OE has 12 from Brythonic. Both still overwhelmingly non-Celtic, as noted before. That is the forest, regardless of the trees. > Furthermore, the emergence of a standardized written form of OE (based on the > Wessex dialect) took place centuries _after_ the Anglo-Saxon settlements in > Britain. For the first 200 years and more, the Saxons were > illiterate. Class dialects have little to do with literacy, especially the very marginal kind of literacy of early medieval Europe. DLW From iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu Mon Mar 8 14:59:48 1999 From: iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu (iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 08:59:48 -0600 Subject: Salmon. In-Reply-To: <010a01be667d$5e09d380$c93963c3@niywlxpn> Message-ID:
On Thu, 4 Mar 1999, Peter &/or Graham wrote: > >salmon in the Danube. > Salmon trout are found in the Danube according to Mallory - but not the > other kind of salmon. I think I'll break down and actually go look at Grzimek again. DLW From X99Lynx at aol.com Tue Mar 9 13:50:13 1999 From: X99Lynx at aol.com (X99Lynx at aol.com) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 08:50:13 EST Subject: *p>f Revisited - When was German invented? Message-ID:
[ moderator re-formatted ] In a message dated 3/8/99 08:49:13 AM, rma wrote: <<[ Moderator's comment: And what of the very similar, though completely separate, Armenian shift? --rma ]>> Once again, I'm just following through on the commentary made in Bernard Comrie's book that attributes the "First Sound Shift" in German to the conversion of IE sounds into "the nearest equivalents" of a prior non-IE language. It is interesting to see where it goes. (I am aware that there is a "reconstructed obstruent system" based on a breakdown of glottalized/voiced and unvoiced stops that explains the Germanic/Armenian shifts as "archaisms" rather than innovations.) If the Germanic consonant "shift" is due to conversion from a non-IE language, then how can the Armenian shift can be explained?: 1. An obvious explanation that comes to mind is that Armenian was another language that "converted" to IE from a similiar non-IE language with roughly the same sound shifts. Mallory in "In search of the Indo-Europeans" summarizes the case for Armenian originating in the Balkans. Neolithic and Bronze Age archaeology show a clear lines of continuity from the mouth of the Elbe to the mouth of the Danube with evidence of such material cultures as "Globular Amphora". Strabo, the Greek geographer of the 1st Century AD, tells us that tradition says Armenia was founded out of Thessaly (a town called Armenium); and that Armenians continue to follow Thessalian habits in clothes, etc. If non-IE speakers occupied a corridor running from the mouth of the Danube up past the gap west of the Carpathians and up to Jutland "sometime before 1000 BC" - then the Armenian shift might represent a conversion of some of those non-IE speakers to IE just as it did - perhaps later on - in Germanic. The result was however more proximate to and therefore more "Greek." When Armenian migrated it managed to preserve the shift because it became isolated from the IE mainstream that would have removed those vestiges of the old sound system - just as Germanic remained relatively isolated. Or became isolated when the eastward spread of the Celts cut off the NW-SE routes across the eastern midsection of Europe. 2. Perhaps another explanation is that Armenian - in its Balkan form - represented a Greekified German, already converted to IE but heavily influenced by Greek and later on tranformed by Urartian and Iranian influences. Although it has always been contested by certain historians, the "Getae", who lived north of the Danube were explicitly identified by Strabo and others as being neither Thracian nor Kelts. Strabo obviously identified the Getae with Germanic tribes: "As for the southern part of Germany beyond the Albis, the portion which is just contiguous to that river is occupied by the Suevi; then immediately adjoining this is the land of the Getae,... who occupy the whole plain from north of the Danube to Germany..." (Geo 7.3.1 et seq) The Getae are identified as "Dacians" occasionally, but what this tells us about them I don't know since Dacian is hardly pin-point identifiable. Oddly, the "Massagetae" are located in the Caucasus region by Herodotus, 400 years earlier, on the far side of the Scythians. This puts them relatively close by the Armenians. If Phrygian is descended from Thracian, as the classical historians suggest and Mallory notes, then the Armenian connection with the Pontus and the western shore of the Black Sea could explain proto-Germanic settlers coming along with that migration. Strabo states that Thracian and Getae intermarried, an apparent variant on the "Basternak" identity later mentioned by Tacitus and Ptolemy for the inhabitants of the Danube Delta, the "Peucini" - also often associated with the Chernyakovian material culture which by the first century BC had strong Gothic elements. In connection with this, Miguel Carrasquer Vidal has written in past post: <
> And... <> Note that in the above analysis Greek is already a separate language. If we shorten the dates - so that Greek appears in Greece roughly at the same time Linear B makes its appearance - than Armenian is an independent language with strong affinities to German but in a position to make strong lexical borrowings from Greek. Or that the conversion from non-IE itself was the result of Greek or a closely related language. The reality check says that no written evidence of Armenian exists before 200BC and that the Armenians (per Mallory) date their own origins to 800 BC. Finally, are there any IE languages that have closer early syntactic similarities to German/Armenian than Greek? Regards, Steve Long From iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu Mon Mar 8 15:08:09 1999 From: iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu (iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 09:08:09 -0600 Subject: Ix-nay on the ostratic-nay In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
On Thu, 4 Mar 1999, Miguel Carrasquer Vidal wrote: > iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu wrote: > > With regard to reconstructing 1sg pronouns, there is (or so I seem > >to recall) a cross-linguistic tendency for these to be formed with /m-/, > >probably from a weaker variant of what might be called the "mama > >syndrome": sounds that babies tend to make early tend to be pressed into > >service as words that mamas and babies might use to relate to each other, > >like "mama" and "me". > I don't think so. See coming response to Glenny. Both /m/ and /n/ tend to occur in words for female care-givers, with /n/ typically referring to more secondary ones, as in "nanny". 1st pronouns do show a statistically significant tendency to use nasals, which appears to me to be a sort of opposite side of the coin phenemenon. If a mother is going to imagine that her baby, who is in fact only babbling, is talking to her, then "mama" and "me" are the words she will want to hear the baby say. From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Mon Mar 8 17:31:53 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 11:31:53 -0600 Subject: non-IE/Germanic In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
[ moderator re-formatted ] >One thing is not clear to me. What is the significance of the presence >in the list of Romance borrowings from Germanic (?all from Vennemann >1984)? [ moderator snip ] >Max W. Wheeler
I have to admit to scrounging around and using Theo Vennemann's lists --which are just lists of words he believes to be of non-IE origin borrowed from Germanic languages. I have not finished yet. Among other things, I need to track down more sources and check them out with the Oxford Dictionary. As for guV-, you're absolutely correct, but I wanted to wait until I had the correct form of the original. Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From proto-language at email.msn.com Mon Mar 8 15:47:15 1999 From: proto-language at email.msn.com (Patrick C. Ryan) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 09:47:15 -0600 Subject: gender Message-ID:
Dear Alexis and IEists: -----Original Message----- From: manaster at umich.edu
Date: Sunday, March 07, 1999 11:50 PM >On Thu, 25 Feb 1999, Patrick C. Ryan wrote: >> I do not believe that there is anything which the current "laryngeal" theory >> explains that this re-formulation of it will not equally well explain. >This is what you have not even begun to demonstrate, as you >well know from our private discussions, so it does not >seem right to me to make this claim. Yes, it is premature. I said this because I have surveyed the theory many times in the past, and found it poorly formulated --- although I did not put these criticisms down on paper. I am in the process of doing that now. Pat From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Mon Mar 8 17:43:47 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 11:43:47 -0600 Subject: rate of change In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
[ moderator re-formatted ] >Max W. Wheeler
>On Wed, 24 Feb 1999, Rick Mc Callister wrote: > >> But before 1500, Spanish & Portuguese were farther apart than they are now. >Oh yeah? Who says? It wouldn't take long to list some significant >changes in Spanish since 1500 which have moved it away from Portuguese. >But it won't be worth it without a good reason to believe the claim made >above. You missed the context. I was speaking about lexical items. Yes-- Spanish has dropped future subjunctive and has reduced /sh, zh/ > /x, h/ /s, z/ > /s, S/ /dz, ts/ > /s, th/ and pretty much mutated /L/ > /j, zh, Y, sh/ BUT lexically, Spanish and Portuguese are more alike grammatically, some Spanish and Portuguese dialects are replacing condicional with imperfect & imperfect subjunctive Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From maxw at cogs.susx.ac.uk Mon Mar 8 17:06:25 1999 From: maxw at cogs.susx.ac.uk (Max W Wheeler) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 17:06:25 +0000 Subject: rate of change In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
On Thu, 4 Mar 1999, Rick Mc Callister wrote: > There is no such language as "Gallego-Spanish". There is, however, > galego or Galician, called gallego in Spanish. It is closer to Portuguese > than to Spanish and, in my experience, is more difficult to understand than > Brazilian Portuguese or standard Continental Portuguese. The Galician > literary standard, however, is a bit easier to read. But Galician is a > series of spoken dialects. > Note: > Spanish lobo /loBo/ > Portuguese lobo /loBu, lobu/ > Galician /tsoBu, shoBu, LoBu/ But these so-called Galician forms are not Galician but (Asturo-)Leonese. See A. Zamora Vicente, Dialectologia Espan~ola, 1967, 122-130. Max ___________________________________________________________________________ Max W. Wheeler
School of Cognitive and Computing Sciences University of Sussex, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9QH, UK Tel: +44 (0)1273 678975; fax: +44 (0)1273 671320 ___________________________________________________________________________ From proto-language at email.msn.com Tue Mar 9 15:00:36 1999 From: proto-language at email.msn.com (Patrick C. Ryan) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 09:00:36 -0600 Subject: Greek question & the pre-history of *nekwt Message-ID:
Dear Rich and IEists: -----Original Message----- From: Patrick C. Ryan
Date: Tuesday, March 09, 1999 2:05 AM
>[ Moderator's response: > It may be what you favor, but it flies in the face of the data: Sanskrit > *requires* a labiovelar, or the accusative would be **nas.t.am rather than > the attested _naktam_. And what is represented by that "*s/t -?" ? > --rma ] Not at all. I am suggesting that the IE accusative was *nektom for those branches which either derived from forms without the w-extension or deleted it. *negh(-w)-t- -> *nek(h)t-. As for the *-s/t-, I believe that Pokorny has erred in reconstructing *neuk-, 'dark'. This looks like a set of derivatives of the *negh-w- stem I postulate plus *-s, which had the same effect on the *-gh- as *-t- did: *negh-w-s -> *neugh-s- -> *neuk(h)s-.
Pat [ Moderator's response: I give up. I will not argue the question with someone who does not see that the question exists; I do not have the time. --rma ] From mclssaa2 at fs2.mt.umist.ac.uk Mon Mar 8 09:11:28 1999 From: mclssaa2 at fs2.mt.umist.ac.uk (Anthony Appleyard) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 09:11:28 GMT Subject: Laryngeals In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
For the Nostratic and/or Indoeuropean lists as you think suitable:- .................................... "Patrick C. Ryan"
wrote (Subject: Re: Laryngeal symbols) replying to nicholas.widdows at traceplc.co.uk:- >>> I believe that the "laryngeals" in IE stem from earlier /?,h,?,H/, ... >> ... use another symbol for ayin, Patrick! It's throwing everybody >> off. Suggestion: /`/ or /3/ >Well, I plead in my defense that the upside down question-mark is generally >used in print for 'ayin, and, before I changed to MSN 2.5, it came through >when produced by Alt-168. And this should go in the FAQ: High-order characters (= with code values over 127) in email are the Chaos Bringer, don't use them; DOS and Windows and Mac etc all are liable to display or corrupt them differently; some emailers transmit them modulo 128, e.g. turning DOS e-umlaut into tabulate. > How about [2] and [3] for the pharyngals, from the Arabic letters? I agree, particularly as I believe also that the H2 laryngeal was the {h.} sound as in Arabic {h2aram} = "sacred, forbidden", (Muh2ammad}, and H3 was the ayin (e.g.root H3-D-W in Arabic {h3aduuw} = "enemy" and Greek {odussomai}). I believe that the usual H1 was the glottal stop. If anyone needs a second different H1, it was likely the ordinary {h} sound. And we need a reasonably compact name for the {h.} sound, like we have for its voiced counterpart `ayin'. > In view of the fact that [3] is used for the Egyptian vulture, which was > really an /r/, .I am reluctant to adopt that suggestion. I thought that the Egyptian vulture (Neophron percnopterus) was the glottal stop. The 3-like sign that Egyptologists use for that sign is specific to Egyptology. The Egyptian letter sign for {r} was the mouth or the lion. (Distinguish from the `Gyps fulvus' vulture hieroglyph, which has another use.) Likely also the reason why single-reed is sometimes glottal stop and sometimes {y} is that it used to me always {y}, but some time in predynastic or Old Kingdom times in Egyptian initial {y} became silent like it did in the Old Norse branch of Common Germanic. In emailing we are restricted to the standard 95 reliably emailable ascii characters and may need to adjust usage accordingly. >>The X-SAMPA symbols for fricatives are: >>palatal [C] [j\] ... >> and [H] is the semivowel in [French]
. > I sure do not like that one. I don't either. This `H' probably got in because whoever invented the IPA (International Phonetic Alphabet) had (in those days of hand typesetting) much more consideration for printers than many maths and nuclear science etc men did, and e.g. for this sound chose `h' set upside-down because it looked rather like `y'. It would have helped linguists if Microsoft Word etc had had an option "set next character upside down". From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Mon Mar 8 17:14:36 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 11:14:36 -0600 Subject: rate of change In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
[ moderator re-formatted ] >> But before 1500, Spanish & Portuguese were farther apart than they are now. >Surely not in terms of basic vocabulary. In some cases, yes. Both modern Spanish & Portuguese have
/familya/ which SHOULD have evolved as *hameja /amexa/ in Spanish *famia /famia/ in Portuguese Latinate relexification did affect a fair share of basic words. The development of literary standards affected lexical choice, with the Latinate words or words from Ibero-Romance literary standards often winning out. In certain domains, one language became dominant. Spanish borrowed a large percentage of sailing terms from Portuguese, etc. Most basic vocabulary is pretty much the same as it was but a fair share of it has spilled from one language to the other --especially in regional dialects, which with mass communication have become generally known. So Mexican giz [from Portuguese], instead of standard tiza "chalk" is understood. Argentine Spanish shares a lot of terms for food, plants and animals [as well as slang] with Brazilian Portuguese --and these are known to any school kid who has read Borges & Quiroga. In some cases, the words have acquired limited meanings Spanish mun~eca /muN~eka/ "doll, pretty girl" [also wrist, originally from a word for "bump, lump"] is cognate with Portuguese boneca /bunek@/ "doll, pretty girl" BUT since in Rio, this word is applied to transvestites who have a beauty contest and "escola de samba" at Carnaval, in Latin American slang it means "transvestite, transexual" Thanx to TV, movies, radio, cassettes/CDs and immigration, even more vocabulary is flowing between the languages and some words get relexified In Brazil, the linguistic center has shifted to the South, and now is moving from Rio to Sa~o Paulo, which has a large --if not huge-- Spanish speaking population. Argentina, Cuba & Puerto Rico have large Galician populations. Buenos Aires is the largest Galician city in the world. Although Galician is a separate language, it is much closer to Portuguese than Spanish. Given that it is essentially a series of rural dialects, western Galician would be [or would have been] closer to Old Portuguese. Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From glengordon01 at hotmail.com Mon Mar 8 20:12:06 1999 From: glengordon01 at hotmail.com (Glen Gordon) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 12:12:06 PST Subject: Update on *nekw and the N-word Message-ID:
ME (GLEN): >>IE *nek-/*nok- "to bear, to carry, to convey" >> (I've never seen this root. Does anyone know? PETER: >Try: >Avestan fra-nas- = to bring; (nas = to reach) >Vedic naSa:mi = to reach >Greek e:negkon, ene:nokha, etc all < e-nek- (aorist and perfect > forms of) to carry >Old Norse nest = provisions for a journey >OCS nesti etc to carry, bear, bring >Lithuanian neSu etc. >Latvian nesu etc. Hmm, thanx alot Miguel and Peter. Gee, I could be looney but wouldn't a reconstruction of *?nek^- be in order rather than just *nek^- based on the Greek form? Why the long /e/ for augment? If *?nek^- is correct, then a connection with a Nostratic *nitl- becomes more and more unlikely (as I should expect). -------------------------------------------- Glen Gordon glengordon01 at hotmail.com Kisses and Hugs -------------------------------------------- From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Tue Mar 9 15:57:42 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 09:57:42 -0600 Subject: Celtic and English Again In-Reply-To: <005e01be67d4$a93c94c0$af3fac3e@niywlxpn> Message-ID:
I've been told by Egytians that colloquial Egyptian Arabic has a fair share of Coptic "influence". I don't know if they were referring to lexicon, morphology or both. Standard Arabic, of course, does have some Greek lexical substrate, although what I've seen are mainly learned words. [snip] >Perhaps a comparable situation can be found in Egypt, which was >Egyptian-speaking for yonks, then Greek speaking for nearly a thousand >years, but now speaks Arabic with very little, if any, trace of either >"substrate". [snip] Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From petegray at btinternet.com Mon Mar 8 20:37:22 1999 From: petegray at btinternet.com (Peter &/or Graham) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 20:37:22 -0000 Subject: Hittite spelling Message-ID:
>Hittite spelling ... distinguish[es] (in medial position at least) >C from CC, where usually the single consonant etymologically >derives from a PIE voiced one and the geminate from a PIE >voiceless consonant. What is actually the state of play with this? It began as a hypothesis, with some evidence in its favour, and some against. Is it turning into one of those things that everyone agrees on because it's tidy, or is the emerging agreement soundly based? Peter From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Tue Mar 9 16:06:48 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 10:06:48 -0600 Subject: Non-IE roots in Germanic/@, a, e, i, j, o, u In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
[ moderator correction: Miguel Carrasquer Vidal wrote: ] >Larry Trask
wrote: [ moderator snip ] >>I think everyone agrees that Basque
`ax' is a loan from Latin >>
`hatchet'. The Latin word would have been borrowed as >>*
; the [h] is a suprasegmental feature in Basque; the */l/ would >>have undergone the categorical early medieval change of intervocalic /l/ >>to /r/; and the diphthongization of /a/ to /ai/ in an initial syllable >>is a familiar though sporadic in Basque: compare
`sacred, >>holy', from some Romance development of Latin
. >Might the word not have been borrowed directly as
, with >metathesis of the /i/ (especially if Latin
already had a >degree of allophonic palatalization)? That, or analogy with the >other tool words in (h)ai(t)z-. And in the case of saindu, much the same would have happened in that sanctu /sanktu/ > *santyu which in Spanish from the Basque region became the common name Sancho [it became common name Santo, noun/adjective santo everywhere else] and in Basque *santyu > *sayntu > saindu /sayndu/ [or is it /san~du/?] My reconstruction is probably missing something but the same metathesis of /y/ is there, right? Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From larryt at cogs.susx.ac.uk Mon Mar 8 20:59:10 1999 From: larryt at cogs.susx.ac.uk (Larry Trask) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 20:59:10 +0000 Subject: IE and Substrates Message-ID:
JoatSimeon writes: >I think we should keep in mind that the European linguistic situation in >historical times is probably much simpler than it was in the Mesolithic or >early Neolithic. >Reasoning by analogy from the situation in New Guinea or eastern pre-Columbian >North America, there were probably _many_ more languages and language-families >in Europe before the Indo-European expansion. Not just one or a few non-IE >families which were then replaced by Indo-European. The IE expansion would >then represent a massive linguistic simplification, a "reformatting" of a >previously crowded scene. I endorse this absolutely. I think it's probably right, and I think the modest amount of evidence we have supports it. Larry Trask COGS University of Sussex Brighton BN1 9QH UK larryt at cogs.susx.ac.uk From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Tue Mar 9 16:12:55 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 10:12:55 -0600 Subject: Celtic influence In-Reply-To:
Message-ID:
Italian also has essere & stare; although it uses them a bit different from Spanish & Portuguese. French seems to have merged them --e^tre is from stare but its conjugated forms are from the Latin root of essere. > Yes, I agree there is seemingly Celtic (grammatical) influence in >most of Western Romance, most notably French. It is just a little more >difficult to nail down, without actual knowledge of the Celtic languages >in question. For example we may note the "two BE verbs" syndrome in >Iberian. > > DLW Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From larryt at cogs.susx.ac.uk Mon Mar 8 21:05:06 1999 From: larryt at cogs.susx.ac.uk (Larry Trask) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 21:05:06 +0000 Subject: IE, Genetic Data, Languages of Anatolia Message-ID:
Wolfgang Behr writes: > If I remember things correctly, there will > be a workshop on SC in Cambridge (at the McDonald Institute of Archeo- > logy) sometime this year, so maybe we will see a convincing defense > of Starostin before long ??? Not this year, I'm afraid. The proposed Cambridge symposium on S-C has been postponed, pending the production of a monograph by Starostin on S-C which is to serve as a basis of discussion. Maybe next year. Larry Trask COGS University of Sussex Brighton BN1 9QH UK larryt at cogs.susx.ac.uk From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Tue Mar 9 16:22:21 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 10:22:21 -0600 Subject: /Anatolian /-nt-/ and Greek /-nth-/ In-Reply-To: <[email protected]> Message-ID:
So this would be the same root as the 3rd Singular verb ending -nt- ? e.g. Latin ama-nt "love-they all" >iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu wrote: [ moderator snip ] >>I suppose we could say that the form was originally >>/-ndh-/, but the Anatolian forms in /-nt/ are generally considered older. >The IE etymon is *-nt- (probably identical to the >Luwian/Slavic/Tocharian collective (plural) suffix *-(e/o)nt-). >======================= >Miguel Carrasquer Vidal Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu Tue Mar 9 16:27:37 1999 From: rmccalli at sunmuw1.MUW.Edu (Rick Mc Callister) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 10:27:37 -0600 Subject: Greek question & the pre-history of *nekwt In-Reply-To: <004a01be67db$a2b62f60$ca9ffad0@patrickcryan> Message-ID:
[snip] >-----Original Message----- >From: Patrick C. Ryan
>Date: Friday, March 05, 1999 10:14 PM [mucho snip] Then write <X> :> I mean :> >Rich, I never write anything as
because I frequently am switching from >email to .html and whatever is between the < and > is treated as an >instruction rather than copy in .html. [gran esnipo] Rick Mc Callister W-1634 MUW Columbus MS 39701 rmccalli at sunmuw1.muw.edu From iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu Tue Mar 9 02:19:47 1999 From: iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu (iffr762 at utxvms.cc.utexas.edu) Date: Mon, 8 Mar 1999 20:19:47 -0600 Subject: Results of Researches into Salmonids Message-ID:
No, the thing I was vaguely remembering is not the "salmon trout" (salmo trutta). It is the so-called "Danube salmon", or "huchen" (hucho hucho) which is not actually a salmon, or even a trout, but a very close relative of these. Pictures (p. 49 of "The Encyclopedia of Aquatic Life") show something that looks sort of like a monster salmon or trout (weights of over one hundred pounds have been reported). The fish is big enough that in the Volga it gets confused with sturgeon. (Go figure: it does not actually look anything like a sturgeon.) There are two kinds, the European and the Asian. The European kind lives only in the Danube system, while the Asian kind is described as living "from the Volga to the Amur", whatever that means (presumably centrqal and northern Asia). Turning to Malory, and to Diebold as reported by Malory, it seems that somebody has screwed up, for it is said that huchen do not occur in "the Pontic-Caspian steppe". As the Volga flows into the Caspian, I find it difficult to see how this can be right. Perhaps Diebold was not aware of the Asian species? But if Diebold is right that no PIE word for this fish can be reconstructed, then the Caspian part of the Pontic-Caspian steppe would be excluded as a possible homeland, by the usual arguments (which are necessarily decisive.) Speaking of the Caspian, there is (or was) a sub-species of tiger called the Caspian tiger. Though in recent times it has been restricted to the mountains (Elburz?) south of Teheran, it was formerly found along some of the rivers of the Eastern steppe (the Oxus and all that), as were pigs, its main prey. This too seems negative (thought not necessarily decisively so) for this region having been the much-discussed homeland. DLW From X99Lynx at aol.com Tue Mar 9 17:14:10 1999 From: X99Lynx at aol.com (X99Lynx at aol.com) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 12:14:10 EST Subject: IE and Substrates and Time Message-ID:
In a message dated 3/8/99 6:14:14 AM, you wrote: <<
> This seems to me to be very important to any analysis of how IE diffused in Europe. 1. Why do we assume that the IE languages would not act precisely like the non-IE languanges and splinter into extremely local variations? What glue would hold IE together ESPECIALLY if you take the view that PIE entered or expanded in Europe before 4000BC along with agriculture? This gives us a huge period of time for PIE speaking settlers to sit in their own local areas throughout Europe and somehow maintain "a massive linguistic simplification" instead of breaking down into a whole patchwork of PIE descendents. The theory that says that either PIE or the standard IE protolanguages were being spoken in Europe in even 2500BC requires a very small number of language groups to put a hold on localization for a millenium while Hittite, Sanskrit and Mycenean were just getting ready to rear their heads as the first historically identifiable IE languages. What was holding them together as one language or perhaps a set of no more than what?, four or five proto-languages for a thousand years? 2. You analogize the coming of PIE to the coming of the European languages to the patchwork of pre-Columbian American languages. But it took European languages no more than two centuries in most places in America to displace the prior languages in a much greater mass of land. Compare this to the Renfrew or even the Mallory hypotheses that have PIE (as a contiguous language) cross Europe a few square miles per year over as much as 3000 years. The time of conversion is not the point here, it is rather the amount of time intervening afterwards. 3. A critical question this raises seems to me to be how these languages were standardized. The idea of a proto-IE or even a proto-Keltic throughout Europe before say 1800 BC gives us a language being spoken mainly by illiterate sedentary farmers who would have no knowledge if their language had varied from those of their neighbors a hundred miles away. An yet it has them all having spoken fundamentally the same language for as much as 2000 years before hand. If a sound shift did arise out of nowhere because of some sudden predisposition or fashion towards fricatives or aspirates, how was that shift passed on? The English, Spanish and French of the 1600's all had core institutions for regularizing speech and grammar. The hornbook, the Bible, the priest or preacher, the Castilian or Etonian administrator or cleric, the school teacher and of course the itinerant merchant were all instruments of both continuity and change for such a large displacement of language. The written word itself - our only direct evidence of languages and dialects no longer spoken and syntacts no longer used - is something totally absent from the PIE scene in Europe before 1300 BC. What standardized those PIE speakers in Europe so that they didn't turn into the "the situation in New Guinea" over the course of thousands of years? I think one viable answer is that they didn't. The solution is time - to reduce the amount of time they would have to develope thousands of different IE daughter languages in every nook and cranny of the European continent. And it also brings us closer in time to recognizable standardizing influences - like merchants, priests, manufacturing specialists and urban centers. This would also give us a much faster process of conversion to IE, much closer to the analogy given above to the conversion of the American languages - "a massive linguistic simplification." Regards, Steve Long From fcosw5 at mail.scu.edu.tw Wed Mar 10 00:17:05 1999 From: fcosw5 at mail.scu.edu.tw (Steven Schaufele) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 16:17:05 -0800 Subject: Anatolians Message-ID:
Miguel Carrasquer Vidal wrote: > ... > It's a generally recognized fact that a PIE stop system *t, *d, > *dh is typologically unacceptable. What about a stop system distinguishing between voiceless, voiced, and aspirated (unmarked for voicing)? Or am i being naive? Steven Schaufele, Ph.D., Asst. Prof. of Linguistics, English Department Soochow University, Waishuanghsi Campus, Taipei 11102, Taiwan, ROC (886)(02)2881-9471 ext. 6504 fcosw5 at mail.scu.edu.tw http://www.prairienet.org/~fcosws/homepage.html ***O syntagmata linguarum liberemini humanarum!*** ***Nihil vestris privari nisi obicibus potestis!*** From JoatSimeon at aol.com Tue Mar 9 19:38:03 1999 From: JoatSimeon at aol.com (JoatSimeon at aol.com) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 14:38:03 EST Subject: Anatolians Message-ID:
>mcv at wxs.nl writes: >that "wool" didn't exist in the vocabulary even in pre-Neolithic times. -- sheep didn't develop wool, as we know it, until well after domestication. Use of wool as a fabric is comparatively late -- well after the beginning of the neolithic. >The plough was also used since the very beginning of the Neolithic, -- no, nyet, not true. Not unless you redefine "plough" to suit the argument and include wooden shovels and digging sticks. No animal traction, no plow. The ard, the earliest true plow, is 4th millenium BCE (same period as wheeled vehicles) and this is well-attested achaeological fact. >That leaves only "yoke", with the undoubted Hittite reflex
as a >possible candidate for being a late Neolithic innovation. -- this is a rather drastic case of attacking the evidence rather than trying to work with it. Evidence primary, hypothesis secondary, please. >but there is a Luwian attestation: asuwa. This looks very much like an Indo- >Iranian borrowing (Skt. as'va < PIE *ek^wos), were it not for the fact that >Luwian "dog" is -- the obvious, parsimonious explanation is that the Anatolian languages used ordinary IE terminology for the horse. >yielded a treatise on horses, containing a number of words of Indo-Iranian >origin, written by a Mitannian called Kikkuli). -- and the English terminology for formal riding is largely French and Spanish in origin, although English-speakers have been riding horses as long as there's been an English language (or proto-Germanic, come to that). Meaningless. >Hittite cognates (Hittite "wheel" is not *kwekwlo- or *rotHo- but >
, related only to Tocharian
"circle, wheel"), -- and having cognates in Tocharian and Hittite is about as secure a way to put a word into the PIE category as I can think of. Two unrelated IE language families widely separated in time and space -- what do you want, an egg in your beer? The only plausible argument for that is that this is an archaic term, since both Tocharian and Anatolian separated from PIE early. >"shaft" and "harness" when Hittite doesn't even share its basic kinship >terminology with Indo-European and has a different word for "four". -- excuse me, but kinship terminology has some bearing on horse harness technology? Run that one by me again? From sw271 at cus.cam.ac.uk Tue Mar 9 08:52:37 1999 From: sw271 at cus.cam.ac.uk (Sheila Watts) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 08:52:37 +0000 Subject: Greek question & the pre-history of *nekwt In-Reply-To: <010b01be667d$6104c400$c93963c3@niywlxpn> Message-ID:
>No doubt someone will prove me wrong, but I believe Hittite was deciphered >at first by German speakers - so z was used as in German, which is a great >pain. It = /ts/. I am frankly appalled by this level of ethnocentricity. What's the idea, we shouldn't allow non-English speakers to decipher ancient languages because we can only handle orthography that reads like English? If anyone is working in linguistics who finds it a problem when an orthographical symbol has different phonetic value in different languages, he or she should get out fast and try maths instead. Sheila Watts _______________________________________________________ Dr Sheila Watts Newnham College Cambridge CB3 9DF United Kingdom phone +44 1223 335816 From mclssaa2 at fs2.mt.umist.ac.uk Tue Mar 9 08:44:25 1999 From: mclssaa2 at fs2.mt.umist.ac.uk (Anthony Appleyard) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 08:44:25 GMT Subject: Celtic and English Again Message-ID:
Peter &/or Graham
wrote:- > On the lack of influence from Celtic in English: > ... Egypt, which was Egyptian-speaking for yonks, > then Greek speaking for nearly a thousand years The upperclass may well have learned Greek, but the mass of the population may have stuck to the late form of Egyptian called Coptic. For example, the modern Arabic placename Aswan continues Ancient Egyptian `Suan' (or similar) and ignores the Greekized name `Elephantine'. (That and the Egyptian name referred to big round rocks in the Nile there, that looked like elephants wallowing in the water.) > but now speaks Arabic with very little, if any, trace of either "substrate". There are at least these carry-overs from Ancient Egyptian into Egyptian Colloquial Arabic (ECA) (as distinct from educated speech):- (1) Unstressed vowels becoming the same as adjacent stressed vowels, and dropping when possible, e.g. standard Arabic {kabiir} = "big", but ECA {kibiir) = "big", {wa kbiir} = "and big". (2) Initial glottal stop + unstressed vowel often dropping when the previous word ends in a vowel, whether or not in standard Arabic that glottal stop was a {hamzat al was.l}. > Does this suggest that languages can indeed be replaced without great effect > on the invading language, if other circumstances are right, and that the lack > of influence from Celtic on English is not really so remarkable? Anglo-Saxon diphthongizes short front vowels before {r} and {l} or if the next vowel is a back vowel. That occurs also in Old Norse; but where did the Anglo-Saxons pick it up from? From JoatSimeon at aol.com Tue Mar 9 19:46:59 1999 From: JoatSimeon at aol.com (JoatSimeon at aol.com) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 14:46:59 EST Subject: Chariots Message-ID:
>petegray at btinternet.com writes: >with inconclusive results about when horses were strong enough to carry a >person on their back. -- Horses were always strong enough to carry a person on their back _for a while_. Zebras, wild horses, and ponies no larger than the neolithic/Bronze Age chariot pony could all do this. The question actually relates to how long they could be ridden and how much gear the rider could carry. From glengordon01 at hotmail.com Tue Mar 9 09:07:48 1999 From: glengordon01 at hotmail.com (Glen Gordon) Date: Tue, 9 Mar 1999 01:07:48 PST Subject: Lenis and Fortis in IE Message-ID:
MIGUEL (on the topic of potential Greek borrowings of Anatolian): >Probably because Anatolian t was aspirated, or sounded aspirated >to the Greeks. Alright so Anatolian *t was /t
/? I've been thinking about your idea on fortis and lenis stops existing in IE (which is eerily similar to an idea I had about Pre-IE which has been evolving for six monthes or more now). I'm already prone to accept your idea in some form. About Pre-IE, I was considering a while back that although it seems unlikely to me that IE had ejectives (since their glottalic quality seems conveniently to disappear with almost no trace), I considered an alternative idea - that Pre-IE in fact had lenis and fortis stops that were the result of a shift from earlier ejectives (This is in connection with Uralic actually but I will digress). However, I figure that the _fortis_ stops are what Gam. call the "glottalic" and would thus correspond to the *d/*g series. The lenis consonants are the voiced aspirate (*dh) and voiceless plain stops (*t) of old, all of which I had interpreted as voiceless and I believe I mentioned this earlier on the list. Pre-IndoEtruscan (Stage 1) *t
*t? *t Pre-IndoEtruscan (Stage 2) *t
*t: *t IndoEtruscan *t
*t *tT Etruscan t t th IE *t
*t *tT Traditional t d dh In this scenario, Hittite medial geminates would correspond to the aspirate stops in opposition to a merged set corresponding to both the voiceless affricates (*dh, *gh, *bh) and the voiceless inaspirates (*d, *g). Maybe fortis/lenis distinctions in IE proper might have validity but I suspect a more evolved situation from this distinction (cf *t > IE *tT (*dh)). Sanskrit voiced aspirates would have evolved from voiceless affricates as are found in original voiceless form after mobile *s- and in all environments in Greek. The original voicelessness of the "voiced inaspirates" can be found in Germanic and in the Latin initial stops for example. What I like about this idea is that the "fortis" consonants correspond exactly to an earlier "ejective" set that thus explains the lack of *b (which would have been *p? > *p: and then uniquely merging with *p - I guess lips are too weak to make the distinction :) The glottalic theory therefore still supplies the best explanation so far of lack of *b but there is no need for supporting ejectives in actual IE proper. [ Moderator's comment: Modern Estonian has a three-way opposition in the obstruents, lenis ~ fortis ~ geminate (fortis) (traditionally "short" ~ "long" ~ "overlong"). According to Ilse Lehiste, a native speaker, the word for "Help!" is [ap:i]--and the obstruent may be held for some time. --rma ] Optionally, assuming only that you accept Etruscan and IE relationship, a correspondance can be seen between the two as shown above. Note if Etruscan
matches IE *bhi then it suggests to me that a loss of *p: was very early and affects both languages. Suggestion: Pre-IEtr [*t
, *t, *tT] > [*t
|
i don't know
|
The organic chemical compound C12H22O11 is better known as what additive?
|
Overview of Food Ingredients, Additives & Colors
Overview of Food Ingredients, Additives & Colors
International Food Information Council (IFIC) and
U.S. Food and Drug Administration
November 2004; revised April 2010
Additional Information
For centuries, ingredients have served useful functions in a variety of foods. Our ancestors used salt to preserve meats and fish, added herbs and spices to improve the flavor of foods, preserved fruit with sugar, and pickled cucumbers in a vinegar solution. Today, consumers demand and enjoy a food supply that is flavorful, nutritious, safe, convenient, colorful and affordable. Food additives and advances in technology help make that possible.
There are thousands of ingredients used to make foods. The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) maintains a list of over 3000 ingredients in its data base "Everything Added to Food in the United States", many of which we use at home every day (e.g., sugar, baking soda, salt, vanilla, yeast, spices and colors).
Still, some consumers have concerns about additives because they may see the long, unfamiliar names and think of them as complex chemical compounds. In fact, every food we eat - whether a just-picked strawberry or a homemade cookie - is made up of chemical compounds that determine flavor, color, texture and nutrient value. All food additives are carefully regulated by federal authorities and various international organizations to ensure that foods are safe to eat and are accurately labeled.
The purpose of this brochure is to provide helpful background information about food and color additives: what they are, why they are used in foods and how they are regulated for safe use.
Why Are Food and Color Ingredients Added to Food?
See Types of Food Ingredients below.
Additives perform a variety of useful functions in foods that consumers often take for granted. Some additives could be eliminated if we were willing to grow our own food, harvest and grind it, spend many hours cooking and canning, or accept increased risks of food spoilage. But most consumers today rely on the many technological, aesthetic and convenient benefits that additives provide.
Following are some reasons why ingredients are added to foods:
To Maintain or Improve Safety and Freshness: Preservatives slow product spoilage caused by mold, air, bacteria, fungi or yeast. In addition to maintaining the quality of the food, they help control contamination that can cause foodborne illness, including life-threatening botulism. One group of preservatives -- antioxidants -- prevents fats and oils and the foods containing them from becoming rancid or developing an off-flavor. They also prevent cut fresh fruits such as apples from turning brown when exposed to air.
To Improve or Maintain Nutritional Value: Vitamins and minerals (and fiber) are added to many foods to make up for those lacking in a person's diet or lost in processing, or to enhance the nutritional quality of a food. Such fortification and enrichment has helped reduce malnutrition in the U.S. and worldwide. All products containing added nutrients must be appropriately labeled.
Improve Taste, Texture and Appearance: Spices, natural and artificial flavors, and sweeteners are added to enhance the taste of food. Food colors maintain or improve appearance. Emulsifiers, stabilizers and thickeners give foods the texture and consistency consumers expect. Leavening agents allow baked goods to rise during baking. Some additives help control the acidity and alkalinity of foods, while other ingredients help maintain the taste and appeal of foods with reduced fat content.
What Is a Food Additive?
In its broadest sense, a food additive is any substance added to food. Legally, the term refers to "any substance the intended use of which results or may reasonably be expected to result -- directly or indirectly -- in its becoming a component or otherwise affecting the characteristics of any food." This definition includes any substance used in the production, processing, treatment, packaging, transportation or storage of food. The purpose of the legal definition, however, is to impose a premarket approval requirement. Therefore, this definition excludes ingredients whose use is generally recognized as safe (where government approval is not needed), those ingredients approved for use by FDA or the U.S. Department of Agriculture prior to the food additives provisions of law, and color additives and pesticides where other legal premarket approval requirements apply.
Direct food additives are those that are added to a food for a specific purpose in that food. For example, xanthan gum -- used in salad dressings, chocolate milk, bakery fillings, puddings and other foods to add texture -- is a direct additive. Most direct additives are identified on the ingredient label of foods.
Indirect food additives are those that become part of the food in trace amounts due to its packaging, storage or other handling. For instance, minute amounts of packaging substances may find their way into foods during storage. Food packaging manufacturers must prove to the U.S. Food and Drug Administration (FDA) that all materials coming in contact with food are safe before they are permitted for use in such a manner.
What Is a Color Additive?
A color additive is any dye, pigment or substance which when added or applied to a food, drug or cosmetic, or to the human body, is capable (alone or through reactions with other substances) of imparting color. FDA is responsible for regulating all color additives to ensure that foods containing color additives are safe to eat, contain only approved ingredients and are accurately labeled.
Color additives are used in foods for many reasons: 1) to offset color loss due to exposure to light, air, temperature extremes, moisture and storage conditions; 2) to correct natural variations in color; 3) to enhance colors that occur naturally; and 4) to provide color to colorless and "fun" foods. Without color additives, colas wouldn't be brown, margarine wouldn't be yellow and mint ice cream wouldn't be green. Color additives are now recognized as an important part of practically all processed foods we eat.
FDA's permitted colors are classified as subject to certification or exempt from certification, both of which are subject to rigorous safety standards prior to their approval and listing for use in foods.
Certified colors are synthetically produced (or human made) and used widely because they impart an intense, uniform color, are less expensive, and blend more easily to create a variety of hues. There are nine certified color additives approved for use in the United States (e.g., FD&C Yellow No. 6. See chart for complete list .). Certified food colors generally do not add undesirable flavors to foods.
Colors that are exempt from certification include pigments derived from natural sources such as vegetables, minerals or animals. Nature derived color additives are typically more expensive than certified colors and may add unintended flavors to foods. Examples of exempt colors include annatto extract (yellow), dehydrated beets (bluish-red to brown), caramel (yellow to tan), beta-carotene (yellow to orange) and grape skin extract (red, green).
How Are Additives Approved for Use in Foods?
Today, food and color additives are more strictly studied, regulated and monitored than at any other time in history. FDA has the primary legal responsibility for determining their safe use. To market a new food or color additive (or before using an additive already approved for one use in another manner not yet approved), a manufacturer or other sponsor must first petition FDA for its approval. These petitions must provide evidence that the substance is safe for the ways in which it will be used. As a result of recent legislation, since 1999, indirect additives have been approved via a premarket notification process requiring the same data as was previously required by petition.
Under the Food Additives Amendment, two groups of ingredients were exempted from the regulation process.
GROUP I - Prior-sanctioned substances - are substances that FDA or USDA had determined safe for use in food prior to the 1958 amendment. Examples are sodium nitrite and potassium nitrite used to preserve luncheon meats.
GROUP II - GRAS (generally recognized as safe) ingredients - are those that are generally recognized by experts as safe, based on their extensive history of use in food before 1958 or based on published scientific evidence. Among the several hundred GRAS substances are salt, sugar, spices, vitamins and monosodium glutamate (MSG). Manufacturers may also request that FDA review the industry's determination of GRAS Status.
When evaluating the safety of a substance and whether it should be approved, FDA considers: 1) the composition and properties of the substance, 2) the amount that would typically be consumed, 3) immediate and long-term health effects, and 4) various safety factors. The evaluation determines an appropriate level of use that includes a built-in safety margin - a factor that allows for uncertainty about the levels of consumption that are expected to be harmless. In other words, the levels of use that gain approval are much lower than what would be expected to have any adverse effect.
Because of inherent limitations of science, FDA can never be absolutely certain of the absence of any risk from the use of any substance. Therefore, FDA must determine - based on the best science available - if there is a reasonable certainty of no harm to consumers when an additive is used as proposed.
If an additive is approved, FDA issues regulations that may include the types of foods in which it can be used, the maximum amounts to be used, and how it should be identified on food labels. In 1999, procedures changed so that FDA now consults with USDA during the review process for ingredients that are proposed for use in meat and poultry products. Federal officials then monitor the extent of Americans' consumption of the new additive and results of any new research on its safety to ensure its use continues to be within safe limits.
If new evidence suggests that a product already in use may be unsafe, or if consumption levels have changed enough to require another look, federal authorities may prohibit its use or conduct further studies to determine if the use can still be considered safe.
Regulations known as Good Manufacturing Practices (GMP) limit the amount of food ingredients used in foods to the amount necessary to achieve the desired effect.
Summary
Food ingredients have been used for many years to preserve, flavor, blend, thicken and color foods, and have played an important role in reducing serious nutritional deficiencies among consumers. These ingredients also help ensure the availability of flavorful, nutritious, safe, convenient, colorful and affordable foods that meet consumer expectations year-round.
Food and color additives are strictly studied, regulated and monitored. Federal regulations require evidence that each substance is safe at its intended level of use before it may be added to foods. Furthermore, all additives are subject to ongoing safety review as scientific understanding and methods of testing continue to improve. Consumers should feel safe about the foods they eat.
Questions and Answers about Food and Color Additives
Q What is the role of modern technology in producing food additives?
Q. How are ingredients listed on a product label?
A. Food manufacturers are required to list all ingredients in the food on the label. On a product label, the ingredients are listed in order of predominance, with the ingredients used in the greatest amount first, followed in descending order by those in smaller amounts. The label must list the names of any FDA-certified color additives (e.g., FD&C Blue No. 1 or the abbreviated name, Blue 1). But some ingredients can be listed collectively as "flavors," "spices," "artificial flavoring," or in the case of color additives exempt from certification, "artificial colors", without naming each one. Declaration of an allergenic ingredient in a collective or single color, flavor, or spice could be accomplished by simply naming the allergenic ingredient in the ingredient list.
Q. What are dyes and lakes in color additives?
A. Certified color additives are categorized as either dyes or lakes. Dyes dissolve in water and are manufactured as powders, granules, liquids or other special-purpose forms. They can be used in beverages, dry mixes, baked goods, confections, dairy products, pet foods and a variety of other products.
Lakes are the water insoluble form of the dye. Lakes are more stable than dyes and are ideal for coloring products containing fats and oils or items lacking sufficient moisture to dissolve dyes. Typical uses include coated tablets, cake and donut mixes, hard candies and chewing gums.
Q. Do additives cause childhood hyperactivity?
A. Although this hypothesis was popularized in the 1970's, results from studies on this issue either have been inconclusive, inconsistent, or difficult to interpret due to inadequacies in study design. A Consensus Development Panel of the National Institutes of Health concluded in 1982 that for some children with attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) and confirmed food allergy, dietary modification has produced some improvement in behavior. Although the panel said that elimination diets should not be used universally to treat childhood hyperactivity, since there is no scientific evidence to predict which children may benefit, the panel recognized that initiation of a trial of dietary treatment or continuation of a diet in patients whose families and physicians perceive benefits may be warranted. However, a 1997 review published in the Journal of the American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry noted there is minimal evidence of efficacy and extreme difficulty inducing children and adolescents to comply with restricted diets. Thus, dietary treatment should not be recommended, except possibly with a small number of preschool children who may be sensitive to tartrazine, known commonly as FD&C Yellow No.5 (See question below). In 2007, synthetic certified color additives again came under scrutiny following publication of a study commissioned by the UK Food Standards Agency to investigate whether certain color additives cause hyperactivity in children. Both the FDA and the European Food Safety Authority independently reviewed the results from this study and each has concluded that the study does not substantiate a link between the color additives that were tested and behavioral effects.
Q. What is the difference between natural and artificial ingredients? Is a naturally produced ingredient safer than an artificially manufactured ingredient?
A. Natural ingredients are derived from natural sources (e.g., soybeans and corn provide lecithin to maintain product consistency; beets provide beet powder used as food coloring). Other ingredients are not found in nature and therefore must be synthetically produced as artificial ingredients. Also, some ingredients found in nature can be manufactured artificially and produced more economically, with greater purity and more consistent quality, than their natural counterparts. For example, vitamin C or ascorbic acid may be derived from an orange or produced in a laboratory. Food ingredients are subject to the same strict safety standards regardless of whether they are naturally or artificially derived.
Q. Are certain people sensitive to FD&C Yellow No. 5 in foods?
A. FD&C Yellow No. 5, is used to color beverages, dessert powders, candy, ice cream, custards and other foods. FDA's Committee on Hypersensitivity to Food Constituents concluded in 1986 that FD&C Yellow No. 5 might cause hives in fewer than one out of 10,000 people. It also concluded that there was no evidence the color additive in food provokes asthma attacks. The law now requires Yellow No. 5 to be identified on the ingredient line. This allows the few who may be sensitive to the color to avoid it.
Q. Do low-calorie sweeteners cause adverse reactions?
A. No. Food safety experts generally agree there is no convincing evidence of a cause and effect relationship between these sweeteners and negative health effects in humans. The FDA has monitored consumer complaints of possible adverse reactions for more than 15 years.
For example, in carefully controlled clinical studies, aspartame has not been shown to cause adverse or allergic reactions. However, persons with a rare hereditary disease known as phenylketonuria (PKU) must control their intake of phenylalanine from all sources, including aspartame. Although aspartame contains only a small amount of phenylalanine, labels of aspartame-containing foods and beverages must include a statement advising phenylketonurics of the presence of phenylalanine.
Individuals who have concerns about possible adverse effects from food additives or other substances should contact their physicians.
Q. How do they add vitamins and minerals to fortified cereals?
A. Adding nutrients to a cereal can cause taste and color changes in the product. This is especially true with added minerals. Since no one wants cereal that tastes like a vitamin supplement, a variety of techniques are employed in the fortification process. In general, those nutrients that are heat stable (such as vitamins A and E and various minerals) are incorporated into the cereal itself (they're baked right in). Nutrients that are not stable to heat (such as B-vitamins) are applied directly to the cereal after all heating steps are completed. Each cereal is unique -- some can handle more nutrients than others can. This is one reason why fortification levels are different across all cereals.
Q. What is the role of modern technology in producing food additives?
A. Many new techniques are being researched that will allow the production of additives in ways not previously possible. One approach is the use of biotechnology, which can use simple organisms to produce food additives. These additives are the same as food components found in nature. In 1990, FDA approved the first bioengineered enzyme, rennin, which traditionally had been extracted from calves' stomachs for use in making cheese.
Types of Food Ingredients
The following summary lists the types of common food ingredients, why they are used,
and some examples of the names that can be found on product labels. Some additives are
used for more than one purpose.
Types of Ingredients
|
Sugar
|
Name the Trinidad and Tobago cabinet minister who resigned as vice president of FIFA in 2011 amid ongoing ethics investigations?
|
What Is the Difference Between Sucrose and Sucralose?
What Is the Difference Between Sucrose and Sucralose?
Are Sucrose and Sucralose the Same?
This is the structure of sucralose or Splenda, an artificial sweetener. Ben Mills, public domain
Sucrose and sucralose both are sweeteners, but they aren't the same. Here's a look at how sucrose and sucralose are different.
Sucrose Versus Sucralose
Sucrose is a naturally occurring sugar, commonly known as table sugar. Sucralose, on the other hand, is an artificial sweetener, produced in a lab. Sucralose or Splenda is trichlorosucrose, so the chemical structures of the two sweeteners are related, but not identical. The molecular formula of sucralose is C12H19Cl3O8, while the formula for sucrose is C12H22O11. Unlike sucrose, sucralose is not metabolized by the body. Sucralose contributes zero calories to the diet, compared with sucrose, which contributes 16 calories per teaspoon (4.2 grams). Sucralose is about 600 times sweeter than sucrose.
About Sucralose
Sucralose was discovered by scientists at Tate & Lyle in 1976 during taste-testing of a chlorinated sugar compound. One report is that researcher Shashikant Phadnis thought his coworker Leslie Hough asked him to taste the compound (not a usual procedure), so he did and found the compound to be extraordinarily sweet compared with sugar.
continue reading below our video
What are the Seven Wonders of the World
The compound was patented and tested, first approved for use as a non-nutritive sweetener in Canada in 1991. Sucralose is stable under a wide pH and temperature range, so it can be used for baking. It is known as E number (additive code) E955 and under trade names including Splenda, Nevella, Sukrana, Candys, SucraPlus, and Cukren.
Learn More
|
i don't know
|
Dyscalculia is less technically known as (what?)-blindness?
|
Learning Disabilities: Fact and Fiction
Learning Disabilities: Fact and Fiction
Learning Disabilities: Fact and Fiction
Feb 24, 2011
In observance of Learning Disabilities Week, we here at Study.com want to clear up some misconceptions about common learning challenges such as dyslexia, dyscalculia and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD).
By Megan Driscoll
Struggling to Learn
Education researchers believe that 5-10 percent of American kids ages 6-17 are affected by learning disabilities (LD). While experts don't know exactly what causes most learning disabilities, they do believe symptoms result from differences in brain structure or function.
Some common misconceptions about learning disabilities include:
Learning disabilities are like other forms of brain disorders. Learning disabilities are separate and distinct from problems caused by emotional dysfunction, mental retardation or hearing, visual or motor disabilities.
He's not smart. In fact, individuals with learning disabilities have 'normal' intelligence. They just suffer from a neurobiological dysfunction that makes it more difficult for them to learn.
She's faking it. Learning disabilities are a very real phenomenon, with a proven biological basis. Recent research has even found some genetic links for LD in families.
It's the student's background. Learning disabilities are not specific to any racial, cultural or socioeconomic category. Students from all backgrounds are equally susceptible.
Three of the most common challenges to learning that students face are dyslexia, dyscalculia and ADHD.
Dyslexia
The most common learning disability is dyslexia, which accounts for 80 percent of U.S. students with LD. The condition tends to affect more boys than girls.
In a nutshell, dyslexia is a language problem that makes it difficult for students to read. The trouble is not with vision; it is the brain that struggles to parse the sounds that make up words. People with dyslexia have a hard time writing or thinking about the sounds in a word or breaking a word down into its component parts. As a result, translating thought to language (writing) and language to thought (listening or reading) presents a significant challenge.
Early diagnosis is important for dyslexia; without intervention, students can fall further and further behind in the classroom. Kids with untreated dyslexia often struggle with their work and become frustrated at school. Many also suffer from low self-esteem and are more prone to misbehavior. There are many alternative ways to teach reading to dyslexic students, however, so early intervention can lead to a relatively normal school life.
Dyscalculia
'Dyscalculia' is an umbrella term used to refer to a wide range of math disabilities. Although less well known than dyslexia, dyscalculia affects a significant number of children.
There are two main types of dyscalculia. Some individuals have visual-spatial problems, making it difficult for the brain to process what the eye sees. These people may have a hard time visualizing patterns or parts of math problems. Others struggle with processing language; in effect, the brain doesn't fully understand what the ear hears. Those who are affected by this condition struggle to grasp math vocabulary, which can result in challenges developing mathematical skills.
If dyscalculia goes undiagnosed, it can lead to lifelong frustration with math. But when educators are able to identify it, they can use alternative methods for teaching math that allow people with dyscalculia make progress.
Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder
Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, or ADHD, isn't technically a learning disability. It is, though, very common in students with LD and can cause plenty of challenges at school on its own.
Referred to by some as attention deficit disorder (ADD), ADHD is a brain condition that makes it difficult for individuals to stay focused and/or in control of behavior. While it is normal for all students to be inattentive, impulsive or hyperactive at times, these issues are more common and severe in individuals with ADHD.
Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder is typically treated with a combination of medication and behavioral therapy. While some students with ADHD require special education to help keep them on track, others are able to function in a normal classroom once their symptoms are under control.
|
Number
|
How many dots make up the BlackBerry symbol logo?
|
learning disabilities facts, information, pictures | Encyclopedia.com articles about learning disabilities
International Encyclopedia of Marriage and Family
COPYRIGHT 2003 The Gale Group Inc.
Learning Disabilities
Learning disabilities applies to difficulties in reading, mathematics, and written language. Although children with learning disabilities can have difficulty with spoken language and language comprehension, most of the research revolves around the ability to read and understand written information. For further information about oral communication one should look at material in speech and language, which is beyond the scope of this entry.
Learning difficulties can be present in reading (phonics, comprehension), mathematics (calculation, reasoning), language (receptive, expressive), and written expression. Learning disabilities are assumed to be due to central nervous system dys-function (National Joint Committee for Learning Disabilities [NJCLD] 1991) and reflect a discrepancy between ability and achievement.
Diagnosis of Learning Disabilities
The diagnosis of learning disabilities varies depending on where one resides, with different states having different requirements for a learning disability diagnosis. Differences among states vary between psychometric measurement practices, which are called discrepancy models. However, most definitions share the requirement that a significant discrepancy exist between ability and achievement. The Intelligence Quotient (IQ) test becomes an important part of the diagnosis in these definitions. Such a discrepancy model leads to differing numbers of children identified as learning disabled (Sofie and Riccio 2002). Children and adolescents who are in the low average range of intelligence have a more difficult time qualifying for services as they must score very low on an achievement test in order to qualify (Semrud-Clikeman et al. 1992).
Children who have language difficulties frequently score poorly on the verbal portion of the IQ test, thus lowering their scores (Aaron 1997; Morris et al. 1998; Siegel 1992). These children and those from backgrounds other than the middle and upper class may be penalized by standardized tests that are far from culture-free (Greenfield 1997; Siegel 1990; Stanovich 1986). The highest concentration of poor readers has been found in certain ethnic groups and in poor urban neighborhoods (Snow, Burns, and Griffin 1998). Children from impoverished backgrounds or those from a different culture may not have acquired sufficient knowledge in order to answer the IQ test questions correctly. In fact, research has found that many of these children are not classified as learning disabled but rather as slow learners and often not considered bright enough to profit from remediation (Siegel 1990). The current methods of diagnosing children with learning disabilities assume that intelligence is a prerequisite for reading attainment. Research has indicated that IQ scores account for only 25 percent of the variance in reading scores and, as such, is not an important variable in predicting how a child will read (Aaron 1997; Swanson, Hoskyn, and Lee 1999). R. Valencia (1995) found that major achievement tests may underestimate the learning of minority children, particularly those whose primary language is not English. A study found that IQ explained only 6 percent of the variance of a Hispanic child's variance and only 10 percent of an African-American child's grades (Figueroa and Sassenrath, 1989).
Some authors suggest that children reading below grade level should be provided with reading support no matter what ability level they possess. Sally Shaywitz and her colleagues (1992) found that reading disabilities occur along a continuum with no clear difference between children with reading problems and those usually classified as slow learners. Further research has found more similarities than differences between slow learners and those with learning disabilities with few differences present between these two groups on measures of reading, spelling, and phonics knowledge (Siegel 1990). Linda Siegel concluded that the more the task is related to reading the less important intelligence is to reading achievement.
Assessment Issues
Given the above concerns, it is important to provide a comprehensive evaluation of a child with a possible learning disability. Reading is a multidimensional skill involving the ability to read words from sight, sound out words (phonological coding), read fluently and with good speed, and to understand what is read. In any part of this reading process problems can arise and disrupt the reading process. For example, a child who reads haltingly and needs to sound out almost every word will often experience difficulty with comprehension because it takes so long to read a passage and the child is concentrating on the words rather than the information. Evaluation of this child's reading rate and sight-word vocabulary are important aspects. Reading a passage to him/her and checking the comprehension of the passage assists one in understanding whether difficulties in comprehension are due to true comprehension problems or to the difficulty with the reading process. Similarly a child who has difficulty sounding out words may well have an intact sight-word vocabulary. In this case the child will benefit from using this strength with remediation in phonics.
Comorbidity Issues
Learning disabilities often occur in conjunction with other disorders or conditions. Comorbidity refers to multiple disorders within one individual. Learning disabilities occur concurrently with other conditions (for example, sensory impairment or serious emotional disturbance), but is not a result of the comorbid disorder (NJCLD 1991). For example, a child who is hearing-impaired would not qualify for LD services due solely to the hearing impairment.
Attention deficit hyperactivity disorders (ADHD) and learning disabilities are frequently comorbid. However, the inattention and impulsivity characteristic of ADHD make it difficult to determine if academic difficulty is due to the presence of learning disabilities or is a consequence of attention deficits (Semrud-Clikeman et al. 1992). Language disorders, depression, and anxiety are often experienced by those diagnosed with learning disabilities (American Psychiatric Association 1994). Social skills deficits are also frequently found in children diagnosed with learning disability (San Miguel et al. 1996).
Neuropsychology of Learning Disabilities
Learning disabilities is a heterogeneous disorder. The most common type of learning disability is language-based and due to difficulties with the sounding out of words—also called phonological coding deficits (Teeter and Semrud-Clikeman 1997). In this type of learning disability the child has difficulty hearing and/or understanding the differences in the sounds of a word (Mann 1991). For example, the word cat may not be heard as three different sounds—c a t. Reading requires that a child learn the relationship between the written letters and the sound segments—also called sound-symbol learning (Torgesen 1993). This is the most common type of learning disability.
Another type of learning disability involves difficulty with the visual or orthographic features of a word (Stanovich 1992). For example the outward configuration of words such as left and felt are relatively similar—high letter, low letter, two high letters—and may be confused by a child with this type of learning disability. These types of learning disabilities are less common. Visual memory is important in reading and children with this type of learning disability seem to have difficulty recalling what they see (Terepocki, Kruk, and Willows 2002). Children are evaluated in their ability to discriminate phonetically similar words like main from mane and homonyms (e.g., see and sea).
The majority of learning disabilities are reading based and most of the research involves children with reading disabilities (or dyslexia). However, it is important to realize that learning disabilities can also be identified in mathematics and written language. These types of learning problems are not as commonly evaluated or reported as a reading disability. Written language disabilities can have profound effects on a child's ability to generate and organize ideas in written form (Nodine, Barenbaum, and Newcomer 1985). Less is known about written language disabilities than reading disabilities but a study that evaluated children with brain injuries found that these children had intact reading skills but deficits in mathematics and written language, particularly if the damage was in the right hemisphere.
The incidence of math-based learning disabilities suggests that approximately 6 percent of children show a learning disability in this area (Miles and Forcht 1995). Difficulties can be found in mathematics calculations that are often related to difficulties with visual-spatial skills. Children with this type of disability may also show difficulties with social understanding. When mathematics problems and visual-spatial delays occur together, the child may have a nonverbal learning disability. These difficulties involve the child's inability to understand the context of the social situation, to interpret facial and body gestures, and to act accordingly. The relationship between the mathematics difficulties and these social deficits is not fully understood and further research is needed in this area (Semrud-Clikeman and Hynd 1990).
Neuro-Imaging and Learning Disabilities
Differences in brain anatomy have been consistently found in the area where sound-symbol relationships are believed to take place. Neuroimaging has now allowed further evaluation of the brain in living children. Studies found differences in the area of the brain responsible for sound-symbol interpretation (Hynd et al. 1990) as well as in the left hemisphere and frontal areas of the brain believed to be responsible for speaking ( Jernigan et al. 1991; Semrud-Clikeman et al. 1991). Neurons were found to be out of place, additional neurons in places where they should not be were found, and smaller volumes of the planatemporale were found. This area is responsible for auditory processing (Hynd and Semrud-Clikeman 1989). Such regional differences imply a neurodevelopmental process that went awry during gestation rather than brain damage or environmental influences. It is important to note that this asymmetry/symmetry may not be solely responsible for learning disabilities, although it is likely a major contributor to such difficulties (Morgan and Hynd 1998; Steinmetz and Galaburda 1991).
Electrophysiology and Learning Disabilities
Electrophysiological techniques have also been used in the study of learning disabilities to examine the neurobiological mechanisms that underlie these disabilities. The brain has ongoing electrical activity whose waveform can be measured and recorded. Large populations of neurons are measured by electrodes placed on the scalp with changes in the ongoing waveform occurring in response to a cognitive event, such as attention or stimulus discrimination.
Several decades of research have demonstrated different patterns of activation in the brains of children with learning disabilities and those of control groups. Abnormal electrical responses have been found in populations with learning disabilities when they are asked to process phonological information. Studies of components not involving conscious processing have demonstrated that adults and children with reading disabilities process auditory information differently than do normal readers. These components occur later in subjects with learning disabilities, indicating low-level auditory processing deficits. (McAnally and Stein 1996; Baldeweg et al. 1999). This physiological abnormality has also found to be correlated with phonological deficits.
Genetics of Learning Disabilities
The genetics of learning disabilities became of an area of significant interest beginning in the 1990s. Reading disabilities run in families and this familiarity may be due in part to genetic influences and in part to environment. These genetic influences are likely to have a direct impact on the development of the brain or a specific region of the brain that is probably involved in language.
Genetic influences appear to be more prominent in children with phonological coding deficits than in those with visual coding deficits (Pennington 1991). These studies have been generally involved identical and fraternal twins. Deficits in specific processes have been found in phonological coding (the ability to discriminate sounds in words) and phonemic analysis (the ability to sound out words) compared to in visual-spatial deficits (DeFries et al. 1991). The concordance of phonetically based learning problems was 71 percent for identical twins but only 49 percent for fraternal twins. Bruce Pennington and his colleagues (1991) found evidence of a major gene transmission in a large sample of families with reading disabilities linking a small set of genes that indirectly affect reading. Although chromosomes 6 and 15 have been linked to reading problems, it is likely that the difficulty is due to several genes that have not been fully evaluated (Smith, Kimberling, and Pennington 1991). Genetic analysis of children with mathematics or written expression disabilities is another area that requires study.
Environmental influences also impact the brain and culture may change the development of neurons in a specific manner (e.g., reading left to right rather than right to left). Arabic and Hebrew readers have been found to show differences in hemispheric activation on reading tasks—particularly tasks that involve orthographic processing (Eviatar 2000). In addition, preliminary studies have indicated that those readers that read right to left do not show the same right hemispheric preference for the processing of faces and emotion as do those who read left to right (Eviatar 1997; Vaid and Singh 1989). Genetics and neuro-imaging studies may provide more information about these differences.
Familial risk for learning disabilities is clearly significant and substantial in many of the research findings (Gilger, Pennington, and DeFries 1991). Environment may play a role in the development of reading disabilities but no difference has been found between preschool literacy rate in children with reading problems and those without reading problems (Scarborough 1991). What has been found that within the family, the child with a predisposition for a reading problem is less interested in reading and reading-like activities than those without such a predilection (Scarborough, Dobrich, and Hager 1991). Moreover, differences in amount of time being read to, looking at books, and listening to stories were found between siblings with and without later reading difficulties.
Family Aspects of Learning Disabilities
The discussion of the genetics of learning disabilities leads into family aspects as many parents also have a learning disability. It is important to recognize this possibility, particularly when developing interventions and recommendations for these families. It may be unrealistic to ask a parent who also has a learning disability to read to their child, as the action may be fraught with anxiety and difficulty for the parent. It is also important to realize that parents who experienced difficulty in learning themselves may find coming to a school for a parent-teacher conference to be frightening and intimidating (Semrud-Clikeman 1994).
There are few studies in this area but prenatal and postnatal factors have been found to be important in the development of learning problems in the first two years of life (Werner and Smith 1981). Families that were characterized as chaotic or in poverty showed a higher probability of children experiencing learning problems than those without—these variables become more significant as the child becomes older (Teeter and Semrud-Clikeman 1997). Socioeconomic status, home conditions, and educational level of family members appear to act either as complicating factors or as compensatory factors for children with reading problems (Badian 1988; Keogh and Sears 1991).
Robert Jay Green (1992) draws from biological, sociological, and familial sources in evaluating the impact of families on achievement and learning. He suggests that each of these factors interact with one another and either improve learning or impede skill development. These factors work less strongly on biologically based difficulties (e.g., genetically based type of learning disability) than on those environmentally based. However, difficulties in learning and attention are due to the influences of many genes and may well respond to environmental changes that can assist the child in over-coming learning difficulties in an environment that is helpful and exacerbate the difficulties in a less than optimal environment. Green's (1992) model assumes that achievement difficulties can be partially caused or maintained by family factors as well as those present in the school system and social environments. Given these concerns it is important to link school-based interventions with family support.
Interventions
Children with phonological coding deficits appear to respond well to interventions that stress direct training of phonics and place the training within a context (Cunningham 1990). Such a context—metacognitive training—allows the child to learn when to use a particular tactic and how to decide if it is effective (Cunningham 1989). The Reading Recovery Program (Clay 1993) has shown good promise in assisting children with their learning. The program emphasizes understanding the reading process in addition to emphasizing decoding skills. Teaching word families within this context has also been found to be helpful (i.e., an, in, fan, tan, or man).
Early identification of children at risk for learning difficulties is also recommended with specific training in phonemic awareness, rhyming skills, and word families provided in preschool and kindergarten (Felton and Pepper 1995; Wise and Olson 1991). Such early intervention has been found to be most appropriate for children with a family history of learning disabilities (Scarborough 1991). These children demonstrate early on difficulties in language, both in understanding and expressing their thoughts, that later translates into problems in reading readiness (Wise and Olson 1991). Programs, such as FastForword, LindamoodAuditory System, and the Slingerland or Orton-Gillingham method, are helpful to some children with learning disabilities. Websites can be readily found for each of these interventions.
Conclusion
Learning disabilities is a field that is constantly changing. With the advent of techniques that allow scholars to study the brain in action, we may understand not only the normal process of reading but also what happens when the system is not working. The hope is that we will be able to prevent learning disabilities or, at the least, to develop innovative and successful interventions. It is also hoped that we will become more adept at identifying children at earlier ages to prevent some of the emotional and social difficulties that can be associated with a learning disability. Neuroscience is now promising new avenues in our study of learning disabilities as is genetics. Families who have a history of learning disability need further study to provide appropriate support for them as well as to assist with early interventions. Schools are becoming more adept at working with children with differing types of learning disability and it is hoped that our ability to assess minority children appropriately will also improve.
COPYRIGHT 2001 The Gale Group Inc.
Learning disability
A disorder that causes problems in speaking, listening, reading, writing, or mathematical ability.
A learning disability , or specific developmental disorder, is a disorder that inhibits or interferes with the skills of learning, including speaking, listening, reading, writing, or mathematical ability . Legally, a learning disabled child is one whose level of academic achievement is two or more years below the standard for his age and IQ level. It is estimated that 5-20% of school-age children in the United States , mostly boys, suffer from learning disabilities (currently, most sources place this figure at 20%). Often, learning disabilities appear together with other disorders, such as attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). They are thought to be caused by irregularities in the functioning of certain parts of the brain . Evidence suggests that these irregularities are often inherited (a person is more likely to develop a learning disability if other family members have them). However, learning disabilities are also associated with certain conditions occurring during fetal development or birth , including maternal use of alcohol, drugs, and tobacco, exposure to infection, injury during birth, low birth weight, and sensory deprivation .
Aside from underachievement, other warning signs that a person may have a learning disability include overall lack of organization, forgetfulness, and taking unusually long amounts of time to complete assignments. In the classroom, the child's teacher may observe one or more of the following characteristics: difficulty paying attention, unusual sloppiness and disorganization, social withdrawal, difficulty working independently, and trouble switching from one activity to another. In addition to the preceding signs, which relate directly to school and schoolwork, certain general behavioral and emotional features often accompany learning disabilities. These include impulsiveness, restlessness, distractibility, poor physical coordination, low tolerance for frustration, low self-esteem , daydreaming , inattentiveness, and anger or sadness.
Types of learning disabilities
Learning disabilities are associated with brain dysfunctions that affect a number of basic skills. Perhaps the most fundamental is sensory-perceptual ability—the capacity to take in and process information through the senses. Difficulties involving vision , hearing , and touch will have an adverse effect on learning. Although learning is usually considered a mental rather than a physical pursuit, it involves motor skills, and it can also be impaired by problems with motor development. Other basic skills fundamental to learning include memory , attention, and language abilities.
The three most common academic skill areas affected by learning disabilities are reading, writing, and arithmetic. Some sources estimate that between 60-80% of children diagnosed with learning disabilities have reading as their only or main problem area. Learning disabilities involving reading have traditionally been known as dyslexia ; currently the preferred term is developmental reading disorder . A wide array of problems is associated with reading disorders, including difficulty identifying groups of letters, problems relating letters to sounds, reversals and other errors involving letter position, chaotic spelling, trouble with syllabication, failure to recognize words, hesitant oral reading, and word-by-word rather than contextual reading. Writing disabilities, known as dysgraphia, include problems with letter formation and writing layout on the page, repetitions and omissions, punctuation and capitalization errors, "mirror writing," and a variety of spelling problems. Children with dysgraphia typically labor at written work much longer than their classmates, only to produce large, uneven writing that would be appropriate for a much younger child. Learning abilities involving math skills, generally referred to as dyscalcula (or dyscalculia), usually become apparent later than reading and writing problems—often at about the age of eight. Children with dyscalcula may have trouble counting, reading and writing numbers, understanding basic math concepts, mastering calculations, and measuring. This type of disability may also involve problems with nonverbal learning, including spatial organization.
Treatment
The principal forms of treatment for learning disabilities are remedial education and psychotherapy . Either may be provided alone, the two may be provided simultaneously, or one may follow the other. Schools are required by law to provide specialized instruction for
children with learning disabilities. Remediation may take place privately with a tutor or in a school resource center. A remediator works with the child individually, often devising strategies to circumvent the barriers caused by the disability. A child with dyscalcula, for example, may be shown a "shortcut" or "trick" that involves memorizing a spatial pattern or design and then superimposing it on calculations of a specific type, such as double-digit multiplication problems. The most important aspect of remediation is finding new ways to solve old problems. In this respect, remediation diverges from ordinary tutoring methods that use drill and repetition, which are ineffective in dealing with learning disabilities. The earlier remediation is begun, the more effective it will be. At the same time that they are receiving remedial help, children with learning disabilities spend as much time as possible in the regular classroom.
While remediation addresses the obstacles created by the learning disability itself, psychotherapy deals with the emotional and behavioral problems associated with the condition. The difficulties caused by learning disabilities are bound to affect a child's emotional state and behavior. The inability to succeed at tasks that pose no unusual problems for one's peers creates a variety of unpleasant feelings, including shame, doubt, embarrassment, frustration, anger, confusion, fear , and sadness. These feelings pose several dangers if they are allowed to persist over time. First, they may aggravate the disability: excessive stress can interfere with the performance of many tasks, especially those that are difficult to begin with. In addition, other, previously developed abilities may suffer as well, further eroding the child's self-confidence. Finally, destructive emotional and behavioral patterns that begin in response to a learning disability may become entrenched and extend to other areas of a child's life. Both psychoanalytic and behaviorally oriented methods are used in therapy for children with learning disabilities.
The sensitivity developed over the past two decades to the needs of students with learning disabilities has extended to adults as well in some sectors. Some learning disabled adults have been accommodated by special measures such as extra time on projects at work. They may also be assigned tasks that does not require a lot of written communication. For example, a learning disabled person might take customer service phone calls, rather than reading and processing customer comment cards.
Because there is no "cure" for learning disability, it will continue to affect the lives of learning-disabled people, and the strategies they may have learned to succeed in school must also be applied in their vocation.
Further Reading
Tuttle, Cheryl Gerson, and Gerald A. Tuttle, eds. Challenging Voices: Writings By, For, and About People with Learning Disabilities. Los Angeles : Lowell House, 1995.
Wong, Y.L., ed. Learning About Learning Disabilities. San Diego : Academic Press, 1991.
Further Information
Association for Children and Adults with Learning Disabilities. 4900 Girard Rd., Pittsburgh , PA 15227–1444, (412) 881–2253.
National Center for Learning Disabilities. 99 Park Ave., New York , NY 10016, (212) 687–7211.
Cite this article
The Oxford Companion to the Body
© The Oxford Companion to the Body 2001, originally published by Oxford University Press 2001.
learning disabilities What connections exist between the body and ‘learning disability’ or ‘mental retardation’? We assume that there is a realm of mental nature separable from physical nature, at least for investigative purposes; we also often see mental disorders as being analogous to physical ones, or physical conditions as causing mental ones. We assume that mental ability or disability is a part of an individual's make-up, and therefore that what is congenital is also largely incurable. All these assumptions are modern, in the historian's sense of the term: they belong to the last three centuries.
According to Galen , the supreme medical authority before modern times, human reason was activated by ‘animal spirits’ which moved around the brain and, if sluggish, caused amentia (mindlessness); however, any normal individual could experience this condition temporarily. Sometimes a landowner's heir might suffer from congenital incompetence, but this was a problem for lawyers, not doctors; it was not distinguished from the assumed incompetence of the entire labouring population, and where people did not own property there was no problem. Nor was congenital incompetence necessarily permanent: God might cure it providentially. People whom we might now call ‘learning disabled’ were depicted by artists; but neither their behavioural gestures and bodily features, nor their social role, were clearly distinct from those of jesters and professional fools whose minds were perfectly sound. Medical writers did not research the causes of mental (or physical) monstrosity, since these were God's responsibility; rather, monstrosity demonstrated His marvellous creative powers. Only mavericks among them, such as astrologers or followers of the derided Paracelsus, had a specifically medical interest in connections between the body and permanent lack of reason. Even for them, reason tended to mean divine illumination rather than the personal mental equipment described by modern psychology.
In the seventeenth-century roots of that psychology we begin to find a learning disabled type recognizable to ourselves, defined by the purely mental characteristics of an individual. The influential philosopher John Locke summarized these as a lack of ability to think ‘abstractly’, and psychology has refined this picture very little since then. However, the approach to physiological phenomena associated with ‘idiocy’ (as it was then technically known) has changed frequently. These changes have social and political connections. Locke was also a leading Whig theoretician, and saw idiots as people who lacked the mental equipment needed to exercise their individual autonomy, the basis of the new Whig political philosophy of government by consent. As a medical practitioner himself, he thought this lack might be caused by their having different bodily mechanisms. He did not investigate further, possibly because the discipline of anatomy was controlled by his political opponents. His Tory contemporary, Thomas Willis, believed there was an anatomical distinction between the brains of ‘stupid’ and ‘mad’ people, although he also continued to believe Galen's hypothesis of slow-moving ‘animal spirits’. Descartes's discussion of the mind (one of the sources for modern accounts of a distinctly human psychology) located the reasoning soul in the pineal gland , which previously had been merely a valve controlling the flow of animal spirits. Anatomists under Descartes's influence, dissecting the corpses of mad people and idiots, claimed that the former possessed excessively flexible pineal glands, the latter excessively rigid ones.
Eighteenth-century medical theorists opened up an empire of the mind, developing psychological classifications in terms similar to those of bodily disease. At the same time their interest in the physiology of idiots largely reverted to external characteristics, particularly facial features (physiognomics) and skull shape ( phrenology ). In the mid nineteenth century, with the rise of colonialism and anthropology , theories of idiocy and race were united. The mental characteristics of idiots were identified with the alleged psychological inabilities and corresponding external physical characteristics of non-whites. Fetal development was thought to retrace the primitive stages of human history which the non-white races still exhibited; sometimes development was arrested, a notion embodied in the ‘mongol’, whose facial features apparently betrayed a low level of psychological competence comparable with that of the mongoloid races. Segregated institutions and then sterilization programmes arose from this culture, with the aim of improving the health of the race. Administered largely by practitioners of physical medicine, they appeared first in the Anglo-Saxon countries; in Germany the same culture led to mass exterminations of learning disabled people at the end of the 1930s.
Since then a rapid refinement in the diagnostic technology of chromosomes and genes has renewed our interest in internal bodily causes. There has been a correspondingly rapid increase in the number of psychological labels attached to syndromes (e.g. ‘fragile X’); the human genome project now promises to locate DNA markers for the lower band of a socially determined ‘normal IQ’. This profusion of learning disabled conditions has interacted with rapid changes in their social status and acceptance. Pathology advances in some directions while retreating in others. At the time of writing, for example, genetically-related autism has fanned out into an autistic ‘spectrum’, annexing and reinventing ‘Asperger's syndrome’ as a mild variant which may affect the apparently normal population. Its socially segregating effects are inseparable from the diagnosis itself, by which autistic people are said to belong mentally in a separate world from others; this notion reinforces a separate professional specialization, creating more research and labelling. In a simultaneous but contrary tendency, numbers of prospective parents reject termination after a positive test for Down's syndrome, partly because children and young adults with this condition have become increasingly integrated in the community.
People began by wanting a physical diagnosis of learning disability, for various religious and political reasons, in the seventeenth century when biochemistry was inconceivable. But whatever the precision of today's diagnostic techniques in this respect, it has not been matched, either in psychology or in cognitive and behavioural genetics, by a corresponding precision in the diagnosis and description of the ‘mental’ aspects; these remain as fluid and subject to social context as ever.
Christopher Goodey
Bibliography
Wright, D. and and Digby, A. (1996). From idiocy to mental deficiency: historical perspectives on people with learning disabilities. London.
Trent, J. (1994). Inventing the feeble mind: a history of mental retardation in the United States. Berkeley.
The Columbia Encyclopedia, 6th ed.
Copyright The Columbia University Press
learning disabilities, in education, any of various disorders involved in understanding or using spoken or written language, including difficulties in listening, thinking, talking, reading , writing, spelling, or arithmetic . They may affect people of average or above-average intelligence. Learning disabilities include conditions referred to as perceptual handicaps, minimal brain dysfunction (MBD), dyslexia , developmental aphasia, and attentional deficit disorder (ADD); they do not include learning problems due to physical handicaps (e.g., impaired sight or hearing, or orthopedic disabilities), mental retardation , emotional disturbance, or cultural or environmental disadvantage. Techniques for remediation are highly individualized, including the simultaneous use of several senses (sight, hearing, touch), slow-paced instruction, and repetitive exercises to help make perceptual distinctions. Students are also assisted in compensating for their disabilities; for example, one with a writing disability may use a tape recorder for taking notes or answering essay questions. Behavior often associated with learning disabilities includes hyperactivity (hyperkinesis), short attention span, and impulsiveness. School programs for learning-disabled students range from a modified or supplemental program in regular classes to placement in a special school, depending upon the severity of the disability. The field of learning disabilities is considered to have emerged as a separate discipline in 1947 with the publication of the book Psychopathology and Education of the Brain-Injured Child by neuropsychiatrist Alfred A. Strauss and Laura E. Lehtinen. The need to help students with these disabilities was first recognized on the federal level in 1958, when Congress appropriated $1 million to train teachers for the mentally retarded. Famous people considered to have had a learning disability include Winston Churchill, Thomas Edison, and Nelson Rockefeller.
Cite this article
|
i don't know
|
In geology, igneous refers to rock formed by what effect?
|
rock | geology | Britannica.com
geology
metamorphic rock
Rock, in geology, naturally occurring and coherent aggregate of one or more minerals. Such aggregates constitute the basic unit of which the solid Earth is comprised and typically form recognizable and mappable volumes. Rocks are commonly divided into three major classes according to the processes that resulted in their formation. These classes are (1) igneous rocks, which have solidified from molten material called magma; (2) sedimentary rocks, those consisting of fragments derived from preexisting rocks or of materials precipitated from solutions; and (3) metamorphic rocks, which have been derived from either igneous or sedimentary rocks under conditions that caused changes in mineralogical composition , texture, and internal structure. These three classes, in turn, are subdivided into numerous groups and types on the basis of various factors, the most important of which are chemical, mineralogical, and textural attributes.
Rocks can be any size. Some are smaller than these grains of sand. Others, like this large rock …
(Left) © Bobanny; (right) © Martin Fowler/Shutterstock.com
General considerations
Rock types
Igneous rocks are those that solidify from magma , a molten mixture of rock-forming minerals and usually volatiles such as gases and steam. Since their constituent minerals are crystallized from molten material, igneous rocks are formed at high temperatures. They originate from processes deep within the Earth—typically at depths of about 50 to 200 kilometres (30 to 120 miles)—in the mid- to lower-crust or in the upper mantle. Igneous rocks are subdivided into two categories: intrusive (emplaced in the crust), and extrusive (extruded onto the surface of the land or ocean bottom), in which case the cooling molten material is called lava .
The Earth’s surface and crust are constantly evolving through a process called the rock cycle.
Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.
Sedimentary rocks are those that are deposited and lithified (compacted and cemented together) at the Earth’s surface, with the assistance of running water , wind , ice , or living organisms. Most are deposited from the land surface to the bottoms of lakes, rivers, and oceans. Sedimentary rocks are generally stratified—i.e., they have layering. Layers may be distinguished by differences in colour, particle size, type of cement, or internal arrangement.
Similar Topics
geochemical cycle
Metamorphic rocks are those formed by changes in preexisting rocks under the influence of high temperature, pressure , and chemically active solutions. The changes can be chemical (compositional) and physical (textural) in character. Metamorphic rocks are often formed by processes deep within the Earth that produce new minerals, textures, and crystal structures. The recrystallization that takes place does so essentially in the solid state, rather than by complete remelting, and can be aided by ductile deformation and the presence of interstitial fluids such as water. Metamorphism often produces apparent layering, or banding, because of the segregation of minerals into separate bands. Metamorphic processes can also occur at the Earth’s surface due to meteorite impact events and pyrometamorphism taking place near burning coal seams ignited by lightning strikes.
Rock cycle
Geologic materials—mineral crystals and their host rock types—are cycled through various forms. The process depends on temperature, pressure, time, and changes in environmental conditions in the Earth’s crust and at its surface. The rock cycle illustrated in Figure 1 reflects the basic relationships among igneous, metamorphic, and sedimentary rocks. Erosion includes weathering (the physical and chemical breakdown of minerals) and transportation to a site of deposition . Diagenesis is, as previously explained, the process of forming sedimentary rock by compaction and natural cementation of grains, or crystallization from water or solutions, or recrystallization. The conversion of sediment to rock is termed lithification .
Abundance of rock types
An estimate of the distribution of rock types in large structural units of the terrestrial crust is given in the Table. The relative abundance of main rock types and minerals in the crust is shown in the Table.
See Full Size
Scientists Ponder Menopause in Killer Whales
The texture of a rock is the size, shape, and arrangement of the grains (for sedimentary rocks) or crystals (for igneous and metamorphic rocks). Also of importance are the rock’s extent of homogeneity (i.e., uniformity of composition throughout) and the degree of isotropy . The latter is the extent to which the bulk structure and composition are the same in all directions in the rock.
Rocks have many different textures. Layered sandstone produces a gritty texture, whereas coquina …
Encyclopædia Britannica, Inc.
Analysis of texture can yield information about the rock’s source material, conditions and environment of deposition (for sedimentary rock) or crystallization and recrystallization (for igneous and metamorphic rock, respectively), and subsequent geologic history and change.
Classification by grain or crystal size
The common textural terms used for rock types with respect to the size of the grains or crystals, are given in the Table . The particle-size categories are derived from the Udden-Wentworth scale developed for sediment. For igneous and metamorphic rocks, the terms are generally used as modifiers—e.g., medium-grained granite. Aphanitic is a descriptive term for small crystals, and phaneritic for larger ones. Very coarse crystals (those larger than 3 centimetres, or 1.2 inches) are termed pegmatitic.
For sedimentary rocks, the broad categories of sediment size are coarse (greater than 2 millimetres, or 0.08 inch), medium (between 2 and 1/16 millimetres), and fine (under 1/16 millimetre). The latter includes silt and clay , which both have a size indistinguishable by the human eye and are also termed dust. Most shales (the lithified version of clay) contain some silt. Pyroclastic rocks are those formed from clastic (from the Greek word for broken) material ejected from volcanoes. Blocks are fragments broken from solid rock, while bombs are molten when ejected.
Porosity
The term rock refers to the bulk volume of the material, including the grains or crystals as well as the contained void space. The volumetric portion of bulk rock that is not occupied by grains, crystals, or natural cementing material is termed porosity. That is to say, porosity is the ratio of void volume to the bulk volume (grains plus void space). This void space consists of pore space between grains or crystals, in addition to crack space. In sedimentary rocks, the amount of pore space depends on the degree of compaction of the sediment (with compaction generally increasing with depth of burial), on the packing arrangement and shape of grains, on the amount of cementation, and on the degree of sorting . Typical cements are siliceous, calcareous or carbonate, or iron-bearing minerals.
Connect with Britannica
Facebook Twitter YouTube Instagram Pinterest
Sorting is the tendency of sedimentary rocks to have grains that are similarly sized—i.e., to have a narrow range of sizes (see Figure 2 ). Poorly sorted sediment displays a wide range of grain sizes and hence has decreased porosity. Well-sorted indicates a grain size distribution that is fairly uniform. Depending on the type of close-packing of the grains, porosity can be substantial. It should be noted that in engineering usage—e.g., geotechnical or civil engineering—the terminology is phrased oppositely and is referred to as grading. A well-graded sediment is a (geologically) poorly sorted one, and a poorly graded sediment is a well-sorted one.
Total porosity encompasses all the void space, including those pores that are interconnected to the surface of the sample as well as those that are sealed off by natural cement or other obstructions. Thus the total porosity (ϕT) is
where VolG is the volume of grains (and cement, if any) and VolB is the total bulk volume. Alternatively, one can calculate ϕT from the measured densities of the bulk rock and of the (mono)mineralic constituent. Thus,
where ρB is the density of the bulk rock and ρG is the density of the grains (i.e., the mineral , if the composition is monomineralogic and homogeneous). For example, if a sandstone has a ρB of 2.38 grams per cubic centimetre (g/cm3) and is composed of quartz (SiO2) grains having ρG of 2.65 g/cm3, the total porosity is
Apparent (effective, or net) porosity is the proportion of void space that excludes the sealed-off pores. It thus measures the pore volume that is effectively interconnected and accessible to the surface of the sample, which is important when considering the storage and movement of subsurface fluids such as petroleum , groundwater, or contaminated fluids.
Physical properties
Editor Picks: Exploring 10 Types of Basketball Movies
Physical properties of rocks are of interest and utility in many fields of work, including geology, petrophysics, geophysics, materials science , geochemistry, and geotechnical engineering. The scale of investigation ranges from the molecular and crystalline up to terrestrial studies of the Earth and other planetary bodies. Geologists are interested in the radioactive age dating of rocks to reconstruct the origin of mineral deposits; seismologists formulate prospective earthquake predictions using premonitory physical or chemical changes; crystallographers study the synthesis of minerals with special optical or physical properties; exploration geophysicists investigate the variation of physical properties of subsurface rocks to make possible detection of natural resources such as oil and gas, geothermal energy, and ores of metals; geotechnical engineers examine the nature and behaviour of the materials on, in, or of which such structures as buildings, dams, tunnels, bridges, and underground storage vaults are to be constructed; solid-state physicists study the magnetic, electrical, and mechanical properties of materials for electronic devices, computer components, or high-performance ceramics; and petroleum reservoir engineers analyze the response measured on well logs or in the processes of deep drilling at elevated temperature and pressure.
Since rocks are aggregates of mineral grains or crystals, their properties are determined in large part by the properties of their various constituent minerals. In a rock these general properties are determined by averaging the relative properties and sometimes orientations of the various grains or crystals. As a result, some properties that are anisotropic (i.e., differ with direction) on a submicroscopic or crystalline scale are fairly isotropic for a large bulk volume of the rock. Many properties are also dependent on grain or crystal size, shape, and packing arrangement, the amount and distribution of void space, the presence of natural cements in sedimentary rocks, the temperature and pressure, and the type and amount of contained fluids (e.g., water, petroleum, gases). Because many rocks exhibit a considerable range in these factors, the assignment of representative values for a particular property is often done using a statistical variation.
Trending Topics
Opium Wars
Some properties can vary considerably, depending on whether measured in situ (in place in the subsurface) or in the laboratory under simulated conditions. Electrical resistivity , for example, is highly dependent on the fluid content of the rock in situ and the temperature condition at the particular depth.
Density
Density varies significantly among different rock types because of differences in mineralogy and porosity. Knowledge of the distribution of underground rock densities can assist in interpreting subsurface geologic structure and rock type.
In strict usage, density is defined as the mass of a substance per unit volume; however, in common usage, it is taken to be the weight in air of a unit volume of a sample at a specific temperature. Weight is the force that gravitation exerts on a body (and thus varies with location), whereas mass (a measure of the matter in a body) is a fundamental property and is constant regardless of location. In routine density measurements of rocks, the sample weights are considered to be equivalent to their masses, because the discrepancy between weight and mass would result in less error on the computed density than the experimental errors introduced in the measurement of volume. Thus, density is often determined using weight rather than mass. Density should properly be reported in kilograms per cubic metre (kg/m3), but is still often given in grams per cubic centimetre (g/cm3).
Another property closely related to density is specific gravity . It is defined, as noted above, as the ratio of the weight or mass in air of a unit volume of material at a stated temperature to the weight or mass in air of a unit volume of distilled water at the same temperature. Specific gravity is dimensionless (i.e., has no units).
The bulk density of a rock is ρB = WG/VB, where WG is the weight of grains (sedimentary rocks) or crystals (igneous and metamorphic rocks) and natural cements, if any, and VB is the total volume of the grains or crystals plus the void (pore) space. The density can be dry if the pore space is empty, or it can be saturated if the pores are filled with fluid (e.g., water), which is more typical of the subsurface (in situ) situation. If there is pore fluid present,
where Wfl is the weight of pore fluid. In terms of total porosity, saturated density is
and thus
where ρfl is the density of the pore fluid. Density measurements for a given specimen involve the determination of any two of the following quantities: pore volume, bulk volume, or grain volume, along with the weight.
A useful way to assess the density of rocks is to make a histogram plot of the statistical range of a set of data. The representative value and its variation can be expressed as follows: (1) mean, the average value, (2) mode, the most common value (i.e., the peak of the distribution curve), (3) median, the value of the middle sample of the data set (i.e., the value at which half of the samples are below and half are above), and (4) standard deviation, a statistical measure of the spread of the data (plus and minus one standard deviation from the mean value includes about two-thirds of the data).
A compilation of dry bulk densities for various rock types found in the upper crust of the Earth is listed in the Table. A histogram plot of these data, giving the percent of the samples as a function of density is shown in Figure 3 . The parameters given include (1) sample division, the range of density in one data column—e.g., 0.036 g/cm3 for Figure 3 , (2) number of samples, and (3) standard deviation. The small inset plot is the percentage of samples (on the vertical axis) that lie within the interval of the “mode - x” to the “mode + x,” where x is the horizontal axis.
Dry bulk densities for various rock types
rock type
mean (grams per cubic cm)
standard deviation
mode (grams per cubic cm)
median (grams per cubic cm)
all rocks
2.22
2.22
Source: After data from H.S. Washington (1917) and R.J. Piersol, L.E. Workman, and M.C. Watson (1940) as compiled by Gary R. Olhoeft and Gordon R. Johnson in Robert S. Carmichael, ed., Handbook of Physical Properties of Rocks, vol. III, CRC Press, Inc. (1984).
In Figure 3 , the most common (modal) value of the distribution falls at 2.63 g/cm3, roughly the density of quartz, an abundant rock-forming mineral . Few density values for these upper crustal rocks lie above 3.3 g/cm3. A few fall well below the mode, even occasionally under 1 g/cm3. The reason for this is shown in Figure 4 , which illustrates the density distributions for granite , basalt , and sandstone. Granite is an intrusive igneous rock with low porosity and a well-defined chemical (mineral) composition; its range of densities is narrow. Basalt is, in most cases, an extrusive igneous rock that can exhibit a large variation in porosity (because entrained gases leave voids called vesicles), and thus some highly porous samples can have low densities. Sandstone is a clastic sedimentary rock that can have a wide range of porosities depending on the degree of sorting, compaction, packing arrangement of grains, and cementation. The bulk density varies accordingly.
Other distribution plots of dry bulk densities are given in Figures 5 and 6 , with a sample division of 0.036 g/cm3 for Figures 5 and 6A and of 0.828 percent for Figure 6B . The Table lists typical ranges of dry bulk densities for a variety of other rock types as prepared by the American geologists Gordon R. Johnson and Gary R. Olhoeft.
Typical density ranges for some other rock types
rock type
slate
2.72–2.84
Source: After data from R.A. Daly, G.E. Manger, and S.P. Clark, Jr. (1966); A.F. Birch (1966); F. Press (1966); and R.N. Schock, B.P. Bonner, and H. Louis (1974) in Robert S. Carmichael, ed., Handbook of Physical Properties of Rocks, vol. III, CRC Press, Inc. (1984).
The density of clastic sedimentary rocks increases as the rocks are progressively buried. This is because of the increase of overburden pressure, which causes compaction, and the progressive cementation with age. Both compaction and cementation decrease the porosity.
Representative densities for common rock-forming minerals (i.e., ρG) and rocks (i.e., ρB) are listed in the Table. The bulk densities for sedimentary rocks , which typically have variable porosity, are given as ranges of both dry ρB and (water-) saturated ρB. The pore-filling fluid is usually briny water, often indicative of the presence of seawater when the rock was being deposited or lithified. It should be noted that the bulk density is less than the grain density of the constituent mineral (or mineral assemblage), depending on the porosity. For example, sandstone (characteristically quartzose) has a typical dry bulk density of 2.0–2.6 g/cm3, with a porosity that can vary from low to more than 30 percent. The density of quartz itself is 2.65 g/cm3. If porosity were zero, the bulk density would equal the grain density.
Saturated bulk density is higher than dry bulk density, owing to the added presence of pore-filling fluid. The Table also lists representative values for density of seawater, oil, and methane gas at a subsurface condition—pressure of 200 bars (one bar = 0.987 atmosphere , or 29.53 inches of mercury) and a temperature of about 80° C (176° F).
Mechanical properties
Stress and strain
When a stress σ (force per unit area) is applied to a material such as rock, the material experiences a change in dimension, volume, or shape. This change, or deformation , is called strain (ε). Stresses can be axial—e.g., directional tension or simple compression—or shear (tangential), or all-sided (e.g., hydrostatic compression). The terms stress and pressure are sometimes used interchangeably, but often stress refers to directional stress or shear stress and pressure (P) refers to hydrostatic compression. For small stresses, the strain is elastic (recoverable when the stress is removed and linearly proportional to the applied stress). For larger stresses and other conditions, the strain can be inelastic, or permanent.
Elastic constants
In elastic deformation , there are various constants that relate the magnitude of the strain response to the applied stress. These elastic constants include the following:
(1) Young’s modulus (E) is the ratio of the applied stress to the fractional extension (or shortening) of the sample length parallel to the tension (or compression). The strain is the linear change in dimension divided by the original length.
(2) Shear modulus (μ) is the ratio of the applied stress to the distortion (rotation) of a plane originally perpendicular to the applied shear stress; it is also termed the modulus of rigidity.
(3) Bulk modulus (k) is the ratio of the confining pressure to the fractional reduction of volume in response to the applied hydrostatic pressure. The volume strain is the change in volume of the sample divided by the original volume. Bulk modulus is also termed the modulus of incompressibility.
(4) Poisson’s ratio (σp) is the ratio of lateral strain (perpendicular to an applied stress) to the longitudinal strain (parallel to applied stress).
For elastic and isotropic materials, the elastic constants are interrelated. For example,
and
limestone
Thermal properties
Heat flow (or flux), q, in the Earth’s crust or in rock as a building material, is the product of the temperature gradient (change in temperature per unit distance) and the material’s thermal conductivity (k, the heat flow across a surface per unit area per unit time when a temperature difference exists in unit length perpendicular to the surface). Thus,
The units of the terms in this equation are given below, expressed first in the centimetre-gram-second (cgs) system and then in the International System of Units (SI) system, with the conversion factor from the first to the second given between them.
Thermal conductivity
Thermal conductivity can be determined in the laboratory or in situ, as in a borehole or deep well, by turning on a heating element and measuring the rise in temperature with time. It depends on several factors: (1) chemical composition of the rock (i.e., mineral content), (2) fluid content (type and degree of saturation of the pore space); the presence of water increases the thermal conductivity (i.e., enhances the flow of heat), (3) pressure (a high pressure increases the thermal conductivity by closing cracks which inhibit heat flow), (4) temperature, and (5) isotropy and homogeneity of the rock.
Typical values of thermal conductivities of rock materials are given in the Table. For crystalline silicate rocks—the dominant rocks of the “basement” crustal rocks—the lower values are typical of ones rich in magnesium and iron (e.g., basalt and gabbro) and the higher values are typical of those rich in silica (quartz) and alumina (e.g., granite). These values result because the thermal conductivity of quartz is relatively high, while that for feldspars is low.
Typical values of thermal conductivity
(in 0.001 calories per centimetre per second per degree Celsius)
material
0.33
1.56
Source: Modified from compilation by William Van Schmus in Robert S. Carmichael, ed., Handbook of Physical Properties of Rocks, vol. III, CRC Press, Inc. (1984).
Electrical properties
The electrical nature of a material is characterized by its conductivity (or, inversely, its resistivity ) and its dielectric constant, and coefficients that indicate the rates of change of these with temperature, frequency at which measurement is made, and so on. For rocks with a range of chemical composition as well as variable physical properties of porosity and fluid content, the values of electrical properties can vary widely.
Resistance (R) is defined as being one ohm when a potential difference (voltage; V) across a specimen of one volt magnitude produces a current (i) of one ampere; that is, V = Ri. The electrical resistivity (ρ) is an intrinsic property of the material. In other words, it is inherent and not dependent on sample size or current path. It is related to resistance by R = ρL/A where L is the length of specimen, A is the cross-sectional area of specimen, and units of ρ are ohm-centimetre; 1 ohm-centimetre equals 0.01 ohm-metre. The conductivity (σ) is equal to 1/ρ ohm -1 · centimetre-1 (or termed mhos/cm). In SI units, it is given in mhos/metre, or siemens/metre.
Some representative values of electrical resistivity for rocks and other materials are listed in the Table. Materials that are generally considered as “good” conductors have a resistivity of 10-5–10 ohm-centimetre (10-7–10-1 ohm-metre) and a conductivity of 10–107 mhos/metre. Those that are classified as intermediate conductors have a resistivity of 100–109 ohm-centimetre (1–107 ohm-metre) and a conductivity of 10-7–1 mhos/metre. “Poor” conductors, also known as insulators, have a resistivity of 1010–1017 ohm-centimetre (108–1015 ohm-metre) and a conductivity of 10-15–10-8. Seawater is a much better conductor (i.e., it has lower resistivity) than fresh water owing to its higher content of dissolved salts; dry rock is very resistive. In the subsurface, pores are typically filled to some degree by fluids. The resistivity of materials has a wide range—copper is, for example, different from quartz by 22 orders of magnitude.
Typical resistivities
quartz (18 °C)
(1014)–(1016)
For high-frequency alternating currents, the electrical response of a rock is governed in part by the dielectric constant , ε. This is the capacity of the rock to store electric charge; it is a measure of polarizability in an electric field. In cgs units, the dielectric constant is 1.0 in a vacuum. In SI units, it is given in farads per metre or in terms of the ratio of specific capacity of the material to specific capacity of vacuum (which is 8.85 × 10-12 farads per metre). The dielectric constant is a function of temperature, and of frequency, for those frequencies well above 100 hertz (cycles per second).
Electrical conduction occurs in rocks by (1) fluid conduction—i.e., electrolytic conduction by ionic transfer in briny pore water—and (2) metallic and semiconductor (e.g., some sulfide ores) electron conduction. If the rock has any porosity and contained fluid, the fluid typically dominates the conductivity response. The rock conductivity depends on the conductivity of the fluid (and its chemical composition), degree of fluid saturation, porosity and permeability , and temperature. If rocks lose water, as with compaction of clastic sedimentary rocks at depth, their resistivity typically increases.
Magnetic properties
The magnetic properties of rocks arise from the magnetic properties of the constituent mineral grains and crystals. Typically, only a small fraction of the rock consists of magnetic minerals. It is this small portion of grains that determines the magnetic properties and magnetization of the rock as a whole, with two results: (1) the magnetic properties of a given rock may vary widely within a given rock body or structure, depending on chemical inhomogeneities, depositional or crystallization conditions, and what happens to the rock after formation; and (2) rocks that share the same lithology (type and name) need not necessarily share the same magnetic characteristics. Lithologic classifications are usually based on the abundance of dominant silicate minerals, but the magnetization is determined by the minor fraction of such magnetic mineral grains as iron oxides. The major rock-forming magnetic minerals are iron oxides and sulfides.
Although the magnetic properties of rocks sharing the same classification may vary from rock to rock, general magnetic properties do nonetheless usually depend on rock type and overall composition. The magnetic properties of a particular rock can be quite well understood provided one has specific information about the magnetic properties of crystalline materials and minerals, as well as about how those properties are affected by such factors as temperature, pressure, chemical composition, and the size of the grains. Understanding is further enhanced by information about how the properties of typical rocks are dependent on the geologic environment and how they vary with different conditions.
Applications of the study of rock magnetization
An understanding of rock magnetization is important in at least three different areas: prospecting , geology, and materials science. In magnetic prospecting, one is interested in mapping the depth, size, type, and inferred composition of buried rocks. The prospecting, which may be done from ground surface, ship, or aircraft, provides an important first step in exploring buried geologic structures and may, for example, help identify favourable locations for oil, natural gas , and economic mineral deposits.
Rock magnetization has traditionally played an important role in geology. Paleomagnetic work seeks to determine the remanent magnetization (see below Types of remanent magnetization ) and thereby ascertain the character of the Earth’s field when certain rocks were formed. The results of such research have important ramifications in stratigraphic correlation, age dating, and reconstructing past movements of the Earth’s crust. Indeed, magnetic surveys of the oceanic crust provided for the first time the quantitative evidence needed to cogently demonstrate that segments of the crust had undergone large-scale lateral displacements over geologic time , thereby corroborating the concepts of continental drift and seafloor spreading, both of which are fundamental to the theory of plate tectonics (see plate tectonics ).
The understanding of magnetization is increasingly important in materials science as well. The design and manufacture of efficient memory cores, magnetic tapes, and permanent magnets increasingly rely on the ability to create materials having desired magnetic properties.
Basic types of magnetization
There are six basic types of magnetization: (1) diamagnetism , (2) paramagnetism, (3) ferromagnetism, (4) antiferromagnetism, (5) ferrimagnetism, and (6) superparamagnetism.
Diamagnetism arises from the orbiting electrons surrounding each atomic nucleus . When an external magnetic field is applied, the orbits are shifted in such a way that the atoms set up their own magnetic field in opposition to the applied field. In other words, the induced diamagnetic field opposes the external field. Diamagnetism is present in all materials, is weak, and exists only in the presence of an applied field. The propensity of a substance for being magnetized in an external field is called its susceptibility (k) and it is defined as J/H, where J is the magnetization (intensity) per unit volume and H is the strength of the applied field. Since the induced field always opposes the applied field, the sign of diamagnetic susceptibility is negative. The susceptibility of a diamagnetic substance is on the order of -10-6 electromagnetic units per cubic centimetre (emu/cm3). It is sometimes denoted κ for susceptibility per unit mass of material.
Paramagnetism results from the electron spin of unpaired electrons. An electron has a magnetic dipole moment —which is to say that it behaves like a tiny bar magnet—and so when a group of electrons is placed in a magnetic field, the dipole moments tend to line up with the field. The effect augments the net magnetization in the direction of the applied field. Like diamagnetism, paramagnetism is weak and exists only in the presence of an applied field, but since the effect enhances the applied field, the sign of the paramagnetic susceptibility is always positive. The susceptibility of a paramagnetic substance is on the order of 10-4 to 10-6 emu/cm3.
Ferromagnetism also exists because of the magnetic properties of the electron. Unlike paramagnetism, however, ferromagnetism can occur even if no external field is applied. The magnetic dipole moments of the atoms spontaneously line up with one another because it is energetically favourable for them to do so. A remanent magnetization can be retained. Complete alignment of the dipole moments would take place only at a temperature of absolute zero (0 kelvin [K], or -273.15° C). Above absolute zero, thermal motions begin to disorder the magnetic moments. At a temperature called the Curie temperature , which varies from material to material, the thermally induced disorder overcomes the alignment, and the ferromagnetic properties of the substance disappear. The susceptibility of ferromagnetic materials is large and positive. It is on the order of 10 to 104 emu/cm3. Only a few materials—iron, cobalt, and nickel—are ferromagnetic in the strict sense of the word and have a strong residual magnetization. In general usage, particularly in engineering, the term ferromagnetic is frequently applied to any material that is appreciably magnetic.
Antiferromagnetism occurs when the dipole moments of the atoms in a material assume an antiparallel arrangement in the absence of an applied field. The result is that the sample has no net magnetization. The strength of the susceptibility is comparable to that of paramagnetic materials. Above a temperature called the Néel temperature , thermal motions destroy the antiparallel arrangement, and the material then becomes paramagnetic. Spin-canted (anti)ferromagnetism is a special condition which occurs when antiparallel magnetic moments are deflected from the antiferromagnetic plane, resulting in a weak net magnetism. Hematite (α-Fe2 O 3) is such a material.
Ferrimagnetism is an antiparallel alignment of atomic dipole moments which does yield an appreciable net magnetization resulting from unequal moments of the magnetic sublattices. Remanent magnetization is detectable (see below). Above the Curie temperature the substance becomes paramagnetic. Magnetite (Fe3O4), which is the most magnetic common mineral, is a ferrimagnetic substance.
Superparamagnetism occurs in materials having grains so small (about 100 angstroms) that any cooperative alignment of dipole moments is overcome by thermal energy.
Types of remanent magnetization
Rocks and minerals may retain magnetization after the removal of an externally applied field, thereby becoming permanent weak magnets. This property is known as remanent magnetization and is manifested in different forms, depending on the magnetic properties of the rocks and minerals and their geologic origin and history. Delineated below are the kinds of remanent magnetization frequently observed.
CRM ( chemical, or crystallization, remanent magnetization) can be induced after a crystal is formed and undergoes one of a number of physicochemical changes, such as oxidation or reduction, a phase change, dehydration, recrystallization, or precipitation of natural cements. The induction , which is particularly important in some (red) sediments and metamorphic rocks, typically takes place at constant temperature in the Earth’s magnetic field .
DRM (depositional, or detrital, remanent magnetization ) is formed in clastic sediments when fine particles are deposited on the floor of a body of water. Marine sediments, lake sediments, and some clays can acquire DRM. The Earth’s magnetic field aligns the grains, yielding a preferred direction of magnetization.
IRM ( isothermal remanent magnetization) results from the application of a magnetic field at a constant (isothermal) temperature, often room temperature.
NRM ( natural remanent magnetization ) is the magnetization detected in a geologic in situ condition. The NRM of a substance may, of course, be a combination of any of the other remanent magnetizations described here.
PRM (pressure remanent, or piezoremanent, magnetization) arises when a material undergoes mechanical deformation while in a magnetic field. The process of deformation may result from hydrostatic pressure, shock impact (as produced by a meteorite striking the Earth’s surface), or directed tectonic stress. There are magnetization changes with stress in the elastic range, but the most pronounced effects occur with plastic deformation when the structure of the magnetic minerals is irreversibly changed.
TRM ( thermoremanent magnetization ) occurs when a substance is cooled, in the presence of a magnetic field, from above its Curie temperature to below that temperature. This form of magnetization is generally the most important, because it is stable and widespread, occurring in igneous and sedimentary rocks. TRM also can occur when dealing exclusively with temperatures below the Curie temperature. In PTRM ( partial thermoremanent magnetization) a sample is cooled from a temperature below the Curie point to yet a lower temperature.
VRM ( viscous remanent magnetization) results from thermal agitation. It is acquired slowly over time at low temperatures and in the Earth’s magnetic field. The effect is weak and unstable but is present in most rocks.
Hysteresis and magnetic susceptibility
The concept of hysteresis is fundamental when describing and comparing the magnetic properties of rocks. Hysteresis is the variation of magnetization with applied field and illustrates the ability of a material to retain its magnetization, even after an applied field is removed. Figure 9 illustrates this phenomenon in the form of a plot of magnetization (J) versus applied field (Hex). Js is the saturation (or “spontaneous”) magnetization when all the magnetic moments are aligned in their configuration of maximum order. It is temperature-dependent, reaching zero at the Curie temperature. Jr,sat is the remanent magnetization that remains when a saturating (large) applied field is removed, and Jr is the residual magnetization left by some process apart from IRM saturation, as, for example, TRM. Hc is the coercive field (or force) that is required to reduce Jr,sat to zero, and Hc,r is the field required to reduce Jr to zero.
Magnetic susceptibility is a parameter of considerable diagnostic and interpretational use in the study of rocks. This is true whether an investigation is being conducted in the laboratory or magnetic fields over a terrain are being studied to deduce the structure and lithologic character of buried rock bodies. Susceptibility for a rock type can vary widely, depending on magnetic mineralogy, grain size and shape, and the relative magnitude of remanent magnetization present, in addition to the induced magnetization from the Earth’s weak field. The latter is given as Jinduced = kHex, where k is the (true) magnetic susceptibility and Hex is the external (i.e., the Earth’s) magnetic field. If there is an additional remanent magnetization with its ratio (Qn) to induced magnetization being given by
then the total magnetization is
where kapp, the “apparent” magnetic susceptibility, is k(1 + Qn).
Magnetic minerals and magnetic properties of rocks
The major rock-forming magnetic minerals are the following iron oxides: the titanomagnetite series, xFe2TiO4 · (1 - x)Fe3O4, where Fe3O4 is magnetite, the most magnetic mineral; the ilmenohematite series, yFeTiO3 · (1 - y)Fe2O3, where α-Fe2O3 (in its rhombohedral structure) is hematite; maghemite, γ-Fe2O3 (in which some iron atoms are missing in the hematite structure); and limonite (hydrous iron oxides). They also include sulfides—namely, the pyrrhotite series, yFeS · (1 - y)Fe1 - xS.
The Table gives some typical values of the apparent susceptibility for various rock types, which usually include some remanent as well as induced magnetization. Values are higher for mafic igneous rocks, especially as the content of magnetite increases.
Approximate "apparent susceptibilities" for rock types
rock
|
Volcano
|
What is the cube root of 1728?
|
Colorado Parks & Wildlife - Geology
COLORADO PARKS & WILDLIFE
Page Image
Page Content
The Park features a 3,405 surface-acre reservoir lying on the South Platte River at the southern edge of South Park. Formed behind Elevenmile Canyon Dam, other drainages emptying into the reservoir include Cross, Prudence, Union, Balm-of-Gilead, Simms and Spring creeks.
The South Platte River Valley is mantled with Wisconsin-aged glacial outwash material (Pleistocene alluvium) which covers older formations. The southeastern portion of the park has been covered by Como-age surface deposits. Most of the park is underlain by Precambrian rocks: Silver Plume granite east and south of Howbert Point and Pikes Peak granite along the river west of Howbert.
The western and southern edges consist of Thirtynine Mile andesite deposits; igneous and metamorphic rocks of Tertiary origin. Cross Creek also cuts through another Tertiary deposit called Trachyte (also an igneous and metamorphic rock).
Along the southwestern reservoir margin, Wall Mountain Tuff, part of a south-dipping sequence of welded Tuffs that incorporated volcanic ash and pumice, is exposed as steep cliffs. Thirtynine Mile andesite has been deposited over both the granite and Tuff formations on the southern reservoir edge.
Pleistocene alluvium is alluvium that was formed during the Pleistocene Epoch. The Pleistocene Epoch occurred between 1.8 million to 10,000 years before the present and covers the time of the world’s recent period of repeated glaciation. This is also the period during which the rise of early humans occurred. Wisconsin-age refers to the final period of glaciation within the current ice age, as well as to being geographically located within central North America. This age began about 110,000 years ago and ended between 15,000 to 10,000 years before the present.
Alluvium is simply soil or sediments deposited by a river or other running water and it is typically made up of a variety of materials, including fine particles of silt and clay, and larger particles of sand and gravel. Flowing water associated with glaciers may also deposit alluvium, but deposits directly from ice are not alluvium.
Precambrian rock is rock that was formed during the Precambrian Era. The Precambrian Era spanned a period of time from the formation of the Earth (around 4.5 billion years ago) to the evolutionary point of abundant macroscopic hard-shelled animals, which marked the start of the Cambrian Era, some 542 million years ago.
Granite is a common and widely occurring type of intrusive, felsic, igneous rock. Igneous rock is formed by the solidification of cooled magma and it is intrusive if the crystallization or solidification occurred underground. Felsic is a term referring to silicate minerals, magma and rocks that have been enriched with lighter elements like silicon, oxygen, aluminum, sodium and potassium. Granite has a medium to coarse texture and can be pink to dark gray or even black. Outcrops of granite tend to form tors and rounded massifs. Granite is nearly always massive, hard and tough.
Pikes Peak granite is a widespread geologic formation found in the front range of Colorado, including around the Pikes Peak region. Silver Plume granite is slightly pinkish in color and occurs in the central portion of the Front Range, much of it around Rocky Mountain National Park. They were both created by cooled magma but were the result of different geologic events.
Andesite is an igneous, volcanic rock, of intermediate composition, with fine to large grained crystal texture. The mineral assemblage of andesite is typically dominated by plagioclase (tectosilicate minerals found within the feldspar family) plus pyroxene and/or hornblende. Alkali feldspar may be present in minor amounts. Andesites are characteristic of subduction zones, where two tectonic plates meet and move towards one another, with one moving beneath the other. Thirtynine Mile Andesite simply refers to the type of andesite formed around the extinct Thirtynine Mile volcano area. The Tertiary period of geologic time covers roughly the time span between the demise of non-avian dinosaurs and the beginning of the most recent ice-age, approx. 65 to 1.8 million years ago.
Andesite is formed extrusively, from hot magma that has flowed out onto the Earth's surface as lava or has exploded violently into the atmosphere to fall back as pyroclasts (fragments of pre-existing rock composed primarily of volcanic material) or Tuff (volcanic ash ejected from vents). The main effect of extrusion is that the magma cools much more quickly in the open air or seawater and there is little time for the growth of crystals. Often a residual portion fails to crystallize at all, instead becoming an interstitial natural glass or obsidian.
Trachyte is another igneous, volcanic rock. The mineral assemblage consists of essential alkali or sanidine feldspar and is usually somewhat porous in appearance, and very often has minute irregular steam cavities which make the broken surfaces of specimens of these rocks rough and irregular. It is from this characteristic that trachyte derives its name. Feldspar is the name of a group of rock forming minerals and sanidine refers to the type of feldspar that contains potassium that has been placed under high temperatures, such as volcanic activity.
Tuff is a type of rock consisting of consolidated volcanic ash ejected from vents during a volcanic eruption. The products of volcanic eruption are volcanic gases, lava, steam, and tephra. Magma is blown apart when it interacts violently with volcanic steam and gasses. The solid material produced and thrown into the air by such volcanic eruptions is called
tephra, regardless of composition or fragment size. If the resulting pieces of ejected material are small enough (sand-sized or smaller particles), the material is called volcanic ash. These particles are small, slaggy pieces of magma and rock that have been tossed into the air by outbursts of steam and other gasses; magma may have been torn apart as it became vesicular (containing many vesicles) by the expansion of the gasses within it.
|
i don't know
|
Refraction is the change of direction of a wave such as light due to change of its what when passing from one medium to another?
|
Refraction | Define Refraction at Dictionary.com
refraction
noun
1.
Physics. the change of direction of a ray of light, sound, heat, or the like, in passing obliquely from one medium into another in which its wave velocity is different.
2.
Ophthalmology.
the ability of the eye to refract light that enters it so as to form an image on the retina.
the determining of the refractive condition of the eye.
3.
Astronomy.
Also called astronomical refraction. the amount, in angular measure, by which the altitude of a celestial body is increased by the refraction of its light in the earth's atmosphere, being zero at the zenith and a maximum at the horizon.
the observed altered location, as seen from the earth, of another planet or the like due to diffraction by the atmosphere.
Origin of refraction
1570-80; < Late Latin refrāctiōn- (stem of refrāctiō). See refract , -ion
Related forms
Examples from the Web for refraction
Expand
Aether and Gravitation William George Hooper
The deception is due to refraction, and the material and shape of the bottle furnish a sufficient explanation.
General Science Bertha M. Clark
The formula for refraction which Ptolemy helped to shape, is geometrical in form.
Scenes and Characters Charlotte M. Yonge
The changing arising from refraction and reflection is wonderful.
Olla Podrida Frederick Marryat (AKA Captain Marryat)
The refraction of light as it passes through an intervening cloud, or a stratum of moist and cold air.
British Dictionary definitions for refraction
Expand
noun
1.
(physics) the change in direction of a propagating wave, such as light or sound, in passing from one medium to another in which it has a different velocity
2.
the amount by which a wave is refracted
3.
the ability of the eye to refract light
4.
the determination of the refractive condition of the eye
5.
(astronomy) the apparent elevation in position of a celestial body resulting from the refraction of light by the earth's atmosphere
Collins English Dictionary - Complete & Unabridged 2012 Digital Edition
© William Collins Sons & Co. Ltd. 1979, 1986 © HarperCollins
Publishers 1998, 2000, 2003, 2005, 2006, 2007, 2009, 2012
Word Origin and History for refraction
Expand
n.
1570s, from Late Latin refractionem (nominative refractio) "a breaking up," noun of action from past participle stem of Latin refringere "to break up," from re- "back" (see re- ) + comb. form of frangere "to break" (see fraction ).
Online Etymology Dictionary, © 2010 Douglas Harper
refraction re·frac·tion (rĭ-frāk'shən)
n.
The turning or bending of any wave, such as a light or sound wave, when it passes from one medium into another of different density.
The ability of the eye to bend light so that an image is focused on the retina.
Determination of the refractive characteristics of the eye and often the correction of refractive defects with lenses. Also called refringence.
re·frac'tion·al or re·frac'tive adj.
re·frac'tive·ness or re'frac·tiv'i·ty (rē'frāk-tĭv'ĭ-tē) n.
The American Heritage® Stedman's Medical Dictionary
Copyright © 2002, 2001, 1995 by Houghton Mifflin Company. Published by Houghton Mifflin Company.
refraction
(rĭ-frāk'shən)
The bending of a wave, such as a light or sound wave, as it passes from one medium to another medium of different density. The change in the angle of propagation depends on the difference between the index of refraction of the original medium and the medium entered by the wave, as well as on the frequency of the wave. Compare reflection . See also lens , wave.
The apparent change in position of a celestial body caused by the bending of light as it enters the Earth's atmosphere.
Our Living Language : The terms refraction and reflection describe two ways that waves, as of sound or light, change course upon encountering a boundary between two media. The media might consist of two different substances, such as glass and air, or a single substance in different states in different regions, such as air at different temperatures or densities in different layers. Reflection occurs, as in a mirror, when a wave encounters the boundary but does not pass into the second medium, instead immediately changing course and returning to the original medium, typically reflecting from the surface at the same angle at which it contacted it. Refraction occurs, as in a lens, when a wave passes from one medium into the second, deviating from the straight path it otherwise would have taken. The amount of deviation or "bending" depends on the indexes of refraction of each medium, determined by the relative speed of the wave in the two media. Waves entering a medium with a higher index of refraction are slowed, leaving the boundary and entering the second medium at a greater angle than the incident wave. Waves entering a medium with a lower index are accelerated and leave the boundary and enter the second medium at a lesser angle. Incident light waves tend to be fully reflected from a boundary met at a shallow angle; at a certain critical angle and at greater angles, some of the light is also refracted; looking at the surface of water from a boat, for instance, one can see down into the water only out to where the sight line reaches the critical angle with the surface. Light passing through a prism is mostly refracted, or bent, both when it enters the prism and again when it leaves the prism. Since the index of refraction in most substances depends on the frequency of the wave, light of different colors is refracted by different amounts—hence the colorful rainbow effect of prisms. The boundary between media does not have to be abrupt for reflection or refraction to occur. On a hot day, the air directly over the surface of an asphalt road is warmer than the air higher up. Light travels more quickly in the lower region, so light coming down from the sky (from not too steep an angle) is refracted back up again, giving a "blue puddle" appearance to the asphalt—a mirage.
The American Heritage® Science Dictionary
Copyright © 2002. Published by Houghton Mifflin. All rights reserved.
|
Speed
|
The becquerel (Bq) is a unit of measurement of what?
|
Refrection of light | Article about Refrection of light by The Free Dictionary
Refrection of light | Article about Refrection of light by The Free Dictionary
http://encyclopedia2.thefreedictionary.com/Refrection+of+light
Related to Refrection of light: Refraction of Light , Dispersion of light
refraction,
in physics, deflection of a wave on passing obliquely from one transparent medium into a second medium in which its speed is different, as the passage of a light ray from air into glass. Other forms of electromagnetic radiation electromagnetic radiation,
energy radiated in the form of a wave as a result of the motion of electric charges. A moving charge gives rise to a magnetic field, and if the motion is changing (accelerated), then the magnetic field varies and in turn produces an electric field.
..... Click the link for more information. , in addition to light waves, can be refracted, as can sound waves.
The Nature of Refraction
Refraction is commonly explained in terms of the wave theory of light and is based on the fact that light travels with greater velocity in some media than it does in others. When, for example, a ray of light traveling through air strikes the surface of a piece of glass at an oblique angle, one side of the wave front enters the glass before the other and is retarded (since light travels more slowly in glass than in air), while the other side continues to move at its original speed until it too reaches the glass. As a result, the ray bends inside the glass, i.e., the refracted ray lies in a direction closer to the normal (the perpendicular to the boundary of the media) than does the incident ray. A light ray entering a different medium is called the incident ray; after bending, the ray is called the refracted ray. The speed at which a given transparent medium transmits light waves is related to its optical density (not to be confused with mass or weight density density,
ratio of the mass of a substance to its volume, expressed, for example, in units of grams per cubic centimeter or pounds per cubic foot. The density of a pure substance varies little from sample to sample and is often considered a characteristic property of the
..... Click the link for more information. ). In general, a ray is refracted toward the normal when it passes into a denser medium and away from the normal when it passes into a less dense medium.
The Law of Refraction
The law of refraction relates the angle of incidence (angle between the incident ray and the normal) to the angle of refraction (angle between the refracted ray and the normal). This law, credited to Willebrord Snell, states that the ratio of the sine of the angle of incidence, i, to the sine of the angle of refraction, r, is equal to the ratio of the speed of light in the original medium, vi, to the speed of light in the refracting medium, vr, or sin i/sin r=vi/vr. Snell's law is often stated in terms of the indexes of refraction of the two media rather than the speeds of light in the media. The index of refraction, n, of a transparent medium is a direct measure of its optical density and is equal to the ratio of the speed of light in a vacuum, c, to the speed of light in the medium: n=c/v.
Indexes of refraction are always equal to or greater than 1; for air, n=1.00029; for water, n=1.33. Using indexes of refraction, Snell's law takes the form sin i/sin r=nr /ni, or ni sin i=nr sin r. If the original medium is denser than the refracting medium (ni greater than nr), sin r will be greater than sin i. Thus, there will be some acute angle less than 90° for the incident ray corresponding to an angle of refraction of 90°. This angle of incidence is known as the critical angle. For angles of incidence greater than the critical angle, refraction cannot take place and the incident ray is instead reflected back into the original medium according to the law of reflection reflection,
return of a wave from a surface that it strikes into the medium through which it has traveled. The general principles governing the reflection of light and sound are similar, for both normally travel in straight lines and both are wave phenomena.
..... Click the link for more information. (angle of reflection equals angle of incidence). This phenomenon is known as total internal reflection.
Applications of Refraction
Refraction has many applications in optics and technology. A lens lens,
device for forming an image of an object by the refraction of light. In its simplest form it is a disk of transparent substance, commonly glass, with its two surfaces curved or with one surface plane and the other curved.
..... Click the link for more information. uses refraction to form an image image,
in optics, likeness or counterpart of an object produced when rays of light coming from that object are reflected from a mirror or are refracted by a lens. An image of an object is also formed when this light passes through a very small opening like that of a pinhole
..... Click the link for more information. of an object for many different purposes, such as magnification. A prism prism,
in optics, a piece of translucent glass or crystal used to form a spectrum of light separated according to colors. Its cross section is usually triangular. The light becomes separated because different wavelengths or frequencies are refracted (bent) by different amounts
..... Click the link for more information. uses refraction to form a spectrum spectrum,
arrangement or display of light or other form of radiation separated according to wavelength, frequency, energy, or some other property. Beams of charged particles can be separated into a spectrum according to mass in a mass spectrometer (see mass spectrograph).
..... Click the link for more information. of colors from an incident beam of light. Refraction also plays an important role in the formation of a mirage mirage
, atmospheric optical illusion in which an observer sees in the distance a nonexistent body of water or an image, sometimes distorted, of some object or of a complete scene.
..... Click the link for more information. and other optical illusions.
refraction
(ri-frak -shŏn) A phenomenon occurring when a beam of light or other wave motion crosses a boundary between two different media, such as air and glass. On passing into the second medium, the direction of motion of the wave is ‘bent’ toward or away from the normal (the line perpendicular to the surface at the point of incidence). The incident and refracted rays and the normal all lie in the same plane. The direction of propagation is changed in accordance with Snell's law:
n 1 sin i = n 2 sin r
i and r are the angles made by the incident and refracted ray to the normal; n 1 and n 2 are the refractive indices of the two media. The change in direction of motion results from a change of wave velocity as the wave passes from the first to the second medium.
Refraction
The Russian words refraktsiia and prelomlenie may both be translated as “refraction.” When used with respect to light, refraktsiia in the broad sense has the same meaning as prelomlenie—that is, the change in the direction of light rays when the index of refraction of the medium through which the rays pass changes (see
REFRACTION OF LIGHT
). For historical reasons, refraktsiia is more often used when characterizing the propagation of optical radiation in media whose index of refraction varies continuously from point to point; the paths of light rays in such media are smooth curves. The term prelomlenie is more often applied to the case where there is an abrupt change in the direction of light rays at the interface of two homogeneous media with different indexes of refraction. The term refraktsiia is by tradition used in a number of branches of optics, including atmospheric optics, eyeglass optics, and the optics of the eye.
The eye is an optical system that refracts light. A commonly used measure of the power of the eye as a refracting system is the eye’s power under suspension of accommodation. The principal refracting elements of the eye are the cornea and the lens. The power of these elements varies from 52.59 to 71.30 diopters; the average value is 59.92 diopters. In the normal, or emmetropic, eye, the power of the eye is matched to its dimensions. This means that parallel rays of light that enter the eye are focused at the center of the retina in the region of the macula lutea. A clear image of the object being viewed is then obtained on the retina—a situation that is a necessary condition for good vision.
Errors in refraction result in myopia or hyperopia. The power of accommodation of the eye changes with age: it is less than normal in infants and may again decrease in old age. This change in accommodation power with advancing age is called presbyopia. Anomalies in refraction cannot be treated through medication. Special systems of optical lenses (eyeglasses) are used to correct vision when errors of refraction exist.
refraction
|
i don't know
|
What is the chess playing robot called in TV's Thunderbirds?
|
Thunderbirds - Wikiquote
Thunderbirds
Jump to: navigation , search
Thunderbirds is a mid- 1960s Sylvia and Gerry Anderson television show which used a form of puppetry called " Supermarionation ". Two seasons were produced, comprising thirty-two episodes in total. Production commenced in 1964 and the series premiered on British television in September 1965.
This TV article is a stub . You can help Wikiquote by expanding it .
Contents
[International Rescue has succeeded in saving the Fireflash aircraft via emergency elevator cars, but one driven by Virgil has crashed off the runway and is upside down]
Scott: Are you okay, Virgil?
[Virgil is trying to crawl right side up within his elevator car]
Virgil: Okay, Scott. Made good timing.
Scott: Great, Virgil! Just great.
Sun Probe [1.11][ edit ]
Brains: [On finding they've brought Braman, Brains' chess-playing robot, with them on a voyage to save Thunderbird 3] Oh no! Virgil, we've brought the wrong box!
Virgil: Base from Thunderbird 2, calling base from Thunderbird 2!
Alias Mr. Hackenbacker [2.3][ edit ]
[Brains is driving into the London Airport under the pseudonym of Mr. Hackenbacker]
Brains: This is Hiram K. Hackenbacker calling Jeff Tracy. Come in, Jeff Tracy.
Jeff: Go ahead, er... Mr... Hackenbacker.
Brains: I am now entering the London Airport.
Jeff: Good luck Br- I mean Mr. Hackenbacker.
About[ edit ]
I started to think that there really ought to be dumps around the world with rescue gear standing by, so that when a disaster happened, all these items of rescue equipment could be rushed to the disaster zone and used to help to get people out of trouble ... I was thinking, 'Rescue, yes, rescue, but how to make it science fiction? What about an international rescue organisation?
Gerry Anderson on the premise as quoted in Bentley, Chris (2005) [2000]. The Complete Book of Thunderbirds (2nd ed.). o. 8-9
Lew watched ["Trapped in the Sky"] and at the end he jumped up shouting, 'Fantastic, absolutely fantastic! This isn't a television series – this is a feature film! You've got to make this as an hour!' ... I'm glad we did it, because it made the series much bigger and much more important. But it was still a very, very difficult job.
Gerry Anderson on the premise as quoted in Bentley, Chris (2005) [2000]. The Complete Book of Thunderbirds (2nd ed.). p.26
Since we always tried to minimise walking, we'd show the puppets taking one step only, then promptly cut. Through interspersing the programmes with "meanwhile" scenes – that is, showing what else was going on in the story at the same time – we would then cut back to the puppet who was now already in his craft.
Alan Pattillo on puppet movement Marriott, as quoted in John (1993). Supermarionation Classics: Stingray, Thunderbirds and Captain Scarlet and the Mysterons p.179
|
Braman
|
It takes roughly how long for the Earth's rotating axis to complete a full circle (precession)?
|
Sun Probe/Episode Guide | Thunderbirds Wiki | Fandom powered by Wikia
Edit
The Sun Probe rocket is ready for launch at Cape Kennedy. At Solar Control, Colonel Benson is preparing for the lift-off, and is doing the final checks. In less than 30 minutes, the rocket will launch. Inside the rocket are three solarnauts: Camp, Harris and Asher. Benson has the rocket do a thrust check, and with everything working, the real countdown starts. 10 seconds later, the Sun Probe rocket blasts off. On Tracy Island, a news report shows the Sun Probe taking off, but it was filmed a week a go. The news reporter says they hope to bring up to date pictures of the rocket, and then reminds everyone of what the Sun Probe's mission is. It is hoped that the Sun Probe will be able to capture a few fragments of matter released by the sun. Professor Heinz Bodman then appears on the news and is about to explain the mission in more detail, and Jeff asks where Brains is as he might want to see this. Scott says this stuff is old news to him and he's busy in his lab playing with his new invention. Brains' new invention is a robot called Braman. He is trying to get his robot to learn things, such as the things Brains needs to do in a day, but he is slow to respond. He wonders if teaching him chess would improve his mathematical powers. Scott comes in and tells Brains there is an interesting program on about the Sun Probe so he goes off to watch it. The news report shows how the front part of the rocket is actually a separate module, and can detach. This probe module will fly near a solar flare and collect the matter. If all goes to plan, they will acquire an actual piece of the sun.
Close Encounter with the Sun
Edit
Inside the rocket, the three solarnauts are well protected from the extreme heat they will encounter, and as things get warmer, they have a special refrigeration unit which keeps the temperature inside the rocket cool. They look on a screen and see the sun, and prepare to go into orbit around it. Brains has decided not to watch the report and instead teaches Braman how to play chess, which he seems to pick up quickly. Jeff asks him if he wants to watch, as the rocket will go into orbit in 5 minutes, but Brains says it is actually 4 and one quarter minutes to be precise. He knows the mission by heart. Meanwhile, the solarnauts fire the rocket's retros to slow it down. The radiation and temperature levels are fine, and they've done it -they are now orbiting the sun. The probe module is detached and the solarnauts watch as it heads straight towards a solar prominence. It passes by it successfully, and it appears that the mission is complete -they have got the sun fragments. The news report shows the probe reattach to the front of the rocket. Brains is watching from the back and suddenly says that he does not think they are going to make it. Jeff asks why as everything is going fine, but then the reporter says that something has gone wrong! He says that there is a problem with the rocket, as it is now on a collision course with the sun itself. Jeff asks what went wrong and Brains believes that it was when the sun probe module reattached to the main rocket, the rocket had to steer onto a collision course with the sun. Brains thinks that the radiation levels at that distance from the sun have interfered with the computers inside the rocket, locking down the control systems. This means that the solarnauts cannot fire the retros and break away. Brains mentions that the Solar Control Centre in Cape Kennedy can use a radio beam to make the rocket's retros fire, but the distance between the control centre and the rocket is now so great that he doubts their beam will break through the radiation. Colonel Benson then appears on the screen, as he explains that their efforts to fire the rocket's retros have failed, but he has a request: he asks International Rescue to contact the Solar Control Centre.
A Two Way Rescue
Edit
Jeff contacts Benson and finds out everything they know. He tells him this will be a tough one. Meanwhile the solarnauts try the retros again, but nothing happens, and they realise the radiation levels must be preventing the Earth from using the radio beam to get the retros working. Harris has the refrigeration unit taken up another level, so things aren't that hot inside the rocket yet. Back on Tracy Island, everyone discusses on what they are going to do. The solution is obvious -they will have to use their equipment to get the Sun Probe's retros fired. They have two choices: either Thunderbird 2 can do it, as it has a more powerful transmitter than Thunderbird 3. However, Thunderbird 3 can go into space, and get closer to the rocket, meaning it has much more chance of success. Gordon says both have a chance of success, and Jeff agrees. He has Brains get the equipment needed ready, whilst Alan, Tin-Tin and Scott are to blast off in Thunderbird 3 when it is ready. Meanwhile, he has Virgil go and work out where the best place Thunderbird 2 should be to try transmitting a signal to the rocket. Later on, the Thunderbird 3 team are ready. In the lounge, there is a certain sofa which can go underground. Scott, Alan and Tin-Tin are on this sofa, which heads down as an empty one moves up to replace it, The sofa moves on a rail to where Thunderbird 3 is, and once it reaches the bottom of the ship, it moves up to put the three crew members inside of it. As Scott and Tin-Tin put their safety belts on, Alan goes to the control room and launches Thunderbird 3. Alan and Scott get changed and figure out how long it will take them to get in range. Alan tells them that they will reach the danger zone within 65 hours, giving Tin-Tin plenty of time to make sure all the electronics are set up, as she will be the one using the radio beam. Back on Earth, inside Thunderbird 2's hangar Virgil and Brains are getting everything they need ready to be put in one of the pods. The main thing they are taking is a transmitter truck, but Brains also decides to take with them a mobile computer, and points out that it is in a box behind them. Minutes later, Virgil and Brains are onboard Thunderbird 2, and take off. Jeff tells Gordon that he has never been so unsure on the success of a mission. Meanwhile the Sun Probe is going to collide with the sin within 24 hours, and the auto refrigeration unit is at the maximum level. Part of the cockpit begins to smoke from the intense heat. Thunderbird 3 has gotten within several hours worth of distance, and Alan contacts the solarnauts. He has Tin-Tin use the radio beam, but the signal it sends is too weak and he and Scott realise that they will need to move Thunderbird 3 closer towards the sun for it to work. They are not happy about this as it means they will have to get much closer to the sun as they thought, and think that the problem the Sun Probe had with the retro could also happen to Thunderbird 3. However they don't want to let the three solarnauts die. Word reaches Tracy Island of the problem, and whilst Jeff is fine with his own sons being put into a potentially life threatening situation, he is not fine with Tin-Tin. Kyrano then appears and says that if he were to ask her, he knows what the answer would be. He and his daughter owe Jeff their lives, and so it is the right thing for her to do. Virgil then contacts his father and says that they have arrived in the Himalayas, and will be landing in just over 3 minutes. Thunderbird 2 is unfortunately in a snow storm, but Virgil manages to land. He lets his father know and finds out from him that the first radio beam attempt from Thunderbird 3 has been a failure, and they are going to be moving closer to the sun. Virgil hopes he and Brains will have more luck. The two go down to the pod and roll out in the transmitter truck, heading to a place where they should be able to send a clear signal beam. As they set things up, Alan has Tin-Tin try and use Thunderbird 3's beam again, and whilst it travel further than before, it still comes up short. Scott says they will have to continue towards the sun for another 2 hours before they get in range. Alan hopes they can all stand up to the heat. Meanwhile, back on Earth, Brains activates the transmitter truck's beam and whilst it is very powerful, it isn't quite strong enough to reach the Sun Probe. Brains says he can work on the transmitter and do some adjustments which should give the signal a boost, and they can try it again when he is done. Meanwhile the Sun Probe is beginning to burn up, and Harris says some of the systems aren't working properly any more. He and the others can't stand the heat, and they can't get the refrigeration unit to do anything. The crew of Thunderbird 3 are getting hot also, but Alan has Tin-Tin try the beam for a third time. It still isn't quite powerful enough to get to the Sun Probe. Alan doesn't want to get any closer to the sun and asks if there is anything Tin-Tin can do about making the beam stronger. Tin-Tin suggests overloading the beam with more power, and Alan lets her do it. The beam is sent out for the fourth time, but this time, it works, and reaches the Sun Probe. Seconds after this happens, the rocket's retros finally fire, and the ship begins to turn around, away from the sun. Asher and Camp have passed out but Harris realises that the retros have just fired, and that they are going to live.
Thunderbird 3 in Trouble
Edit
Back on Thunderbird 3, Alan says they've done it and they can head for home. He fires Thunderbird 3's retros...but they don't work! Now Thunderbird 3 is on a collision course with the sun! Jeff and Gordon are watching the news, where a reporter says the Sun Probe has changed course. He is about to thank International Rescue for what they have done, when he finds out something terrible -the tracking station has reported that the International Rescue spacecraft is now on a collision course with the sun. Gordon says the retros must have failed on Thunderbird 3, whilst Jeff says they need to contact Brains straight away. He tells Brains and Virgil what has happened, and Virgil asks what Brains what on Earth they can do about it. Brains says that Thunderbird 3's beam transmitter could still be operating, locking the craft onto the sun. The radiation has interfered with the ship's systems. They could neutralize Thunderbird 3's beam signal to stop it, and the retros should fire. He doesn't know the beam's frequency, but could work it out by using the mobile computer they have in the pod. Meanwhile, Alan thinks the reason the retros haven't fired have got something to do with the beam being left on, and asks if Tin-Tin has switched it off. She doesn't respond as she has passed out due to the heat, and so has Scott. Alan heads down towards where Tin-Tin is.
Braman Saves the Day
Edit
Brains and Virgil are back in Thunderbird 2, and head towards the box with the mobile computer in it...but when they open it up, they find Braman -they've got the wrong box! Meanwhile Alan reaches the room Tin-Tin is in, but collapses without managing to switch the beam off. Virgil asks if Brains could work out the formula for the frequency on paper, but finds out that without a computer, it would take weeks. Virgil asks if he could use Braman, since he is a computer, and Brains says of course. He switches the robot on and tells him he wants him to work out the following equation. Brains gives Braman a very long and complicated equation to work out. After making a lot of clicking noises, Braman has an answer: 450,969. Brains hopes his creation is right and then he and Virgil go back out to the truck. Virgil lets his father know on what they are going to try, and then Brains has the transmitter lined up and turned on. The beam comes closer and closer to reaching the target, and as Brains and Virgil nervously watch, they eventually get a signal from Thunderbird 3 -it is now moving away from the sun, meaning the retros have fired. Virgil tells his father the news and he is very relieved, saying that he is proud of International Rescue today. A few days later, after Thunderbird 3 has returned, Brains has improved his robot -so much so that it beats him in a game of chess! Brains can't believe it, as he just doesn't understand how a robot can have be more intelligent than him. Jeff says it must have just been a fluke -he has been working hard lately and didn't concentrate on the game. Brains goes with that logic. As Alan, Scott and Tin-Tin thank Brains for his hard work, Braman shows a bit of humanity by also thanking him.
|
i don't know
|
The crossed-ropes acting as ladders to masts on old sailing ships are called?
|
��ࡱ� > �� � � ���� � � ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� @ �� =� bjbj00 &� Rb Rb -� �� �� �� � L L L L L L L < @ @ @ 8 x � < |