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221_9 | Falla dies
During the 1939—1945 second world war Falla returned to the Army with the rank of brigadier. He was later based in London as New Zealand representative on the Ministry of War Transport. He joined the main board of P&O Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company in 1944. On his way back to New Zealand aged 62 he suffered a cerebral haemorrhage and died at sea 6 November 1945.
P&O sell to T N T
Australian road transport business, Thomas Nationwide Transport, had a substantial road transport stake in New Zealand. With New Zealand investors TNT bought USSCo from P & O in 1971.
In 1990 Union Steam Ship operated seven ships, and was involved in ship management, tourism, real estate and other ventures. By 2000, the Union Bulk barge made its last voyage.
Brierley Investments
At the end of the 20th century Brierley Investments bought all the shares, broke Union Steam Ship into components and sold up what it could. |
221_10 | Union Steam Ship Company of New Zealand owned more than 350 ships and has been the subject of a number of books.
Ferries
Steamer Express Wellington to Lyttelton
Union Steam Ship began regular sailings between Wellington and Lyttelton in 1895 with the making two round trips a week. In 1905 this became a daily service year round. In 1933 the name "Steamer Express" was adopted for the service. Over the years a number of ships were used, including two Maoris, two Wahines, two Rangatiras, and a Hinemoa.
entered service in October 1966 and foundered and sank at the mouth of Wellington Harbour 18 months later in April 1968. The entered service in 1972 and was withdrawn in 1976, bringing the Wellington–Lyttelton "Steamer Express" to an end. |
221_11 | Wellington to Picton
In what has been described as "a fatal mistake", the Union Steam Ship announced in 1956 that the Tamahine was to be withdrawn from the Wellington-Picton route in 1962 and unlikely to be replaced (despite an offer of a $3 million government loan). The designer of the replacement ferry the recalled that, "The media said the whole thing was a red herring", adding, "In their view, if the Union Steam Ship Company couldn't make the service pay, Railways definitely couldn't."
Fleet
See also
Union Airways of New Zealand — Union Line's airline subsidiary
Notes
Bibliography
External links
Cook Strait Ferry
Defunct shipping companies of the United Kingdom
Shipping companies of New Zealand
Transport companies established in 1875
New Zealand companies established in 1875 |
222_0 | Retroelement silencing factor 1 is a protein that in humans is encoded by the RESF1 gene. RESF1 is broadly expressed in the lymph nodes, ovaries, appendix and spleen. RESF1 shows characteristics of being a minor histocompatibility antigen, as well as tumor suppressor capabilities. The high expression in the lymph nodes and spleen indicate function in the immune system.
Gene
RESF1 is a protein coding gene found on Chromosome 12 and maps to 12p11.21. Alternative names for this gene include Gonad Expressed Transcript (GET), UTA2-1 and C12orf35. RESF1 has 7 exons, 3 of which occur before the start codon.
Tissue expression
Normal
A study of normal human tissue expression profiling shows that RESF1 is highly expressed in the thymus, spleen, bone marrow and liver. This is interesting as it relates to common organs associated with the Immune system. |
222_1 | Gene tissue expression patterns found through the National Center for Biotechnology Information UniGene EST Profile showed that there was also high expression of RESF1 in the lymph nodes, uterus, mouth, thyroid, larynx and blood.
Cancer
An evaluation of RESF1 expression in health states was performed using NCBI Unigene’s EST Profile. Although RESF1 is highly expressed in uterine tumors, it is also highly expressed in the uterus, suggesting that it is unlikely the gene is associated closely with uterine cancer. However, RESF1 may be related to adrenal tumors, as there was lower expression of this gene within normal kidney tissue.
Transcript
Transcription factor binding sites
Transcription factor binding sites within the promoter of RESF1 included mainly transcription factors that were associated with bone marrow cells, antibody- producing cells, and blood cells. This supports the association of RESF1 with the functioning immune system.
Protein |
222_2 | RESF1 is 1747 amino acids in length and has one domain of unknown function, DUF4617. The Molecular Weight of RESF1 is 194.9 kdal. The basal isoelectric point is 8.95. A localization prediction suggests that RESF1 is likely a nuclear protein.
Protein structure
The secondary structure of RESF1 consists of mainly random coil structures (approximately 59.2%), few alpha helices (24% of residues) and fewer extended strands (15.8% of residues).
A predicted 3-D structure was created using Swiss model work space, shown above.
Protein interactions
RESF1 interacts with NANOG, MDM2, EXOC1 and CALML3. These interactions further suggest RESF1 is a nuclear protein, and that it may be associated with tumor-suppressor proteins and immune system proteins. |
222_3 | EXOC1 was involved in a schizophrenia study, relating a schizophrenia risk gene (DISC1) to a network of protein-protein interactions. This study used a two-hybrid assay as evidence to the protein interaction between RESF1 and EXOC1. EXOC1 functions as a response to microbial infections, which reduces viral RNA synthesis and protein translation.
NANOG was predicted to interact with RESF1 based on an affinity capture-MS, which linked NANOG to proteins involved with the cell cycle. This study used affinity purification combined with high accuracy mass spectrometry to find specific protein interactions. NANOG was also found to be an essential transcription factor in embryonic stem cells, specifically involved in gene expression to affect cell fate. |
222_4 | MDM2 is a gene that interacts with others to affect the cell cycle and apoptosis, and is located in tissues common to RESF1, such as the uterus and lymph node. MDM2 was found to interact with RESF1 through the use of a phage display library. This interaction further suggests that RESF1 is a nuclear protein, as MDM2 and its splice variants contain nuclear localization signals for nucleoplasmic distribution.
CALML3 was found to interact with RESF1 based on affinity capture-MS assay, similar to how NANOG was found to interact with RESF1. A study on CALML3 expression in epidermal development showed that CALML3 was useful marker for development, and loss of CALML3 expression correlated with malignant phenotypes.
Evolutionary relationships |
222_5 | Orthologs
The closest orthologs to RESF1 are primates, however, conserved sequences can be found in whales, bears, snakes, birds, turtles, and frogs. Orthologs of RESF1 diverged as long ago as 353 million years ago (Xenopus laevis), while the closest evolutionary ortholog is Papio anubis, which diverged approximately 28.1 million years ago.
Phylogenetic tree
An unrooted phylogenetic tree of RESF1 was created of 20 orthologs and the human RESF1 gene.
Molecular phylogeny
A graph shown below of the molecular evolution of RESF1 shows that it evolved relatively quickly compared to both cytochrome C, a slowly evolving protein, and fibrinogen alpha, which evolved more quickly than cytochrome C. The comparison shows that RESF1 is fairly quickly diverging, which suggests that it could be a gene that changes quickly in response to its environment, such as the introduction of a pathogen.
References
Genes |
223_0 | Not About Nightingales is a three-act play by Tennessee Williams in 1938. He wrote the play late in 1938, after reading in a newspaper about striking inmates of a Holmesburg, Pennsylvania, prison in August 1938, who had been placed in "an isolation unit lined with radiators, where four died from temperatures approaching 150 degrees.".
The play focuses on a group of inmates who go on a hunger strike. There is also a love story, with the characters Eva, the new secretary at the prison, and Jim, a handsome inmate who works for the warden and is trying to get out on parole.
In February 1939, Williams submitted the play to the Group Theatre in New York City, but they rejected it. Not About Nightingales remained unperformed and unpublished until the late 1990s when Vanessa Redgrave made it her personal mission to track the play down. It had its world premiere at the Alley Theatre in Houston in 1998 and was published the same year by New Directions, with a Foreword by Redgrave. |
223_1 | Plot summary
Act one |
223_2 | The play begins outside the warden's office with Eva Crane and Mrs. Bristol. Eva is there for a job interview as the new secretary for the Warden, while Mrs. Bristol is here to give her son Sailor Jack some baked goods she made just for him.
Moments after the scene begins, Jim walks through towards the Warden's office and informs the women that the Warden is out inspecting the grounds, and may not be back for a while. Mrs. Bristol can't stay and leaves the food on the Warden's desk.
Warden Whalen enters in an unannounced, brash way. He is a short, fat, yet powerful man with a presence. Eva begins to beg him for a job; however the Warden doesn't want to hear it, saying "A business executive is not interested in your personal misfortunes." In the end, after careful consideration, he gives Eva the job. |
223_3 | Meanwhile, Jim is being escorted back to his cell. Jim is a convict who helps out the Warden during the day. He enjoys the job because it gets him out of his cell all day. At nights when he returns, his cellmates are constantly calling him names such as Allison and Canary Bird. Some of the notable supporting characters introduced are Butch, the unofficial leader among the inmates; Queen, a gay convict who's not all that smart; and Ollie, a smart black convict who's well respected by all the inmates.
The next morning Mrs. Bristol returns to see the Warden and this time she had brought more food for her son. She explains how she hasn't heard from her son in a while and is getting worried. The Warden explains, in a coarse manner, that her son had gone insane and had to be killed. |
223_4 | The next day, Eva talks to Jim and asks him about the eating conditions at the prison. Jim says the food is terrible; however the Warden enters, and says that the food is fine. In an effort to put Jim back in line he tells the story to Eva about when Jim first got to the prison and how he had to whip him for 14 straight days to try to break through his rough exterior. This story is too much for Eva as she ends up fainting at the end of the scene.
Down in the prison, the prisoners begin to get pains in their stomachs and have a hard time getting to sleep. Butch says that it's the poor food they are served everyday that is causing their pain, and suggests that they all go on a hunger strike. The men, all in pain, agree to the idea. Jim re-enters the prison and tells the men to hold off on the hunger-strike as he feels with his upcoming parole he can "tear down the walls of this prison". |
223_5 | The men agree and say they will hold off for a little longer, and instead go to dinner and cause a small prison riot. By doing so, they have all earned time in "the hole."
Back upstairs, Eva is working with the Warden alone in his office. The Warden begins asking personal questions toward Eva and also starts being suggestive, even asking her to "come into the closet with him." Before anything can happen, Jim walks in with a report about the prisoners in "the hole," even bringing them up to see him. After talking to them all, the Warden decides they all need more time and he sends them back. Ollie, however, loses himself and doesn't want to go back; instead he rams his head into a wall and kills himself.
Word reaches the prisoners and at this moment they can't take it anymore. They are fed up with everything that is going on at the prison and begin their hunger strike. |
223_6 | Act two
The Warden begins the act, talking with the Prisons Chaplain, who is concerned about how the Warden is treating his prisoners. The Warden portrays his, "my way or the highway" attitude toward the Chaplain. The Chaplain, not in agreement with the Warden's methods, decides to quit. |
223_7 | Out in the waiting room, life in the prison is getting a bit restless, due in part of the hunger strike. Eva is answering phone calls left and right, while showing signs of stress during the process.
Jim enters with a bloody arm. He tells her that he walked too close to one of the cages and one of the inmate's grabbed hold of him. Jim tells her she should leave this place, as it's not safe, but she refuses. Her true feelings for Jim begin to show as she wants to wait till his parole comes up and leave with him. They begin to move in for a kiss when the Warden enters and breaks it up.
The new prison reverend enters the office and is instantly hired by the Warden, saying "I pride myself on being adjustable." He goes on to say that he won't interfere with what the Warden does because he's not in charge, he's just the reverend. |
223_8 | Afterwards, the Warden comes out and lets Jim and Eva know that if the hunger-strike continues, the men in Hall C will be moved to Klondike, a boiler room used as a torture room for out of line inmates, where the temperatures in the room can reach up to 150 degrees.
Moments later, Jim and Eva are alone again in the Warden's office. Jim opens up to Eva about how he can't stand the prison, the inmates, the Warden, and the guards. Eva continues to remind him that once he gets parole in a month, the two will be able to run away together, but Jim is no longer optimistic about his parole. Eva reassures him that he will get out because she plans to go to the newspapers and tell them about all the terrible things that go on in the prison. |
223_9 | At this moment, the Warden enters and tells Jim to take a file downstairs, thus leaving him alone with Eva once again. The Warden tells her that she can't leave since the building has been put on lockdown. This frightens Eva, getting her worked up, with the additional tension from the warden who takes advantage of the situation by seducing her. However, something comes up and the warden leaves. Just then, Jim enters. Eva tells him that she wants to leave the prison, no matter what it takes. Jim begins to devise a plan, to meet in the southwest corner of the prison yard when it's dark out, to attempt their escape together. |
223_10 | Act three |
223_11 | The act starts out in Klondike where the prisoners from Hall C are beginning to feel the heat from the steam boiler room. Butch is doing whatever he can to keep the morale up among his men by singing and dancing, but it's having no effect.
Meanwhile, Jim and Eva have met in the southwest corner of the yard; however, the guards and the Warden have caught them and have begun to haul off Jim and put him in Klondike with the other prisoners. Warden also starts to blackmail Eva and ends up making a deal with her, that he will mail the letter of recommendation for Jim's release if she sleeps with him. Eva reluctantly agrees and episode three ends with the warden showing Eva to his "inner room". |
223_12 | Back down in Klondike, Jim has joined the rest of the inmates; however, before Schultz, the head guard, can notice anything about Jim or the rest of the inmates, Butch has grabbed hold of the guard and Jim has stolen his revolver and keys. The inmates open the door and lock Schultz into the steaming cell, leaving him to die. Both Butch and Jim storm into the Warden's office; Butch looking for the Warden, and Jim looking for Eva. This leads to a confrontation with the warden who practically begs for his life in a cowardly manner, "Stop! I'm a family man! I've got a wife! A daughter! A little-girrrrl." But, he is eventually killed by Butch with a whip.
When they have a minute to talk, Eva and Jim discuss their future outside of the prison, and how they're in love and the many places they plan to travel to. |
223_13 | Suddenly extra police forces arrive at the prison to deal with the prison riots. Jim comes up with a plan to jump out into the river and swim to shore away from all the riots and noise. He gives Eva his shoes and tells her to look for him in the personal columns.
Jim jumps into the water, but because of the height of the jump and the fact that it is late at night, Eva is unsure if he made it safely in the water. The police arrive in the tower and grab Eva to take her to safety, bringing the play to an end. They question her about a pair of shoes she's got (which belongs to Jim), she replies "I picked them up somewhere. I can't remember", and continues to cling on to them. The audience remains unsure if Jim ever did make it out safely. |
223_14 | Character list
Eva Single woman who recently got a job at the prison as the Warden's secretary.
Jim Convict who's been at the prison for 10 years, he works for the Warden.
Warden Whalen Warden of the prison, unlikeable man.
Butch Smart talking convict, many look to him as the leader of the convicts.
Ollie Well respected convict who is very religious. He can't handle the system and takes his life.
Queen Image obsessed convict who is a homosexual, and not very bright.
Swifty New convict, former Olympic athlete, feels he will get out in no time.
Joe Typical convict, viewed by many as a sidekick to Butch.
Sailor Jack Old sailor who went insane during his sentence in jail.
Mrs. Bristol Mother of Sailor Jack.
Chaplain The Chaplain of the prison who resigns for disagreeing with the Warden.
Reverend The new Reverend of the prison who doesn't mind getting pushed around by the Warden.
Mex Mexican Convict, who is constantly praying for a way out. |
223_15 | 1999 Broadway debut
The actress Vanessa Redgrave, who was preparing for a role in the 1989 revival of Orpheus Descending, another Williams classic, read an introduction by Williams which referred to the horrors of Not About Nightingales. Redgrave later said, "Basically, anybody could have found the play. I was the only person who was determined to find it." She later contacted William's literary executor Maria St. Just, who was able to unearth the manuscript. |
223_16 | Redgrave brought it to Trevor Nunn who agreed to direct the play. His production debuted in London on March 5, 1998, to very positive reviews. The world premiere in London of Not About Nightingales on March 5, 1998, was a collaboration of the Royal National Theatre of Great Britain and Corin and Vanessa Redgrave's Moving Theatre, in association with the Alley Theatre. The play moved to the Alley Theatre in Houston running from June 5 to July 3, 1998. Talkin' Broadway called it "A World Class Production" and "A glimpse in the writing of Williams that would transform him from Tom to Tennessee". The next year it opened at the Circle in the Square Theatre on February 25, 1999 and was nominated for six Tony awards, including best play and best performance by a leading actor, Vanessa's brother Corin Redgrave as the Warden. |
223_17 | Awards and nominations
Tony Awards
Tony Award for Best Play
Tony Award for Best Performance by a Leading Actor in a Play (Corin Redgrave)
Tony Award for Best Performance by a Featured Actor in a Play (Finbar Lynch)
Tony Award for Best Scenic Design (Richard Hoover) Winner
Tony Award for Best Lighting Design (Chris Parry)
Tony Award for Best Direction of a Play (Trevor Nunn)
Drama Desk Awards
Outstanding Play
Outstanding Actor in a Play (Finbar Lynch, Corin Redgrave)
Outstanding Featured Actor in a Play (James Black)
Outstanding Director of a Play (Trevor Nunn) Winner
Outstanding Set Design of a Play (Richard Hoover) Winner
Outstanding Lighting Design (Chris Parry) Winner
Outstanding Sound Design (Christopher Shutt) Winner
Outstanding Music in a Play (Steven Edis)
References
External links
1998 plays
Plays by Tennessee Williams
Plays set in the United States
1938 plays |
224_0 | Lindy Lee (born 1954) is an Australian painter and sculptor of Chinese heritage, whose work blends the cultures of Australia and her ancestral China and explores her Buddhist faith. She has exhibited widely, and is particularly known for her large works of public art, such as several iterations of The Life of Stars at various locations in China and on the forecourt of the Art Gallery of South Australia, and The Garden of Cloud and Stone in Sydney's Chinatown district. |
224_1 | Early life and education
Lee was born in 1954 in Brisbane, Queensland, the daughter of Chinese immigrants who fled Guangdong province in China with their two older children after the rise of communism in that country. Her father arrived first, in 1949, and her mother and siblings, came afterwards, in 1953. Lee's experiences with racism as a child in Australia coupled with her experience of feeling alienated when visiting China because of her inability to speak in the Chinese language contributed to her interest in melding the cultures in her work. |
224_2 | She first qualified as a secondary school teacher at Kelvin Grove Teachers College in 1975. After encountering art galleries on a trip to Europe, she decided to pursue a career in art. She attended the Chelsea School of Art in London, after which she considered a career as an art teacher, but exposure to portraiture and contemporary art in London and elsewhere in Europe decided her to become a professional artist. During her years at graduate school at the Sydney College of the Arts in Australia she made her first portrait utilising photocopiers, a technique which featured prominently in her early work.
After decades as a practising artist, Lee attended the University of New South Wales, from which she achieved her PhD in Fine Art in 2001.
Themes and practice |
224_3 | Initially denying her Chinese heritage and identity, she decided to embrace it and explore it in her art, initially using photos from the family album and creating two-dimensional artworks. Her later work blends the cultures of Australia and her ancestral China and explores her Buddhist faith.
Lee's work began in 1983 with a strong interest in originality and reproductions, utilising photocopiers to reproduce famous portraits over which she painted original work with acrylic paint after distorting the images. The resulting artworks raised questions about "originality and authenticity". Eventually, she began adding portraits of family and others before moving into other art forms, including sculpture. In 2008, during a residency in Kuala Lumpur, she began experimenting with first pierced paper, and then, with soldering irons and blow torches in a studio in Beijing, started burning holes in other materials, developing her distinctive "fire drawings". |
224_4 | As she became more involved in Zen Buddhism, she began to incorporate elements of religion in her work, which often focuses heavily on the theme of suffering. She also reflects Taoist themes, including the interconnectedness of the universe and of nature and humanity.
Works
Lee's most prominent public works include several iterations of The Life of Stars at various locations in China and in Adelaide, South Australia, and The Garden of Cloud and Stone in Sydney's Chinatown district. |
224_5 | The Life of Stars
In 2014, Lee was commissioned by Ting Hsin International Group in Shanghai to create a public art work, at which time she first started working with Urban Art Projects (UAP) in Brisbane, using bronze. After experimenting with a technique inspired by Buddhist spiritual practice which focused on oneness with nature, UAP collaborated with her to create the mirror polished stainless steel, egg-shaped sculpture, The Life of Stars for the commission. The numerous piercings in the steel were arranged in overlapping concentric circles, representing "earth, life, birth and renewal" that is found in Tao and Buddhist principles, referring symbolically to the connectedness of the universe via a concept used in Mahayana Buddhism. |
224_6 | Several more versions of The Life of Stars now exist: in Shanghai; at the Province Midtown Cultural Centre in Zhengzhou (Life of Stars: Tenderness of Rain); and Xian, in China; as well as at the entrance to the Art Gallery of South Australia (AGSA) in Adelaide. The latter sculpture was mounted on the AGSA forecourt after being presented for the 2018 Adelaide Biennial of Australian Art: Divided Worlds, its polished stainless steel surface reflecting its surroundings while simultaneously radiating light. Over 30,000 holes were individually placed by Lee resemble a map of our galaxy when lit from within. The sculpture was bought by the gallery as a farewell gift for departing director Nick Mitzevich in April 2018. |
224_7 | NGA ouroborus
In September 2021 the National Gallery of Australia (NGA) under director Nick Mitzevich commissioned an immersive sculpture based on the ouroboros (an ancient symbol depicting a snake eating its own tail), to be placed near its main entrance of the gallery. Scheduled to be finished in 2024, at 14 million dollars the sculpture is the most expensive commission to date. The cost of the commission and some claims about it raised some controversy. John McDonald in The Sydney Morning Herald observed that the "breathtaking" sum of 14 million dollars for "another version of a successful formula" could have been used by the NGA to fill some significant gaps in its collection Christopher Allen from The Australian makes the same point and remarks on the work's 'immersive' quality that it merely "offer[s] a passive experience to audiences who are unwilling or unable to engage more actively with works of art." |
224_8 | Other roles
Lee was a founding member of Gallery 4A (now the 4A Centre for Contemporary Asian Art) in Sydney in 1996.
She was a senior lecturer at the Sydney College of the Arts (a faculty of the University of Sydney) for more than two decades, and has been a trustee at the Art Gallery of New South Wales.
She has served on the boards of Artspace Visual Arts Centre and the Australian Centre for Photography, and was president of the Asian Australian Artists Association as well as deputy chair of the Visual Arts and Crafts Fund of the Australia Council.
Recognition
Considered one of the foremost contemporary artists in the country, Lee has been commissioned to create several pieces of public art, such as Cloud Gate in Sydney's Chinatown district around 2013, consisting of cloud shapes made of brass inlaid into the footpath. Valued at approximately , the artwork was mistakenly covered during construction of the Sydney Light Rail network in 2018, but was scheduled to be repaired. |
224_9 | Lee is also widely known internationally, having exhibited in Canada, China, Hong Kong, Japan, Malaysia, New Zealand and Singapore.
In 2018 Lee, in collaboration with art fabricators Urban Art Projects (UAP), won an international competition run by the New York State Department of Transportation to build a public artwork in the heart of New York's Chinatown, beating around 80 other entries. Her design, initially called "Drum Tower", is a cylindrical steel tower approximately high, based on the drum towers (guzou) found in villages and cities in China, marking the symbolic centre. They were used to mark nightfall and to summon the people for civic ceremonies and significant occasions, such as Chinese New Year. Following some objections to the design, later named The Dragon's Roar, the future of the sculpture was to be decided after community consultation in September 2019. |
224_10 | Tony Costa's oil painting of Lee won the Archibald Prize for portraiture in 2019. He said that he had been "attracted to her wisdom, humility, courage, humour and, above all, her deep focus regarding her art practice".
Elizabeth Ann Macgregor, curator of the Museum of Contemporary Art Australia (MCA), commented in 2021:
Exhibitions
Lee started exhibiting her work in the 1980s. She has exhibited widely, with shows outside Australia in the United States, Germany, Canada, China, Hong Kong, Japan, Malaysia, New Zealand and Singapore.
Her work, along with that of two other Asian Australian artists, was featured in the inaugural exhibition of Gallery 4A (now the 4A Centre for Contemporary Asian Art) in 1997.
In 2014, the University of Queensland Art Museum mounted a survey of her work to date. |
224_11 | From 2 October 2020 until 28 February 2021, Lindy Lee: Moon in a Dew Drop, the largest ever solo exhibition of Lee's work, was mounted at the MCA in Sydney, curated by Elizabeth Ann Macgregor. The exhibition features more than 70 artworks, including a number of new works specially commissioned for the MCA. The exhibition then went on tour, starting with a stint at the Western Plains Cultural Centre in Dubbo, New South Wales, from 22 May to 1 August 2021, to be followed by the Lismore Regional Gallery in Lismore (NSW); Artspace Mackay (Queensland); Devonport Regional Gallery (Tasmania); and the John Curtin Gallery (Perth, WA), finishing on 24 July 2022.
References
External links
1954 births
Living people
Artists from Brisbane
21st-century Australian artists
Australian people of Chinese descent
Australian women artists
Alumni of the University of the Arts London
University of Sydney alumni
University of New South Wales College of Fine Arts alumni |
225_0 | The Monastery of Dumio (sometimes Dumium or Dumio, in Portuguese São Martinho de Dume), is a former paleo-Christian monastery in the civil parish of Dume, municipality of Braga, in northwestern Portugal. Originally a Roman villa, it was the base of a basilica by Suebi tribes, and later Christian monastery headed by Martin of Braga in the 6th century (c. 550–560). The re-discovery of the Roman ruins in the late 20th century resulted in archaeological excavations that unearthed its former use.
History
By the 1st century, there already existed an octagonal Roman villa, which, much later (3rd century) included a system of baths. |
225_1 | In the first half of the 6th century, construction of a primitive church was ordered constructed by the Suebi King Chararic (Suebian king), to honour God for curing his son. It can also be inferred that this was a reflection of the expansion and authority of the Suebi within the northern context of Braga. By the middle of the 6th century, the site began to take on an important context within the peninsula. Under Martin of Braga, referred to as the Apostle of the Suebi, the older structures were taken over by a monastery, whose religious importance began to make it the centre of religion in the kingdom, and an autonomous diocese in close proximity to Braga. The King himself constructed a palace annex, making the ancient village a centre of decision-making in the Cortes. The design was also a combination of Suebi aesthetics and 6th century influences from southern Gaul; there existed semi-formal links to the Merovingian monarchs with whom the Suebi corresponded, showing artistic |
225_2 | influences in the sarcophagus and layout of the basilica. |
225_3 | Three centuries after the construction of São Martinho, and during the Reconquista the basilica was the object of fundamental reforms. The church was transferred to the benevolence of the Bishop of Mondonedo, São Rosendo (later confirmed in 911).
Then, there was a return during the 10th century, with the re-purposing and re-population initiatives of Afonso III. Yet, by this time, the religious complex in Dume was abandoned (or at least in weak decline): neither the memory of Martin of Braga nor its ancient glory would motivate any new importance. It is likely that it may have served as a parochial church, but the ruins discovered on the site clearly indicate that it may not have lasted in this function for long. Dume was returned to the Diocese of Braga around 1103, where it remained, although later indications as to the condition, state or use of the ancient basilica are non-existent. |
225_4 | In 1608, there were references to the hermitage of Nossa Senhora do Rosário, around the houses of the municipal seat. It was also around this time that the actual Matriz Church was completed (17th century). Later expansion of the church was completed in the first half of the 18th century.
Around 1747, the Contador de Argote relates the appearance of diverse archaeological vestiges in Dume, casual objects unearthed by local farmers. |
225_5 | However, it was only in 1987 that a formal identification of a Roman villa under the Chapel of Nossa Senhora do Rosário was completed; Luís O. Fontes, a professor at the department of archeology at the University of Minho detailed his findings in the civil parish. In 1992, formal excavations of the medieval funerary site was begun in Dume. By May 1993, the Roman baths of the Roman villa were discovered. The remains of Martin of Braga were moved to a subterranean tomb alongside the ruins, underneath the chapel. In 1997, the local government () erected a fence to protect the backyard of the Casa do Assento, whose archaeological structure corresponded to the Roman bathhouse was discovered. The beginning of the exploration of the uncovered paleo-Christian basilica were begun in July 2005. The collection of archaeological artefacts collected during the excavations were deposited with the Museu Dom Diogo de Sousa, in Braga. This included primarily ceramics from the Roman and medieval |
225_6 | periods, but also Roman era glass and amphora, corroded medieval coins and decorative Roman mosaics. Also discovered: part of a lid of a sarcophagus, the base of columns, arches, fragments of stems, bows and staves, decorated with a herringbone rosettes and, slabs of limestone and marble that include traces of title and lattice grid. |
225_7 | Architecture
The ruins are located around the Lugar da Igreja or Lugar do Assento on the square occupied by the parochial church of Dume. Occupying a rural landscape, the space is an ample property that include the Church of São Martinho de Dume, constituted by a central nucleus of the courtyard, the chapel of Nossa Senhora do Rosário and backyard of the Casa do Assento, on the same block occupied by the local cemetery.
The archaeological ruins in Dume encompass a complex of structures that include: a grande Roman villa (with a habitational zone) and bathhouse; remnants of a granite basilica in the form of a Latin cross (oriented east to west); with regularly horizontal aligned deposits in mortar, pavement and polychromatic mosaics; and a necropolis consisting of twelve graves, located in an area defined by granite slabs and/or brick coverage. These individual spaces were occupied successively over a 2000-year period.
References
Sources |
225_8 | Buildings and structures in Braga
Dumio
National monuments in Braga District |
226_0 | Amedeo Guillet (February 7, 1909 – June 16, 2010) was an officer of the Italian Army. Dying at the age of 101, he was one of the last men to have commanded cavalry in war. He was nicknamed Devil Commander and was famous during the Italian guerrilla war in Ethiopia in 1941, 1942 and 1943 because of his courage.
Early life
He was born in Piacenza, Italy. Descended from a noble family from Piedmont and Capua. His parents were Franca Gandolfo and Baron Alfredo Guillet, a colonel in the Royal Carabinieri. Following his family tradition of military service, he enrolled in the Academy of Infantry and Cavalry of Modena at the age of 18, thus beginning his career in the Royal Italian Army.
He served in the Second Italo-Ethiopian War that prevented him from competing in equestrian events in the Berlin 1936 Summer Olympics. Guillet was wounded and decorated for bravery as commander of an indigenous cavalry unit. |
226_1 | Guillet next fought in the Spanish Civil War serving with the 2nd CCNN Division "Fiamme Nere" at the Battle of Santander and the Battle of Teruel.
World War II
In the buildup to World War II, Prince Amedeo, Duke of Aosta gave Guillet command of the 2,500 strong Gruppo Bande Amhara, made up of recruits from throughout Italian East Africa, with six European officers and Eritrean NCOs. The core was cavalry, but the force also included camel corps and mainly Yemeni infantry. For Guillet to be given command of such a force while still only a lieutenant was a singular honor. |
226_2 | In 1940, he was tasked to form a "Gruppo Bande a Cavallo". The "Bande a Cavallo" were native units commanded by Italian officers. Amedeo Guillet succeeded in recruiting thousands of Eritreans. His "Band", already named in the history books as "Gruppo Bande Guillet" or "Gruppo Bande Amahara a Cavallo", was distinguished for its absolute "fair play" with the local populations. Amedeo Guillet could boast of having never been betrayed, despite the fact that 5,000 Eritreans knew perfectly well who he was and where he lived. It was during this time, in the Horn of Africa that the legend of a group of Eritreans with excellent fighting qualities, commanded by a notorious "Devil Commander", was born. |
226_3 | Guillet's most important battle happened towards the end of January 1941 at Cherù when he attacked enemy armoured units. At the end of 1940, the Allied forces faced Guillet on the road to Amba Alagi, and specifically, in the proximity of Cherù. He had been entrusted, by Amedeo Duca d'Aosta, with the task of delaying the Allied advance from the north-west. The battles and skirmishes in which this young lieutenant was a protagonist (Guillet commanded an entire brigade, notwithstanding his low rank) are highlighted in the British bulletins of war. The "devilries" that he created from day to day, almost seen as a game, explains why the British called him not only "Knight from other times" but also the Italian "Lawrence of Arabia". Horse charges with unsheathed sword, guns, incendiary and grenades against the armored troops had a daily cadence. |
226_4 | Official documents show that in January 1941 at Cherù "with the task of protecting the withdrawal of the battalions ... with skillful maneuver and intuition of a commander ... In an entire day of furious combats on foot and horseback, he charged many times while leading his units, assaulting the preponderant adversary (in number and means) soldiers of an enemy regiment, setting tanks on fire, reaching the flank of the enemy's artilleries ... although huge losses of men, ... Capt. Guillet, ... in a particularly difficult moment of this hard fight, guided with disregard of danger, an attack against enemy tanks with hand bombs and benzine bottles setting two on fire while a third managed to escape while in flames." In those months many proud Italians died, including many brave Eritreans who fought without fear for a king and a people who they never saw or knew. To the end of his life, the "Devil Commander" used words of deep respect and admiration for that proud population to whom he |
226_5 | felt indebted as a soldier, Italian, and man. He never failed to repeat that "the Eritreans are the Prussians of Africa without the defects of the Prussians". His actions served their intended purpose and saved the lives of thousands of Italians and Eritreans who withdrew in the territory better known as the Amba Alagi. At dawn, Gulliet charged against steel weapons with only swords, guns and hand bombs at a column of tanks. He passed unhurt through the British forces who were caught unaware. Amedeo then returned to the steps in order to recharge. In the meantime, the British artillery battery, under the command of Lieutenant Kenneth Simonds, succeeded to organize themselves and fire at raised zero with their howitzers. The shells that actually exploded, and the extreme noise of the guns firing at point-blank range, successfully disrupted the cavalry attack and dispersed Guillet's troopers, ending the attack. He himself had his horse shot from underneath him by Lt Simonds' orderly |
226_6 | with a Boys anti-tank rifle. |
226_7 | This action was the last cavalry charge that British forces ever faced, but it was not the final cavalry charge in Italian military history. A little more than a year later a friend of Guillet, Colonel Bettoni, launched the men and horses of the "Savoia Cavalry" against Soviet troops at Isbuchenskij.
Guillet's Eritrean troops paid a high price in terms of human losses, approximately 800 died in little more than two years and, in March 1941, his forces found themselves stranded outside the Italian lines. Guillet, faithful until death to the oath to the House of Savoy, began a private war against the Allies. Hiding his uniform near an Italian farm, he set the region on fire at night for almost eight months. He was one of the most famous Italian "guerrilla officers" in Eritrea and northern Ethiopia during the Italian guerrilla war against the Allies occupation of the Italian East Africa. |
226_8 | Later (in early 1942) for security reasons he changed his name in Ahmed Abdallah Al Redai, studied the Koran and looked like an authentic Arab: so when British soldiers came to capture him, he fooled them with his new identity and escaped on two occasions. That's where he gained the nickname of "Devil Commander", as his men held that he seemed immortal.
After numerous adventures, including working as a water seller, Guillet was finally able to reach Yemen, where for about one year he trained soldiers and cavalrymen for Imam Yahya's army, whose son Ahmed became a close friend. Despite the opposition of the Yemenite royal house, he succeeded in embarking incognito on a Red Cross ship repatriating sick and injured Italians and finally returned to Italy a few days before the armistice in September 1943. |
226_9 | As soon as Guillet reached Italy he asked for gold sovereigns, men and weapons to aid Eritrean forces. The aid would be delivered by aeroplane and enable a guerrilla campaign to be staged. But with Italy's surrender, then later joining the Allies, times had changed. Guilet was promoted to major for his war accomplishments and worked with Major Max Harari of the 8th King's Royal Irish Hussars who was the commander of the British special unit services that tried to capture Guillet in Italian East Africa. On April 25, 1945, he was entrusted as a secret agent the mission to recover the crown of the Ethiopian negus from the "Garibaldi" partisan brigade, which had stolen it from the Social Republic. It was later given back to Haile Selassie. This was the first step towards reconciliation between Italy and Ethiopia. |
226_10 | At the end of the war, the Italian monarchy was abolished. Guillet expressed a deep desire to leave Italy. He informed Umberto II of his intentions, but the King urged him to keep serving his country, whatever form its government might take. Concluding that he could not disobey his king's command, Guillet expressed his desire to teach anthropology at university.
Later life
Following the war, Guillet entered the Italian diplomatic service where he represented Italy in Egypt, Yemen, Jordan, Morocco, and finally as ambassador to India until 1975. In 1971, he was in Morocco during an assassination attempt on the king.
On June 20, 2000, he was awarded honorary citizenship by the city of Capua, which he defined as "highly coveted". |
226_11 | On November 4, 2000, the day of the Festivity of the Armed Forces, Guillet was presented with the Knight Grand Cross of the Military Order of Italy by President Carlo Azeglio Ciampi. This is the highest military decoration in Italy. Guillet is one of the most highly decorated (both civil and military) people in Italian history. In 2001, Gulliet visited Eritrea and was met by thousands of supporters. The group included men who previously served with him as horsemen in the Italian Cavalry known as Gruppo Bande a Cavallo. The Eritrean people remembered Gulliet's efforts to help Eritrea remain independent of Ethiopia.
Since 1974 Guillet had been living in retirement in Kentstown, County Meath, Ireland although latterly he had spent his winters in Italy. For some years he was a member of and hunted with the Tara Harriers and the Meath Hounds. |
226_12 | In 2003, Amedeo reunited with one of his old wartime adversaries when he invited Lt Kenneth Simonds, the British officer who had faced his cavalry charge in command of an artillery battery, to his farm in County Meath. The two men were friends for the rest of their lives.
In 2009, his 100th birthday was celebrated with a special concert at the Palazzo Barberini in Rome.
Amedeo married Beatrice Gandolfo in 1944. The couple subsequently had two sons; Paolo and Alfredo. Beatrice died in 1990.
Amedeo Guillet died on June 16, 2010, in Rome.
Documentary film
In 2007 Guillet's life story was the subject of a film made by Elisabetta Castana for RAI.
Honors
Order of Merit of the Italian Republic 1st Class / Knight Grand Cross – June 2, 1975
See also
Italian Guerrilla war in East Africa
Gruppo Bande Amhara
East African Campaign (World War II)
References |
226_13 | Bibliography
Segre, Vittorio Dan (1993). La guerra privata del Tenente Guillet: la resistenza italiana in Eritrea durante la seconda guerra mondiale [The private war of Lieutenant Guillet: the Italian resistance in Eritrea during the Second World War]. Corbaccio Editore. .
O'Kelly, Sebastian Amedeo: The True Story of an Italian's War in Abyssinia, 2002.
Umiltà, Angelo; Barani, Giorgio & Bonati, Manlio (2004). Gli italiani in Africa: con appendici monografiche su esploratori e personaggi che calcarono il suolo africano dal 1800 al 1943 [The Italians in Africa]. T&M Associati Editore.
Scianna, Bastian Matteo (2019). "Forging an Italian hero? The late Commemoration of Amedeo Guillet (1909-2010)". European Review of History. 26 (3): 369-385.
External links
Photos of Amedeo Guillet in Immaginario Diplomatico - collection of historical photos of Italian Diplomats by Stefano Baldi |
226_14 | 1909 births
2010 deaths
Men centenarians
Italian centenarians
People from Piacenza
Italian soldiers
Italian military personnel of World War II
Italian diplomats
20th-century diplomats
Italian people of the Spanish Civil War
Recipients of the Gold Medal of Military Valor
Recipients of the Silver Medal of Military Valor
People from County Meath
Grand Crosses with Star and Sash of the Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany
Knights Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic |
227_0 | An infomercial is a form of television commercial that resembles regular TV programming yet is intended to promote or sell a product, service or idea. It generally includes a toll-free telephone number or website. Most often used as a form of direct response television (DRTV), they are often program-length commercials (long-form infomercials), and are typically 28:30 or 58:30 minutes in length. Infomercials are also known as paid programming (or teleshopping in Europe). This phenomenon started in the United States, where infomercials were typically shown overnight (usually 1:00 a.m. to 6:00 a.m.), outside peak prime time hours for commercial broadcasters. Some television stations chose to air infomercials as an alternative to the former practice of signing off, while other channels air infomercials 24 hours a day. Some stations also choose to air infomercials during the daytime hours, mostly on weekends, to fill in for unscheduled network or syndicated programming. By 2009, most |
227_1 | infomercial spending in the U.S. occurred during the early morning, daytime and evening hours, or in the afternoon. Stations in most countries around the world have instituted similar media structures. The infomercial industry is worth over $200 billion. |
227_2 | The Washington DC-based National Infomercial Marketing Association was formed in late 1990; by 1993 "it had more than 200" members committed to standards "with teeth".
While the term "infomercial" was originally applied only to television advertising, it is now sometimes used to refer to any presentation (often on video) which presents a significant amount of information in an actual, or perceived, attempt to promote a point of view. When used this way, the term may be meant to carry an implication that the party making the communication or political speech is exaggerating truths or hiding important facts.
The New York Times cited a professional in the field as saying that "infomercial companies tend to do well during recessions." |
227_3 | Format
The word "infomercial" is a portmanteau of the words "information" and "commercial". As in any other form of advertisement, the content is a commercial message designed to represent the viewpoints and to serve the interest of the sponsor. Infomercials are often made to closely resemble standard television programs. Some imitate talk shows and try to downplay the fact that the program is actually a commercial message. A few are developed around storylines and have been called "storymercials". However, most do not have specific television formats but craft different elements to tell what their creators hope is a compelling story about the product offered.
The term infomercial, by 2007, had come to refer to the format, even when used in a live presentation. |
227_4 | Infomercials are designed to solicit quantifiable immediate direct response (a form of direct response marketing not to be confused with direct marketing); they generally feature between two and four internal commercials of 30 to 120 seconds which invite the viewer to call or take other direct action. Many viewers respond with a delayed response, by purchases made at retail outlets. These retail purchases are often the largest response. Using "not sold in stores" is a choice by advertisers that dislike sharing profit with retailers, or who lack the immense resources needed to get into retail channels. In the latter case, direct sales enables later retail distribution. Standalone shorter commercials, 30 to 120 seconds in length with a call to action, are erroneously called infomercials; when used as an independently produced commercial, they are generally known as DRTV spots or short-form DRTV. Infomercial sponsors often also use shorter spots during regular programming. |
227_5 | Products using infomercial marketing
The products frequently marketed through infomercials at the national level include cleaning products, appliances, food-preparation devices, dietary supplements, alternative health aids, memory improvement courses, books, compilation albums, videos of numerous genres, real estate investment strategies, beauty supplies, baldness remedies, sexual-enhancement supplements, weight-loss programs and products, personal fitness devices, home exercise machines and adult chat lines.
Uses for infomercials in the early 1990s included offering free trials of personal care products such as enhanced plaque removers; an 800-number was used to collect basic marketing information. |
227_6 | Major brands (such as Apple, Microsoft and Thermos-Grill2Go) have used infomercials for their ability to communicate more complicated and in-depth product stories. This practice started in the early 1990s and has increased since. Such advertisers generally eschew the less reputable trappings of the traditional infomercial business in order to create communication they believe creates a better image of their products, brands and customers. Apple's use of the infomercial medium was immediately discontinued with Steve Jobs' 1997 return to the helm of the company.
Automobile dealerships, attorneys and jewelers are among the types of businesses that air infomercials on a local level.
History |
227_7 | Early infomercials
During the early days of television, many television shows were specifically created by sponsors with the main goal of selling their product, the entertainment angle being a hook to hold audience attention (this is how soap operas got their name; such shows were sponsored by soap manufacturers). A good example of this is the early children's show The Magic Clown on NBC, which was created essentially as an advertisement for Bonomo's Turkish Taffy. The first infomercial for a commercial product (a Vitamix blender) was recorded in 1949; its first broadcast was in 1950.
Eventually, limits imposed by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC) on the amount of advertising that could appear during an hour of television did away with these programs, forcing sponsors into the background; however, a few infomercials, mainly those for greatest hits record sets and Shop Smith power tools, did exist during the period when commercial time was restricted. |
227_8 | During the 1970s, XETVa Mexican TV station based in Tijuana but serving the San Diego marketran a one-hour English-language program on Sundays showcasing San Diego-area homes for sale. As a non-USA station, the FCC's maximum number of commercial minutes per hour did not apply to XETV. It was also during the 1970s that the hard sell "But wait! There's more!" Ginsu ads were being aired on American late-night TV.
1981
The Federal Communications Commission lifted the prohibition on program-length advertisements on radio in 1981.
After 1984
Infomercials proliferated in the United States after 1984 when the Federal Communications Commission eliminated regulations that were established in the 1950s and 1960s to govern the commercial content of television.
Kevin Harrington, nicknamed the "infomercial godfather", had his first infomercial air in 1985. By 1994, an estimated 90% of all stations had or were airing infomercials. |
227_9 | Product or person as pitchman
One relatively early question was whether or not infomercials should feature celebrities. Although "how much will it cost" was part of the equation, so was a "highly demonstrable item with obvious features and benefits." Even when experts are used for their endorsement value, a "name" adds value in making an introduction.
Infomercials particularly exploded in the mid-1990s with motivational and personal development products, and "get-rich-quick scheme"s based on the premise that one could quickly become wealthy by either selling anything through classified ads or through real estate flipping. These were hawked by personalities such as Don Lapre and Carleton H. Sheets, among others. |
227_10 | When and where
When they first appeared, infomercials were most often scheduled in the United States and Canada during late-night/early morning hours. As stations have found value in airing them at other times, a large portion of infomercial spending occurs in the early morning, daytime, early prime and even prime time periods. There are also all-infomercial networks (such as cable channels Corner Store TV, Access Television Network and GRTV) that yield revenue for cable and satellite providers who carry them or fill local programming voids. |
227_11 | Some cable carriage contracts were adjusted in 2006. CNBC, which airs only two hours of infomercials nightly during the business week, sometimes airs nearly 30 hours of infomercials on weekends; from the September–October 2008 financial crisis to early 2017, CNBC had inserted a "paid programming" bug at the top right corner of the screen during all airings of infomercials. In contrast, sister network CNBC World airs international programming rather than any paid programming.
When a conventional prime-time two-minute advertising pod has no ads, the networks will run a two-minute mini-infomercial at a much lower rate, charging "as little as 5 percent of what a general advertiser would" pay.</ref>
Commercials becoming full programs
The New York Times suggested that "the commercial became the show as infomercials ruled the night." |
227_12 | A comparison of television listings from 2007 with 1987 verifies that many North American broadcasters began to air infomercials in lieu of syndicated television series reruns and movies, which were formerly staples during the more common hours infomercials are broadcast (such as the overnight hours). Infomercials were previously a near-permanent staple of Ion Television's daytime and overnight schedules, but the channel now only carries infomercials in the traditional 3:00-8:00 a.m ET/PT timeslot emulated by most cable networks. Multichannel providers such as DirecTV had objected to carrying Ion feeds consisting largely of paid programming. This is despite both DirecTV and Dish carrying several infomercial-only and leased access networks which have been criticized by their subscribers. |
227_13 | United Kingdom
As with other advertising, content is supervised by the Advertising Standards Authority (ASA) and regulated by Ofcom. Advertising rules are written and maintained by the Committees of Advertising Practice (CAP), working closely with the ASA and Ofcom. |
227_14 | In the UK, "admags" (advertisement magazines) were originally a feature of the regional commercial ITV stations from launch in 1955. While very popular, admags were banned in 1963. The word "teleshopping" was coined in 1979 by Michael Aldrich, who invented real-time transaction processing from a domestic television and subsequently installed many systems throughout the UK in the 1980s. This would now be referred to as online shopping. In the 1989, the Satellite Shop was launched as the first UK shopping channel. Shortly afterwards, infomercials began on satellite television, and they became known as teleshopping. Until 2009, the UK permitted neither paid infomercials nor teleshopping on broadcast television. However, in 2009, Ofcom allowed up to three hours of infomercials per day on any channel. |
227_15 | Airtime for political messages, known as Party Political Broadcasts, is allocated free of charge to political parties according to a formula approved by Parliament, and is available only on broadcast television and radio channels. The Communications Act 2003 prohibits political advertising. Television advertising of pharmacy-only and prescription drugs is also prohibited. |
227_16 | Televangelists
Some U.S. televangelists such as Robert Tilton and Peter Popoff buy television time from infomercial brokers representing television stations around the U.S., and even some widely distributed cable networks that are not averse to carrying religious programming. A block of such programming appears weekdays on BET under the umbrella title BET Inspiration (which fully replaced the direct-response variety of infomercials on the channel in 1997). The vast majority of religious programming in the United States is distributed through paid infomercial time; the fees that televangelists pay for coverage on most religious stations are a major revenue stream for those stations, in addition to programming the networks produce themselves. |
227_17 | TiVo
TiVo formerly used paid programming time weekly on the Discovery Channel on early Thursday mornings and Ion Television on early Wednesday mornings to record interactive and video content to be presented to subscribers in a form of linear datacasting without the need to interfere with a subscriber's internet bandwidth (or lack thereof if they solely used the machine's dialup connection for updating). The program was listed as Teleworld Paid Program, named for TiVo's corporate name at its founding. Teleworld Paid Program was quietly discontinued at the start of the 2016–17 television season as the company's install base had mostly transitioned to broadband and newer TiVo devices no longer included a dialup option. |
227_18 | The 2007–2010 financial crisis
During the financial crisis that lasted from 2007 to 2010, many struggling individual television stations began to devote more of their programming schedules to infomercials, thereby reducing syndication contracts for regular programming. Some stations found that the revenue from infomercial-time sales were higher than those possible through traditional television advertising and syndication sales options. However, the reduced ratings from airing infomercials can have a chain reaction and harm ratings for other programming on the station.
A feature-length documentary that chronicles the history of the infomercial is Pitch People. |
227_19 | In 2008, Tribune Media Services and Gemstar-TV Guide/Rovi began to relax the guidelines for listing infomercials within their electronic program guide listings. Previously all infomercials were listed under the title "Paid Programming" (except for exceptions listed below), but now infomercial producers are allowed to submit a title and limited descriptive synopsis (though phone numbers or website addresses remain disallowed) to the listings providers.
Fox's Saturday morning programming
In January 2009, Fox became the first major broadcast network to carry a regularly scheduled block of paid programming when it discontinued its Saturday morning children's programming after disputes with provider 4Kids Entertainment. Fox gave back three early hours to its affiliates, while retaining two hours for infomercials under the title Weekend Marketplace. |
227_20 | Some local stations utilize Saturday morning slots to air local paid programming that typically sells used cars or real estate, and in other ways rejected infomercials, which were disdained by viewers and Fox affiliates alike: revenue was not shared with affiliates, and no local time for commercials between programs was offered. Some stations used Saturday morning for Educational/Informational (E/I) programming, with infomercials relegated to before or after the block. Some refused Weekend Marketplace outright.
In September 2014, Weekend Marketplace was replaced in some markets by the E/I-focused Xploration Nation. |
227_21 | Criticism and legal issues
In the United States, the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) requires that any infomercial 15 minutes or longer must disclose to viewers that it is a paid advertisement. An infomercial is required to be "clearly and conspicuously" marked as a "paid advertisement for [particular product or service], sponsored by [sponsor]" at the beginning ("following program") and end ("preceding program") of the advertisement and before ordering instructions are displayed. |
227_22 | Customer protection advocates recommend buyer beware: study the product and the claims before making a purchase. Many stations and networks normally run their own disclaimers before, during and/or after infomercials. Some mention the Better Business Bureau or a state/local customer protection agency. A "paid programming" bug in a corner of the screen during infomercials, particularly for financial products, is to avoid an exploitation of an "as seen on" claim of endorsement. Some, particularly smaller networks, only use a limited number of trusted advertisers. |
227_23 | Considerable FTC scrutiny is also given to results claims and testimonials. Rules controlling endorsements are periodically enhanced to increase customer protection and fill loopholes. Industry organizations such as the Electronic Retailing Association, which represents infomercial marketers, often try to minimize the impact of these rule changes. FTC enforcement has focused on testimonials for publishing "non-typical" and "completely fabricated" customer testimonials used within infomercials. In 2006, the first third-party testimonial verification company was launched, and it now independently pre-validates many testimonials.
Since the 1990s, federal and state customer protection agencies have criticized several prominent infomercial pitchmen, including Kevin Trudeau, Donald Barrett and, to a lesser extent, Matthew Lesko, and also Don Lapre, a salesman notorious for his get-rich-quick schemes. Some were successfully sued. |
227_24 | Programs that collect donations or sell via Premium-rate telephone number (900-number) have additional disclosure requirements.
As a putdown
The Los Angeles Times mediated a Newsweek review that used the term infomercial about a 1992 cookbook whose author's first was described as "hit No. 1 on the New York Times best-seller list."
Other possible putdowns include informercial-like and infomercial type stuff.
Parodies
The infomercial format has been widely parodied:
Saturday Night Lives "Bassomatic" skit featuring Dan Aykroyd in the 1970s may have presaged the genre; the target of the parody, Ron Popeil, would become an infomercial fixture in the 1980s and 1990s.
Fast Company published "The Greatest Infomercial Parodies Of All Time" in 2011.
Others have been done too, and these parodies are an ongoing source of amusement and creativity.
Other uses and definitions |
227_25 | Political infomercials
In the United States, the strategy of buying prime-time programming slots on major networks has been utilized by political candidates for both presidential and state office to present infomercial-like programs to sell a candidate's merits to the public. Fringe presidential candidate Lyndon LaRouche regularly bought time on CBS and local stations in the 1980s. In the 1990s, Ross Perot also bought network time in 1992 and 1996 to present his presidential policies to the public. The National Rifle Association has also aired programs via paid programming time to present their views on issues such as gun control and other issues while appealing to the public to join their organization. |
227_26 | Use during the 2008 presidential campaign
Hillary Clinton bought an hour of primetime programming on the Hallmark Channel in 2008 before the Super Tuesday primary elections, and on Texas-based regional sports network FSN Southwest before that state's primary to present a town hall-like program. Fellow presidential candidate Barack Obama's 2008 presidential campaign used infomercials extensively, including running a 24-hour channel on Dish Network.
One week before the 2008 general election, Obama purchased a 30-minute slot at 8 p.m. Eastern and Pacific Time during primetime on seven major networks (NBC, CBS, MSNBC, Fox, BET, TV One and Univision (with Spanish subtitles)) to present a "closing argument" to his campaign. The combination of these networks reportedly drew a peak audience of over 33 million viewers of the half-hour program, making it the single most watched infomercial broadcast in the history of U.S. television. |
227_27 | Aside from blocking viewer choice, reception was not all positive: an NBC reviewer referred to Obama as having a "thin resume". Obama opponent John McCain, commenting on pushing off the opening of the World Series, said "No one will delay the World Series with an infomercial when I’m president." |
227_28 | Children's programming
Although not meeting the definition of an infomercial per se, animated children's programming in the 1980s and early 1990s, which included half-hour animated series for franchises such as Transformers, My Little Pony, Go-Bots and BraveStarr were often described as essentially program-length commercials, as they also sold the tie-in toy lines and food products for the shows within commercials. The Children's Television Act of 1990 would end this practice and setting commercial limits. Currently, any advertisement for a tie-in product within the show is considered a violation of the FCC rules and is considered a "program length commercial" by their standards, putting the station at risk of paying large fines for violations.
Daytime programming |
227_29 | From the 1970s to early 1990s, locally produced morning and daytime programs designed mainly for a stay-at-home female audience featured light talk, followed by presentations of various products and services offerings of local businesses. A guest expert was often included. These were not infomercials: response was in-store, although the expert's phone number might be included. The format enabled presenting details beyond those possible in a traditional 30-second pre-recorded ad. To preclude conflict of interest, the program host was not associated in any way with the station's newsroom.
By the mid-2000s, these transitioned from locally produced programs to infomercials. Some programs had one or more 120-second pods, but these programs were all paid programming. These programs can be considered infomercials, albeit not exactly meeting the letter of the definition. |
227_30 | Broadcasters that adopted the model:
Meredith Corporation, which uses a modified form for their national/local hybrid program Better; the nationally produced program was canceled in May 2015.
Belo, now defunct.
The defunct LIN Media
Journal Broadcast Group stations acquired by the E. W. Scripps Company in April 2015 also feature a format called The Morning Blend on many of their stations, which is much closer to the Daytime format.
Infomercial companies
Traditional infomercial marketers (for example, Guthy-Renker, Beachbody, and Telebrands) source the products, pay to develop the infomercials, pay for the media, and are responsible for all sales of the product. Sometimes, they sell products they source from inventors. Telebrands's process of bringing a product to the air and to market was seen in the 2009 Discovery Channel series PitchMen, which featured Billy Mays and Anthony Sullivan, along with the top executives of Telebrands. |
227_31 | There is also a well-developed network of suppliers to the infomercial industry. These suppliers generally choose to focus on either traditional infomercials (hard sell approaches) or on using infomercials as advertising/sales channels for brand companies (branded approaches). In the traditional business, services are usually supplied by infomercial producers or by media buying companies. In the brand infomercial business, services are often provided by full service agencies who deliver strategy, creative, production, media, and campaign services.
Use around the world |
227_32 | The infomercial industry was started in the United States and that has led to the specific definitions of infomercials as direct response television commercials of specific lengths (30, 60 or 120 seconds; five minutes; minutes or 58 minutes and 30 seconds). Infomercials have spread to other countries from the U.S. However, the term "infomercial" needs to be defined more universally to discuss use in all countries. In general, worldwide use of the term refers to a television commercial (paid programming) that offers product for direct sale to persons via response through the web, by phone, or by mail. |
227_33 | There are few structures that apply everywhere in the international infomercial business. The regulatory environment in each country as well as that country's television traditions have led to variations in format, lengths, and rules for long form commercials and television commercials selling directly to customers. For example, in the early 1990s long form paid programming in Canada was required to consist only of photographs without moving video (this restriction no longer exists).
Many products which started in the United States have been taken into international distribution on television. In addition, each country has local entrepreneurs and marketers using the medium for local businesses. What may be called infomercials are most commonly found in North and South America, Europe, Japan and Southeast Asia. |
227_34 | In many countries, the infrastructure of direct response television distributors, telemarketing companies and product fulfillment companies (shipping, customer service) are more difficult and these missing pieces have limited the spread of the infomercial. Canadian Northern Response, an early non-USA entrant to the field, claims to have distributed "over 3,000 infomercials since 1984."
By 1996, countries with Teleshopping included France, Germany, UK, Japan, and Mexico. |
227_35 | Research on effectiveness
Research has been conducted on the general public's perceptions of infomercials. It was found that "With infomercials, you don't buy eyeballs, you buy responsiveness." Agee and Martin (2001) found that infomercial purchases involved some degree of planning rather than being purely impulse purchases. Aspects of advertising content also influenced whether the purchase decision was impulsive or planned. Martin, Bhimy and Agee (2002) studied the use of advertising content such as the use of testimonials and customer characteristics. Based on a survey of 878 people who had bought products after viewing infomercials, they found that infomercials were more effective if they used expert comments, testimonials, product demonstrations, and other approaches. Customer age and product type also influenced perceived effectiveness. |
227_36 | Time-slot effectiveness
Early research found that selecting the best time of day requires avoiding prime time, when "there's too much competition for viewers' attention."
Profitability
Profits from producing infomercials were described as not being "the real profits" when compared to "owning the product."
See also
Advertorial
Brokered programming
Direct response television
Home shopping
Informative advertising
Product demonstration
Psychological pricing
Sponsored film
Television advertisement
Telethon
References
Further reading
Advertising techniques
Brokered programming
Marketing techniques
Promotion and marketing communications
Television terminology
1980s neologisms
Interstitial television shows |
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