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{"datasets_id": 1891, "wiki_id": "Q1430397", "sp": 10, "sc": 298, "ep": 10, "ec": 881} | 1,891 | Q1430397 | 10 | 298 | 10 | 881 | Floyd Tillman | Musical career | worked with Ted Daffan, and singer and piano player Moon Mullican.
Tillman recorded as a featured vocalist with Selph's Blue Ridge Playboys in 1938, the same year Floyd scored his first major songwriting hit, "It Makes No Difference Now", giving him his own Decca recording contract. Jimmie Davis purchased the song from Floyd for $300, the rights to which he got back 28 years later.
Tillman's only No. 1 one song as a singer was "They Took the Stars Out of Heaven". It reached the top of the charts in 1944. Previously, he had reached No. 2 with "I'm Gonna Change |
{"datasets_id": 1891, "wiki_id": "Q1430397", "sp": 10, "sc": 881, "ep": 10, "ec": 1448} | 1,891 | Q1430397 | 10 | 881 | 10 | 1,448 | Floyd Tillman | Musical career | All My Ways". His 1944 hit, "Each Night At Nine", struck a chord with lonely servicemen during World War II. Axis Sally and Tokyo Rose played it heavily to encourage desertion.
A big hit for Tillman and also for Jimmy Wakely was 1948's "I Love You So Much It Hurts". His 1949 "Slippin' Around", one of the first country western "cheating" songs, was a hit for Tillman as well as Ernest Tubb, Texas Jim Robertson and the duo of Margaret Whiting and Jimmy Wakely. Tillman had another successful song with his own answer, "I'll Never Slip Around Again", as did |
{"datasets_id": 1891, "wiki_id": "Q1430397", "sp": 10, "sc": 1448, "ep": 10, "ec": 2099} | 1,891 | Q1430397 | 10 | 1,448 | 10 | 2,099 | Floyd Tillman | Musical career | the Whiting-Wakely duo. He slowed down on his performing in the early 1950s, although he appeared on ABC-TV's Jubilee USA in 1958 and 1959.
Tillman's final album, recorded in 2002–2003 titled The Influence, paired him with country music artists who were influenced by his style and performing: Willie Nelson, Merle Haggard, Leona Williams, Dolly Parton, Justin Trevino, Ray Price, Frankie Miller, Hank Thompson, Connie Smith, Lawton Williams, Mel Tillis, Darrell McCall, Johnny Bush and George Jones. The project, released in April 2004, featured liner notes by Dr. Bill Malone, Bill Mack, Hank Thompson and Willie Nelson. It was produced by |
{"datasets_id": 1891, "wiki_id": "Q1430397", "sp": 10, "sc": 2099, "ep": 10, "ec": 2158} | 1,891 | Q1430397 | 10 | 2,099 | 10 | 2,158 | Floyd Tillman | Musical career | Justin Trevino (country singer) on Heart of Texas Records. |
{"datasets_id": 1892, "wiki_id": "Q3375149", "sp": 2, "sc": 0, "ep": 10, "ec": 300} | 1,892 | Q3375149 | 2 | 0 | 10 | 300 | Fluorine perchlorate | Structure & Safety | Fluorine perchlorate Structure Fluorine perchlorate is not analogous to perchloric acid because the fluorine atom does not exist as a positive ion. It contains an oxygen atom in a rare oxidation state of 0, due to the electronegativity of oxygen, which is higher than that of chlorine but lower than that of fluorine. Safety FClO₄ has a very dangerous and unpredictable series of reactions associated with it, as a covalent perchlorate (chlorine in the +7 oxidation state) and a compound featuring a very sensitive O-F single bond. Small amounts of reducing agent, such as organic compounds, can trigger explosive detonation. |
{"datasets_id": 1892, "wiki_id": "Q3375149", "sp": 10, "sc": 300, "ep": 10, "ec": 600} | 1,892 | Q3375149 | 10 | 300 | 10 | 600 | Fluorine perchlorate | Safety | Products of these decomposition reactions could include oxygen halides, interhalogen compounds, and other hazardous substances.
Accidental synthesis is possible if precursors are carelessly mixed. Like similar covalent fluorides and perchlorates, it needs to be handled with extreme caution. |
{"datasets_id": 1893, "wiki_id": "Q5463438", "sp": 2, "sc": 0, "ep": 10, "ec": 25} | 1,893 | Q5463438 | 2 | 0 | 10 | 25 | Flying Heroes | Gameplay & Career Mode | Flying Heroes Gameplay Flying Heroes is an arena based shooter game that takes place on various flying creatures. There are four clans to choose from, with varying creatures or machines for players. The four clans are: Sky Knights, Lizard Riders, Hammercraft, and Magion. Each clan offers different options, such as different amounts of health, different weapons and different flying crafts. There is also a multiplayer mode. In the beginning, or in the demo, only Lizard Riders and Magion are available choices; Sky Knights and Hammercraft become available when the career mode is beaten. Career Mode In career mode the player |
{"datasets_id": 1893, "wiki_id": "Q5463438", "sp": 10, "sc": 25, "ep": 10, "ec": 633} | 1,893 | Q5463438 | 10 | 25 | 10 | 633 | Flying Heroes | Career Mode | battles in three different leagues in a variety of arenas; the Iron league initially, followed by the Silver league and culminating in the Golden league. In order to proceed onto the next league, the player must be the highest ranked pilot in the league at the end of each season. Each league dictates the flying machines/creatures available for purchase, from the weakest in the Iron league, to the strongest in the Golden league. The length of each match, matches per season, currency reward per frag, the skill and quantity of enemies also increases in line with each league.
After completing the |
{"datasets_id": 1893, "wiki_id": "Q5463438", "sp": 10, "sc": 633, "ep": 14, "ec": 413} | 1,893 | Q5463438 | 10 | 633 | 14 | 413 | Flying Heroes | Career Mode & Special Matches and Quests | Golden league, a cut-scene will show aliens (looking like Kamacuras) coming down demanding some kind of payment before the final boss battle starts. Special Matches and Quests During the career there are various side missions that serve to complete an objective: such as locating three statuettes. The player can choose to participate in a side quest if they wish or do a training (frag limit) match. The player can even elect to skip straight to the next main league match, however the chance to earn any revenue is instantly forfeited. There is no prejudice on the player on choosing any |
{"datasets_id": 1893, "wiki_id": "Q5463438", "sp": 14, "sc": 413, "ep": 18, "ec": 395} | 1,893 | Q5463438 | 14 | 413 | 18 | 395 | Flying Heroes | Special Matches and Quests & Tag | of these options, as the game does not employ a renown based system. The different types of secondary match are described below. Tag The object in this match is not to get touched or 'tagged' by the pilot who currently has the 'Tag' - as it is referred to in-game. Each participant is given two minutes of time at the start of the match, which is deducted for any duration in which they have the Tag. Five seconds of time is gained when the player shoots down an opponent, but five seconds are lost when the player is shot down. |
{"datasets_id": 1893, "wiki_id": "Q5463438", "sp": 18, "sc": 395, "ep": 22, "ec": 87} | 1,893 | Q5463438 | 18 | 395 | 22 | 87 | Flying Heroes | Tag & Destruction of Cannons | The currently tagged pilot is invulnerable to any kind or attack from other pilots, however if the time on their tag counter expires they are eliminated from the match permanently. The initial tagged pilot is determined randomly and the winner is the pilot with the most time, on their counter, at the end of the match or the only pilot left surviving, if all others are eliminated. The tagged pilot is easily evident due to their violet color. Destruction of Cannons The object of this type of match is to clear a defined area of cannons - the area being |
{"datasets_id": 1893, "wiki_id": "Q5463438", "sp": 22, "sc": 87, "ep": 30, "ec": 114} | 1,893 | Q5463438 | 22 | 87 | 30 | 114 | Flying Heroes | Destruction of Cannons & Object Acquisition & Elimination of Selected Opponents | the area that the match is taking place. The player is limited either by time or three lives in which to accomplish the objective. Upon completion a cash reward is received. Object Acquisition The object is to acquire all of the designated objects and the player is limited either by time or three lives. There are usually opponents, mines or cannons in the arena, serving to complicate the task. Upon completion a cash reward is received. Elimination of Selected Opponents The objective here is to shoot down the selected opponent(s). The player is limited either by time or three lives. |
{"datasets_id": 1893, "wiki_id": "Q5463438", "sp": 30, "sc": 114, "ep": 30, "ec": 177} | 1,893 | Q5463438 | 30 | 114 | 30 | 177 | Flying Heroes | Elimination of Selected Opponents | Upon elimination of the opponent(s) a cash reward is received. |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 2, "sc": 0, "ep": 8, "ec": 331} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 2 | 0 | 8 | 331 | Focus: HOPE | Founders and Origins | Focus: HOPE Focus: HOPE is a Detroit-based, non-denominational, non-profit organization whose aim is to overcome racism and poverty by providing education and training for underrepresented minorities and others. The organization is a public foundation under section 501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue code. Founders and Origins Focus: HOPE was established in Detroit, Michigan in March, 1968 by co-founders Father William T. Cunningham, Father Jerome Fraser and Eleanor Josaitis. At the time the social environment in northern Detroit was one of severe racial tension as a result of the 12th Street Riot of the previous summer. The co-founders' objective was |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 8, "sc": 331, "ep": 8, "ec": 999} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 8 | 331 | 8 | 999 | Focus: HOPE | Founders and Origins | to create a harmonious community where diverse people live and work together. Starting out in the basement of the Catholic Church of Madonna, where Father Cunningham was pastor, Focus: HOPE eventually grew to encompass a 40-acre (160,000 m²) campus along Oakman Boulevard in Detroit. Despite its origins, however, Focus: HOPE has no affiliation with the Catholic Church.
Focus: HOPE's first significant action was a consumer survey on the disparity of food and prescription drug prices between inner-city Detroit and the surrounding suburbs. The survey was conducted in April, 1968 and was aimed at answering three questions:
• Do the poor |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 8, "sc": 999, "ep": 8, "ec": 1690} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 8 | 999 | 8 | 1,690 | Focus: HOPE | Founders and Origins | pay more?
• Does skin color affect service?
• Are facilities and products equal for inner city and suburban shoppers?
The survey was designed with the help of local universities, government agencies and private firms. Focus: HOPE recruited 403 women from the city and surrounding suburbs to shop for a prescribed list of items at various chain and independent stores throughout the Detroit area. The findings of the survey were that people in poor, inner-city areas paid roughly 20% more for groceries and prescription drugs than people in the more affluent suburbs Furthermore, survey participants reported inferior quality and service |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 8, "sc": 1690, "ep": 8, "ec": 2314} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 8 | 1,690 | 8 | 2,314 | Focus: HOPE | Founders and Origins | in the inner-city stores. The consumer survey was instrumental in Focus: HOPE becoming the host agency for the Commodity Supplemental Food Program for the Detroit/Wayne County, MI region.
In 1972 Focus: HOPE formed a coalition opposing the relocation of the Automobile Association of America of Michigan's headquarters from the city of Detroit to Dearborn, a suburb of Detroit in which the black population was less than 0.02%. After an injunction against the move was denied Focus: HOPE filed a class action suit against AAA on behalf of its black employees alleging racial motivation for the move. The lawsuit, |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 8, "sc": 2314, "ep": 8, "ec": 2882} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 8 | 2,314 | 8 | 2,882 | Focus: HOPE | Founders and Origins | "Bell et al. vs. The Automobile Club of Michigan, et al." claimed that the relocation would force 200 black employees of AAA to leave their jobs due to the unavailability of public transportation to or affordable housing in the city of Dearborn. Shortly after the lawsuit was filed a federal judge ruled that Focus: HOPE had no standing in the case, since the organization itself had not suffered any damages. For the duration of the case, however, the majority of the financial support of the legal action against AAA was provided by Focus: HOPE. In February 1983 |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 8, "sc": 2882, "ep": 8, "ec": 3480} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 8 | 2,882 | 8 | 3,480 | Focus: HOPE | Founders and Origins | a settlement was reached between AAA and the plaintiffs for a substantial cash amount and a court-enforced affirmative action program to be implemented by AAA. The Housing and Transportation Trust fund was formed with part of the cash settlement for the purpose of providing low-interest mortgages and automobile loans for black employees of AAA, with Focus: HOPE appointed by the court as trustor. In the same timeframe a second lawsuit against AAA was also funded in large part by Focus: HOPE. "Greenspan, et al. vs. The Automobile Club of Michigan, et al.", was a gender discrimination class |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 8, "sc": 3480, "ep": 8, "ec": 4154} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 8 | 3,480 | 8 | 4,154 | Focus: HOPE | Founders and Origins | action fought on behalf of 7,000 female employees. The lawsuit branched off of the "Bell" case in 1974 and the trial concluded in December 1979. In February of the following year AAA was found guilty of discriminatory compensation and job-promotion practices.
Focus: HOPE's first major program was the Commodity Supplemental Food Program, a federal program to fight malnutrition in infants and young children. The co-founders revived the program in the early 1970s and led the effort to include low-income senior citizens. The Commodity Supplemental Food Program currently assists 500,000 people nationwide, with Focus: HOPE serving 42,000 in metropolitan Detroit |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 8, "sc": 4154, "ep": 8, "ec": 4812} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 8 | 4,154 | 8 | 4,812 | Focus: HOPE | Founders and Origins | – the program's largest component, with monthly distributions of food.
When Father Cunningham approached the owners of a closing machine tool plant, seeking to expand the parking lot for the Oakman Blvd. food distribution center, he observed that the plant's machinists were predominantly older, white males. Subsequent research showed that very few minorities or women were employed in the metalworking industry and that much of the workforce was nearing retirement age. The opportunity to create a means for helping area minorities trapped in welfare and low-paying jobs escape from poverty was clear and Focus: HOPE purchased the closing plant. |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 8, "sc": 4812, "ep": 8, "ec": 5465} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 8 | 4,812 | 8 | 5,465 | Focus: HOPE | Founders and Origins | Father Cunningham was able to convince the U.S. Department of Defense that the shortage in qualified machinists was cause for national security concerns. With the help of Sen. Carl Levin of Michigan, Focus: HOPE obtained loans of surplus machine tool equipment from the government along with a federal grant and donations from various private organizations and established the Machinist Training Institute (MTI) in 1981.
With industry layoffs hindering the job placement of some of the first MTI graduates, Father Cunningham and General Motors President James McDonald came to an agreement in which Focus: HOPE would be given a small |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 8, "sc": 5465, "ep": 8, "ec": 6157} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 8 | 5,465 | 8 | 6,157 | Focus: HOPE | Founders and Origins | production contract, enabling Focus: HOPE to hire the remaining graduates. Thus, F & H Metalcrafting was established. In the following years, Focus: HOPE acquired more industrial space along Oakman Blvd. through purchases and donations. Additional manufacturing operations were started as sources of revenue, to provide employment for single mothers and to foster minority business ownership. These manufacturing operations earned QS9000 certification and served the automotive companies as tier-one suppliers. The "Industry Mall", as the Oakman Blvd. industrial complex came to be known, included MTI, facilities for its manufacturing operations, medical and day-care centers and other |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 8, "sc": 6157, "ep": 8, "ec": 6776} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 8 | 6,157 | 8 | 6,776 | Focus: HOPE | Founders and Origins | industrial space for lease.
On July 2, 1997, just weeks after the passing of Father Cunningham, a tornado caused severe damage to buildings on the Focus: HOPE campus and to several homes in the surrounding neighborhood. The wreckage of one building was cleared to make way for a park, dedicated to the memory of Father Cunningham and his vision of racial harmony. Focus: HOPE Park is tucked between two Oakman Blvd. buildings and is open to the public, with regular community gatherings hosted by Focus: HOPE.
Focus: HOPE's automotive parts manufacturing operations were phased out in 2005 due to the |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 8, "sc": 6776, "ep": 8, "ec": 7491} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 8 | 6,776 | 8 | 7,491 | Focus: HOPE | Founders and Origins | steady decline in production by the U.S. automotive industry.
Among Focus: HOPE's current operations are the Commodity Supplemental Food Program; technical training programs – Fast Track, The Machinist Training Institute (MTI), The Center for Advanced Technologies (CAT) and The Information Technologies Center (ITC) – collectively known as "The Centers for Opportunity"; a child-care center; a community arts program; and community and economic development activities. Focus: HOPE hosts the annual WALK for Diversity through varying Detroit neighborhoods. Inspired by the peaceful demonstrations of Martin Luther King Jr., the WALK for Diversity is an event that brings together people of different races |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 8, "sc": 7491, "ep": 8, "ec": 8185} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 8 | 7,491 | 8 | 8,185 | Focus: HOPE | Founders and Origins | and cultural backgrounds. Focus: HOPE is active in neighborhood improvement efforts such as blight removal, illegal dumping prevention and park restoration. Two recent community development efforts include the construction of a new housing facility for low-income seniors, in partnership with Presbyterian Villages of Michigan, and a new neighboring park.
The Focus: HOPE logo represents brotherhood and racial cooperation. It depicts two hands, one black and one white, reaching out for one another with the hope that one day they will touch. Through its endeavor, Focus: HOPE helps struggling families by providing resources that communities could not afford otherwise.
On |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 8, "sc": 8185, "ep": 12, "ec": 430} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 8 | 8,185 | 12 | 430 | Focus: HOPE | Founders and Origins & Commodity Supplemental Food Program | November 3, 2008, William F. Jones, Jr. was named Chief Executive Officer of Focus: HOPE effective January 1, 2009. Jones recently retired as Chief Operating Officer of Chrysler Financial. Commodity Supplemental Food Program In November, 1968, the U.S. Department of Agriculture, in accordance with Public Law 90-463, instituted the Commodity Supplemental Food Program (CSFP). The purpose of the program was to stave off the lifelong effects of early childhood malnutrition. The program also benefited farmers by providing an outlet for surplus food. Eligible participants of the program included pregnant and post-partum women, infants and children up |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 12, "sc": 430, "ep": 12, "ec": 1090} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 12 | 430 | 12 | 1,090 | Focus: HOPE | Commodity Supplemental Food Program | to the age of six. Food items distributed through CSFP include infant formula; cereal; canned fruits, vegetables and juices; peanut butter; rice; pasta; dry beans and similar items.
Focus: HOPE became the host agency of the Commodity Supplemental Food Program for the Detroit area in 1971, classified by the USDA as a "community action or advocacy agency" with similar agencies administering the program in San Francisco, Louisville and Omaha. By 1980, Focus: HOPE had three distribution sites with 32,600 monthly participants, accounting for roughly 32% of the national caseload. By 1985, monthly participation had grown to over 60,000.
In |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 12, "sc": 1090, "ep": 12, "ec": 1770} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 12 | 1,090 | 12 | 1,770 | Focus: HOPE | Commodity Supplemental Food Program | January 1980 Focus: HOPE, along with The Children's Foundation, hosted the first ever Commodity and Supplemental Food Conference with the goal of strengthening Commodity Supplemental Food Programs and identifying and solving potential problems. A study published by The Children's Foundation the following year indicated that this program was effective in reducing the incidents of low birth rate and infant mortality and reducing the needs for lifelong medical care.
In the late seventies Focus: HOPE conducted a study, which was commissioned by the Detroit-Wayne County Agency on Aging, inquiring into the prevalence of malnutrition among senior citizens in the area. |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 12, "sc": 1770, "ep": 12, "ec": 2401} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 12 | 1,770 | 12 | 2,401 | Focus: HOPE | Commodity Supplemental Food Program | The findings of the study were that roughly 52,000 senior citizens in Wayne County, Michigan were nutritionally deprived. Following the study, Focus: HOPE proposed a one-year pilot program, to include 1,500 seniors in the Commodity Supplemental Food Program. A documentary film, entitled "Broken Promises", was produced by Focus: HOPE. Filmed over a four-month period on a $22,000 budget with a grant from the Detroit-Wayne County Agency on Aging, the film examined the plight of Detroit's hungry seniors. "Broken Promises" aired locally on WXYZ-TV in April, 1981. Later that year Congress narrowly passed the Agriculture and |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 12, "sc": 2401, "ep": 12, "ec": 3075} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 12 | 2,401 | 12 | 3,075 | Focus: HOPE | Commodity Supplemental Food Program | Food Act, Public Law 97-98, approving the participation of a limited number of eligible senior citizens in the CSFP in pilot programs in Detroit and Polk County, Iowa. The Farm Bill, signed into law by President Reagan in 1985, made the "Food for Seniors" program a permanent part of the Commodity Supplemental Food Program.
Focus: HOPE currently operates four food distribution centers, with supermarket-style checkout aisles, throughout the Detroit area. Qualified senior citizens are welcome at any of the food distribution centers and homebound seniors are eligible for deliveries of pre-assembled food packages. Forgotten Harvest, an independent non-profit, |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 12, "sc": 3075, "ep": 16, "ec": 252} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 12 | 3,075 | 16 | 252 | Focus: HOPE | Commodity Supplemental Food Program & Machinist Training Institute (MTI) | collects perishable foods from grocery stores and distributes them to various food centers, including Focus: HOPE. Consequently, food recipients occasionally receive perishable items such as bread, fresh fruit and condiments. In addition, free medical services, such as eye exams and flu shots, are occasionally provided to program participants at the food distribution centers. Machinist Training Institute (MTI) The Machinist Training Institute (MTI) was established in 1981 and is located at 1200 Oakman Boulevard, the site of a former Ex-Cell-O plant that was used for automotive and farm implement production. As the Ex-Cell-O company was ceasing production at |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 16, "sc": 252, "ep": 16, "ec": 913} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 16 | 252 | 16 | 913 | Focus: HOPE | Machinist Training Institute (MTI) | the Oakman Blvd. plant and preparing to permanently close it, Focus: HOPE leadership approached the plant's management in hopes of obtaining additional parking space for the neighboring food distribution center. While touring the facility Father Cunningham observed that the machinists employed there were mainly older, white men. Focus: HOPE immediately conducted a study and found that almost no minorities or women were employed as machinists and, moreover, American manufacturers, as a whole, suffered a shortage of 200,000 skilled machinists with the average journeyman's age being 58. No training facility for machinist had existed in the region since |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 16, "sc": 913, "ep": 16, "ec": 1538} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 16 | 913 | 16 | 1,538 | Focus: HOPE | Machinist Training Institute (MTI) | the Henry Ford Trade School closed decades earlier and shop owners had been reluctant to train new apprentices for fear that they may leave for higher wages. With these facts, Father Cunningham convinced the U.S. Department of Defense that the nationwide shortage of skilled machinists represented a national security concern, arguing that in the event of a war, the armed forces would be faced with a shortage of replacement parts. Focus: HOPE bought the 300,000-square-foot (28,000 m²) Ex-Cell-O plant for a nominal price and obtained a federal grant along with a number of corporate donations for equipment and building |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 16, "sc": 1538, "ep": 16, "ec": 2154} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 16 | 1,538 | 16 | 2,154 | Focus: HOPE | Machinist Training Institute (MTI) | refurbishment. With the help of Sen. Carl Levin, Focus: HOPE obtained a loan from the U.S. Department of Defense of $3 million worth of machine tool equipment that had been in storage.
Focus: HOPE began screening the first applicants to the Machinist Training Institute in July, 1981. Instruction began in November that same year after the first class of 60 students was accepted from a pool of 4000 applicants. Student tuition was funded through the Comprehensive Employment and Training Act (CETA). Beginning in 1982, tuition funding was also provided through the Job Training Partnership Act (JTPA). |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 16, "sc": 2154, "ep": 16, "ec": 2786} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 16 | 2,154 | 16 | 2,786 | Focus: HOPE | Machinist Training Institute (MTI) | MTI graduated its first class of machinists on August 24, 1982. Shortly thereafter, Focus: HOPE entered into an agreement with General Motors to accept production contracts, allowing Focus: HOPE to employ some of its own MTI graduates, as well as give real-production experience to its trainees. The Machinist Training Institute gained accreditation through from the Council for Noncollegiate Continuing Education in 1986. That same year, CNC training was added to the MTI curriculum. By the end of the decade, Focus: HOPE had graduated roughly 800 students from The Machinist Training Institute with a job-placement average of |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 16, "sc": 2786, "ep": 16, "ec": 3389} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 16 | 2,786 | 16 | 3,389 | Focus: HOPE | Machinist Training Institute (MTI) | 95%. In 1994, through the assistance of Sen. Levin, an avid supporter of Focus: HOPE's training programs, the Institute received a donation of 16 new lathes and had achieved 100% job placement of MTI graduates.
The MTI program is modeled after a similar program in St. Louis, a program that had a job-placement rate of 90% [26]. Students are taught shop-theory, math, blueprint reading, and quality inspection and receive more than 600 hours of hands-on machine tool setup and operation training. Training takes place eight hours per day, five days per week. The training program is divided |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 16, "sc": 3389, "ep": 16, "ec": 4150} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 16 | 3,389 | 16 | 4,150 | Focus: HOPE | Machinist Training Institute (MTI) | into three tiers:
1. A 5-week "vestibule" program - focuses on communication and technical skills
2. A 26-week basic machining program
3. A 26-week advanced machining program (select participants only) – prepares students for the Center for Advanced Technologies (CAT) engineering programs
The requirements for entry into the Machinist Training Institute are a high school diploma or GED with ninth grade reading and tenth grade mathematics skill levels. MTI is a member of the Michigan Job Training Coordinating Council and the Michigan association of Vocation Private Schools (MSVP).
The Machinist Training Institute represents a bold new direction in the mission of Focus: HOPE, a |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 16, "sc": 4150, "ep": 20, "ec": 212} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 16 | 4,150 | 20 | 212 | Focus: HOPE | Machinist Training Institute (MTI) & Fast Track | direction in which the founders turned the organization's attention toward providing opportunities for economic inclusion to minorities as the chief means of fighting racism and injustice. It is the first and essentially the core of Focus: HOPE's education and training programs. More than 2,385 people have graduated from MTI. The program broke the race and gender barriers in the machinist trades in the 1980s. Fast Track Focus: HOPE launched the Fast Track program in 1989 to address the difficulty in recruiting qualified candidates for enrollment in the Machinist Training Institute. The administrators were finding that, although |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 20, "sc": 212, "ep": 20, "ec": 916} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 20 | 212 | 20 | 916 | Focus: HOPE | Fast Track | enough applicants possessed the requisite high school diploma or GED, many lacked the mathematics or communication skills necessary for success in the MTI program.
Fast Track is a seven-week, computer-based training program designed to raise the reading, writing and math skills to the necessary levels for admission into MTI or the Information Technologies Center (ITC). In addition to those key areas, students are rated on certain employability attributes including attendance, cooperativeness, interpersonal skills and work performance. Upon completion of the program, students typically demonstrate an increase in skills by two grade levels. In many cases, the skill-enhancement received |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 20, "sc": 916, "ep": 24, "ec": 83} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 20 | 916 | 24 | 83 | Focus: HOPE | Fast Track & Center for Advanced Technologies (CAT) | in the FAST TRACK program improves graduates' job hunting success. Traditionally reserved for Focus: HOPE students, Fast Track is being opened up to others in new partnerships with community colleges and businesses.
The "First Step" program was introduced in 1997 to augment Fast Track. The purpose of First Step is to prepare students needing even further remedial development in basic skills for entrance into Fast Track. Applicants with sixth-grade math and eighth-grade reading skills are eligible for the four-week program. Center for Advanced Technologies (CAT) The Center for Advanced Technologies (CAT) was created in 1989 through a memorandum |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 24, "sc": 83, "ep": 24, "ec": 808} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 24 | 83 | 24 | 808 | Focus: HOPE | Center for Advanced Technologies (CAT) | of understanding between the Department of Defense, Commerce, Education and Labor. It was developed and operated by Focus: HOPE to enhance the competitiveness of the U.S. industry and to allow interested MTI students to continue their manufacturing education. The CAT program offers associates and bachelor's degrees in manufacturing engineering in partnership with Lawrence Technological University, Wayne State University, and University of Detroit Mercy. The CAT program teaches contemporary manufacturing, while studying related academics. Courses are taught on-site by faculty from partner universities. In addition, some students take classes on the campuses of area universities.
Focus: HOPE contracts with |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 24, "sc": 808, "ep": 24, "ec": 1414} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 24 | 808 | 24 | 1,414 | Focus: HOPE | Center for Advanced Technologies (CAT) | government and business to provide real-world work experience and hands on engineering experience for its students while pursuing academic degrees. The CAT currently holds a contract with the US Army. In conjunction with the US Army's National Automotive Center (NAC), the CAT developed the Mobile Parts Hospital (MPH). The MPH is capable of producing a variety of critically needed replacement parts for the military vehicles on site. The MPH unit sends a request for manufacturing data to the Command and Control Center, located in the CAT building at Focus: HOPE, which then transmits the data back |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 24, "sc": 1414, "ep": 28, "ec": 550} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 24 | 1,414 | 28 | 550 | Focus: HOPE | Center for Advanced Technologies (CAT) & The Information Technologies Center (ITC) | to the field where the part is manufactured for immediate use. The Information Technologies Center (ITC) Focus: HOPE started the Information Technologies Center (ITC) in 1999, to provide industry-certified training. It is a part-time program, either 28 or 55 weeks long, open to everyone in Detroit. The ITC trains students for entry-level positions in the Information Technology (IT) industry based on a curriculum developed by IT leaders such as Microsoft, Novell and Cisco. The ITC program offers training in three IT career paths: Cisco Certified Network Associate (CCNA), Microsoft Certified Application Specialist (MCAS) in Office 2007 and Windows |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 28, "sc": 550, "ep": 32, "ec": 332} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 28 | 550 | 32 | 332 | Focus: HOPE | The Information Technologies Center (ITC) & Focus on the Mission | Vista for Business Worker, and Microsoft Certified Technical Specialist (MCTS). In partnership with Wayne State University, the ITC now gives students who graduate the program the opportunity to continue their education and earn a college degree in Information Management and Systems Engineering. Focus on the Mission Focus on the Mission is a Focus: HOPE community arts program that mixes inner-city and suburban teenagers. The goal is to help students develop knowledge and respect for different cultures and races while introducing them to new experiences. Students are grouped into culturally diverse teams, which are mentored by a professional |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 32, "sc": 332, "ep": 32, "ec": 953} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 32 | 332 | 32 | 953 | Focus: HOPE | Focus on the Mission | photographer and an art educator. Students are taken on field trips which include tours of various cultural and historical sites in Detroit. Each student uses digital and 35mm cameras to take black-and-white photos during field trips. The field trips and photo assignments enable teens to explore the cultural, geographical and social boundaries of Detroit. At the end of the program, each student is challenged to pick one photo which they believe is a representation of themes taken from the Focus: HOPE mission statement, including dignity, community, beauty, freedom and hope. These photos are then put on display |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 32, "sc": 953, "ep": 40, "ec": 35} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 32 | 953 | 40 | 35 | Focus: HOPE | Focus on the Mission & The Center For Children (CFC) & WALK for Diversity | in the Focus: HOPE Gallery, located on the second floor of the Focus: HOPE Center for Advanced Technologies, where they are available for public viewing. The Center For Children (CFC) Started in 1987, the Focus HOPE Center for Children provides infant and toddler care, also Montessori and early childhood preschool education (age three through kindergarten) and after-school programs for children up to age twelve. The CFC's approach is to stress the needs and basic development of the children socially and intellectually, by enhancing self-confidence and independence with love and respect. WALK for Diversity The annual WALK for Diversity is an |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 40, "sc": 35, "ep": 44, "ec": 44} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 40 | 35 | 44 | 44 | Focus: HOPE | WALK for Diversity & Senior Housing | event with the purpose of bringing together people who are committed to Focus: HOPE's civil rights mission. The WALK brings together thousands of people of all races and cultures every year from Detroit city and its suburbs. Money raised through the walk, from sponsors and donations, goes toward scholarships for students in all of Focus: HOPE's education programs. The WALK route is chosen to emphasize Detroit's historic neighborhoods, and cultural differences. The WALK celebrates the success and impact Focus: HOPE has had on the community. Senior Housing The Village of Oakman Manor is a 4-story, 54 |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 44, "sc": 44, "ep": 44, "ec": 653} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 44 | 44 | 44 | 653 | Focus: HOPE | Senior Housing | unit apartment housing complex for senior citizens. It is located within blocks of the Focus: HOPE campus. The complex was built with a goal of bringing in new development to the area as well as helping out its elderly community. The Village of Oakman Manor was opened to residents in January 2007. Qualified prospective residents are low-, fixed-income seniors and rent is based on each resident's adjusted monthly gross income, generally ranging from $0–$600 a month. The complex is part of Michigan's Cool Cities Initiative, a state-sponsored movement to revitalize Michigan's cities. Focus: HOPE was |
{"datasets_id": 1894, "wiki_id": "Q5463900", "sp": 44, "sc": 653, "ep": 44, "ec": 871} | 1,894 | Q5463900 | 44 | 653 | 44 | 871 | Focus: HOPE | Senior Housing | awarded a catalyst grant from the program to help fund the housing project. Other housing, as well as a new park, is expected to be developed in the area as part of the Cool Cities "Neighborhood in Progress" program. |
{"datasets_id": 1895, "wiki_id": "Q65081467", "sp": 2, "sc": 0, "ep": 6, "ec": 572} | 1,895 | Q65081467 | 2 | 0 | 6 | 572 | Foerster Peak | On Foerster Peak's locale | Foerster Peak On Foerster Peak's locale Foerster Peak is one of three Sierra Peaks Section listed peaks on along the boundary separating southeastern Yosemite from the Ansel Adams Wilderness.
Foerster Peak is loosely southeast of Half Dome and Clouds Rest, and is east of Mount Starr King. Foerster Peak is loosly northwest of Electra Peak. It is southwest of Mount Ansel Adams, loosely northeast of Gray Peak, and Red Peak. It is loosely southeast of Mount Florence, southwest of Mount Lyell and Rodgers Peak, is west of Mount Ritter, is northeast of Merced Peak. Foerster Peak is also southeast of Lake |
{"datasets_id": 1895, "wiki_id": "Q65081467", "sp": 6, "sc": 572, "ep": 6, "ec": 696} | 1,895 | Q65081467 | 6 | 572 | 6 | 696 | Foerster Peak | On Foerster Peak's locale | Merced and Merced Lake High Sierra Camp, and Washburn Lake. Foerster Peak is east of Mount Clark. Quartzite Peak is nearby. |
{"datasets_id": 1896, "wiki_id": "Q5464133", "sp": 2, "sc": 0, "ep": 10, "ec": 202} | 1,896 | Q5464133 | 2 | 0 | 10 | 202 | Fogo de Chão | Description & History | Fogo de Chão Description The name Fogo de Chão means "ground fire" and summarizes the traditional gaúcho method of roasting meats over an open fire. They offer a prix-fixe "full churrasco experience" which includes unlimited servings of various cuts of meat and an extensive "gourmet market table" for both lunch and dinner. All meats are slow-roasted by gaúcho chefs and carved at tableside. History The founders of Fogo de Chão grew up on a traditional Southern Brazilian farm in the Serra Gaúcha. It is here that they learned to cook in the churrasco grilling tradition that would become the backbone |
{"datasets_id": 1896, "wiki_id": "Q5464133", "sp": 10, "sc": 202, "ep": 10, "ec": 820} | 1,896 | Q5464133 | 10 | 202 | 10 | 820 | Fogo de Chão | History | of their story. The founding brothers left the quaint, mountainous countryside of Rio Grande do Sul to Rio and São Paulo for formal churrasqueiro training, all while developing the Fogo concept. This first restaurant, built of a wood structure and nestled in the countryside of Porto Alegre, grew out of an obsessive dedication to quality, investments in the art and culture of the city and a respect for the heritage of the founders’ families. After gaining a reputation among politicians, businessmen and celebrities who flocked from all over Brazil to taste the experience, Fogo opened its second restaurant in São |
{"datasets_id": 1896, "wiki_id": "Q5464133", "sp": 10, "sc": 820, "ep": 14, "ec": 182} | 1,896 | Q5464133 | 10 | 820 | 14 | 182 | Fogo de Chão | History & Ownership | Paulo.
At the requests of loyal American guests, the Fogo concept was exported to the US with a stateside debut in Dallas, Texas. Between 1997 and 2018, this pioneering churrascaria continued its expansion globally now with 52 restaurants across the US, Brazil, Mexico and the Middle East. Their passion to share their Southern Brazilian culture and cuisine has only just begun with plans for further growth around the world. Ownership The Brazilian private equity firm, GP Investments, made their initial investment in Fogo de Chão in 2006 and sold its shares to American private equity firm Thomas H. Lee Partners in |
{"datasets_id": 1896, "wiki_id": "Q5464133", "sp": 14, "sc": 182, "ep": 14, "ec": 369} | 1,896 | Q5464133 | 14 | 182 | 14 | 369 | Fogo de Chão | Ownership | 2012. On April 20, 2015, the company filed for an initial public offering on the NASDAQ. It traded there under the symbol FOGO until April 5, 2018, when it was acquired by Rhône Capital. |
{"datasets_id": 1897, "wiki_id": "Q5464574", "sp": 2, "sc": 0, "ep": 4, "ec": 659} | 1,897 | Q5464574 | 2 | 0 | 4 | 659 | Folklore Museum of Limenaria | Folklore Museum of Limenaria The folklore museum in Limenaria, Thasos was established in 1993 by To Kastro (The Castle), the Limenaria cultural association. It is housed in the former community office in the centre of the village. Limenaria is a village in the south of Thasos, 40 km from the main town, Limenas.
The purpose of the museum is to preserve and promote the local tradition. It therefore displays household artifacts and clothing (embroidery, woven fabrics, traditional costumes, stoves, a loom and its accoutrements, coffee-making equipment), tools of various trades (tailoring, barbering, woodcutting, bee-keeping, hunting, a shoemaker’s and a cobbler’s bench, tools |
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{"datasets_id": 1897, "wiki_id": "Q5464574", "sp": 4, "sc": 659, "ep": 4, "ec": 890} | 1,897 | Q5464574 | 4 | 659 | 4 | 890 | Folklore Museum of Limenaria | for collecting and transporting resin, a raki still, tools for collecting olives), and tools from the time when the local mines opened. The museum also displays Mr Kyprianos Georgiadis’‘ private collection of books and stationery. |
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{"datasets_id": 1898, "wiki_id": "Q2547644", "sp": 2, "sc": 0, "ep": 4, "ec": 542} | 1,898 | Q2547644 | 2 | 0 | 4 | 542 | Fondo (Barcelona Metro) | Fondo (Barcelona Metro) Fondo is a Barcelona Metro station in the municipality of Santa Coloma de Gramenet, in the northern part of the metropolitan area of Barcelona. It is served by two metro lines, L1 (red line), of which it is the northern terminus, and L9 (orange line). It was built in 1992 under Camí Fondo de Badalona, in the neighbourhood of Fondo (hence the name), between Carrer Dalmau and Carrer Verdi.
It began to serve L9 (orange line) on 13 December 2009, providing a transfer to the first part of Line 9 that was opened, which initially ran |
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{"datasets_id": 1898, "wiki_id": "Q2547644", "sp": 4, "sc": 542, "ep": 4, "ec": 576} | 1,898 | Q2547644 | 4 | 542 | 4 | 576 | Fondo (Barcelona Metro) | between Can Zam and Can Peixauet. |
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{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 2, "sc": 0, "ep": 6, "ec": 586} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 2 | 0 | 6 | 586 | Fonkoze | The Context | Fonkoze The Context Over two decades ago, Haiti was a country in the midst of a struggle for freedom and equality. Its first democratically elected President was living in exile, and the country was ruled by a brutal military regime. The organized rural and urban poor — the hundreds of grassroots organizations that worked tirelessly in the late eighties and early nineties for democracy in Haiti — were especially the targets of repression. Thousands were killed during this time, and many more were living in hiding or constant fear of reprisal. This is the context of the founding of Fonkoze.
A |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 6, "sc": 586, "ep": 6, "ec": 1231} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 6 | 586 | 6 | 1,231 | Fonkoze | The Context | group of grassroots leaders — led by Father Joseph Philippe, a Spiritan Priest and founder of the Peasant Association of Fondwa — envisioned a Haiti where individuals were not only given a chance at political democracy, but at economic democracy as well. They had confidence their President, Jean Bertrand Aristide, would soon be restored to power and the military regime would depart. Fr. Philippe recognized that the strong grassroots movement organized to bring about historic political change, could also be harnessed to bring about economic change on behalf of Haiti’s poor.
His main concern was that, although the majority of poor |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 6, "sc": 1231, "ep": 6, "ec": 1848} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 6 | 1,231 | 6 | 1,848 | Fonkoze | The Context | people in Haiti now knew how to organize themselves politically, they knew nothing about how to organize themselves economically. Even though people might control who was president, they had no control over who ruled the economy. The poor were not allowed access to banks or to the financial services they needed to rebuild their lives and their country from the ground up.
If you were a poor peasant or “ti machann,” (woman street vendor), who had no collateral, small banking transaction sizes, and could not read or write, you were not welcome in commercial banks. A coffee cooperative, for example, could |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 6, "sc": 1848, "ep": 10, "ec": 260} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 6 | 1,848 | 10 | 260 | Fonkoze | The Context & The Founding | not get enough credit to buy and process coffee harvests for export and a ti machann could not get a small loan to restock her merchandise and increase the size of her business. The poor who had organized themselves to gain political power now needed to organize themselves to create a bank they could call their own. The Founding In 1994, the founders of Fonkoze — some 32 grassroots leaders — drew up the official papers to launch their efforts, and in 1995 Fonkoze (Fondasyon Kole Zepòl, or the Shoulder-to-Shoulder Foundation) was officially recognized as a foundation under Haitian law. |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 10, "sc": 260, "ep": 10, "ec": 841} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 10 | 260 | 10 | 841 | Fonkoze | The Founding | At about the same time, in the United States, Anne Hastings was applying for the Peace Corps. An experienced management consultant, with a very successful business, Anne felt something was missing in her life. In her mid-40s and her only son in college, Anne wanted to give back some of what she had been given.
After being accepted to the Peace Corps and assigned to an African country, a client of hers encouraged her to speak to the Director of International Operations at the Peace Corps. Once he heard of her background, he asked, “Do you have any interest in ?” Anne |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 10, "sc": 841, "ep": 10, "ec": 1407} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 10 | 841 | 10 | 1,407 | Fonkoze | The Founding | replied that she was very interested in, but the Peace Corps wasn’t working in at the time. The Director said, “Forget the Peace Corps…I know a priest in that is doing amazing work.” He convinced Anne to send her resume directly to Fr. Philippe. Three days later, she received a message on her voice mail. “This is Fr. Joseph Philippe,” it said, “we are very pleased you have decided to work with. You may be Director of our new bank, Fonkoze. Thank you.”
Soon after the call, Anne found herself face-to-face with Fr. Joseph Philippe in Haiti. In the first |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 10, "sc": 1407, "ep": 14, "ec": 256} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 10 | 1,407 | 14 | 256 | Fonkoze | The Founding & The Creation of Fonkoze USA | fifteen minutes of their conversation, Anne often recalls, “he convinced me that he had more vision than all the top executives that had been my clients in D.C. put together.” Anne recalls he pulled a rickety typing table between them, and with paper and pencil in hand said, “let’s get to work.” Fonkoze was on its way. The Creation of Fonkoze USA In the spring of 1996, Fonkoze organized a conference in Miami to bring together micro-credit practitioners, Haitian-Americans, and Haiti advocates to discuss how Fonkoze should be launched. The meeting was held at and in attendance were representatives of |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 14, "sc": 256, "ep": 14, "ec": 852} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 14 | 256 | 14 | 852 | Fonkoze | The Creation of Fonkoze USA | many of the Haitian communities. One of the main topics of discussion at the conference was how to finance the work of Fonkoze. Some had argued that Fonkoze should finance its loans out of the savings people put on deposit with the organization — just like the banks do. But others argued that no, it would not be right to put poor people’s savings at risk and that the demand for loans would inevitably be greater than the savings Fonkoze could mobilize.
Some of the guest speakers at the conference told participants about a similarly minded organization providing micro-credit in that |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 14, "sc": 852, "ep": 14, "ec": 1507} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 14 | 852 | 14 | 1,507 | Fonkoze | The Creation of Fonkoze USA | received funds for its loan portfolio through a partner organization. The participants in the conference decided they could perhaps do the same, and Fonkoze was conceived.
In the fall of 1996, a Board member of the Washington Office on Haiti — Leigh Carter — agreed to take the job as Executive Director of Fonkoze USA, and in January 1997 Fonkoze USA held its founding board meeting. The original Board of Fonkoze was in many ways unique. Members of the Board included a few Haitians, but also Salvadorans, Mexicans, and African Americans. It included community organizers, lawyers, religious, professors, engineers, and bankers.
Fonkoze |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 14, "sc": 1507, "ep": 14, "ec": 2165} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 14 | 1,507 | 14 | 2,165 | Fonkoze | The Creation of Fonkoze USA | USA was established with the mission to raise donated and invested (loaned) funds, to increase public awareness about Haiti and economic development, and to facilitate technical assistance to support grassroots development efforts in Haiti. Fonkoze, it was agreed, would be the main recipient of the loans and grants raised through the efforts of Fonkoze. Arnold and Porter of New York became the first pro bono legal counsel of Fonkoze USA, and organizational structures were put in place.
Fonkoze USA developed its own Disclosure Statement, Notes for a Democratic Economy in Haiti. These Notes were “sold” to individuals and organizations all over |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 14, "sc": 2165, "ep": 18, "ec": 129} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 14 | 2,165 | 18 | 129 | Fonkoze | The Creation of Fonkoze USA & Resolving the Financing Dilemma | the U.S. to finance Fonkoze’s loan fund in Haiti. Essentially, any individual or organization could loan Fonkoze USA funds ($1,000 minimum) for the loan fund at 0-4% interest. Fonkoze USA then re-loaned these funds to Fonkoze, and Fonkoze re-loaned them to Haiti’s ti machann using the solidarity group lending method. When the loan matured, an investor could opt to receive the full amount of his/her loan with interest, or to renew the loan for continued work in Haiti. Resolving the Financing Dilemma Professionalization and growth continued throughout 1998, 1999, and 2000. As Fonkoze faced the new millennium, however, it became |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 18, "sc": 129, "ep": 18, "ec": 727} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 18 | 129 | 18 | 727 | Fonkoze | Resolving the Financing Dilemma | evident a new path was necessary. The financing mechanism Fonkoze had been utilizing—low-interest loans from abroad and donations—no longer seemed to be a viable long-term strategy for the simple reason that the gourde was no longer stable. Fonkoze was borrowing in dollars and lending in gourdes. When the gourde began to devalue rapidly beginning in the year 2000, it was clear that when it came time to repay the loans in dollars, the gourdes would no longer have the same value and there would be a shortfall in Fonkoze’s ability to repay. Raising funds for the non-financial services was also |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 18, "sc": 727, "ep": 18, "ec": 1396} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 18 | 727 | 18 | 1,396 | Fonkoze | Resolving the Financing Dilemma | a challenge.
While the organization had come a long way, it seemed Fonkoze’s dream of sustainability (at least for its financial services work) was always just out of reach. There was simply not enough capital to reach the scale that would be necessary to make the institution profitable. With a network of 15 branches, Fonkoze’s capacity clearly outstripped its capital base—and its capital base consisted of 100% debt. Another financing strategy would have to be devised.
Other foundations and micro-credit institutions throughout the developing world dealt with the same dilemma as Fonkoze. Prodem in Brazil, the Grameen Bank in Bangladesh, and CARD |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 18, "sc": 1396, "ep": 18, "ec": 2040} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 18 | 1,396 | 18 | 2,040 | Fonkoze | Resolving the Financing Dilemma | in the Philippines all made the transition to full-fledged micro-credit commercial banks, yet had begun as foundations or not-for-profits in their respective countries. As Fonkoze began to study their model of development, they discovered that in each case, the organization was driven by the same challenges of sustainability, scale, and capital.
It was at this time that Gordon McCormick, a Fonkoze USA major donor and Wall Street investment banker, became an active part of the team to shape Fonkoze’s future. He and Anne both believed that private capital could be accessed to tackle the problem of poverty in Haiti. Together, they |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 18, "sc": 2040, "ep": 18, "ec": 2608} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 18 | 2,040 | 18 | 2,608 | Fonkoze | Resolving the Financing Dilemma | set about to do just that by actively visualizing what it would take to create a solid financial base from which the institution could grow. One thing was evident — Fonkoze was having no trouble mobilizing savings in the communities in which it was operating. Every year, since 1996, the volume of savings had more than doubled. By the end of the year 2000 it stood at almost US$2 million. With a commercial bank license, Fonkoze would be able to access those deposits for lending. If they could add to that another $2-$3 million in capital from abroad, Fonkoze would |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 18, "sc": 2608, "ep": 22, "ec": 109} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 18 | 2,608 | 22 | 109 | Fonkoze | Resolving the Financing Dilemma & The Tragedy of Amos Jeannot | have a stable base from which to reach scale.
In the early stages of this exploration, Gordon, Anne, and other members of the Board of Fonkoze USA, consulted with attorneys (both in the and ), donor institutions, and international microfinance consultants from Development Alternatives, Inc. Just as the organization was about to take its first steps at putting voice to their vision and presenting it to the larger community, violent forces within moved on Fonkoze. The Tragedy of Amos Jeannot On the afternoon of September 6, 2000, a group of 10 men dressed in official Haitian National Police uniforms |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 22, "sc": 109, "ep": 22, "ec": 709} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 22 | 109 | 22 | 709 | Fonkoze | The Tragedy of Amos Jeannot | came to the door of Fonkoze. Under the pretext of checking Fonkoze’s gun permits, they entered the building. The men forced all the employees on the floor at gunpoint, and robbed the central safe of a relatively small amount of cash. Before leaving, they asked by name for long-time Fonkoze employee, Amos Jeannot, and forced him into the back of their stolen vehicle. As the car drove away, Fonkoze employees painfully witnessed the men brutally beating Amos.
Two days later, Fonkoze received a phone call. The caller said, “Tell Anne if she doesn’t close Fonkoze, we won’t let Amos go." It |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 22, "sc": 709, "ep": 22, "ec": 1366} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 22 | 709 | 22 | 1,366 | Fonkoze | The Tragedy of Amos Jeannot | soon became evident that the attack was about more than money. It was about intimidating, or even destroying, the institution of Fonkoze. Even though the organization always kept a low profile, and quietly and neutrally went about its work, someone was not at all happy with Fonkoze’s success. Fonkoze USA and Fonkoze Haiti immediately broke with their low-profile status, and began to “make a loud noise.”
In Haiti, Anne and Leigh posted reward flyers in neighborhoods throughout Port-au-Prince and went to radio stations to broadcast Amos’ kidnapping. In the U.S., Fonkoze organized an international campaign to pressure the Haitian government to |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 22, "sc": 1366, "ep": 22, "ec": 1992} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 22 | 1,366 | 22 | 1,992 | Fonkoze | The Tragedy of Amos Jeannot | fully investigate the attack and kidnapping. More than 1,000 faxes from all over the world were sent to the President of Haiti and the Chief of Police. In three popular Haitian newspapers, full-page ads ran calling for a full investigation, offering support and solidarity for Fonkoze, and signed by more than 100 international organizations. Sadly, three weeks later, the tortured body of Amos Jeannot was found in the Central Morgue by Fonkoze staff member Alexandre Hector.
Amos left behind a wife and four-month-old son. The National Cathedral in was filled to capacity with mourners at the memorial service as a |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 22, "sc": 1992, "ep": 22, "ec": 2600} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 22 | 1,992 | 22 | 2,600 | Fonkoze | The Tragedy of Amos Jeannot | banner flew in front proclaiming, “thank you Amos for all your good work in the country, with the peasants, with the youth, and with the ti machann.” While the investigation stalled, Fonkoze continued its work. When asked how Fonkoze staff could find the courage to do so, Anne replied, “Amos gave his life for Fonkoze, we have no choice but to keep moving forward.” With even more determination, and even more solidarity from clients and supporters, Fonkoze did just that. In the face of incredible challenges to their work — insecurity, devaluation of the Haitian gourde, continued political instability — |
{"datasets_id": 1899, "wiki_id": "Q5465044", "sp": 22, "sc": 2600, "ep": 22, "ec": 2666} | 1,899 | Q5465044 | 22 | 2,600 | 22 | 2,666 | Fonkoze | The Tragedy of Amos Jeannot | Fonkoze grew, professionalized, and strengthened in Amos' memory. |
{"datasets_id": 1900, "wiki_id": "Q5465435", "sp": 2, "sc": 0, "ep": 6, "ec": 603} | 1,900 | Q5465435 | 2 | 0 | 6 | 603 | Food and Fuel Control Act | Legislative history | Food and Fuel Control Act Legislative history The act was a very controversial piece of legislation. The act was sponsored by Rep. Asbury F. Lever, a Democrat from South Carolina. President Wilson urged its passage as a wartime emergency measure. Some opposed the authority that would rest in the person of the "Food Administrator." Others opposed language that empowered the president to limit or prohibit the use of agricultural products in the production of alcoholic beverages, thereby establishing a form of national prohibition. Senators proposed alternatives, including a prohibition on the production of whiskey alone for the duration of the |
{"datasets_id": 1900, "wiki_id": "Q5465435", "sp": 6, "sc": 603, "ep": 6, "ec": 1272} | 1,900 | Q5465435 | 6 | 603 | 6 | 1,272 | Food and Fuel Control Act | Legislative history | war. Republican Senator Henry Cabot Lodge objected to the language that authorized the president to "use any agency or agencies, to accept the services of any person without compensation, to cooperate with any person or persons in relation to the processes, methods, activities of and for the production manufacture, procurement, storage, distribution, sale, marketing, pledging, financing, and consumption of necessaries which are declared to be affected with a public interest." Wilson also had to fight off the proposal of Massachusetts Republican Senator John W. Weeks to establish instead a Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War.
Its official name was |
{"datasets_id": 1900, "wiki_id": "Q5465435", "sp": 6, "sc": 1272, "ep": 6, "ec": 1892} | 1,900 | Q5465435 | 6 | 1,272 | 6 | 1,892 | Food and Fuel Control Act | Legislative history | "An Act to Provide Further for the National Security and Defense by Encouraging the Production, Conserving the Supply, and Controlling the Distribution of Food Products and Fuel" and became law on August 10, 1917. It banned the production of "distilled spirits" from any produce that was used for food.
In 1918, faced with complaints from farmers that the Food Administration created under the Act had set the minimum price of wheat too low, Congress passed an amendment increasing that level from $2.20 to $2.40 per bushel. The President's veto out of concerns about inflation and the impact on the British, is |
{"datasets_id": 1900, "wiki_id": "Q5465435", "sp": 6, "sc": 1892, "ep": 6, "ec": 2565} | 1,900 | Q5465435 | 6 | 1,892 | 6 | 2,565 | Food and Fuel Control Act | Legislative history | credited with producing disastrous results for Democrats in the 1918 elections in the states of the grain belt.
On August 18, 1919, after the end of hostilities, President Wilson asked Congress to extend the life of the Act to allow his administration to address widespread and dramatic increases in the prices of commodities. He requested amendments to include clothing and to set increased penalties for profiteering. Opponents delayed passage for months while berating the administration for its failure to control prices and then granted the authority the President requested in October. In the House of Representatives, the President's chief critic complained |
{"datasets_id": 1900, "wiki_id": "Q5465435", "sp": 6, "sc": 2565, "ep": 10, "ec": 268} | 1,900 | Q5465435 | 6 | 2,565 | 10 | 268 | Food and Fuel Control Act | Legislative history & Implementation | of the administration's priorities: "Where there is one man in a thousand who cares a rap about the League of Nations, there are nine hundred and ninety-nine who are vitally and distressingly concerned about the high cost of living." The Department of Justice launched 179 prosecutions under the amended Act in the first two months following its passage. Implementation The Act, an emergency wartime measure, was designed to expire at the end of World War I or shortly thereafter. It created two agencies, the Food Administration and the Fuel Administration.
To head the Food Administration, the President named Herbert Hoover who |
{"datasets_id": 1900, "wiki_id": "Q5465435", "sp": 10, "sc": 268, "ep": 10, "ec": 960} | 1,900 | Q5465435 | 10 | 268 | 10 | 960 | Food and Fuel Control Act | Implementation | had handled Belgian relief at the beginning of the war and had coordinating food and fuel supplies since May 1917 on Wilson's personal authority. As United States Food Administrator he had the authority to fix food prices, license distributors, coordinate purchases, oversee exports, act against hoarding and profiteering, and encourage farmers to grow more crops. He emphasized the needs of America's allies, both those under arms and the civilian populations, for American produce. He encouraged American households to consume less meat and bread.
Wilson issued a proclamation in January 1918 calling upon Americans to demonstrate their patriotism by following Hoover's guidelines. |
{"datasets_id": 1900, "wiki_id": "Q5465435", "sp": 10, "sc": 960, "ep": 10, "ec": 1627} | 1,900 | Q5465435 | 10 | 960 | 10 | 1,627 | Food and Fuel Control Act | Implementation | There were voluntary "meatless Tuesdays" and "sweetless Saturdays." Tuesdays and Saturdays were "porkless." Both Mondays and Wednesday would be "wheatless." Compliance was voluntary, though the baking industry, including hotels and restaurants, was limited to the production of war bread and rolls called "victory bread." Initially it was made from at least 5% of grains other than wheat and that amount increased to 20% by February 24. His agency asked households to pledge their support and some 13 million of 18 million did so. Hoover's call for the conservation of the nation's produce emphasized voluntary compliance:
The effectiveness of these rules is |
{"datasets_id": 1900, "wiki_id": "Q5465435", "sp": 10, "sc": 1627, "ep": 10, "ec": 2209} | 1,900 | Q5465435 | 10 | 1,627 | 10 | 2,209 | Food and Fuel Control Act | Implementation | dependent solely upon the goodwill of, and the willingness to sacrifice by, the American people. In the last analysis, the success or failure of any plan such as that here outlined rests with the people. We are dependent upon the cooperation of the trades. We have but one police force – the American woman – and we depend upon her to organize in co-operation with our State and local Food Administrators to see that these rules are obeyed by that small minority who may fail.
Part of the rules will be enforced under the Lever Food act; other parts are voluntary, and will |
{"datasets_id": 1900, "wiki_id": "Q5465435", "sp": 10, "sc": 2209, "ep": 10, "ec": 2858} | 1,900 | Q5465435 | 10 | 2,209 | 10 | 2,858 | Food and Fuel Control Act | Implementation | depend for their success upon public sentiment. Our experience hitherto has shown a willingness of the vast majority of consumers, and a full co-operation of the trades, to undergo the self-sacrifice necessary to render such measures effective. The small minority who refuse to cooperate should not be allowed to defeat the nation's necessities.
Children were organized into the "United States School Garden Army." When eating apples, Boy Scouts were urged to be "patriotic to the core." Citizens were encouraged to grow "victory gardens" of vegetables in their backyards and vacant lots. Slogans like "By all means, save the beans" became |
{"datasets_id": 1900, "wiki_id": "Q5465435", "sp": 10, "sc": 2858, "ep": 10, "ec": 3494} | 1,900 | Q5465435 | 10 | 2,858 | 10 | 3,494 | Food and Fuel Control Act | Implementation | popular. The Food Administration also fixed the price of a bushel of wheat, the price floor being $2 a bushel and the ceiling at $2.20. One of its posters said: "FOOD WILL WIN THE WAR; DON’T WASTE IT." By the end of 1918, about one-fourth of all American production was diverted to the war effort.
The Fuel Administration under Harry Garfield, the President of Williams College, directed efforts to save coal. Nonessential factories were closed, and the Federal government had complete control over all aspects of the coal industry including production, pricing, sale, shipment, and distribution. Although the Act also included |
{"datasets_id": 1900, "wiki_id": "Q5465435", "sp": 10, "sc": 3494, "ep": 10, "ec": 4120} | 1,900 | Q5465435 | 10 | 3,494 | 10 | 4,120 | Food and Fuel Control Act | Implementation | oil and natural gas, it gave the government less authority over those energy sources and no ability to control the price of oil and gas. Copying the methods of the Food Administration, citizens were encouraged to save fuel with "gasless Sundays," "heatless Mondays," and "lightless nights."
Garfield's most dramatic action was an attempt to speed fuel to eastern ports where ships were idled for lack of fuel. On January 17, 1918, he order the closing of all factories east of the Mississippi. That accomplished his goal, but exposed the Wilson administration to criticism both from its usual opponents and members of |
{"datasets_id": 1900, "wiki_id": "Q5465435", "sp": 10, "sc": 4120, "ep": 14, "ec": 351} | 1,900 | Q5465435 | 10 | 4,120 | 14 | 351 | Food and Fuel Control Act | Implementation & Controversies | the President's own party.
On February 4, 1918, Garfield announced rules to govern the distribution of fuel oil that defined priority classes starting with railroads, then exports to the American armed forces, exports to America's allies in the war, hospitals, and several other classes. Controversies In November 1919, Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer sought and won an injunction against a strike in the coal industry under the Act. He claimed the President authorized the action, following a meeting with the severely ill President Wilson in the presence of his doctor. Samuel Gompers, President of the American Federation of Labor, protested that |
{"datasets_id": 1900, "wiki_id": "Q5465435", "sp": 14, "sc": 351, "ep": 14, "ec": 993} | 1,900 | Q5465435 | 14 | 351 | 14 | 993 | Food and Fuel Control Act | Controversies | President and members of his Cabinet had provided assurances when the Act was passed that it would not be used to prevent strikes by labor unions. He provided detailed accounts of his negotiations with representatives of the administration, especially Secretary of Labor William B. Wilson. He also argued that the end of hostilities, even in the absence of a signed treaty, should have invalidated any attempts to enforce the Act's provisions.
At one point Palmer asserted that the entire Cabinet had backed his request for an injunction. That infuriated Secretary of Labor Wilson who had opposed Palmer's plan and supported Gompers' |
{"datasets_id": 1900, "wiki_id": "Q5465435", "sp": 14, "sc": 993, "ep": 14, "ec": 1630} | 1,900 | Q5465435 | 14 | 993 | 14 | 1,630 | Food and Fuel Control Act | Controversies | view of the President's promises when the Act was under consideration. The rift between the Attorney General and the Secretary of Labor was never healed, which had consequences the next year when Palmer's attempts to deport radicals were frustrated by the Department of Labor.
Palmer used the Act again in April 1919 against 38 of the leaders of a walkout by railroad workers.
The amended Act's attempt to limit profits was found unconstitutional in February 1920 by a federal court that found its language "vague, indefinite, and uncertain." The Supreme Court struck down the provisions of the Act that allowed the Food |
{"datasets_id": 1900, "wiki_id": "Q5465435", "sp": 14, "sc": 1630, "ep": 18, "ec": 335} | 1,900 | Q5465435 | 14 | 1,630 | 18 | 335 | Food and Fuel Control Act | Controversies & Repeal | Administrator to set maximum prices and fine those who violated the levels he set in 1921. That same year, the Supreme Court upheld the Act's imposition of rent control in the District of Columbia, which had not been repealed along with the bulk of the Act. Repeal The work of the Fuel Administration ended in May 1919. The activities of the Food Administration declined quickly after the Armistice of 11 November 1918 and all but disappeared by July 1920.
The Act of August 10, 1917, as amended, was repealed along with a number of other authorized-for-wartime measures in a joint resolution |
{"datasets_id": 1900, "wiki_id": "Q5465435", "sp": 18, "sc": 335, "ep": 18, "ec": 582} | 1,900 | Q5465435 | 18 | 335 | 18 | 582 | Food and Fuel Control Act | Repeal | of Congress on March 3, 1921 by effectively declaring the wartime emergency still in effect at the time as formally over.
Court cases brought under the Act, both before and after its repeal, continued to work their way through the courts. |
{"datasets_id": 1901, "wiki_id": "Q2489759", "sp": 2, "sc": 0, "ep": 4, "ec": 562} | 1,901 | Q2489759 | 2 | 0 | 4 | 562 | Football chant | Football chant A football chant or terrace chant is a song or chant sung at association football matches. They can be historic, dating back to the formation of the club, adaptations of popular songs, plagiarised, a mock of the originals, spontaneous reactions to events on the pitch. They are one of the last remaining sources of an oral folk song tradition in the United Kingdom. Traditions vary from country to country and team to team, but they are generally used either to encourage the home team or slight the opposition. Not only do fans sing songs to directly slight the |
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{"datasets_id": 1901, "wiki_id": "Q2489759", "sp": 4, "sc": 562, "ep": 8, "ec": 499} | 1,901 | Q2489759 | 4 | 562 | 8 | 499 | Football chant | Spoken chants | opposition they are playing that day; many teams sing songs about their club rivals, even if they are not playing them. Spoken chants Some chants are spoken, typically in call-and-response format and often accompanied by percussion. For example, Chile national football team fans will do a routine whereby one group of fans will chant "Chi-Chi-Chi", and another group will respond "Le-Le-Le". For the Indonesia national football team one group of fans will chant "In-Do-Ne-Sia" with an air horn and hand clap in response. "Garuda Di Dadaku" is sung by fans when Indonesia plays at home.
Popularised at the Sydney Olympics and |
{"datasets_id": 1901, "wiki_id": "Q2489759", "sp": 8, "sc": 499, "ep": 8, "ec": 1121} | 1,901 | Q2489759 | 8 | 499 | 8 | 1,121 | Football chant | Spoken chants | used by Australian football supporters everywhere is the "Aussie Aussie Aussie, Oi Oi Oi" chant between two groups of supporters. It is a derivation of Welsh rugby chant "Oggy Oggy Oggy", which was also adapted by Chelsea supporters in tribute to Peter Osgood.
Other examples include the United States' "I believe that we will win!" and FC Metalist Kharkiv's "Putin khuilo!".
Some chants consist simply of a loud shout or whoop with a hand clap, sometimes led by a drum beat that gets increasingly faster, such as the Viking Thunder Clap made popular by fans of Iceland. Similar chants have been performed |
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