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sovereignty4 .
Being a sovereign state, India can either acquire a foreign
territory or cede a part of its territory in favour of a foreign state.
2. Socialist
Even before the term was added by the 42nd Amendment in
1976, the Constitution had a socialist content in the form of certain
Directive Principles of State Policy. In other words, what was
hitherto implicit in the Constitution has now been made explicit.
Moreover, the Congress party itself adopted a resolution5 to
establish a ‘socialistic pattern of society’ in its Avadi session as
early as in 1955 and took measures accordingly.
Notably, the Indian brand of socialism is a ‘democratic
socialism’ and not a ‘communistic socialism’ (also known as ‘state
socialism’) which involves the nationalisation of all means of
production and distribution and the abolition of private property.
side6. As the Supreme Court says, ‘Democratic socialism aims to
end poverty, ignorance, disease and inequality of opportunity7.
Indian socialism is a blend of Marxism and Gandhism, leaning
heavily towards the Gandhian socialism’8 .
The new Economic Policy (1991) of liberalisation, privatisation
and globalisation has, however, diluted the socialist credentials of
the Indian State.
3. Secular
The term ‘secular’ too was added by the 42nd Constitutional
Amendment Act of 1976. However, as the Supreme Court said in
1974, although the words ‘secular state’9 were not expressedly
mentioned in the Constitution, there can be no doubt that
Constitutionmakers wanted to establish such a state and
accordingly Articles 25 to 28 (guaranteeing the fundamental right
to freedom of religion) have been included in the constitution.
The Indian Constitution embodies the positive concept of
secularism ie, all religions in our country (irrespective of their
strength) have the same status and support from the state10 .
4. Democratic
A democratic11 polity, as stipulated in the Preamble, is based on
the doctrine of popular sovereignty, that is, possession of supreme
power by the people.
Democracy is of two types–direct and indirect. In direct
democracy, the people exercise their supreme power directly as is
the case in Switzerland. There are four devices of direct
democracy, namely, Referendum, Initiative, Recall and
Plebiscite12. In indirect democracy, on the other hand, the
representatives elected by the people exercise the supreme
power and thus carry on the government and make the laws. This
type of democracy, also known as representative democracy, is of
two kinds–parliamentary and presidential.
The Indian Constitution provides for representative
parliamentary democracy under which the executive is
Universal adult franchise, periodic elections, rule of law,
independence of judiciary, and absence of discrimination on
certain grounds are the manifestations of the democratic
character of the Indian polity.
The term ‘democratic’ is used in the Preamble in the broader
sense embracing not only political democracy but also social and
economic democracy.
This dimension was stressed by Dr. Ambedkar in his
concluding speech in the Constituent Assembly on November 25,
1949, in the following way:
“Political democracy cannot last unless there lies at the base of
it social democracy. What does social democracy mean ? It
means a way of life which recognises liberty, equality and
fraternity. The principles of liberty, equality and fraternity are not to
be treated as separate items in a trinity. They form a union of
trinity in the sense that to divorce one from the other is to defeat
the very purpose of democracy. Liberty cannot be divorced from
equality, equality cannot be divorced from liberty. Nor can liberty
and equality be divorced from fraternity. Without equality, liberty
would produce the supremacy of the few over the many. Equality
without liberty, would kill individual initiative”.12a
In the same context, the Supreme Court observed in 1997 that:
“The Constitution envisions to establish an egalitarian social order
rendering to every citizen social, economic and political justice in
a social and economic democracy of the Bharat Republic”.
5. Republic
A democratic polity can be classified into two categories–
monarchy and republic. In a monarchy, the head of the state
(usually king or queen) enjoys a hereditary position, that is, he
comes into office through succession, e.g., Britain. In a republic,
on the other hand, the head of the state is always elected directly
or indirectly for a fixed period, e.g., USA.
Therefore, the term ‘republic’ in our Preamble indicates that
India has an elected head called the president. He is elected
indirectly for a fixed period of five years.
A republic also means two more things: one, vesting of political
second, the absence of any privileged class and hence all public
offices being opened to every citizen without any discrimination.
6. Justice
The term ‘justice’ in the Preamble embraces three distinct forms–
social, economic and political, secured through various provisions
of Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles.
Social justice denotes the equal treatment of all citizens without
any social distinction based on caste, colour, race, religion, sex
and so on. It means absence of privileges being extended to any
particular section of the society, and improvement in the
conditions of backward classes (SCs, STs and OBCs) and
women.
Economic justice denotes the non-discrimination between
people on the basis of economic factors. It involves the elimination
of glaring inequalities in wealth, income and property. A
combination of social justice and economic justice denotes what is
known as ‘distributive justice’.
Political justice implies that all citizens should have equal
political rights, equal access to all political offices and equal voice
in the government.
The ideal of justice–social, economic and political–has been
taken from the Russian Revolution (1917).
7. Liberty
The term ‘liberty’ means the absence of restraints on the activities
of individuals, and at the same time, providing opportunities for
the development of individual personalities.
The Preamble secures to all citizens of India liberty of thought,
expression, belief, faith and worship, through their Fundamental
Rights, enforceable in court of law, in case of violation.
Liberty as elaborated in the Preamble is very essential for the
successful functioning of the Indian democratic system. However,
liberty does not mean ‘license’ to do what one likes, and has to be
enjoyed within the limitations mentioned in the Constitution itself.
The ideals of liberty, equality and fraternity in our Preamble
have been taken from the French Revolution (1789–1799).
8. Equality
The term ‘equality’ means the absence of special privileges to any
section of the society, and the provision of adequate opportunities
for all individuals without any discrimination.
The Preamble secures to all citizens of India equality of status
and opportunity. This provision embraces three dimensions of
equality–civic, political and economic.
The following provisions of the chapter on Fundamental Rights
ensure civic equality:
(a) Equality before the law (Article 14).
(b) Prohibition of discrimination on grounds of religion, race,
caste, sex or place of birth (Article 15).
(c) Equality of opportunity in matters of public employment
(Article 16).
(d) Abolition of untouchability (Article 17).
(e) Abolition of titles (Article 18).
There are two provisions in the Constitution that seek to
achieve political equality. One, no person is to be declared
ineligible for inclusion in electoral rolls on grounds of religion,
race, caste or sex (Article 325). Two, elections to the Lok Sabha
and the state assemblies to be on the basis of adult suffrage
(Article 326).
The Directive Principles of State Policy (Article 39) secures to
men and women equal right to an adequate means of livelihood
and equal pay for equal work.
9. Fraternity
Fraternity means a sense of brotherhood. The Constitution
promotes this feeling of fraternity by the system of single
citizenship. Also, the Fundamental Duties (Article 51-A) say that it
shall be the duty of every citizen of India to promote harmony and
the spirit of common brotherhood amongst all the people of India
The Preamble declares that fraternity has to assure two things–
the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the
nation. The word ‘integrity’ has been added to the preamble by the
42nd Constitutional Amendment (1976).
According to K.M. Munshi, a member of the Drafting Committee
of the Constituent Assembly, the phrase ‘dignity of the individual’
signifies that the Constitution not only ensures material betterment
and maintain a democratic set-up, but that it also recognises that
the personality of every individual is sacred. This is highlighted
through some of the provisions of the Fundamental Rights and
Directive Principles of State Policy, which ensure the dignity of
individuals. Further, the Fundamental Duties (Article 51-A) also
protect the dignity of women by stating that it shall be the duty of
every citizen of India to renounce practices derogatory to the
dignity of women, and also makes it the duty of every citizen of
India to uphold and protect the sovereignty, unity and integrity of
India.
The phrase ‘unity and integrity of the nation’ embraces both the
psychological and territorial dimensions of national integration.
Article 1 of the Constitution describes India as a ‘Union of States’
to make it clear that the states have no right to secede from the
Union, implying the indestructible nature of the Indian Union. It
aims at overcoming hindrances to national integration like
communalism, regionalism, casteism, linguism, secessionism and
SIGNIFICANCE OF THE PREAMBLE
The Preamble embodies the basic philosophy and fundamental
values–political, moral and religious–on which the Constitution is
based. It contains the grand and noble vision of the Constituent
Assembly, and reflects the dreams and aspirations of the founding
fathers of the Constitution. In the words of Sir Alladi Krishnaswami
Iyer, a member of the Constituent Assembly who played a
significant role in making the Constitution, ‘The Preamble to our
Constitution expresses what we had thought or dreamt so long’.
According to K.M. Munshi, a member of the Drafting Committee
of the Constituent Assembly, the Preamble is the ‘horoscope of
our sovereign democratic republic’.
Pandit Thakur Das Bhargava, another member of the
Constituent Assembly, summed up the importance of the
Preamble in the following words: ‘The Preamble is the most
precious part of the Constitution. It is the soul of the Constitution.
It is a key to the Constitution. It is a jewel set in the Constitution. It
is a proper yardstick with which one can measure the worth of the
Constitution’.
Sir Ernest Barker, a distinguished English political scientist,
paid a glowing tribute to the political wisdom of the authors of the
Preamble. He described the Preamble as the ‘key-note’13 to the
Constitution. He was so moved by the text of the preamble that he
quoted14 it at the opening of his popular book, Principles of Social
and Political Theory (1951).
M. Hidayatullah, a former Chief Justice of India, observed,
‘Preamble resembles the Declaration of Independence of the
United States of America, but is more than a declaration. It is the
soul of our Constitution, which lays down the pattern of our
political society. It contains a solemn resolve, which nothing but a
PREAMBLE AS PART OF THE CONSTITUTION
One of the controversies about the Preamble is as to whether it is
a part of the Constitution or not.
In the Berubari Union16 case (1960), the Supreme Court said
that the Preamble shows the general purposes behind the several
provisions in the Constitution, and is thus a key to the minds of the
makers of the Constitution. Further, where the terms used in any
article are ambiguous or capable of more than one meaning,
some assistance at interpretation may be taken from the
objectives enshrined in the Preamble. Despite this recognition of
the significance of the Preamble, the Supreme Court specifically
opined that Preamble is not a part of the Constitution.
In the Kesavananda Bharati case17 (1973), the Supreme Court
rejected the earlier opinion and held that Preamble is a part of the
Constitution. It observed that the Preamble is of extreme
importance and the Constitution should be read and interpreted in
the light of the grand and noble vision expressed in the Preamble.
In the LIC of India case18 (1995) also, the Supreme Court again
held that the Preamble is an integral part of the Constitution.
Like any other part of the Constitution, the Preamble was also
enacted by the Constituent Assembly; but, after the rest of the
Constitution was already enacted. The reason for inserting the
Preamble at the end was to ensure that it was in conformity with
the Constitution as adopted by the Constituent Assembly. While
forwarding the Preamble for votes, the President of the
Constituent Assembly said, ‘The question is that Preamble stands
part of the Constitution’19. The motion was then adopted. Hence,
the current opinion held by the Supreme Court that the Preamble
is a part of the Constitution, is in consonance with the opinion of
the founding fathers of the Constitution.
However, two things should be noted:
1. The Preamble is neither a source of power to legislature nor
a prohibition upon the powers of legislature.
AMENABILITY OF THE PREAMBLE
The question as to whether the Preamble can be amended under
Article 368 of the Constitution arose for the first time in the historic
Kesavananda Bharati case (1973). It was urged that the Preamble
cannot be amended as it is not a part of the Constitution. The
petitioner contended that the amending power in Article 368
cannot be used to destroy or damage the basic elements or the
fundamental features of the Constitution, which are enshrined in
the Preamble.
The Supreme Court, however, held that the Preamble is a part
of the Constitution. The Court stated that the opinion tendered by
it in the Berubari Union (1960) in this regard was wrong, and held
that the Preamble can be amended, subject to the condition that
no amendment is done to the ‘basic features’. In other words, the
Court held that the basic elements or the fundamental features of
the Constitution as contained in the Preamble cannot be altered
by an amendment under Article 36820 .
The Preamble has been amended only once so far, in 1976, by
the 42nd Constitutional Amendment Act, which has added three
new words–Socialist, Secular and Integrity–to the Preamble. This
amendment was held to be valid.
NOTES AND REFERENCES
1. Moved by Nehru on December 13, 1946 and adopted
by the Constituent Assembly on January 22, 1947.
2. Till the passage of the Indian Independence Act, 1947,
India was a dependency (colony) of the British Empire.
From August 15, 1947 to January 26, 1950, India’s
political status was that of a dominion in the British
Commonwealth of Nations. India ceased to be a British
dominion on January 26, 1950, by declaring herself a
sovereign republic. However, Pakistan continued to be a
British Dominion until 1956.
3. To dispel the lurking fears of some members of the
‘We took pledge long ago to achieve Purna Swaraj. We
have achieved it. Does a nation lose its independence
by an alliance with another country? Alliance normally
means commitments. The free association of the
sovereign Commonwealth of Nations does not involve
such commitments. Its very strength lies in its flexibility
and its complete freedom. It is well-known that it is open
to any member-nation to go out of the commonwealth if
it so chooses’. He further stated, ‘It is an agreement by
free will, to be terminated by free will’.
4. India became a member of the UNO in 1945.
5. The Resolution said: ‘In order to realise the object of
Congress and to further the objectives stated in the
Preamble and Directive Principles of State Policy of the
Constitution of India, planning should take place with a
view to the establishment of a socialistic pattern of
society, where the principal means of production are
under social ownership or control, production is
progressively speeded up and there is equitable
distribution of the national wealth’.
6. The Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi, said, ‘We have
always said that we have our own brand of socialism.
We will nationalise the sectors where we feel the
necessity. Just nationalisation is not our type of
socialism’.
7. G.B. Pant University of Agriculture and Technology v.
State of Uttar Pradesh (2000).
8. Nakara v. Union of India (1983).
9. On the basis of the attitude of the state towards religion,
three types of states can be conceived of: