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1670_16 | Some brands may contain 200% w/w or more of the other tocopherols and measurable tocotrienols. Some mixed tocopherols with higher γ-tocopherol content are marketed as "High Gamma-Tocopherol". The label should report each component in milligrams, except R, R,R-α-tocopherol may still be reported in IU. Mixed tocopherols also may be found in other nutritional supplements.
Uses |
1670_17 | Observational studies that measure dietary intake and/or serum concentration, and experimental studies that ideally are randomized clinical trials (RCTs), are two means of examining the effects or lack thereof of a proposed intervention on human health. Healthcare outcomes may be expected to be in accord between reviews of observational and experimental studies. If there is a lack of agreement, then factors other than design need to be considered. In observational studies on vitamin E, an inverse correlation between dietary intake and risk of a disease, or serum concentration and risk of a disease, may be considered suggestive, but any conclusions also should rest on randomized clinical trials of sufficient size and duration to measure clinically significant results. One concern with correlations is that other nutrients and non-nutrient compounds (such as polyphenols) may be higher in the same diets that are higher in vitamin E. Another concern for the relevance of RCTs described |
1670_18 | below is that while observational studies are comparing disease risk between low and high dietary intake of naturally occurring vitamin E from food (when worldwide, the adult median dietary intake is 6.2 mg/d for d-α-tocopherol; 10.2 mg/day when all of the tocopherol and tocotrienol isomers are included), the prospective RCTs often used 400 IU/day of synthetic dl-α-tocopherol as the test product, equivalent to 268 mg of α-tocopherol equivalents. |
1670_19 | Supplement popularity over time |
1670_20 | In the US, the popularity for vitamin E as a dietary supplement may have peaked around 2000. The Nurses' Health Study (NHS) and the Health Professionals Follow-up Study (HPFS) tracked dietary supplement use by people over the age of 40 during years 1986–2006. For women, user prevalence was 16.1% in 1986, 46.2% in 1998, 44.3% in 2002, but had decreased to 19.8% in 2006. Similarly, for men, prevalence for same years was 18.9%, 52.0%, 49.4%, and 24.5%. The authors theorized that declining use in these health science aware populations may have due to publications of studies that showed either no benefits or negative consequences from vitamin E supplements. There is other evidence for declining use of vitamin E. Within the U.S. military services, vitamin prescriptions written for active, reserve and retired military, and their dependents, were tracked over years 2007–2011. Vitamin E prescriptions decreased by 53% while vitamin C remained constant and vitamin D increased by 454%. A report |
1670_21 | on vitamin E sales volume in the USA documented a 50% decrease between 2000 and 2006, with a significant cause attributed to a well-publicized meta-analysis that had concluded that high-dosage vitamin E increased all-cause mortality. |
1670_22 | Age-related macular degeneration |
1670_23 | A Cochrane review published in 2017 on antioxidant vitamin and mineral supplements for slowing the progression of age-related macular degeneration (AMD) identified only one vitamin E clinical trial. That trial compared 500 IU/day of α-tocopherol to placebo for four years and reported no effect on the progression of AMD in people already diagnosed with the condition. Another Cochrane review, same year, same authors, reviewed the literature on α-tocopherol preventing the development of AMD. This review identified four trials, duration 4–10 years, and reported no change to risk of developing AMD. A large clinical trial known as AREDS compared β-carotene (15 mg), vitamin C (500 mg), and α-tocopherol (400 IU) to placebo for up to ten years, with a conclusion that the anti-oxidant combination significantly slowed progression. However, because there was no group in the trial receiving only vitamin E, no conclusions could be drawn as to the contribution of the vitamin to the effect. |
1670_24 | Complementary and alternative medicine
Proponents of megavitamin therapy and orthomolecular medicine advocate natural tocopherols. Meanwhile, clinical trials have largely concentrated on use of either a synthetic, all-racemic d-α-tocopheryl acetate or synthetic dl-α-tocopheryl acetate.
Antioxidant theory
Tocopherol is described as functioning as an antioxidant. A dose-ranging trial was conducted in people with chronic oxidative stress attributed to elevated serum cholesterol. Plasma F2-isoprostane concentration was selected as a biomarker of free radical-mediated lipid peroxidation. Only the two highest doses - 1600 and 3200 IU/day - significantly lowered F2-isoprostane. |
1670_25 | Alzheimer's disease |
1670_26 | Alzheimer's disease (AD) and vascular dementia are common causes of decline of brain functions that occur with age. AD is a chronic neurodegenerative disease that worsens over time. The disease process is associated with plaques and tangles in the brain. Vascular dementia may be caused by ischemic or hemorrhagic infarcts affecting multiple brain areas, including the anterior cerebral artery territory, the parietal lobes, or the cingulate gyrus. Both types of dementia may be present. Vitamin E status (and that of other antioxidant nutrients) is conjectured as having a possible impact on risk of Alzheimer's disease and vascular dementia. A review of dietary intake studies reported that higher consumption of vitamin E from foods lowered the risk of developing AD by 24%. A second review examined serum vitamin E levels and reported lower serum vitamin E in AD patients compared to healthy, age-matched people. In 2017 a consensus statement from the British Association for Psychopharmacology |
1670_27 | included that until further information is available, vitamin E cannot be recommended for treatment or prevention of Alzheimer's disease. |
1670_28 | Cancer |
1670_29 | From reviews of observational studies, diets higher in vitamin E content were associated with a lower relative risk of kidney cancer, bladder cancer, and lung cancer When comparisons were made between the lowest and highest groups for dietary vitamin E consumption from food, the average reductions in relative risk were in the range of 16-19%. For all of these reviews, the authors noted that the findings needed to be confirmed by prospective studies. From randomized clinical trials (RCTs) in which α-tocopherol was administered as a dietary supplement, results differed from the dietary intake reviews. A RCT of 400 IU/day of α-tocopherol did not reduce risk of bladder cancer. In male tobacco smokers, 50 mg/day had no impact on developing lung cancer. A review of RCTs for colorectal cancer reported lack of a statistically significant reduction in risk. In male tobacco smokers, 50 mg/day reduced prostate cancer risk by 32%, but in a different trial, majority non-smokers, 400 IU/day |
1670_30 | increased risk by 17%. In women who consumed either placebo or 600 IU of natural-source vitamin E on alternate days for an average of 10.1 years there were no significant differences for breast cancer, lung cancer, or colon cancer. |
1670_31 | The U.S. Food and Drug Administration initiated a process of reviewing and approving food and dietary supplement health claims in 1993. A Qualified Health Claim issued in 2012 allows product label claims that vitamin E may reduce risk of renal, bladder, and colorectal cancers, with a stipulation that the label must include a mandatory qualifier sentence: “FDA has concluded that there is very little scientific evidence for this claim.” The European Food Safety Authority (EFSA) reviews proposed health claims for the European Union countries. As of March 2018, EFSA has not evaluated any vitamin E and cancer prevention claims. |
1670_32 | Cataracts
A meta-analysis from 2015 reported that for studies that reported serum tocopherol, higher serum concentration was associated with a 23% reduction in relative risk of age-related cataracts (ARC), with the effect due to differences in nuclear cataract rather than cortical or posterior subcapsular cataract - the three major classifications of age-related cataracts. However, this article and a second meta-analysis reporting on clinical trials of α-tocopherol supplementation reported no statistically significant change to risk of ARC when compared to placebo. |
1670_33 | Cardiovascular diseases |
1670_34 | Research on the effects of vitamin E on cardiovascular disease has produced conflicting results. An inverse relation has been observed between coronary heart disease and the consumption of foods high in vitamin E, and also higher serum concentration of α-tocopherol. In one of the largest observational studies, almost 90,000 healthy nurses were tracked for eight years. Compared to those in the lowest fifth for reported vitamin E consumption (from food and dietary supplements), those in the highest fifth were at a 34% lower risk of major coronary disease. Diet higher in vitamin E also may be higher in other, unidentified components that promote heart health, or people choosing such diets may be making other healthy lifestyle choices. There is some supporting evidence from randomized clinical trials (RCTs). A meta-analysis on the effects of α-tocopherol supplementation in RCTs on aspects of cardiovascular health reported that when consumed without any other antioxidant nutrient, the |
1670_35 | relative risk of heart attack was reduced by 18%. The results were not consistent for all of the individual trials incorporated into the meta-analysis. For example, the Physicians' Health Study II did not show any benefit after 400 IU every other day for eight years, for heart attack, stroke, coronary mortality, or all-cause mortality. The effects of vitamin E supplementation on incidence of stroke were summarized in 2011. There were no significant benefits for vitamin E versus placebo for risk of stroke, or for subset analysis for ischaemic stroke, haemorrhagic stroke, fatal stroke, or non-fatal stroke. |
1670_36 | In 2001 the U.S. Food and Drug Administration rejected proposed health claims for vitamin E and cardiovascular health. The U.S. National Institutes of Health also reviewed the literature and concluded there was not sufficient evidence to support the idea that routine use of vitamin E supplements prevents cardiovascular disease or reduces its morbidity and mortality. In 2010 the European Food Safety Authority reviewed and rejected claims that a cause and effect relationship has been established between the dietary intake of vitamin E and maintenance of normal cardiac function or of normal blood circulation. |
1670_37 | Pregnancy
Antioxidant vitamins as dietary supplements have been proposed as having benefits if consumed during pregnancy. For the combination of vitamin E with vitamin C supplemented to pregnant women, a Cochrane review of 21 clinical trials concluded that the data do not support vitamin E supplementation - majority of trials α-tocopherol at 400 IU/day plus vitamin C at 1000 mg/day - as being efficacious for reducing risk of stillbirth, neonatal death, preterm birth, preeclampsia, or any other maternal or infant outcomes, either in healthy women or those considered at risk for pregnancy complications. The review identified only three small trials in which vitamin E was supplemented without co-supplementation with vitamin C. None of these trials reported any clinically meaningful information. |
1670_38 | Topical
Although there is widespread use of vitamin E as a topical medication, with claims for improved wound healing and reduced scar tissue, reviews have repeatedly concluded that there is insufficient evidence to support these claims. |
1670_39 | Side effects
The U.S. Food and Nutrition Board set a Tolerable upper intake level (UL) at 1,000 mg (1,500 IU) per day derived from animal models that demonstrated bleeding at high doses. The European Food Safety Authority reviewed the same safety question and set a UL at 300 mg/day. A meta-analysis of long-term clinical trials reported a non-significant 2% increase in all-cause mortality when α-tocopherol was the only supplement used. Another meta-analysis reported a non-significant 1% increase in all-cause mortality when α-tocopherol was the only supplement. Subset analysis reported no difference between natural (plant extracted) or synthetic α-tocopherol, or whether the amount used was less than or more than 400 IU/day. There are reports of vitamin E-induced allergic contact dermatitis from use of vitamin-E derivatives such as tocopheryl linoleate and tocopherol acetate in skin care products. Incidence is low despite widespread use. |
1670_40 | Drug interactions |
1670_41 | The amounts of α-tocopherol, other tocopherols and tocotrienols that are components of dietary vitamin E, when consumed from foods, do not appear to cause any interactions with drugs. Consumption of α-tocopherol as a dietary supplement in amounts in excess of 300 mg/day may lead to interactions with aspirin, warfarin, tamoxifen, and cyclosporine A in ways that alter function. For aspirin and warfarin, high amounts of vitamin E may potentiate anti-blood clotting action. One small trial demonstrated that vitamin E at 400 mg/day reduced blood concentration of the anti-breast cancer drug tamoxifen. In multiple clinical trials, vitamin E lowered blood concentration of the immuno-suppressant drug, cyclosporine A. The U.S. National Institutes of Health, Office of Dietary Supplements, raises a concern that co-administration of vitamin E could counter the mechanisms of anti-cancer radiation therapy and some types of chemotherapy, and so advises against its use in these patient populations. The |
1670_42 | references it cited reported instances of reduced treatment adverse effects, but also poorer cancer survival, raising the possibility of tumor protection from the oxidative damage intended by the treatments. |
1670_43 | Synthesis |
1670_44 | Naturally sourced d-α-tocopherol can be extracted and purified from seed oils, or γ-tocopherol can be extracted, purified, and methylated to create d-alpha-tocopherol. In contrast to α-tocopherol extracted from plants, which also is called d-α-tocopherol, industrial synthesis creates dl-α-tocopherol. "It is synthesized from a mixture of toluene and 2,3,5-trimethyl-hydroquinone that reacts with isophytol to all-rac-α-tocopherol, using iron in the presence of hydrogen chloride gas as a catalyst. The reaction mixture obtained is filtered and extracted with aqueous caustic soda. Toluene is removed by evaporation and the residue (all rac-α-tocopherol) is purified by vacuum distillation." Specification for the ingredient is >97% pure. This synthetic dl-α-tocopherol has approximately 50% of the potency of d-α-tocopherol. Manufacturers of dietary supplements and fortified foods for humans or domesticated animals convert the phenol form of the vitamin to an ester using either acetic acid or |
1670_45 | succinic acid because the esters are more chemically stable, providing for a longer shelf-life. The ester forms are de-esterified in the gut and absorbed as free α-tocopherol. |
1670_46 | History
During feeding experiments with rats Herbert McLean Evans concluded in 1922 that besides vitamins B and C, an unknown vitamin existed. Although every other nutrition was present, the rats were not fertile. This condition could be changed by additional feeding with wheat germ. It took several years until 1936 when the substance was isolated from wheat germ and the formula C29H50O2 was determined. Evans also found that the compound reacted like an alcohol and concluded that one of the oxygen atoms was part of an OH (hydroxyl) group. As noted in the introduction, the vitamin was given its name by Evans from Greek words meaning "to bear young" with the addition of the -ol as an alcohol.
The structure was determined shortly thereafter in 1938.
See also
α-Tocopherol
Tocotrienol
Vitamin E
References
External links
US Office of Dietary Supplements article on Vitamin E
Vitamin E risk assessment, Expert Group on Vitamins and Minerals, UK Food Standards Agency, 2003 |
1670_47 | Food antioxidants
Dietary antioxidants
Cosmetics chemicals
Vitamers
Vitamin E
E-number additives |
1671_0 | Julie Ann Brown (born August 31, 1958) is an American actress, comedian, screen/television writer, singer-songwriter, and television director. Brown is known for her work in the 1980s, where she often played a quintessential valley girl character. Much of her comedy has revolved around the mocking of famous people (with a strong and frequently revisited focus on Madonna). |
1671_1 | Early life
Julie Brown was born in Van Nuys, California, the daughter of Irish-Catholic parents Celia Jane (née McCann) and Leonard Francis Brown. Her father worked at NBC TV studios in the advertising accounting "Traffic" department, and her mother was a secretary at the same studio complex. Both of Brown's grandfathers had worked in the Hollywood film business. Her great-grandfather was character actor Frank O'Connor. She attended a Catholic elementary school as a child, and later Van Nuys High School where she was chosen princess of the homecoming court. Brown's parents said "whatever you do, don't become an actress", but after attending Los Angeles Valley College she enrolled in the well-known San Francisco acting school, American Conservatory Theater, where she met future collaborator Charlie Coffey. |
1671_2 | Career
Julie Brown began her career performing in nightclubs. She was a contestant on the game show Whew! (as Annie Brown). She started working on television with a guest spot on the sitcom Happy Days. She also appeared in the 1981 cult film Bloody Birthday. After a small role in the Clint Eastwood comedy film Any Which Way You Can, comedian Lily Tomlin saw Brown at a comedy club and gave her her first big break, a part in her 1981 film The Incredible Shrinking Woman. Tomlin and Brown eventually became close friends. A string of guest starring appearances in a variety of television shows followed, including: Laverne & Shirley, Buffalo Bill, The Jeffersons and Newhart. Brown also appeared in short films such as "Five Minutes, Miss Brown". |
1671_3 | In 1984, she released her first EP, a five-song album called Goddess in Progress. The album, parodies of popular '80s music combined with her valley girl personality, was quickly discovered by the Dr. Demento Show. The songs "'Cause I'm a Blonde" and "The Homecoming Queen's Got a Gun" were given radio airplay across the world. The latter was a spoof on stereotypical 1950s' teen tragedy songs, with cheerleaders' heads and pompoms being blown to pieces. |
1671_4 | In 1987, Brown released her first full-length album, Trapped in the Body of a White Girl. The album highlighted her comedic talent and valley girl personality. The album's highlights were "I Like 'em Big and Stupid" and she reprised "The Homecoming Queen's Got a Gun" (the album was reissued on CD in 2010 by Collector's Choice Music on its Noble Rot label). Music videos were recorded and received heavy airplay on MTV. In 1989, Brown starred in that cable network's comedy and music-video show Just Say Julie. She played the role of a demanding, controlling, and pessimistic glamour-puss from the valley, making fun of popular music acts, while at the same time introducing their music videos (she was also known as "Miss Julie Brown" at the time to differentiate her from Downtown Julie Brown, who was on the network at the same time). |
1671_5 | Brown's film career began in 1988 with the release of the film Earth Girls Are Easy, written, produced by, and starring Brown, it was based loosely on a song by the same name from her debut EP. The film also starred Jeff Goldblum and Geena Davis. Brown cast then-unknown comedians Jim Carrey and Damon Wayans. In 1990 Brown had a brief part in the movie The Spirit of '76, as an intellectual stripper. |
1671_6 | NBC commissioned a half-hour pilot, ultimately unsold and airing Sunday, July 28, 1991, at 7 p.m. Eastern Time, titled The Julie Show. Created by Brown, Charlie Coffey, and director and executive producer David Mirkin, it was a comedy about actress Julie Robbins (Brown), who in this initial story, goes to great lengths to land an interview with teen singer Kiki (played by Kim Walker) in the hopes of getting hired as a tabloid-TV celebrity journalist. Developed under the working title The Julie Brown Show, it also starred Marian Mercer as Julie's mother, June; DeLane Matthews as Debra Deacon, a reporter on the fictional series Inside Scoop; Susan Messing as Julie's roommate Cheryl; and Kevin O'Rourke as Inside Scoop producer Tony Barnow. Brown was also a producer, with John Ziffren, and performed and co-wrote the theme song. Walker, Don Sparks, Robin Angers, and Deborah Driggs were guest performers in this production from Mirkinvision and New World Television. |
1671_7 | Another pilot was filmed for CBS in 1989 called, Julie Brown: The Show, and featured a similar theme, in which Brown was the hostess of a talk show and she would interview actual celebrity guests, interspersed with scripted scenarios. The pilot was aired, but the show was not picked up; years later, it leaked onto the Internet.
In 1992, Brown starred in her own Fox sketch comedy show, The Edge; two of its regulars, Jennifer Aniston and Wayne Knight, later became sitcom stars, while Tom Kenny went on to voice SpongeBob SquarePants. That same year, she released the Showtime television movie Medusa: Dare to Be Truthful, a satire about Madonna and her backstage documentary, Truth or Dare. (Brown's co-star was Kathy Griffin.)
Brown followed with another satire, Attack of the 5 Ft. 2 In. Women, which lampooned the violence of ice skater Tonya Harding toward rival Nancy Kerrigan, as well as that of widely publicized castrator Lorena Bobbitt. |
1671_8 | She has continued to make television guest appearances and contributed voices to various cartoons, including Animaniacs (as the voice of Minerva Mink), Aladdin as bratty mermaid Saleen, and as the original voice of Zatanna in the Batman: The Animated Series cartoon. Prior to this, she also guest starred on a Tiny Toon Adventures episode as Julie Bruin, a cartoon bear version of herself, in which she guest-starred in her own segment Just Say Julie Bruin, a reference to her music video show. The Just Say Julie Bruin cartoon also was a music video show and in her segment Elmer Fudd guest-starred as Fuddonna, a parody of Madonna and a reference to Julie Brown herself regularly mocking her. |
1671_9 | Brown appeared as Coach Millie Stoeger in the film Clueless, reprising that role on ABC's 1996–1999 spin-off TV series, for which she was also a writer, producer and director. Two regulars from the series, Donald Faison and Elisa Donovan, later found similarly successful roles, as would featured player Christina Milian who had a recurring role on the series during its UPN years. In 1998, Brown appeared in the parody movie Plump Fiction. In 2000, she created the series Strip Mall for the Comedy Central network; it ran two seasons.
Since 2004, Brown has been a commentator on E! network specials, including 101 Reasons the '90s Ruled, 101 Most Starlicious Makeovers, 101 Most Awesome Moments in Entertainment, and 50 Most Outrageous TV Moments. |
1671_10 | In 2005, Brown purchased the rights to her Trapped album back from the record label and reissued it herself. She also self-released a single, "I Want to Be Gay". In late 2007, she also purchased the rights to her 1984 E.P. Goddess in Progress and re-released it as a full-length record with compiled unreleased tracks recorded during that era. Brown began touring in late 2007 with her one-woman show, Smell the Glamour.
In 2008, she co-wrote and appeared as Dee La Duke in the Disney Channel original movie Camp Rock, which starred Demi Lovato and the Jonas Brothers. Brown also joined the cast of the Canadian television series Paradise Falls that same year. |
1671_11 | In late 2008 Brown began releasing one-track digital singles, starting with "The Ex-Beauty Queen's Got a Gun"; it was a rewrite of "Homecoming Queen" with lyrics about Sarah Palin. This was first aired in September, 2008 on The Stephanie Miller Show. In 2011 she released an album called Smell The Glamour, which features satires of Lady Gaga, Kesha and updated versions of her Medusa songs.
In the 2010–2011 television season, Brown began a recurring role as Paula Norwood, a neighbor and friend of the Heck family, on the ABC comedy The Middle. From 2010 to 2015 she was a writer for Melissa & Joey, and played a gym teacher in one episode of the show. In 2012 she appeared with Downtown Julie Brown as a guest judge on RuPaul's Drag Race. |
1671_12 | Personal life
In 1983, Brown married writer and actor Terrence E. McNally, another frequent collaborator. They co-produced her first single, "I Like 'Em Big and Stupid". They divorced after six years. In 1994, Brown married Ken Rathjen, and together they have one son. She said in 2007 that she had recently divorced for the second time.
Filmography
Film
Television
Television film
Other work
Discography
Goddess in Progress (1984)
Trapped in the Body of a White Girl (1987)
Smell the Glamour (2010)
Singles
"I Like 'Em Big and Stupid" (w. B-side "The Homecoming Queen's Got a Gun")
"Trapped in the Body of a White Girl"
"Girl Fight Tonight!"
"I Want to Be Gay" (sometimes titled "I Wanna be Gay")
"The Homecoming Queen's Got a Gun"
"The Art of Being Fabulous"
"Another Drunk Chick" (a parody of the Kesha song "Tik Tok")
"Big Clown Pants" (a parody of the Lady Gaga song "Bad Romance")
References
External links |
1671_13 | 1958 births
Actresses from Los Angeles
American comedy musicians
American women singers
American film actresses
American voice actresses
American television actresses
American television directors
American television writers
American women television directors
Living people
People from Van Nuys, Los Angeles
Sire Records artists
Van Nuys High School alumni
VJs (media personalities)
American women comedians
American women screenwriters
American women television writers
Comedians from California
Screenwriters from California
Songwriters from California
American Conservatory Theater alumni
20th-century American screenwriters
20th-century American women writers
21st-century American screenwriters
21st-century American women writers
20th-century American actresses
21st-century American actresses |
1672_0 | Bengali nationalism () is a form of nationalism that focuses on Bengalis as a singular nation. The people of Bengali ethnicity speak Bengali language. Bengalis mostly live across Bangladesh and the Indian states of West Bengal, Tripura, Assam and Jharkhand. Bengali nationalism is one of the four fundamental principles according to the original Constitution of Bangladesh. and was the main driving force behind the creation of the Independent nation state of Bangladesh through the 1971 liberation war.
Bengali nationalism in undivided India |
1672_1 | Background |
1672_2 | Bengali nationalism is rooted in the expression of pride in the history and cultural heritage of Bengal. After the defeat in the Battle of Plassey on 23 June 1757, Bengal was subject to British rule for 190 years. During the British rule Calcutta was the capital of whole India as well as Bengal province until 1910. During the period, Calcutta was the center of education. From 1775 to 1941 the emergence of Bengal renaissance (from the birth of Raja Ram Mohan Roy to the death of Rabindranath Tagore) was seen, which has an effect in growing Bengali nationalism. At that time, oriental language started to revive. This time, many of the writers created their best composition among them Sarat Chandra Chatterjee, Rabindranath Tagore, Kaji Nazrul Islam, Mir Mosharraf Hossain are more influential. In what is described as the Bengal Renaissance, the introduction of Western culture, science and education led to a major transformation and development of Bengali society. Bengal became a centre of |
1672_3 | modern culture, intellectual and scientific activities, politics and education under British Raj. |
1672_4 | The first social and religious reform movements such as the Brahmo Samaj and Ramakrishna Mission arose in Bengal, as did national leaders and reformers such as Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Sri Aurobindo, Ramakrishna Paramhansa and Swami Vivekananda. Bengali literature, poetry, religion, science and philosophy underwent a massive expansion with the works of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee, Debendranath Tagore, Michael Madhusudan Dutt, Sharat Chandra Chattopadhyay, Rabindranath Tagore, Satyendra Nath Bose, Jagdish Chandra Bose and Kazi Nazrul Islam.
The Young Bengal, and Jugantar movements and newspapers like Amrita Bazar Patrika led the intellectual development of India. The Calcutta-based Indian National Association and the British Indian Association were the earliest political organisations in India.
Partition of Bengal (1905) |
1672_5 | The first Bengali nationalist agitation emerged over the 1905 Partition of Bengal by British authorities. Although the partition was supported by Bengali Muslims, a large majority of Bengalis protested the partition and participated in civil disobedience campaigns such as the Swadeshi movement and mass boycott of European goods. Seeking a united Bengal and rejecting British hegemony, Bengalis also spearheaded an emerging revolutionary movement, which assumed a central role in the national independence struggle. |
1672_6 | It was during this time the Mother Bengal was an immensely popular theme in Bengali patriotic songs and poems and was mentioned in several of them, such as the song ″Dhan Dhanya Pushpa Bhara″ (Filled with wealth and flowers) and ″Banga Amar Janani Amar″ (Our Bengal Our Mother) by Dwijendralal Ray. Rabindranath Tagore wrote Banglar Mati Banglar Jal (Soil of Bengal, water of Bengal) and Amar Sonar Bangla (My golden Bengal), the national anthem of modern Bangladesh as a rallying cry for proponents of annulment of Partition. These songs were meant to rekindle the unified spirit of Bengal, to raise public consciousness against the communal political divide.
Bengal became a strong base of the Indian struggle for independence, giving rise to national political leaders such as Bipin Chandra Pal, Khwaja Salimullah, Chittaranjan Das, Maulana Azad, Subhas Chandra Bose, his brother Sarat Chandra Bose, Syama Prasad Mookerjee, A. K. Fazlul Huq, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy.
United Bengal Proposal |
1672_7 | As the Hindu-Muslim conflict escalated and the demand for a separate Muslim state of Pakistan became popular amongst Indian Muslims, the partition of India on communal lines was deemed inevitable by mid-1947. To prevent the inclusion of Hindu-majority districts of Punjab and Bengal in a Muslim Pakistan, the Indian National Congress and the Hindu Mahasabha sought the partition of these provinces on communal lines. Bengali nationalists such as Sarat Chandra Bose, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, Kiran Shankar Roy, and Abul Hashim sought to counter partition proposals with the demand for a united and independent state of Bengal. Ideological visions for a "Greater Bengal" also included the regions of Assam and districts of Bihar. |
1672_8 | Suhrawardy and Bose sought the formation of a coalition government between Bengali Congress and the Bengal Provincial Muslim League. Proponents of the plan urged the masses to reject communal divisions and uphold the vision of a united Bengal. In a press conference held in Delhi on 27 April 1947 Suhrawardy presented his plan for a united and independent Bengal and Abul Hashim issued a similar statement in Calcutta on 29 April. A few days later, Sarat Chandra Bose put forward his proposals for a "Sovereign Socialist Republic of Bengal." With the support of the British governor of the Bengal province, Frederick Burrows, Bengali leaders issued the formal proposal on 20 May. |
1672_9 | The Muslim League and the Congress issued statements rejecting the notion of an independent Bengal on 28 May and 1 June respectively. The Hindu Mahasabha also agitated against the inclusion of Hindu-majority areas in a Muslim-majority Bengal, while Bengali Muslim leader Khawaja Nazimuddin and Maulana Akram Khan sought the exclusion of Hindu-majority areas to establish a homogenous Muslim Pakistan. Amidst aggravating Hindu-Muslim tensions, on 3 June British viceroy Lord Louis Mountbatten announced plans to partition India and consequently Punjab and Bengal on communal lines, burying the demand for an independent Bengal.
Partition of Bengal (1947)
In 1947, in line with the Partition of India, Bengal was partitioned between the Hindu majority west and Muslim majority East. East Bengal became part of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan while West Bengal became part of the Republic of India. |
1672_10 | Bengali nationalism in East Pakistan (1947-1971)
After the 19th century's Bengal Renaissance occurred in Bengal, it then was the four decades long Bengali Nationalist Movement that shook the region led by Saifur Siddique, which included the Bengali Language Movement, the Bangladesh Liberation War and the creation of Bangladesh in 1971. |
1672_11 | In the course of time, their works influenced the Bengali people to have a sense of separate identity. In 1905, as a result of the partition of Bengal, there were mass movements. During the time, Bangladesh national anthem “Amar Sonar Bangla” was composed. That event gathered Bengali people under same flag to keep Bengal province secure. Then, in 1947 the world saw an emergence of two countries Pakistan and India based on religious lines. The Bengali people accepted this division. After the birth of Pakistan East Bengali people expected that a change in fortunes. However, what they saw that new oppressors emerge in place of the old. Over the 24 years of political and financial exploitation followed, including the suppression of the Bengali Identity. Many protests, often led by students ensued. Some decided to take political action. On 23 June 1949 Awami Muslim League was established the leadership of Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani. This party, led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman played an |
1672_12 | influential role to create a new nation, Bangladesh ('The land of the Bengalis') in 1971 as a new country. |
1672_13 | Factors behind the rise of Bengali nationalism in East Pakistan |
1672_14 | Language issue |
1672_15 | Right after the establishment of Pakistan, a controversy arose what would be state language of Pakistan. A movement is started in 1947 few months after the birth of Pakistan. Its main point was Bengali language. In the beginning, it was cultural movement, but gradually it took the form of a political movement. The language movement of 1948–1952, which was divided into two-stage movement. In 1948, it was restricted between educated and intellectual class and their demand was to make Bengali language as the state language. But in 1952 it's not only inadequate to the educated class, but also spread among the entire Bengali nation. At this stage, demand not only restricted to discrimination of language, but also it added in the social, political and cultural discrimination against the Bengalis. As a result, Language Movement brought Bengali nation on a single political platform and became aware of its own rights. In this way, the movement of the non-communal Bengali nationalist sentiment, |
1672_16 | the creation of new consciousness, the beginning of liberal outlook, the social change, the language movement took Bengalis into the new horizon. Language Movement motivates Bengali people to autonomy movement and motivates them in the struggle for independence to gain sovereign Bangladesh. So, it can be said that due to the language movement, the development of Bengali nationalism was created and helped to add a new country in world map called Bangladesh. |
1672_17 | Cultural issue
Pakistan's two wings were isolated by one thousand miles of enemy territory India. This unique geographical position could pose a grave threat to the integrity of the country. There was nothing common between two wings with the exception of religion. In a word, all the common identity that tie a nation-state, physical bonding, common culture, common language, habits of life was absent in Pakistan. |
1672_18 | Eastern wing was only one-seventh of the total area of the country but its people surpassed the total residents of all other provinces and states of Western wings. Western wings residents spoke diverse languages such as Punjabi, Sindhi, Urdu and Pashtun. On the other hand, for Eastern wings residents, Bangla was the common language. It was also portrait of Bengali nationalism and egotism. The political professional in West wings predominantly came from the landlords. On the other hand, Eastern wings from professionals like lawyers, teachers and retired government officials. The people in the eastern wing were, therefore, more conscious about political matters and well aware of their rights compared to the people in the western wing who had been living in a society dominated by the feudal lords and the tribal chiefs. Education was more widespread in the eastern wing and middle class was strong and assertive. The politician and Government official from East and West wings had |
1672_19 | inconsistent ideas and objectives and they could not understand properly each other's problems. The Bengali politicians had more secular and democratic outlook which closest to the common peoples’ mood and attitude. The West Pakistani dominated ruling class considered every demand of East Pakistanis as a conspiracy and a threat to the Islamic belief and reliability of the country. Culturally, and possibly mentally, the country was divided long before the 1971. |
1672_20 | Educational and economic grievance
From 1947 Bangladesh (East Pakistan) is derived from their legal rights by Pakistan (West Pakistan). The East Pakistani population was 58% of the total population of the whole of Pakistan. Even this majority were not even allowed to have their language as one of the national languages until after a bloody battle between army and students. From the very inception of Pakistan, west Pakistanis dominated political, social, cultural and economic field of life. |
1672_21 | Discrimination against East Pakistan started right from the outset in 1947, because, most of the private sector was located in West Pakistan. In addition, East Pakistanis felt that since the central policy making structures were dominated by West Pakistani civil servants, most of the lucrative import licenses were given to West Pakistanis. Moreover, East Pakistan's earnings enabled West Pakistani merchants and traders to enhance manufacturing and infrastructure facilities in West Pakistan and offered a maximum scope to the private sector in industries like cotton textiles, woolen cloth, sugar, food canneries, chemicals, telephones, cement, and fertilizer. Day after day from 1947 educational facilities, qualities were highly reducing in East Pakistan compare to West Pakistan. With the quality of education, number of school was reduced at that period. |
1672_22 | As we know that education is the key element for any kind of development on any nation or state or province. But the above group indicates that how East Pakistan was discriminated by West Pakistan during 1950–1971. We can clearly see that though the number of primary school in the East Pakistan were higher than the West Pakistan during 1950-1961 but later on it was decreased compare to the west Pakistan. On the other hand, number of primary school in West Pakistan was an upward sloping line. Because, the number of primary school was increased from 1962 to 1971, Though East Pakistan was majority in term of population. |
1672_23 | Most of the earlier leaders were from West Pakistan: the founder and the first governor general of Pakistan Muhammad Ali Jinnah was from Karachi (A West Pakistan's city). Similarly, Bengalis were under-represented in the Pakistan armed forces and bureaucracy, as these areas were dominated by the West Pakistanis. For instance, in the total of 3 lakhs (300,000) of armed forces in 1970 only 40,000 army personnel were from the West Pakistan, while in the Civil services numbers of Bengalis were much less as compare to their proportion of population. |
1672_24 | Bengalis also were deprived from economic rights. Talking about economic disparities peter says “Although both the wings (East and West Pakistan) produced about the same quantities of food grains, nutritional levels of the Bengalis were lower. East Pakistan received only 25 percent of the economic portion of the aid. Agriculture and service contributed 70% and 10% respectively to East Bengal's GDP, the comparable figures for West Pakistan were 54% and 17% respectively.
The East wing had consistently received smaller public expenditure than its western counterparts. Given such disparity in the overall expenditure, it is no surprise that educational expenditure also followed suit. |
1672_25 | The above group clearly indicates that East Pakistan was neglected by West Pakistan for per capita public expenditure by the provincial governments during 1952–1968. We can see that from the year of 1952 West Pakistan's public expenditure was an increasing way till 1968. On the other hand, per capita public expenditure of East Pakistan was always below compare to the West Pakistan's, though it was more increased from 1962 to 1968. But it was not enough in terms of majority population in the East Pakistan. |
1672_26 | East Pakistan's people realize that though they got freedom from the British colonialist, but now they are dominated by new colonialist which is West Pakistan. After that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, very popular political leader in the East Pakistan create six point movements including all kind of economic and educational discrimination. But West Pakistan's government didn't care about this movement. Bengali people again realize that they will not get the proper facilities from the West Pakistan. So they need to raise their voice more strongly and actively. |
1672_27 | Political issue |
1672_28 | Since 1947 Muslim League was in power. To defeat the Muslim League, was challenging. There was only one way to win the general election and that was to create an alliance among opposing parties of East Pakistan. It was mainly composed of four parties of East Bengal. On the election of 10 March 1954, The United Front won 223 seats out of 309 seats. Muslim League only captured 9 seats. The election result was a signal to the end of the dominance of the national elite in the politics of East Bengal. Towards the history of the independence of East Bengal 1954's election and United, Front formation was a very significant chapter. The oppression of the Muslim League against the Bengali nation, language, and culture and also the six years of tyranny of Pakistani rulers, against them this election was a ballot revolution. Before the election, East Bengal's people were well aware that provincial autonomy is the only way to stop the oppression of West Pakistan. This unity was the reflection of |
1672_29 | nationalism among the people of East Bengal. They wanted their own identity based on their culture, their language. Though for the deceptive and undemocratic events created by Pakistani rulers did not allow the United Front to stay in power. Although it was failed, the political parties saw that people were supporting them for the country. The effect of this event was extensive in growing nationalism in the future. |
1672_30 | From the beginning of the formation of Pakistan, the people of East Pakistan were demanding a constitution and constitutional rule but 1956's constitution didn't reflect the expectation of the East Pakistani people. So their reaction was negative on this. It is also true that a couple of demands of the East Pakistani people were fulfilled. Government like the British, parliamentary system, state autonomy, and Bangla as the state language, these demands were fulfilled in this constitution. But it was doubtful whether it would work or not through the deception of the West Pakistani upper class. By the mutual understanding of East Bengal's politicians and West Pakistani politicians, the constitution was adopted. But they changed the name of East Bengal to East Pakistan. As we know, back then out of 69 Million population of Pakistan, 44 Million were from East Pakistan with Bangla as their mother tongue. It was expected by the East Pakistani people that the name of this province would |
1672_31 | remain the same. But it was also deception of West Pakistani upper-class people. East Pakistan did not get the proper representation in accordance with its huge population, moreover, they started to treat East Pakistan and West Pakistan as distinctive units and treat them differently. After these dissimulations, the constitution was no longer acceptable to East Pakistani people. Awami League was against the constitution. There were strikes against it but because of the differences between A K Fazlul Haque and Hussain Suhrawardy the strikes were not that effective. Before the constitution it was a war for language and after it was a war for their identity. It was clear that West Pakistan had no interest in the culture, language, and emotions of the East Pakistani people. East Pakistani people were deprived of their rights and their very own identity. The theory of nationalism grew stronger among the East Pakistani people. They wanted their own independent nation of the Bengalis as West |
1672_32 | Pakistan didn't respect and treat them how they wanted to be treated. West Pakistan had no idea that this will backfire in their face. This event leads East Pakistanis one step closer to independence. |
1672_33 | Six point movement issue
Six points movement was one of the most important events that eventually led East Pakistan to a new nation, Bangladesh. It was the result of the growing sense of nationalism in the mind of East Pakistani people. Six points movement was to describe the demands of the people of East Pakistan. The East Bengal nationalism was developed from almost the beginning of the partition of 1947, because of the disparity that we see in East Pakistan's history.
The historic six points was the first powerful movement that was taken by the East Pakistani people against the central Pakistani Government. These six points demand of autonomy was declared by Sheikh Mujib. He said these six points are the “Muktir Sanad for the people of East Pakistan”. |
1672_34 | Before the six point's movement, the demands - that East Pakistani people made - were being a part of Pakistan. By these six points East Pakistani people got the identity themselves as a separate nation and claimed full autonomy. These six points represented the claims of mass people of East Pakistan. They collectively supported six points and participated in six point's movement. |
1672_35 | In 1966, to make East Pakistan free from the colonial rules and oppressions, Sheikh Mujib declared six points movement. These six points were declared in Lahore in a political meeting. Considering the 18 years of struggle of East Pakistani people, the declaration was the supreme demand of autonomy under Pakistan. The Indo-Pak war of 1965 made East Pakistani people more restless and the military arrangements in East Pakistan made the demand of autonomy stronger. Eventually, Sheikh Mujib declared six points. After these six-points declaration people of East Pakistan got excited and they supported this movement whole-heartedly. |
1672_36 | After 1966 the six point's movement gave East Bengal people the confidence and belief for the autonomous movement, election in 1970, and in the liberation war. In reality, there was no hint in the six point's movement of being separated from Pakistan. Moreover, Sheikh Mujib never mentioned such separation or possibility of the separation. If we look at the depth of the six point's movement, we see that first two points were about the regional autonomy of East Pakistan. The next three points were to remove the disparity between the two wings of Pakistan. The last point was to ensure he defense of East Pakistan. However, these six-points were not accepted by the West Pakistan. |
1672_37 | After the six point's movement, the history has seen another important event in East Pakistan's history. As the six-points movement got no approval from West Pakistani authority, and moreover, they conspired against the major political leaders of East Pakistan. This case also holds an important meaning in East Pakistan's history, known as Agartala Conspiracy Case. This mass upsurge had objectives of freeing the political leaders and removing the military rulers. This upsurge was one of the landmarks in East Pakistani history. This mass upsurge developed the grown nationalism in the East Pakistani people. People from all over the East Pakistan joined this upsurge.
Bengali Language movement(1952) |
1672_38 | The Language movement was a political and cultural agitation in East Pakistan that centred on the recognition of the Bengali language as an official language of Pakistan and a broader reaffirmation of the ethno-national consciousness of the Bengali people. Discontent against Pakistan's "Urdu-only" policy had spilled into mass agitation since 1948 and reached its climactic strength after police fired upon and killed student demonstrators on 21 February 1952. |
1672_39 | After the creation of Pakistan in 1947, the central government under Muhammad Ali Jinnah ordained Urdu to be the sole national language, even though the Bengali-speaking peoples formed a majority of the national population. He did so because Urdu was a neutral language – it was not the mother tongue of any one of Pakistan's ethnicities. The policy, compounded by sectional tensions served as a major provocation of political conflict. Despite protests in 1948, the policy was enshrined into law and reaffirmed by national leaders, including several Bengali politicians.
Facing rising tensions, the government in East Pakistan outlawed public meetings and gatherings. Defying this, the students of Dhaka University and other political activists started a procession on 21 February. Near the current Dhaka Medical College Hospital, police fired on the protesters and numerous protesters, including Abdus Salam, Rafiq Uddin Ahmed, Abul Barkat, and Abdul Jabbar were killed. |
1672_40 | The deaths of the students served to provoke widespread strikes and protests led mainly by Bengali political parties such as the Awami League (then Awami Muslim League). The central government relented, granting official status for Bengali. The Language movement served as a catalyst for the assertion of the Bengali cultural and national identity within Pakistan. |
1672_41 | Significance of Language movement |
1672_42 | Language movement was not only developed for language dignity. In Pakistan, 7.2 percent of the people were Urdu speakers. On the other hand, 54.6 percent of the population did not want to accept that their mother language will be neglected.Most of the people were bangalees so it was rational for bangla to get the status. Along with this, the question of livelihood was also involved. In the beginning, Pakistan established in the center of the capital administration in West Pakistan, in violation of the multiplicity of population in East Pakistan. There is a possibility of further lagging behind in various fields due to choose Urdu as the only state language of Pakistan. It was associated with Western mentality to deprive Bengalis everywhere including politics. Therefore, language movement makes the Bengalis skeptical about the Muslim nationalism of Muslim League and the two-nation theory. They choose Bangla language as the first stage to establish their rights. This Bengali |
1672_43 | nationalist spirit inspired the movement for anti-dictatorship and autonomy for the sixties and independent wars. |
1672_44 | Creation of Bangladesh
The Language movement and its fallout had created substantial cultural and political animosity between the two wings of Pakistan. Despite constituting a majority of the Pakistani population, Bengalis constituted a small part of Pakistan's military, police and civil services. Ethnic and socio economic discrimination against Bengali people aggravated and agitations arose in East Pakistan over sectional bias, neglect and insufficient allocation of resources and national wealth. |
1672_45 | Steeped in Perso-Arabic culture, West Pakistanis saw Bengali culture as too closely associated with Hindu culture. One of the first groups demanding the independence of East Pakistan was the Shadhin Bangla Biplobi Porishad (Free Bengal Revolutionary Council). Under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Awami League became more secular in character, changing its name from Awami Muslim League to just Awami League. and launched the Six point movement demanding substantial political, administrative and economic autonomy for East Pakistan. |
1672_46 | Seeking democracy, a separate currency and balanced sharing of wealth and resources, Mujib also sought the recognition of the term "Bangla-desh" to describe the eastern wing of Pakistan, instead of East Pakistan, thus emphasising the Bengali Identity of the people of East Pakistan. Mujib was arrested by Pakistani forces in 1966 and tried for treason in what became the Agartala Conspiracy Case. Following violent protests and disorder, Mujib was released in 1968. In the elections of 1970, the Awami League won an outright majority in the Parliament of Pakistan. When Pakistan's president Yahya Khan and West Pakistani politician Zulfikar Ali Bhutto resisted Mujib's claim to form the government, sectional hostility escalated significantly. |
1672_47 | Before his arrest on the night of 25 March 1971, Mujib issued a call for Bengalis to fight for their independence; declaration of independence was proclaimed from Chittagong by members of the Mukti Bahini—the national liberation army formed by Bengali military, paramilitary and civilians. The East Bengal Regiment and the East Pakistan Rifles played a crucial role in the resistance. Led by General M. A. G. Osmani and eleven sector commanders, the Bangladesh Forces waged a mass guerrilla war against the Pakistani military. They liberated numerous towns and cities in the initial months of the conflict. The Pakistan Army regained momentum in the monsoon. Bengali guerrillas carried out widespread sabotage, including Operation Jackpot against the Pakistan Navy. The nascent Bangladesh Air Force flew sorties against Pakistani military bases. By November, the Bangladesh forces restricted the Pakistani military to its barracks during the night. They secured control of most parts of the |
1672_48 | countryside.and the independent state of Bangladesh was officially declared by the Awami League's government-in-exile in Mujibnagar. Mujib's trademark "Joy Bangla" (Victory to Bengal) salute became the rallying cry of Bengali nationalists, who mobilised to form the Mukti Bahini guerrilla force, which received training and equipment from the Indian government. Indian intervention at the height of the liberation war would eventually lead to the surrender of Pakistani forces and the establishment of the Bangladeshi state on 16 December. |
1672_49 | Bengali nationalism in India
Bangladeshi nationalism
References
Further reading
Cyriac Maprayil, Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman (2001)
Anthony Mascarenhas, Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood
Mahua Sarkar, Visible Histories, Disappearing Women: Producing Muslim Womanhood in Late Colonial Bengal, (2008) Durham, NC: Duke University Press.
Nitish Sengupta, History of the Bengali-speaking People
External links
Indo-Bangladesh standoff
Indo-Bangladesh migration matrix
Intellectuals move to foil design
Political movements in Bangladesh
Politics of West Bengal
Nationalism in India
Bangladesh Liberation War
History of Bengal
Nationalist movements in Asia
Constitution of Bangladesh
Fundamental principles of the constitution of Bangladesh |
1673_0 | Ludwik Regamey (1877-1967) was a Polish construction engineer by trade. He worked in Bydgoszcz where he had a very active associative life as a musician. He was the first chairman of the Alliance Française in Bydgoszcz. After moving to France in 1934, he was a formidable promoter of French and Polish culture exchanges till his demise in 1977, in Toulouse.
Biography
The Regameys established in Switzerland in the 17th century: the great-grandfather left the country when his shoe making business collapsed. He moved to Vilnius (known at the time as Wilno), then in the Russian Empire. His son Louis, Ludwik grandfather, married there a Polish girl: he worked as a French teacher. In the wake of the Polish Uprising of 1863, the family left Polish-Lithuania territory to Russian Kyiv. As a Swiss citizen, he officially became in 1883, a Tsarist civil servant. Louis fathered two sons, Casimir Ludwigovitch (1859-1907) and Rudolf Felix Gabriel Ludwigovitch (1852-1891), Ludwik's father. |
1673_1 | Rudolf Felix Gabriel married Marianna, née Zeleney: she had Hungarian blood but was a great Polish patriot.
Ludwik was born on May 20, 1877, in Kyiv: he was their first child. Soon, two brothers and a sister will follow. He graduated from the Faculty of Construction at the Lviv Polytechnic and afterwards expanded his professional knowledge in Zürich. He got married with Kazimiera, née Spław-Neyman, and moved to Voronezh, Russian Empire There he sired two children: Rudolf born in 1905, and Regina in 1914.
In 1915, Rudolf got infected by typhus, while bringing cigarettes and food to German POW transported through Voronezh by railroad. He died the same year: this ordeal left a lasting scar on the Regamey marriage as Ludwik constantly blamed his wife for leaving their son without surveillance in such hazardous places. |
1673_2 | The 1917 Russian Revolution tore apart this life: at 40, Ludwik, as a strong patriot, joined the growing Polish army and took part to the resulting Polish–Soviet War (1919-1920). Once demobilized and looking for a place to settle anew with his family, relatives from Kyiv who had already stayed in Bydgoszcz incited them to move there from Lviv.
Their first abode was at 6 Jana Zamoyskiego Street, room no. 36. A few months later (1921), as Kazimierza's aunt, evacuated similarly from Ukraine, established in Paderewskiego Street, the Regameys moved to Józef Weyssenhoff Square, then called Plac Zacisze.
Life in Bydgoszcz |
1673_3 | From October 1921 to March 1934, Ludwik worked as a building counselor of the Municipal Office for Underground Construction and Municipal Power Engineering: his working life revolved around issues related to the development of municipal housing. One of his main contribution at this position was to have the municipal power plant in Jachcice realized. On behalf of the city magistrate, Ludwik, together with engineers Markowicz and Missir, supervised the entire investment, which began in January 1927.
He was considered at the time as the best construction manager in Bydgoszcz. |
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