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sovereignty4 . | Being a sovereign state, India can either acquire a foreign | territory or cede a part of its territory in favour of a foreign state. |
2. Socialist | Even before the term was added by the 42nd Amendment in | 1976, the Constitution had a socialist content in the form of certain |
Directive Principles of State Policy. In other words, what was | hitherto implicit in the Constitution has now been made explicit. | Moreover, the Congress party itself adopted a resolution5 to |
establish a ‘socialistic pattern of society’ in its Avadi session as | early as in 1955 and took measures accordingly. | Notably, the Indian brand of socialism is a ‘democratic |
socialism’ and not a ‘communistic socialism’ (also known as ‘state | socialism’) which involves the nationalisation of all means of | production and distribution and the abolition of private property. |
side6. As the Supreme Court says, ‘Democratic socialism aims to | end poverty, ignorance, disease and inequality of opportunity7. | Indian socialism is a blend of Marxism and Gandhism, leaning |
heavily towards the Gandhian socialism’8 . | The new Economic Policy (1991) of liberalisation, privatisation | and globalisation has, however, diluted the socialist credentials of |
the Indian State. | 3. Secular | The term ‘secular’ too was added by the 42nd Constitutional |
Amendment Act of 1976. However, as the Supreme Court said in | 1974, although the words ‘secular state’9 were not expressedly | mentioned in the Constitution, there can be no doubt that |
Constitutionmakers wanted to establish such a state and | accordingly Articles 25 to 28 (guaranteeing the fundamental right | to freedom of religion) have been included in the constitution. |
The Indian Constitution embodies the positive concept of | secularism ie, all religions in our country (irrespective of their | strength) have the same status and support from the state10 . |
4. Democratic | A democratic11 polity, as stipulated in the Preamble, is based on | the doctrine of popular sovereignty, that is, possession of supreme |
power by the people. | Democracy is of two types–direct and indirect. In direct | democracy, the people exercise their supreme power directly as is |
the case in Switzerland. There are four devices of direct | democracy, namely, Referendum, Initiative, Recall and | Plebiscite12. In indirect democracy, on the other hand, the |
representatives elected by the people exercise the supreme | power and thus carry on the government and make the laws. This | type of democracy, also known as representative democracy, is of |
two kinds–parliamentary and presidential. | The Indian Constitution provides for representative | parliamentary democracy under which the executive is |
Universal adult franchise, periodic elections, rule of law, | independence of judiciary, and absence of discrimination on | certain grounds are the manifestations of the democratic |
character of the Indian polity. | The term ‘democratic’ is used in the Preamble in the broader | sense embracing not only political democracy but also social and |
economic democracy. | This dimension was stressed by Dr. Ambedkar in his | concluding speech in the Constituent Assembly on November 25, |
1949, in the following way: | “Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of | it social democracy. What does social democracy mean ? It |
means a way of life which recognises liberty, equality and | fraternity. The principles of liberty, equality and fraternity are not to | be treated as separate items in a trinity. They form a union of |
trinity in the sense that to divorce one from the other is to defeat | the very purpose of democracy. Liberty cannot be divorced from | equality, equality cannot be divorced from liberty. Nor can liberty |
and equality be divorced from fraternity. Without equality, liberty | would produce the supremacy of the few over the many. Equality | without liberty, would kill individual initiative”.12a |
In the same context, the Supreme Court observed in 1997 that: | “The Constitution envisions to establish an egalitarian social order | rendering to every citizen social, economic and political justice in |
a social and economic democracy of the Bharat Republic”. | 5. Republic | A democratic polity can be classified into two categories– |
monarchy and republic. In a monarchy, the head of the state | (usually king or queen) enjoys a hereditary position, that is, he | comes into office through succession, e.g., Britain. In a republic, |
on the other hand, the head of the state is always elected directly | or indirectly for a fixed period, e.g., USA. | Therefore, the term ‘republic’ in our Preamble indicates that |
India has an elected head called the president. He is elected | indirectly for a fixed period of five years. | A republic also means two more things: one, vesting of political |
second, the absence of any privileged class and hence all public | offices being opened to every citizen without any discrimination. | 6. Justice |
The term ‘justice’ in the Preamble embraces three distinct forms– | social, economic and political, secured through various provisions | of Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles. |
Social justice denotes the equal treatment of all citizens without | any social distinction based on caste, colour, race, religion, sex | and so on. It means absence of privileges being extended to any |
particular section of the society, and improvement in the | conditions of backward classes (SCs, STs and OBCs) and | women. |
Economic justice denotes the non-discrimination between | people on the basis of economic factors. It involves the elimination | of glaring inequalities in wealth, income and property. A |
combination of social justice and economic justice denotes what is | known as ‘distributive justice’. | Political justice implies that all citizens should have equal |
political rights, equal access to all political offices and equal voice | in the government. | The ideal of justice–social, economic and political–has been |
taken from the Russian Revolution (1917). | 7. Liberty | The term ‘liberty’ means the absence of restraints on the activities |
of individuals, and at the same time, providing opportunities for | the development of individual personalities. | The Preamble secures to all citizens of India liberty of thought, |
expression, belief, faith and worship, through their Fundamental | Rights, enforceable in court of law, in case of violation. | Liberty as elaborated in the Preamble is very essential for the |
successful functioning of the Indian democratic system. However, | liberty does not mean ‘license’ to do what one likes, and has to be | enjoyed within the limitations mentioned in the Constitution itself. |
The ideals of liberty, equality and fraternity in our Preamble | have been taken from the French Revolution (1789–1799). | 8. Equality |
The term ‘equality’ means the absence of special privileges to any | section of the society, and the provision of adequate opportunities | for all individuals without any discrimination. |
The Preamble secures to all citizens of India equality of status | and opportunity. This provision embraces three dimensions of | equality–civic, political and economic. |
The following provisions of the chapter on Fundamental Rights | ensure civic equality: | (a) Equality before the law (Article 14). |
(b) Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race, | caste, sex or place of birth (Article 15). | (c) Equality of opportunity in matters of public employment |
(Article 16). | (d) Abolition of untouchability (Article 17). | (e) Abolition of titles (Article 18). |
There are two provisions in the Constitution that seek to | achieve political equality. One, no person is to be declared | ineligible for inclusion in electoral rolls on grounds of religion, |
race, caste or sex (Article 325). Two, elections to the Lok Sabha | and the state assemblies to be on the basis of adult suffrage | (Article 326). |
The Directive Principles of State Policy (Article 39) secures to | men and women equal right to an adequate means of livelihood | and equal pay for equal work. |
9. Fraternity | Fraternity means a sense of brotherhood. The Constitution | promotes this feeling of fraternity by the system of single |
citizenship. Also, the Fundamental Duties (Article 51-A) say that it | shall be the duty of every citizen of India to promote harmony and | the spirit of common brotherhood amongst all the people of India |
The Preamble declares that fraternity has to assure two things– | the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the | nation. The word ‘integrity’ has been added to the preamble by the |
42nd Constitutional Amendment (1976). | According to K.M. Munshi, a member of the Drafting Committee | of the Constituent Assembly, the phrase ‘dignity of the individual’ |
signifies that the Constitution not only ensures material betterment | and maintain a democratic set-up, but that it also recognises that | the personality of every individual is sacred. This is highlighted |
through some of the provisions of the Fundamental Rights and | Directive Principles of State Policy, which ensure the dignity of | individuals. Further, the Fundamental Duties (Article 51-A) also |
protect the dignity of women by stating that it shall be the duty of | every citizen of India to renounce practices derogatory to the | dignity of women, and also makes it the duty of every citizen of |
India to uphold and protect the sovereignty, unity and integrity of | India. | The phrase ‘unity and integrity of the nation’ embraces both the |
psychological and territorial dimensions of national integration. | Article 1 of the Constitution describes India as a ‘Union of States’ | to make it clear that the states have no right to secede from the |
Union, implying the indestructible nature of the Indian Union. It | aims at overcoming hindrances to national integration like | communalism, regionalism, casteism, linguism, secessionism and |
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PREAMBLE | The Preamble embodies the basic philosophy and fundamental | values–political, moral and religious–on which the Constitution is |
based. It contains the grand and noble vision of the Constituent | Assembly, and reflects the dreams and aspirations of the founding | fathers of the Constitution. In the words of Sir Alladi Krishnaswami |
Iyer, a member of the Constituent Assembly who played a | significant role in making the Constitution, ‘The Preamble to our | Constitution expresses what we had thought or dreamt so long’. |
According to K.M. Munshi, a member of the Drafting Committee | of the Constituent Assembly, the Preamble is the ‘horoscope of | our sovereign democratic republic’. |
Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava, another member of the | Constituent Assembly, summed up the importance of the | Preamble in the following words: ‘The Preamble is the most |
precious part of the Constitution. It is the soul of the Constitution. | It is a key to the Constitution. It is a jewel set in the Constitution. It | is a proper yardstick with which one can measure the worth of the |
Constitution’. | Sir Ernest Barker, a distinguished English political scientist, | paid a glowing tribute to the political wisdom of the authors of the |
Preamble. He described the Preamble as the ‘key-note’13 to the | Constitution. He was so moved by the text of the preamble that he | quoted14 it at the opening of his popular book, Principles of Social |
and Political Theory (1951). | M. Hidayatullah, a former Chief Justice of India, observed, | ‘Preamble resembles the Declaration of Independence of the |
United States of America, but is more than a declaration. It is the | soul of our Constitution, which lays down the pattern of our | political society. It contains a solemn resolve, which nothing but a |
PREAMBLE AS PART OF THE CONSTITUTION | One of the controversies about the Preamble is as to whether it is | a part of the Constitution or not. |
In the Berubari Union16 case (1960), the Supreme Court said | that the Preamble shows the general purposes behind the several | provisions in the Constitution, and is thus a key to the minds of the |
makers of the Constitution. Further, where the terms used in any | article are ambiguous or capable of more than one meaning, | some assistance at interpretation may be taken from the |
objectives enshrined in the Preamble. Despite this recognition of | the significance of the Preamble, the Supreme Court specifically | opined that Preamble is not a part of the Constitution. |
In the Kesavananda Bharati case17 (1973), the Supreme Court | rejected the earlier opinion and held that Preamble is a part of the | Constitution. It observed that the Preamble is of extreme |
importance and the Constitution should be read and interpreted in | the light of the grand and noble vision expressed in the Preamble. | In the LIC of India case18 (1995) also, the Supreme Court again |
held that the Preamble is an integral part of the Constitution. | Like any other part of the Constitution, the Preamble was also | enacted by the Constituent Assembly; but, after the rest of the |
Constitution was already enacted. The reason for inserting the | Preamble at the end was to ensure that it was in conformity with | the Constitution as adopted by the Constituent Assembly. While |
forwarding the Preamble for votes, the President of the | Constituent Assembly said, ‘The question is that Preamble stands | part of the Constitution’19. The motion was then adopted. Hence, |
the current opinion held by the Supreme Court that the Preamble | is a part of the Constitution, is in consonance with the opinion of | the founding fathers of the Constitution. |
However, two things should be noted: | 1. The Preamble is neither a source of power to legislature nor | a prohibition upon the powers of legislature. |
AMENABILITY OF THE PREAMBLE | The question as to whether the Preamble can be amended under | Article 368 of the Constitution arose for the first time in the historic |
Kesavananda Bharati case (1973). It was urged that the Preamble | cannot be amended as it is not a part of the Constitution. The | petitioner contended that the amending power in Article 368 |
cannot be used to destroy or damage the basic elements or the | fundamental features of the Constitution, which are enshrined in | the Preamble. |
The Supreme Court, however, held that the Preamble is a part | of the Constitution. The Court stated that the opinion tendered by | it in the Berubari Union (1960) in this regard was wrong, and held |
that the Preamble can be amended, subject to the condition that | no amendment is done to the ‘basic features’. In other words, the | Court held that the basic elements or the fundamental features of |
the Constitution as contained in the Preamble cannot be altered | by an amendment under Article 36820 . | The Preamble has been amended only once so far, in 1976, by |
the 42nd Constitutional Amendment Act, which has added three | new words–Socialist, Secular and Integrity–to the Preamble. This | amendment was held to be valid. |
NOTES AND REFERENCES | 1. Moved by Nehru on December 13, 1946 and adopted | by the Constituent Assembly on January 22, 1947. |
2. Till the passage of the Indian Independence Act, 1947, | India was a dependency (colony) of the British Empire. | From August 15, 1947 to January 26, 1950, India’s |
political status was that of a dominion in the British | Commonwealth of Nations. India ceased to be a British | dominion on January 26, 1950, by declaring herself a |
sovereign republic. However, Pakistan continued to be a | British Dominion until 1956. | 3. To dispel the lurking fears of some members of the |
‘We took pledge long ago to achieve Purna Swaraj. We | have achieved it. Does a nation lose its independence | by an alliance with another country? Alliance normally |
means commitments. The free association of the | sovereign Commonwealth of Nations does not involve | such commitments. Its very strength lies in its flexibility |
and its complete freedom. It is well-known that it is open | to any member-nation to go out of the commonwealth if | it so chooses’. He further stated, ‘It is an agreement by |
free will, to be terminated by free will’. | 4. India became a member of the UNO in 1945. | 5. The Resolution said: ‘In order to realise the object of |
Congress and to further the objectives stated in the | Preamble and Directive Principles of State Policy of the | Constitution of India, planning should take place with a |
view to the establishment of a socialistic pattern of | society, where the principal means of production are | under social ownership or control, production is |
progressively speeded up and there is equitable | distribution of the national wealth’. | 6. The Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, said, ‘We have |
always said that we have our own brand of socialism. | We will nationalise the sectors where we feel the | necessity. Just nationalisation is not our type of |
socialism’. | 7. G.B. Pant University of Agriculture and Technology v. | State of Uttar Pradesh (2000). |
8. Nakara v. Union of India (1983). | 9. On the basis of the attitude of the state towards religion, | three types of states can be conceived of: |
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