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id_1500 | Cardiovascular Disease (CVD) cost the healthcare system around 14,750 million in 2003, which works out a cost per person of just below 250. 76% of these costs were towards hospital healthcare and 18% can be accounted for by drugs and dispensing. Coronary Heart disease (CHD) cost the healthcare system around 3,500 million in 2003, which works out a cost per person of just below 60. 79% of these costs were put towards hospital care and 16% towards drugs and dispensing. There are also non healthcare costs including those from Production losses from death and illness in those who were in employment. Informal care of people with the disease greatly adds to the financial burden. In 2003, CVD related production losses stood at 6,200 million due to mortality and morbidity, with approximately 60% of this cost specifically due to death and 40% due to illness in those of working age. The cost of informal care for people with CVD was just over 4,800 million in 2003. In 2003, production losses due to mortality and morbidity associated with CHD cost over 3,100 million, with around 30% of this cost specifically due to death and 70% due to illness in those of working age, stalling by 10% when compared to previous costs in 2002. The cost of informal care for people with CHD was around 1,250 million in 2003. | There are a total of approximately 59 million patients on whom the CVD costs are based | entailment |
id_1501 | Cardiovascular Disease (CVD) cost the healthcare system around 14,750 million in 2003, which works out a cost per person of just below 250. 76% of these costs were towards hospital healthcare and 18% can be accounted for by drugs and dispensing. Coronary Heart disease (CHD) cost the healthcare system around 3,500 million in 2003, which works out a cost per person of just below 60. 79% of these costs were put towards hospital care and 16% towards drugs and dispensing. There are also non healthcare costs including those from Production losses from death and illness in those who were in employment. Informal care of people with the disease greatly adds to the financial burden. In 2003, CVD related production losses stood at 6,200 million due to mortality and morbidity, with approximately 60% of this cost specifically due to death and 40% due to illness in those of working age. The cost of informal care for people with CVD was just over 4,800 million in 2003. In 2003, production losses due to mortality and morbidity associated with CHD cost over 3,100 million, with around 30% of this cost specifically due to death and 70% due to illness in those of working age, stalling by 10% when compared to previous costs in 2002. The cost of informal care for people with CHD was around 1,250 million in 2003. | The production losses specifically due to death for CHD are higher than those production losses related to CVD | contradiction |
id_1502 | Cardiovascular Disease (CVD) cost the healthcare system around 14,750 million in 2003, which works out a cost per person of just below 250. 76% of these costs were towards hospital healthcare and 18% can be accounted for by drugs and dispensing. Coronary Heart disease (CHD) cost the healthcare system around 3,500 million in 2003, which works out a cost per person of just below 60. 79% of these costs were put towards hospital care and 16% towards drugs and dispensing. There are also non healthcare costs including those from Production losses from death and illness in those who were in employment. Informal care of people with the disease greatly adds to the financial burden. In 2003, CVD related production losses stood at 6,200 million due to mortality and morbidity, with approximately 60% of this cost specifically due to death and 40% due to illness in those of working age. The cost of informal care for people with CVD was just over 4,800 million in 2003. In 2003, production losses due to mortality and morbidity associated with CHD cost over 3,100 million, with around 30% of this cost specifically due to death and 70% due to illness in those of working age, stalling by 10% when compared to previous costs in 2002. The cost of informal care for people with CHD was around 1,250 million in 2003. | The per capita cost for CVD was relatively higher than the per capita cost for CHD | entailment |
id_1503 | Cardiovascular Disease (CVD) cost the healthcare system around 14,750 million in 2003, which works out a cost per person of just below 250. 76% of these costs were towards hospital healthcare and 18% can be accounted for by drugs and dispensing. Coronary Heart disease (CHD) cost the healthcare system around 3,500 million in 2003, which works out a cost per person of just below 60. 79% of these costs were put towards hospital care and 16% towards drugs and dispensing. There are also non healthcare costs including those from Production losses from death and illness in those who were in employment. Informal care of people with the disease greatly adds to the financial burden. In 2003, CVD related production losses stood at 6,200 million due to mortality and morbidity, with approximately 60% of this cost specifically due to death and 40% due to illness in those of working age. The cost of informal care for people with CVD was just over 4,800 million in 2003. In 2003, production losses due to mortality and morbidity associated with CHD cost over 3,100 million, with around 30% of this cost specifically due to death and 70% due to illness in those of working age, stalling by 10% when compared to previous costs in 2002. The cost of informal care for people with CHD was around 1,250 million in 2003. | The overall healthcare system costs for CHD and CVD increased by at least 49.1% when compared to the overall production losses | entailment |
id_1504 | Cardiovascular Disease (CVD) cost the healthcare system around 14,750 million in 2003, which works out a cost per person of just below 250. 76% of these costs were towards hospital healthcare and 18% can be accounted for by drugs and dispensing. Coronary Heart disease (CHD) cost the healthcare system around 3,500 million in 2003, which works out a cost per person of just below 60. 79% of these costs were put towards hospital care and 16% towards drugs and dispensing. There are also non healthcare costs including those from Production losses from death and illness in those who were in employment. Informal care of people with the disease greatly adds to the financial burden. In 2003, CVD related production losses stood at 6,200 million due to mortality and morbidity, with approximately 60% of this cost specifically due to death and 40% due to illness in those of working age. The cost of informal care for people with CVD was just over 4,800 million in 2003. In 2003, production losses due to mortality and morbidity associated with CHD cost over 3,100 million, with around 30% of this cost specifically due to death and 70% due to illness in those of working age, stalling by 10% when compared to previous costs in 2002. The cost of informal care for people with CHD was around 1,250 million in 2003. | A The overall healthcare system costs for CHD and CVD increased by at least 49.1% when compared to the overall production losses | entailment |
id_1505 | Cardiovascular disease is so prevalent that virtually all businesses are likely to have employees who suffer from, or may develop, this condition. Research shows that between 50-80% of all people who suffer a heart attack are able to return to work. However, this may not be possible if they have previously been involved in heavy physical work. In such cases, it may be possible to move the employee to lighter duties, with appropriate retraining where necessary. Similarly, high-pressure, stressful work, even where it does not involve physical activity, should also be avoided. Human Resources managers should be aware of the implications of job roles for employees with a cardiac condition. | Heart disease may affect employees in any type of business. | entailment |
id_1506 | Cardiovascular disease is so prevalent that virtually all businesses are likely to have employees who suffer from, or may develop, this condition. Research shows that between 50-80% of all people who suffer a heart attack are able to return to work. However, this may not be possible if they have previously been involved in heavy physical work. In such cases, it may be possible to move the employee to lighter duties, with appropriate retraining where necessary. Similarly, high-pressure, stressful work, even where it does not involve physical activity, should also be avoided. Human Resources managers should be aware of the implications of job roles for employees with a cardiac condition. | Heart disease can affect people of any age. | neutral |
id_1507 | Cardiovascular disease is so prevalent that virtually all businesses are likely to have employees who suffer from, or may develop, this condition. Research shows that between 50-80% of all people who suffer a heart attack are able to return to work. However, this may not be possible if they have previously been involved in heavy physical work. In such cases, it may be possible to move the employee to lighter duties, with appropriate retraining where necessary. Similarly, high-pressure, stressful work, even where it does not involve physical activity, should also be avoided. Human Resources managers should be aware of the implications of job roles for employees with a cardiac condition. | Physical or stressful work may bring on a heart attack. | entailment |
id_1508 | Cardiovascular disease is so prevalent that virtually all businesses are likely to have employees who suffer from, or may develop, this condition. Research shows that between 50-80% of all people who suffer a heart attack are able to return to work. However, this may not be possible if they have previously been involved in heavy physical work. In such cases, it may be possible to move the employee to lighter duties, with appropriate retraining where necessary. Similarly, high-pressure, stressful work, even where it does not involve physical activity, should also be avoided. Human Resources managers should be aware of the implications of job roles for employees with a cardiac condition. | The majority of people who have suffered a heart attack can later return to work. | entailment |
id_1509 | Care in the Community Bedlam is a word that has become synonymous in the English language with chaos and disorder. The term itself derives from the shortened name for a former 16th century London institution for the mentally ill, known as St. Mary of Bethlehem. This institution was so notorious that its name was to become a byword for mayhem. Patient treatment amounted to little more than legitimised abuse. Inmates were beaten and forced to live in unsanitary conditions, whilst others were placed on display to a curious public as a side-show. There is little indication to suggest that other institutions founded at around the same time in other European countries were much better. Even up until the mid-twentieth century, institutions for the mentally ill were regarded as being more places of isolation and punishment than healing and solace. In popular literature of the Victorian era that reflected true-life events, individuals were frequently sent to the madhouse as a legal means of permanently disposing of an unwanted heir or spouse. Later, in the mid-twentieth century, institutes for the mentally ill regularly carried out invasive brain surgery known as a lobotomy on violent patients without their consent. The aim was to calm the patient but ended up producing a patient that was little more than a zombie. Such a procedure is well documented to devastating effect in the film One Flew Over the Cuckoos Nest. Little wonder then that the appalling catalogue of treatment of the mentally ill led to a call for change from social activists and psychologists alike. Improvements began to be seen in institutions from the mid-50s onwards, along with the introduction of care in the community for less severely ill patients. Community care was seen as a more humane and purposeful approach to dealing with the mentally ill. Whereas institutionalised patients lived out their existence in confinement, forced to obey institutional regulations, patients in the community were free to live a relatively independent life. The patient was never left purely to their own devices as a variety of services could theoretically be accessed by the individual. In its early stages, however, community care consisted primarily of help from the patients extended family network. In more recent years, such care has extended to the provision of specialist community mental health teams (CMHTs) in the UK. Such teams cover a wide range of services from rehabilitation to home treatment and assessment. In addition, psychiatric nurses are on hand to administer prescription medication and give injections. The patient is therefore provided with the necessary help that they need to survive in the everyday world whilst maintaining a degree of autonomy. Often, though, when a policy is put into practice, its failings become apparent. This is true for the policy of care in the community. Whilst back-up services may exist, an individual may not call upon them when needed, due to reluctance or inability to assess their own condition. As a result, such an individual may be alone during a critical phase of their illness, which could lead them to self-harm or even become a threat to other members of their community. Whilst this might be an extreme-case scenario, there is also the issue of social alienation that needs to be considered. Integration into the community may not be sufficient to allow the individual to find work, leading to poverty and isolation. Social exclusion could then cause a relapse as the individual is left to battle mental health problems alone. The solution, therefore, is to ensure that the patient is always in touch with professional helpers and not left alone to fend for themselves. It should always be remembered that whilst you can take the patient out of the institution, you cant take the institution out of the patient. When questioned about care in the community, there seems to be a division of opinion amongst members of the public and within the mental healthcare profession itself. Dr. Mayalla, practising clinical psychologist, is inclined to believe that whilst certain patients may benefit from care in the community, the scheme isnt for everyone. Those suffering moderate cases of mental illness stand to gain more from care in the community than those with more pronounced mental illness. I dont think its a one-size-fits-all policy. But I also think that there is a far better infrastructure of helpers and social workers in place now than previously and the scheme stands a greater chance of success than in the past. Anita Brown, mother of three, takes a different view. As a mother, Im very protective towards my children. As a result, I would not put my support behind any scheme that I felt might put my children in danger... I guess there must be assessment methods in place to ensure that dangerous individuals are not let loose amongst the public but Im not for it at all. I like to feel secure where I live, but more to the point, that my children are not under any threat. Bob Ratchett, a former mental health nurse, takes a more positive view on community care projects. Having worked in the field myself, Ive seen how a patient can benefit from living an independent life, away from an institution. Obviously, only individuals well on their way to recovery would be suitable for consideration as participants in such a scheme. If you think about it, is it really fair to condemn an individual to a lifetime in an institution when they could be living a fairly fulfilled and independent life outside the institution? | Community care schemes do not provide adequate psychological support for patients. | contradiction |
id_1510 | Care in the Community Bedlam is a word that has become synonymous in the English language with chaos and disorder. The term itself derives from the shortened name for a former 16th century London institution for the mentally ill, known as St. Mary of Bethlehem. This institution was so notorious that its name was to become a byword for mayhem. Patient treatment amounted to little more than legitimised abuse. Inmates were beaten and forced to live in unsanitary conditions, whilst others were placed on display to a curious public as a side-show. There is little indication to suggest that other institutions founded at around the same time in other European countries were much better. Even up until the mid-twentieth century, institutions for the mentally ill were regarded as being more places of isolation and punishment than healing and solace. In popular literature of the Victorian era that reflected true-life events, individuals were frequently sent to the madhouse as a legal means of permanently disposing of an unwanted heir or spouse. Later, in the mid-twentieth century, institutes for the mentally ill regularly carried out invasive brain surgery known as a lobotomy on violent patients without their consent. The aim was to calm the patient but ended up producing a patient that was little more than a zombie. Such a procedure is well documented to devastating effect in the film One Flew Over the Cuckoos Nest. Little wonder then that the appalling catalogue of treatment of the mentally ill led to a call for change from social activists and psychologists alike. Improvements began to be seen in institutions from the mid-50s onwards, along with the introduction of care in the community for less severely ill patients. Community care was seen as a more humane and purposeful approach to dealing with the mentally ill. Whereas institutionalised patients lived out their existence in confinement, forced to obey institutional regulations, patients in the community were free to live a relatively independent life. The patient was never left purely to their own devices as a variety of services could theoretically be accessed by the individual. In its early stages, however, community care consisted primarily of help from the patients extended family network. In more recent years, such care has extended to the provision of specialist community mental health teams (CMHTs) in the UK. Such teams cover a wide range of services from rehabilitation to home treatment and assessment. In addition, psychiatric nurses are on hand to administer prescription medication and give injections. The patient is therefore provided with the necessary help that they need to survive in the everyday world whilst maintaining a degree of autonomy. Often, though, when a policy is put into practice, its failings become apparent. This is true for the policy of care in the community. Whilst back-up services may exist, an individual may not call upon them when needed, due to reluctance or inability to assess their own condition. As a result, such an individual may be alone during a critical phase of their illness, which could lead them to self-harm or even become a threat to other members of their community. Whilst this might be an extreme-case scenario, there is also the issue of social alienation that needs to be considered. Integration into the community may not be sufficient to allow the individual to find work, leading to poverty and isolation. Social exclusion could then cause a relapse as the individual is left to battle mental health problems alone. The solution, therefore, is to ensure that the patient is always in touch with professional helpers and not left alone to fend for themselves. It should always be remembered that whilst you can take the patient out of the institution, you cant take the institution out of the patient. When questioned about care in the community, there seems to be a division of opinion amongst members of the public and within the mental healthcare profession itself. Dr. Mayalla, practising clinical psychologist, is inclined to believe that whilst certain patients may benefit from care in the community, the scheme isnt for everyone. Those suffering moderate cases of mental illness stand to gain more from care in the community than those with more pronounced mental illness. I dont think its a one-size-fits-all policy. But I also think that there is a far better infrastructure of helpers and social workers in place now than previously and the scheme stands a greater chance of success than in the past. Anita Brown, mother of three, takes a different view. As a mother, Im very protective towards my children. As a result, I would not put my support behind any scheme that I felt might put my children in danger... I guess there must be assessment methods in place to ensure that dangerous individuals are not let loose amongst the public but Im not for it at all. I like to feel secure where I live, but more to the point, that my children are not under any threat. Bob Ratchett, a former mental health nurse, takes a more positive view on community care projects. Having worked in the field myself, Ive seen how a patient can benefit from living an independent life, away from an institution. Obviously, only individuals well on their way to recovery would be suitable for consideration as participants in such a scheme. If you think about it, is it really fair to condemn an individual to a lifetime in an institution when they could be living a fairly fulfilled and independent life outside the institution? | Dr. Mayalla believes that the scheme is less successful than in the past. | contradiction |
id_1511 | Care in the Community Bedlam is a word that has become synonymous in the English language with chaos and disorder. The term itself derives from the shortened name for a former 16th century London institution for the mentally ill, known as St. Mary of Bethlehem. This institution was so notorious that its name was to become a byword for mayhem. Patient treatment amounted to little more than legitimised abuse. Inmates were beaten and forced to live in unsanitary conditions, whilst others were placed on display to a curious public as a side-show. There is little indication to suggest that other institutions founded at around the same time in other European countries were much better. Even up until the mid-twentieth century, institutions for the mentally ill were regarded as being more places of isolation and punishment than healing and solace. In popular literature of the Victorian era that reflected true-life events, individuals were frequently sent to the madhouse as a legal means of permanently disposing of an unwanted heir or spouse. Later, in the mid-twentieth century, institutes for the mentally ill regularly carried out invasive brain surgery known as a lobotomy on violent patients without their consent. The aim was to calm the patient but ended up producing a patient that was little more than a zombie. Such a procedure is well documented to devastating effect in the film One Flew Over the Cuckoos Nest. Little wonder then that the appalling catalogue of treatment of the mentally ill led to a call for change from social activists and psychologists alike. Improvements began to be seen in institutions from the mid-50s onwards, along with the introduction of care in the community for less severely ill patients. Community care was seen as a more humane and purposeful approach to dealing with the mentally ill. Whereas institutionalised patients lived out their existence in confinement, forced to obey institutional regulations, patients in the community were free to live a relatively independent life. The patient was never left purely to their own devices as a variety of services could theoretically be accessed by the individual. In its early stages, however, community care consisted primarily of help from the patients extended family network. In more recent years, such care has extended to the provision of specialist community mental health teams (CMHTs) in the UK. Such teams cover a wide range of services from rehabilitation to home treatment and assessment. In addition, psychiatric nurses are on hand to administer prescription medication and give injections. The patient is therefore provided with the necessary help that they need to survive in the everyday world whilst maintaining a degree of autonomy. Often, though, when a policy is put into practice, its failings become apparent. This is true for the policy of care in the community. Whilst back-up services may exist, an individual may not call upon them when needed, due to reluctance or inability to assess their own condition. As a result, such an individual may be alone during a critical phase of their illness, which could lead them to self-harm or even become a threat to other members of their community. Whilst this might be an extreme-case scenario, there is also the issue of social alienation that needs to be considered. Integration into the community may not be sufficient to allow the individual to find work, leading to poverty and isolation. Social exclusion could then cause a relapse as the individual is left to battle mental health problems alone. The solution, therefore, is to ensure that the patient is always in touch with professional helpers and not left alone to fend for themselves. It should always be remembered that whilst you can take the patient out of the institution, you cant take the institution out of the patient. When questioned about care in the community, there seems to be a division of opinion amongst members of the public and within the mental healthcare profession itself. Dr. Mayalla, practising clinical psychologist, is inclined to believe that whilst certain patients may benefit from care in the community, the scheme isnt for everyone. Those suffering moderate cases of mental illness stand to gain more from care in the community than those with more pronounced mental illness. I dont think its a one-size-fits-all policy. But I also think that there is a far better infrastructure of helpers and social workers in place now than previously and the scheme stands a greater chance of success than in the past. Anita Brown, mother of three, takes a different view. As a mother, Im very protective towards my children. As a result, I would not put my support behind any scheme that I felt might put my children in danger... I guess there must be assessment methods in place to ensure that dangerous individuals are not let loose amongst the public but Im not for it at all. I like to feel secure where I live, but more to the point, that my children are not under any threat. Bob Ratchett, a former mental health nurse, takes a more positive view on community care projects. Having worked in the field myself, Ive seen how a patient can benefit from living an independent life, away from an institution. Obviously, only individuals well on their way to recovery would be suitable for consideration as participants in such a scheme. If you think about it, is it really fair to condemn an individual to a lifetime in an institution when they could be living a fairly fulfilled and independent life outside the institution? | There is a better understanding of the dynamics of mental illness today. | neutral |
id_1512 | Care in the Community Bedlam is a word that has become synonymous in the English language with chaos and disorder. The term itself derives from the shortened name for a former 16th century London institution for the mentally ill, known as St. Mary of Bethlehem. This institution was so notorious that its name was to become a byword for mayhem. Patient treatment amounted to little more than legitimised abuse. Inmates were beaten and forced to live in unsanitary conditions, whilst others were placed on display to a curious public as a side-show. There is little indication to suggest that other institutions founded at around the same time in other European countries were much better. Even up until the mid-twentieth century, institutions for the mentally ill were regarded as being more places of isolation and punishment than healing and solace. In popular literature of the Victorian era that reflected true-life events, individuals were frequently sent to the madhouse as a legal means of permanently disposing of an unwanted heir or spouse. Later, in the mid-twentieth century, institutes for the mentally ill regularly carried out invasive brain surgery known as a lobotomy on violent patients without their consent. The aim was to calm the patient but ended up producing a patient that was little more than a zombie. Such a procedure is well documented to devastating effect in the film One Flew Over the Cuckoos Nest. Little wonder then that the appalling catalogue of treatment of the mentally ill led to a call for change from social activists and psychologists alike. Improvements began to be seen in institutions from the mid-50s onwards, along with the introduction of care in the community for less severely ill patients. Community care was seen as a more humane and purposeful approach to dealing with the mentally ill. Whereas institutionalised patients lived out their existence in confinement, forced to obey institutional regulations, patients in the community were free to live a relatively independent life. The patient was never left purely to their own devices as a variety of services could theoretically be accessed by the individual. In its early stages, however, community care consisted primarily of help from the patients extended family network. In more recent years, such care has extended to the provision of specialist community mental health teams (CMHTs) in the UK. Such teams cover a wide range of services from rehabilitation to home treatment and assessment. In addition, psychiatric nurses are on hand to administer prescription medication and give injections. The patient is therefore provided with the necessary help that they need to survive in the everyday world whilst maintaining a degree of autonomy. Often, though, when a policy is put into practice, its failings become apparent. This is true for the policy of care in the community. Whilst back-up services may exist, an individual may not call upon them when needed, due to reluctance or inability to assess their own condition. As a result, such an individual may be alone during a critical phase of their illness, which could lead them to self-harm or even become a threat to other members of their community. Whilst this might be an extreme-case scenario, there is also the issue of social alienation that needs to be considered. Integration into the community may not be sufficient to allow the individual to find work, leading to poverty and isolation. Social exclusion could then cause a relapse as the individual is left to battle mental health problems alone. The solution, therefore, is to ensure that the patient is always in touch with professional helpers and not left alone to fend for themselves. It should always be remembered that whilst you can take the patient out of the institution, you cant take the institution out of the patient. When questioned about care in the community, there seems to be a division of opinion amongst members of the public and within the mental healthcare profession itself. Dr. Mayalla, practising clinical psychologist, is inclined to believe that whilst certain patients may benefit from care in the community, the scheme isnt for everyone. Those suffering moderate cases of mental illness stand to gain more from care in the community than those with more pronounced mental illness. I dont think its a one-size-fits-all policy. But I also think that there is a far better infrastructure of helpers and social workers in place now than previously and the scheme stands a greater chance of success than in the past. Anita Brown, mother of three, takes a different view. As a mother, Im very protective towards my children. As a result, I would not put my support behind any scheme that I felt might put my children in danger... I guess there must be assessment methods in place to ensure that dangerous individuals are not let loose amongst the public but Im not for it at all. I like to feel secure where I live, but more to the point, that my children are not under any threat. Bob Ratchett, a former mental health nurse, takes a more positive view on community care projects. Having worked in the field myself, Ive seen how a patient can benefit from living an independent life, away from an institution. Obviously, only individuals well on their way to recovery would be suitable for consideration as participants in such a scheme. If you think about it, is it really fair to condemn an individual to a lifetime in an institution when they could be living a fairly fulfilled and independent life outside the institution? | The goal of community care schemes is to make patients less dependent on the system. | entailment |
id_1513 | Case Study: Tourism New Zealand website New Zealand is a small country of four million inhabitants, a long-haul flight from all the major tourist-generating markets of the world. Tourism currently makes up 9% of the country's gross domestic product, and is the country's largest export sector. Unlike other export sectors, which make products and then sell them overseas, tourism brings its customers to New Zealand. The product is the country itself - the people, the places and the experiences. In 1999, Tourism New Zealand launched a campaign to communicate a new brand position to the world. The campaign focused on New Zealand's scenic beauty, exhilarating outdoor activities and authentic Maori culture, and it made New Zealand one of the strongest national brands in the world. A key feature of the campaign was the website www. newzealand. com, which provided potential visitors to New Zealand with a single gateway to everything the destination had to offer. The heart of the website was a database of tourism services operators, both those based in New Zealand and those based abroad which offered tourism services to the country. Any tourism-related business could be listed by filling in a simple form. This meant that even the smallest bed and breakfast address or specialist activity provider could gain a web presence with access to an audience of long-haul visitors. In addition, because participating businesses were able to update the details they gave on a regular basis, the information provided remained accurate. And to maintain and improve standards, Tourism New Zealand organised a scheme whereby organisations appearing on the website underwent an independent evaluation against a set of agreed national standards of quality. As part of this, the effect of each business on the environment was considered. To communicate the New Zealand experience, the site also carried features relating to famous people and places. One of the most popular was an interview with former New Zealand All Blacks rugby captain Tana Umaga. Another feature that attracted a lot of attention was an interactive journey through a number of the locations chosen for blockbuster films which had made use of New Zealand's stunning scenery as a backdrop. As the site developed, additional features were added to help independent travellers devise their own customised itineraries. To make it easier to plan motoring holidays, the site catalogued the most popular driving routes in the country, highlighting different routes according to the season and indicating distances and times. Later, a Travel Planner feature was added, which allowed visitors to click and 'bookmark' places or attractions they were interested in, and then view the results on a map. The Travel Planner offered suggested routes and public transport options between the chosen locations. There were also links to accommodation in the area. By registering with the website, users could save their Travel Plan and return to it later, or print it out to take on the visit. The website also had a 'Your Words' section where anyone could submit a blog of their New Zealand travels for possible inclusion on the website. The Tourism New Zealand website won two Webby awards for online achievement and innovation. More importantly perhaps, the growth of tourism to New Zealand was impressive. Overall tourism expenditure increased by an average of 6.9% per year between 1999 and 2004. From Britain, visits to New Zealand grew at an average annual rate of 13% between 2002 and 2006, compared to a rate of 4% overall for British visits abroad. The website was set up to allow both individuals and travel organisations to create itineraries and travel packages to suit their own needs and interests. On the website, visitors can search for activities not solely by geographical location, but also by the particular nature of the activity. This is important as research shows that activities are the key driver of visitor satisfaction, contributing 74% to visitor satisfaction, while transport and accommodation account for the remaining 26%. The more activities that visitors undertake, the more satisfied they will be. It has also been found that visitors undertake, the more satisfied they will be. It has also been found that visitors enjoy cultural activities most when they are interactive, such as visiting a marae (meeting ground) to learn about traditional Maori life. Many long-haul travellers enjoy such learning experiences, which provide them with stories to take home to their friends and family. In addition, it appears that visitors to New Zealand don't want to be 'one of the crowd' and find activities that involve only a few people more special and meaningful. It could be argued that New Zealand is not a typical destination. New Zealand is a small country with a visitor economy composed mainly of small businesses. It is generally perceived as a safe English-speaking country with a reliable transport infrastructure. Because of the long-haul flight, most visitors stay for longer (average 20 days) and want to see as much of the country as possible on what is often seen as a once-in-a-lifetime visit. However, the underlying lessons apply anywhere - the effectiveness of a strong brand, a strategy based on unique experiences and a comprehensive and user-friendly website. | According to research, 26% of visitor satisfaction is related to their accommodation. | contradiction |
id_1514 | Case Study: Tourism New Zealand website New Zealand is a small country of four million inhabitants, a long-haul flight from all the major tourist-generating markets of the world. Tourism currently makes up 9% of the country's gross domestic product, and is the country's largest export sector. Unlike other export sectors, which make products and then sell them overseas, tourism brings its customers to New Zealand. The product is the country itself - the people, the places and the experiences. In 1999, Tourism New Zealand launched a campaign to communicate a new brand position to the world. The campaign focused on New Zealand's scenic beauty, exhilarating outdoor activities and authentic Maori culture, and it made New Zealand one of the strongest national brands in the world. A key feature of the campaign was the website www. newzealand. com, which provided potential visitors to New Zealand with a single gateway to everything the destination had to offer. The heart of the website was a database of tourism services operators, both those based in New Zealand and those based abroad which offered tourism services to the country. Any tourism-related business could be listed by filling in a simple form. This meant that even the smallest bed and breakfast address or specialist activity provider could gain a web presence with access to an audience of long-haul visitors. In addition, because participating businesses were able to update the details they gave on a regular basis, the information provided remained accurate. And to maintain and improve standards, Tourism New Zealand organised a scheme whereby organisations appearing on the website underwent an independent evaluation against a set of agreed national standards of quality. As part of this, the effect of each business on the environment was considered. To communicate the New Zealand experience, the site also carried features relating to famous people and places. One of the most popular was an interview with former New Zealand All Blacks rugby captain Tana Umaga. Another feature that attracted a lot of attention was an interactive journey through a number of the locations chosen for blockbuster films which had made use of New Zealand's stunning scenery as a backdrop. As the site developed, additional features were added to help independent travellers devise their own customised itineraries. To make it easier to plan motoring holidays, the site catalogued the most popular driving routes in the country, highlighting different routes according to the season and indicating distances and times. Later, a Travel Planner feature was added, which allowed visitors to click and 'bookmark' places or attractions they were interested in, and then view the results on a map. The Travel Planner offered suggested routes and public transport options between the chosen locations. There were also links to accommodation in the area. By registering with the website, users could save their Travel Plan and return to it later, or print it out to take on the visit. The website also had a 'Your Words' section where anyone could submit a blog of their New Zealand travels for possible inclusion on the website. The Tourism New Zealand website won two Webby awards for online achievement and innovation. More importantly perhaps, the growth of tourism to New Zealand was impressive. Overall tourism expenditure increased by an average of 6.9% per year between 1999 and 2004. From Britain, visits to New Zealand grew at an average annual rate of 13% between 2002 and 2006, compared to a rate of 4% overall for British visits abroad. The website was set up to allow both individuals and travel organisations to create itineraries and travel packages to suit their own needs and interests. On the website, visitors can search for activities not solely by geographical location, but also by the particular nature of the activity. This is important as research shows that activities are the key driver of visitor satisfaction, contributing 74% to visitor satisfaction, while transport and accommodation account for the remaining 26%. The more activities that visitors undertake, the more satisfied they will be. It has also been found that visitors undertake, the more satisfied they will be. It has also been found that visitors enjoy cultural activities most when they are interactive, such as visiting a marae (meeting ground) to learn about traditional Maori life. Many long-haul travellers enjoy such learning experiences, which provide them with stories to take home to their friends and family. In addition, it appears that visitors to New Zealand don't want to be 'one of the crowd' and find activities that involve only a few people more special and meaningful. It could be argued that New Zealand is not a typical destination. New Zealand is a small country with a visitor economy composed mainly of small businesses. It is generally perceived as a safe English-speaking country with a reliable transport infrastructure. Because of the long-haul flight, most visitors stay for longer (average 20 days) and want to see as much of the country as possible on what is often seen as a once-in-a-lifetime visit. However, the underlying lessons apply anywhere - the effectiveness of a strong brand, a strategy based on unique experiences and a comprehensive and user-friendly website. | It was found that most visitors started searching on the website by geographical location. | neutral |
id_1515 | Case Study: Tourism New Zealand website New Zealand is a small country of four million inhabitants, a long-haul flight from all the major tourist-generating markets of the world. Tourism currently makes up 9% of the country's gross domestic product, and is the country's largest export sector. Unlike other export sectors, which make products and then sell them overseas, tourism brings its customers to New Zealand. The product is the country itself - the people, the places and the experiences. In 1999, Tourism New Zealand launched a campaign to communicate a new brand position to the world. The campaign focused on New Zealand's scenic beauty, exhilarating outdoor activities and authentic Maori culture, and it made New Zealand one of the strongest national brands in the world. A key feature of the campaign was the website www. newzealand. com, which provided potential visitors to New Zealand with a single gateway to everything the destination had to offer. The heart of the website was a database of tourism services operators, both those based in New Zealand and those based abroad which offered tourism services to the country. Any tourism-related business could be listed by filling in a simple form. This meant that even the smallest bed and breakfast address or specialist activity provider could gain a web presence with access to an audience of long-haul visitors. In addition, because participating businesses were able to update the details they gave on a regular basis, the information provided remained accurate. And to maintain and improve standards, Tourism New Zealand organised a scheme whereby organisations appearing on the website underwent an independent evaluation against a set of agreed national standards of quality. As part of this, the effect of each business on the environment was considered. To communicate the New Zealand experience, the site also carried features relating to famous people and places. One of the most popular was an interview with former New Zealand All Blacks rugby captain Tana Umaga. Another feature that attracted a lot of attention was an interactive journey through a number of the locations chosen for blockbuster films which had made use of New Zealand's stunning scenery as a backdrop. As the site developed, additional features were added to help independent travellers devise their own customised itineraries. To make it easier to plan motoring holidays, the site catalogued the most popular driving routes in the country, highlighting different routes according to the season and indicating distances and times. Later, a Travel Planner feature was added, which allowed visitors to click and 'bookmark' places or attractions they were interested in, and then view the results on a map. The Travel Planner offered suggested routes and public transport options between the chosen locations. There were also links to accommodation in the area. By registering with the website, users could save their Travel Plan and return to it later, or print it out to take on the visit. The website also had a 'Your Words' section where anyone could submit a blog of their New Zealand travels for possible inclusion on the website. The Tourism New Zealand website won two Webby awards for online achievement and innovation. More importantly perhaps, the growth of tourism to New Zealand was impressive. Overall tourism expenditure increased by an average of 6.9% per year between 1999 and 2004. From Britain, visits to New Zealand grew at an average annual rate of 13% between 2002 and 2006, compared to a rate of 4% overall for British visits abroad. The website was set up to allow both individuals and travel organisations to create itineraries and travel packages to suit their own needs and interests. On the website, visitors can search for activities not solely by geographical location, but also by the particular nature of the activity. This is important as research shows that activities are the key driver of visitor satisfaction, contributing 74% to visitor satisfaction, while transport and accommodation account for the remaining 26%. The more activities that visitors undertake, the more satisfied they will be. It has also been found that visitors undertake, the more satisfied they will be. It has also been found that visitors enjoy cultural activities most when they are interactive, such as visiting a marae (meeting ground) to learn about traditional Maori life. Many long-haul travellers enjoy such learning experiences, which provide them with stories to take home to their friends and family. In addition, it appears that visitors to New Zealand don't want to be 'one of the crowd' and find activities that involve only a few people more special and meaningful. It could be argued that New Zealand is not a typical destination. New Zealand is a small country with a visitor economy composed mainly of small businesses. It is generally perceived as a safe English-speaking country with a reliable transport infrastructure. Because of the long-haul flight, most visitors stay for longer (average 20 days) and want to see as much of the country as possible on what is often seen as a once-in-a-lifetime visit. However, the underlying lessons apply anywhere - the effectiveness of a strong brand, a strategy based on unique experiences and a comprehensive and user-friendly website. | Visitors to New Zealand like to become involved in the local culture. | entailment |
id_1516 | Case Study: Tourism New Zealand website New Zealand is a small country of four million inhabitants, a long-haul flight from all the major tourist-generating markets of the world. Tourism currently makes up 9% of the country's gross domestic product, and is the country's largest export sector. Unlike other export sectors, which make products and then sell them overseas, tourism brings its customers to New Zealand. The product is the country itself - the people, the places and the experiences. In 1999, Tourism New Zealand launched a campaign to communicate a new brand position to the world. The campaign focused on New Zealand's scenic beauty, exhilarating outdoor activities and authentic Maori culture, and it made New Zealand one of the strongest national brands in the world. A key feature of the campaign was the website www. newzealand. com, which provided potential visitors to New Zealand with a single gateway to everything the destination had to offer. The heart of the website was a database of tourism services operators, both those based in New Zealand and those based abroad which offered tourism services to the country. Any tourism-related business could be listed by filling in a simple form. This meant that even the smallest bed and breakfast address or specialist activity provider could gain a web presence with access to an audience of long-haul visitors. In addition, because participating businesses were able to update the details they gave on a regular basis, the information provided remained accurate. And to maintain and improve standards, Tourism New Zealand organised a scheme whereby organisations appearing on the website underwent an independent evaluation against a set of agreed national standards of quality. As part of this, the effect of each business on the environment was considered. To communicate the New Zealand experience, the site also carried features relating to famous people and places. One of the most popular was an interview with former New Zealand All Blacks rugby captain Tana Umaga. Another feature that attracted a lot of attention was an interactive journey through a number of the locations chosen for blockbuster films which had made use of New Zealand's stunning scenery as a backdrop. As the site developed, additional features were added to help independent travellers devise their own customised itineraries. To make it easier to plan motoring holidays, the site catalogued the most popular driving routes in the country, highlighting different routes according to the season and indicating distances and times. Later, a Travel Planner feature was added, which allowed visitors to click and 'bookmark' places or attractions they were interested in, and then view the results on a map. The Travel Planner offered suggested routes and public transport options between the chosen locations. There were also links to accommodation in the area. By registering with the website, users could save their Travel Plan and return to it later, or print it out to take on the visit. The website also had a 'Your Words' section where anyone could submit a blog of their New Zealand travels for possible inclusion on the website. The Tourism New Zealand website won two Webby awards for online achievement and innovation. More importantly perhaps, the growth of tourism to New Zealand was impressive. Overall tourism expenditure increased by an average of 6.9% per year between 1999 and 2004. From Britain, visits to New Zealand grew at an average annual rate of 13% between 2002 and 2006, compared to a rate of 4% overall for British visits abroad. The website was set up to allow both individuals and travel organisations to create itineraries and travel packages to suit their own needs and interests. On the website, visitors can search for activities not solely by geographical location, but also by the particular nature of the activity. This is important as research shows that activities are the key driver of visitor satisfaction, contributing 74% to visitor satisfaction, while transport and accommodation account for the remaining 26%. The more activities that visitors undertake, the more satisfied they will be. It has also been found that visitors undertake, the more satisfied they will be. It has also been found that visitors enjoy cultural activities most when they are interactive, such as visiting a marae (meeting ground) to learn about traditional Maori life. Many long-haul travellers enjoy such learning experiences, which provide them with stories to take home to their friends and family. In addition, it appears that visitors to New Zealand don't want to be 'one of the crowd' and find activities that involve only a few people more special and meaningful. It could be argued that New Zealand is not a typical destination. New Zealand is a small country with a visitor economy composed mainly of small businesses. It is generally perceived as a safe English-speaking country with a reliable transport infrastructure. Because of the long-haul flight, most visitors stay for longer (average 20 days) and want to see as much of the country as possible on what is often seen as a once-in-a-lifetime visit. However, the underlying lessons apply anywhere - the effectiveness of a strong brand, a strategy based on unique experiences and a comprehensive and user-friendly website. | Visitors like staying in small hotels in New Zealand rather than in larger ones. | neutral |
id_1517 | Case Study: Tourism New Zealand website New Zealand is a small country of four million inhabitants, a long-haul flight from all the major tourist-generating markets of the world. Tourism currently makes up 9% of the country's gross domestic product, and is the country's largest export sector. Unlike other export sectors, which make products and then sell them overseas, tourism brings its customers to New Zealand. The product is the country itself - the people, the places and the experiences. In 1999, Tourism New Zealand launched a campaign to communicate a new brand position to the world. The campaign focused on New Zealand's scenic beauty, exhilarating outdoor activities and authentic Maori culture, and it made New Zealand one of the strongest national brands in the world. A key feature of the campaign was the website www. newzealand. com, which provided potential visitors to New Zealand with a single gateway to everything the destination had to offer. The heart of the website was a database of tourism services operators, both those based in New Zealand and those based abroad which offered tourism services to the country. Any tourism-related business could be listed by filling in a simple form. This meant that even the smallest bed and breakfast address or specialist activity provider could gain a web presence with access to an audience of long-haul visitors. In addition, because participating businesses were able to update the details they gave on a regular basis, the information provided remained accurate. And to maintain and improve standards, Tourism New Zealand organised a scheme whereby organisations appearing on the website underwent an independent evaluation against a set of agreed national standards of quality. As part of this, the effect of each business on the environment was considered. To communicate the New Zealand experience, the site also carried features relating to famous people and places. One of the most popular was an interview with former New Zealand All Blacks rugby captain Tana Umaga. Another feature that attracted a lot of attention was an interactive journey through a number of the locations chosen for blockbuster films which had made use of New Zealand's stunning scenery as a backdrop. As the site developed, additional features were added to help independent travellers devise their own customised itineraries. To make it easier to plan motoring holidays, the site catalogued the most popular driving routes in the country, highlighting different routes according to the season and indicating distances and times. Later, a Travel Planner feature was added, which allowed visitors to click and 'bookmark' places or attractions they were interested in, and then view the results on a map. The Travel Planner offered suggested routes and public transport options between the chosen locations. There were also links to accommodation in the area. By registering with the website, users could save their Travel Plan and return to it later, or print it out to take on the visit. The website also had a 'Your Words' section where anyone could submit a blog of their New Zealand travels for possible inclusion on the website. The Tourism New Zealand website won two Webby awards for online achievement and innovation. More importantly perhaps, the growth of tourism to New Zealand was impressive. Overall tourism expenditure increased by an average of 6.9% per year between 1999 and 2004. From Britain, visits to New Zealand grew at an average annual rate of 13% between 2002 and 2006, compared to a rate of 4% overall for British visits abroad. The website was set up to allow both individuals and travel organisations to create itineraries and travel packages to suit their own needs and interests. On the website, visitors can search for activities not solely by geographical location, but also by the particular nature of the activity. This is important as research shows that activities are the key driver of visitor satisfaction, contributing 74% to visitor satisfaction, while transport and accommodation account for the remaining 26%. The more activities that visitors undertake, the more satisfied they will be. It has also been found that visitors undertake, the more satisfied they will be. It has also been found that visitors enjoy cultural activities most when they are interactive, such as visiting a marae (meeting ground) to learn about traditional Maori life. Many long-haul travellers enjoy such learning experiences, which provide them with stories to take home to their friends and family. In addition, it appears that visitors to New Zealand don't want to be 'one of the crowd' and find activities that involve only a few people more special and meaningful. It could be argued that New Zealand is not a typical destination. New Zealand is a small country with a visitor economy composed mainly of small businesses. It is generally perceived as a safe English-speaking country with a reliable transport infrastructure. Because of the long-haul flight, most visitors stay for longer (average 20 days) and want to see as much of the country as possible on what is often seen as a once-in-a-lifetime visit. However, the underlying lessons apply anywhere - the effectiveness of a strong brand, a strategy based on unique experiences and a comprehensive and user-friendly website. | Many visitors feel it is unlikely that they will return to New Zealand after their visit. | entailment |
id_1518 | Case Study: Tourism New Zealand website New Zealand is a small country of four million inhabitants, a long-haul flight from all the major tourist-generating markets of the world. Tourism currently makes up 9% of the country's gross domestic product, and is the country's largest export sector. Unlike other export sectors, which make products and then sell them overseas, tourism brings its customers to New Zealand. The product is the country itself - the people, the places and the experiences. In 1999, Tourism New Zealand launched a campaign to communicate a new brand position to the world. The campaign focused on New Zealand's scenic beauty, exhilarating outdoor activities and authentic Maori culture, and it made New Zealand one of the strongest national brands in the world. A key feature of the campaign was the website www. newzealand. com, which provided potential visitors to New Zealand with a single gateway to everything the destination had to offer. The heart of the website was a database of tourism services operators, both those based in New Zealand and those based abroad which offered tourism services to the country. Any tourism-related business could be listed by filling in a simple form. This meant that even the smallest bed and breakfast address or specialist activity provider could gain a web presence with access to an audience of long-haul visitors. In addition, because participating businesses were able to update the details they gave on a regular basis, the information provided remained accurate. And to maintain and improve standards, Tourism New Zealand organised a scheme whereby organisations appearing on the website underwent an independent evaluation against a set of agreed national standards of quality. As part of this, the effect of each business on the environment was considered. To communicate the New Zealand experience, the site also carried features relating to famous people and places. One of the most popular was an interview with former New Zealand All Blacks rugby captain Tana Umaga. Another feature that attracted a lot of attention was an interactive journey through a number of the locations chosen for blockbuster films which had made use of New Zealand's stunning scenery as a backdrop. As the site developed, additional features were added to help independent travellers devise their own customised itineraries. To make it easier to plan motoring holidays, the site catalogued the most popular driving routes in the country, highlighting different routes according to the season and indicating distances and times. Later, a Travel Planner feature was added, which allowed visitors to click and 'bookmark' places or attractions they were interested in, and then view the results on a map. The Travel Planner offered suggested routes and public transport options between the chosen locations. There were also links to accommodation in the area. By registering with the website, users could save their Travel Plan and return to it later, or print it out to take on the visit. The website also had a 'Your Words' section where anyone could submit a blog of their New Zealand travels for possible inclusion on the website. The Tourism New Zealand website won two Webby awards for online achievement and innovation. More importantly perhaps, the growth of tourism to New Zealand was impressive. Overall tourism expenditure increased by an average of 6.9% per year between 1999 and 2004. From Britain, visits to New Zealand grew at an average annual rate of 13% between 2002 and 2006, compared to a rate of 4% overall for British visits abroad. The website was set up to allow both individuals and travel organisations to create itineraries and travel packages to suit their own needs and interests. On the website, visitors can search for activities not solely by geographical location, but also by the particular nature of the activity. This is important as research shows that activities are the key driver of visitor satisfaction, contributing 74% to visitor satisfaction, while transport and accommodation account for the remaining 26%. The more activities that visitors undertake, the more satisfied they will be. It has also been found that visitors undertake, the more satisfied they will be. It has also been found that visitors enjoy cultural activities most when they are interactive, such as visiting a marae (meeting ground) to learn about traditional Maori life. Many long-haul travellers enjoy such learning experiences, which provide them with stories to take home to their friends and family. In addition, it appears that visitors to New Zealand don't want to be 'one of the crowd' and find activities that involve only a few people more special and meaningful. It could be argued that New Zealand is not a typical destination. New Zealand is a small country with a visitor economy composed mainly of small businesses. It is generally perceived as a safe English-speaking country with a reliable transport infrastructure. Because of the long-haul flight, most visitors stay for longer (average 20 days) and want to see as much of the country as possible on what is often seen as a once-in-a-lifetime visit. However, the underlying lessons apply anywhere - the effectiveness of a strong brand, a strategy based on unique experiences and a comprehensive and user-friendly website. | The website www. newzealand. com aimed to provide ready-made itineraries and packages for travel companies and individual tourists. | contradiction |
id_1519 | Casey, Stuart, Ritchie, Billie and Colin all buytheir own vehicles. Casey and Colin have room for three passengers as well as themselves. The others only have room for one passenger besides themselves. Ritchie and Casey have good front tyres, though the other tyres on all of the other vehicles are dangerous. Casey and Billie have vehicles that use diesel fuel. The others have vehicles that use petrol. | Ritchie can only take one passenger, but has good tyres | entailment |
id_1520 | Casey, Stuart, Ritchie, Billie and Colin all buytheir own vehicles. Casey and Colin have room for three passengers as well as themselves. The others only have room for one passenger besides themselves. Ritchie and Casey have good front tyres, though the other tyres on all of the other vehicles are dangerous. Casey and Billie have vehicles that use diesel fuel. The others have vehicles that use petrol. | Casey can take three passengers in their diesel vehicle | entailment |
id_1521 | Casey, Stuart, Ritchie, Billie and Colin all buytheir own vehicles. Casey and Colin have room for three passengers as well as themselves. The others only have room for one passenger besides themselves. Ritchie and Casey have good front tyres, though the other tyres on all of the other vehicles are dangerous. Casey and Billie have vehicles that use diesel fuel. The others have vehicles that use petrol. | One people have dangerous tyres on diesel vehicles that only have room for one passenger | entailment |
id_1522 | Cassandra may be considered an odd name to give your daughter, when you consider the mythical significance of it. Cassandra was a figure in ancient Greek mythology, a Trojan girl born to King Priam, who had been cursed: she had the gift of prophecy, but no one would believe in her words. She ultimately ends up taken from her homeland, as the sexual slave of Agamemnon. Agamemnons wife then slaughters the girl, and one might wonder why any parent would name their daughter after such an ill-fated figure. There are several stories that explain how Cassandra gained her gift and her curse. One narrative states that the god Apollo gave the girl the ability to tell the future, in an attempt to seduce her. When she refused him, he corrupted her gift. Another version tells us that Cassandra originally told Apollo she would have sex with him, in exchange for the gift of prophecy. When she subsequently refused him, having attained this power, he then spat in her mouth during a kiss, and this action made her ever after doomed to be disbelieved. The figure of Cassandra has been presented in various pieces of classical literature, including Homers epic poem The Iliad, Euripides Trojan Women and Aeschylus The Agamemnon. Although the presentation of her character alters in the different manifestation, the tragic fate of the woman is known within the different texts, as it would be known by the different authors and audiences of these works. | Cassandra has been written about for the stage. | entailment |
id_1523 | Cassandra may be considered an odd name to give your daughter, when you consider the mythical significance of it. Cassandra was a figure in ancient Greek mythology, a Trojan girl born to King Priam, who had been cursed: she had the gift of prophecy, but no one would believe in her words. She ultimately ends up taken from her homeland, as the sexual slave of Agamemnon. Agamemnons wife then slaughters the girl, and one might wonder why any parent would name their daughter after such an ill-fated figure. There are several stories that explain how Cassandra gained her gift and her curse. One narrative states that the god Apollo gave the girl the ability to tell the future, in an attempt to seduce her. When she refused him, he corrupted her gift. Another version tells us that Cassandra originally told Apollo she would have sex with him, in exchange for the gift of prophecy. When she subsequently refused him, having attained this power, he then spat in her mouth during a kiss, and this action made her ever after doomed to be disbelieved. The figure of Cassandra has been presented in various pieces of classical literature, including Homers epic poem The Iliad, Euripides Trojan Women and Aeschylus The Agamemnon. Although the presentation of her character alters in the different manifestation, the tragic fate of the woman is known within the different texts, as it would be known by the different authors and audiences of these works. | Cassandra comes from a royal line. | entailment |
id_1524 | Cassandra may be considered an odd name to give your daughter, when you consider the mythical significance of it. Cassandra was a figure in ancient Greek mythology, a Trojan girl born to King Priam, who had been cursed: she had the gift of prophecy, but no one would believe in her words. She ultimately ends up taken from her homeland, as the sexual slave of Agamemnon. Agamemnons wife then slaughters the girl, and one might wonder why any parent would name their daughter after such an ill-fated figure. There are several stories that explain how Cassandra gained her gift and her curse. One narrative states that the god Apollo gave the girl the ability to tell the future, in an attempt to seduce her. When she refused him, he corrupted her gift. Another version tells us that Cassandra originally told Apollo she would have sex with him, in exchange for the gift of prophecy. When she subsequently refused him, having attained this power, he then spat in her mouth during a kiss, and this action made her ever after doomed to be disbelieved. The figure of Cassandra has been presented in various pieces of classical literature, including Homers epic poem The Iliad, Euripides Trojan Women and Aeschylus The Agamemnon. Although the presentation of her character alters in the different manifestation, the tragic fate of the woman is known within the different texts, as it would be known by the different authors and audiences of these works. | Cassandra had a happy childhood before her horrible fate. | entailment |
id_1525 | Cassandra may be considered an odd name to give your daughter, when you consider the mythical significance of it. Cassandra was a figure in ancient Greek mythology, a Trojan girl born to King Priam, who had been cursed: she had the gift of prophecy, but no one would believe in her words. She ultimately ends up taken from her homeland, as the sexual slave of Agamemnon. Agamemnons wife then slaughters the girl, and one might wonder why any parent would name their daughter after such an ill-fated figure. There are several stories that explain how Cassandra gained her gift and her curse. One narrative states that the god Apollo gave the girl the ability to tell the future, in an attempt to seduce her. When she refused him, he corrupted her gift. Another version tells us that Cassandra originally told Apollo she would have sex with him, in exchange for the gift of prophecy. When she subsequently refused him, having attained this power, he then spat in her mouth during a kiss, and this action made her ever after doomed to be disbelieved. The figure of Cassandra has been presented in various pieces of classical literature, including Homers epic poem The Iliad, Euripides Trojan Women and Aeschylus The Agamemnon. Although the presentation of her character alters in the different manifestation, the tragic fate of the woman is known within the different texts, as it would be known by the different authors and audiences of these works. | Throughout mythology, Apollo is always presented as the figure who gives Cassandra prophecy. | contradiction |
id_1526 | Cassandra may be considered an odd name to give your daughter, when you consider the mythical significance of it. Cassandra was a figure in ancient Greek mythology, a Trojan girl born to King Priam, who had been cursed: she had the gift of prophecy, but no one would believe in her words. She ultimately ends up taken from her homeland, as the sexual slave of Agamemnon. Agamemnons wife then slaughters the girl, and one might wonder why any parent would name their daughter after such an ill-fated figure. There are several stories that explain how Cassandra gained her gift and her curse. One narrative states that the god Apollo gave the girl the ability to tell the future, in an attempt to seduce her. When she refused him, he corrupted her gift. Another version tells us that Cassandra originally told Apollo she would have sex with him, in exchange for the gift of prophecy. When she subsequently refused him, having attained this power, he then spat in her mouth during a kiss, and this action made her ever after doomed to be disbelieved. The figure of Cassandra has been presented in various pieces of classical literature, including Homers epic poem The Iliad, Euripides Trojan Women and Aeschylus The Agamemnon. Although the presentation of her character alters in the different manifestation, the tragic fate of the woman is known within the different texts, as it would be known by the different authors and audiences of these works. | Cassandras personality is consistently presented in the different pieces of literature she is included in. | contradiction |
id_1527 | Cassandra may be considered an odd name to give your daughter, when you consider the mythical significance of it. Cassandra was a figure in ancient Greek mythology, a Trojan girl born to King Priam, who had been cursed: she had the gift of prophecy, but no one would believe in her words. She ultimately ends up taken from her homeland, as the sexual slave of Agamemnon. Agamemnons wife then slaughters the girl, and one might wonder why any parent would name their daughter after such an ill-fated figure. There are several stories that explain how Cassandra gained her gift and her curse. One narrative states that the god Apollo gave the girl the ability to tell the future, in an attempt to seduce her. When she refused him, he corrupted her gift. Another version tells us that Cassandra originally told Apollo she would have sex with him, in exchange for the gift of prophecy. When she subsequently refused him, having attained this power, he then spat in her mouth during a kiss, and this action made her ever after doomed to be disbelieved. The figure of Cassandra has been presented in various pieces of classical literature, including Homers epic poem The Iliad, Euripides Trojan Women and Aeschylus The Agamemnon. Although the presentation of her character alters in the different manifestation, the tragic fate of the woman is known within the different texts, as it would be known by the different authors and audiences of these works. | Homer has been inspired by Cassandra. | contradiction |
id_1528 | Central Library PERSONAL COMPUTERS AVAILABLE FOR PUBLIC TO USE 2 personal computers are available, for a fee of $5.00. There is also an ink jet printer attached to each terminal. The library has a number of commercially available programs for word processing and spreadsheets. A4 paper can be bought from the desk if you wish to print your work. Alternatively you can bring your own paper. If you wish to store information however, you will need to bring your own floppy disk. Bookings Because of high demand, a maximum of one hours use per person per day is permitted. Bookings may be made up to three days in advance. Bookings may be made in person at the information desk or by phoning 8673 8901 during normal office hours. If for some reason you cannot keep your appointment, please telephone. If the library is not notified and you are 15 minutes late, your time can be given to someone else. Please sign in the visitors book at the information desk when you first arrive to use the computer. Please note that staff are not available to train people or give a lot of detailed instruction on how to use the programs. Prior knowledge is, therefore, necessary. However, tutorial groups are available for some of the programs and classes are offered on a regular basis. Please see the loans desk for more information about our computer courses. | You can buy floppy disks at the information desk. | contradiction |
id_1529 | Central Library PERSONAL COMPUTERS AVAILABLE FOR PUBLIC TO USE 2 personal computers are available, for a fee of $5.00. There is also an ink jet printer attached to each terminal. The library has a number of commercially available programs for word processing and spreadsheets. A4 paper can be bought from the desk if you wish to print your work. Alternatively you can bring your own paper. If you wish to store information however, you will need to bring your own floppy disk. Bookings Because of high demand, a maximum of one hours use per person per day is permitted. Bookings may be made up to three days in advance. Bookings may be made in person at the information desk or by phoning 8673 8901 during normal office hours. If for some reason you cannot keep your appointment, please telephone. If the library is not notified and you are 15 minutes late, your time can be given to someone else. Please sign in the visitors book at the information desk when you first arrive to use the computer. Please note that staff are not available to train people or give a lot of detailed instruction on how to use the programs. Prior knowledge is, therefore, necessary. However, tutorial groups are available for some of the programs and classes are offered on a regular basis. Please see the loans desk for more information about our computer courses. | There are two computers and two printers available for public use at the library. | entailment |
id_1530 | Central Library PERSONAL COMPUTERS AVAILABLE FOR PUBLIC TO USE 2 personal computers are available, for a fee of $5.00. There is also an ink jet printer attached to each terminal. The library has a number of commercially available programs for word processing and spreadsheets. A4 paper can be bought from the desk if you wish to print your work. Alternatively you can bring your own paper. If you wish to store information however, you will need to bring your own floppy disk. Bookings Because of high demand, a maximum of one hours use per person per day is permitted. Bookings may be made up to three days in advance. Bookings may be made in person at the information desk or by phoning 8673 8901 during normal office hours. If for some reason you cannot keep your appointment, please telephone. If the library is not notified and you are 15 minutes late, your time can be given to someone else. Please sign in the visitors book at the information desk when you first arrive to use the computer. Please note that staff are not available to train people or give a lot of detailed instruction on how to use the programs. Prior knowledge is, therefore, necessary. However, tutorial groups are available for some of the programs and classes are offered on a regular basis. Please see the loans desk for more information about our computer courses. | It is essential to reserve a computer three days in advance if you want to use one. | contradiction |
id_1531 | Central Library PERSONAL COMPUTERS AVAILABLE FOR PUBLIC TO USE 2 personal computers are available, for a fee of $5.00. There is also an ink jet printer attached to each terminal. The library has a number of commercially available programs for word processing and spreadsheets. A4 paper can be bought from the desk if you wish to print your work. Alternatively you can bring your own paper. If you wish to store information however, you will need to bring your own floppy disk. Bookings Because of high demand, a maximum of one hours use per person per day is permitted. Bookings may be made up to three days in advance. Bookings may be made in person at the information desk or by phoning 8673 8901 during normal office hours. If for some reason you cannot keep your appointment, please telephone. If the library is not notified and you are 15 minutes late, your time can be given to someone else. Please sign in the visitors book at the information desk when you first arrive to use the computer. Please note that staff are not available to train people or give a lot of detailed instruction on how to use the programs. Prior knowledge is, therefore, necessary. However, tutorial groups are available for some of the programs and classes are offered on a regular basis. Please see the loans desk for more information about our computer courses. | Library employees do not have detailed knowledge of computers. | neutral |
id_1532 | Central Library PERSONAL COMPUTERS AVAILABLE FOR PUBLIC TO USE 2 personal computers are available, for a fee of $5.00. There is also an ink jet printer attached to each terminal. The library has a number of commercially available programs for word processing and spreadsheets. A4 paper can be bought from the desk if you wish to print your work. Alternatively you can bring your own paper. If you wish to store information however, you will need to bring your own floppy disk. Bookings Because of high demand, a maximum of one hours use per person per day is permitted. Bookings may be made up to three days in advance. Bookings may be made in person at the information desk or by phoning 8673 8901 during normal office hours. If for some reason you cannot keep your appointment, please telephone. If the library is not notified and you are 15 minutes late, your time can be given to someone else. Please sign in the visitors book at the information desk when you first arrive to use the computer. Please note that staff are not available to train people or give a lot of detailed instruction on how to use the programs. Prior knowledge is, therefore, necessary. However, tutorial groups are available for some of the programs and classes are offered on a regular basis. Please see the loans desk for more information about our computer courses. | If you are more than a quarter of an hour late, you could lose your reservation for the computer. | entailment |
id_1533 | Central Library PERSONAL COMPUTERS AVAILABLE FOR PUBLIC TO USE 2 personal computers are available, for a fee of $5.00. There is also an ink jet printer attached to each terminal. The library has a number of commercially available programs for word processing and spreadsheets. A4 paper can be bought from the desk if you wish to print your work. Alternatively you can bring your own paper. If you wish to store information however, you will need to bring your own floppy disk. Bookings Because of high demand, a maximum of one hours use per person per day is permitted. Bookings may be made up to three days in advance. Bookings may be made in person at the information desk or by phoning 8673 8901 during normal office hours. If for some reason you cannot keep your appointment, please telephone. If the library is not notified and you are 15 minutes late, your time can be given to someone else. Please sign in the visitors book at the information desk when you first arrive to use the computer. Please note that staff are not available to train people or give a lot of detailed instruction on how to use the programs. Prior knowledge is, therefore, necessary. However, tutorial groups are available for some of the programs and classes are offered on a regular basis. Please see the loans desk for more information about our computer courses. | The library runs courses for people who want to learn about computers. | entailment |
id_1534 | Central Library PERSONAL COMPUTERS AVAILABLE FOR PUBLIC TO USE 2 personal computers are available, for a fee of $5.00. There is also an ink jet printer attached to each terminal. The library has a number of commercially available programs for word processing and spreadsheets. A4 paper can be bought from the desk if you wish to print your work. Alternatively you can bring your own paper. If you wish to store information however, you will need to bring your own floppy disk. Bookings Because of high demand, a maximum of one hours use per person per day is permitted. Bookings may be made up to three days in advance. Bookings may be made in person at the information desk or by phoning 8673 8901 during normal office hours. If for some reason you cannot keep your appointment, please telephone. If the library is not notified and you are 15 minutes late, your time can be given to someone else. Please sign in the visitors book at the information desk when you first arrive to use the computer. Please note that staff are not available to train people or give a lot of detailed instruction on how to use the programs. Prior knowledge is, therefore, necessary. However, tutorial groups are available for some of the programs and classes are offered on a regular basis. Please see the loans desk for more information about our computer courses. | The information desk is closed at weekends. | neutral |
id_1535 | Champion supporters Iannucci co-wrote Im Alan Partridge, wrote the movie In the Loop and created and wrote the hit HBO and Sky Atlantic show Veep. He delivered the 40th annual MacTaggart Lecture, which has previously been given by Oscar winner Kevin Spacey, former BBC director general Greg Dyke, Jeremy Paxman and Rupert Murdoch. Iannucci said: Faced with a global audience, British television needs its champion supporters. He continued his praise for British programming by saying the global success of American TV shows had come about because they were emulating British television. The best US shows are modelling themselves on what used to make British TV so world-beating, he said. US prime-time schedules are now littered with those quirky formats from the UK the Who Do You Think You Ares and the variants on Strictly Come Dancing as well as the single-camera non-audience sitcom, which we brought into the mainstream first. We have changed international viewing for the better. With the renewal of the BBCs royal charter approaching, Iannucci also praised the corporation. He said: If public service broadcasting one of the best things weve ever done creatively as a country if it was a car industry, our ministers would be out championing it overseas, trying to win contracts, boasting of the British jobs that would bring. In July, the government issued a green paper setting out issues that will be explored during negotiations over the future of the BBC, including the broadcasters size, its funding and governance. Primarily Mr Whittingdale wanted to appoint a panel of five people, but finally he invited two more people to advise on the channer renewal, namely former Channel 4 boss Dawn Airey and journalism professor Stewart Purvis, a former editor-in-chief of ITN. Iannucci bemoaned the lack of creatives involved in the discussions. When the media, communications and information industries make up nearly 8% our GDP, larger than the car and oil and gas industries put together, we need to be heard, as those industries are heard. But when I see the panel of experts whove been asked by the culture secretary to take a root and branch look at the BBC, I dont see anyone who is a part of that cast and crew list. I see executives, media owners, industry gurus, all talented people but not a single person whos made a classic and enduring television show. Dont be modest Iannucci suggested one way of easing the strain on the licence fee was by pushing ourselves more commercially abroad. Use the BBCs name, one of the most recognised brands in the world, he said. And use the reputation of British television across all networks, to capitalise financially oversees. Be more aggressive in selling our shows, through advertising, through proper international subscription channels, freeing up BBC Worldwide to be fully commercial, whatever it takes. Frankly, dont be icky and modest about making money, lets monetise the bezeesus Mary and Joseph out of our programmes abroad so that money can come back, take some pressure off the licence fee at home and be invested in even more ambitious quality shows, that can only add to our value. Mr Whittingdale, who was interviewed by ITV News Alastair Stewart at the festival, said he wanted an open debate about whether the corporation should do everything it has done in the past. He said he had a slight sense that people who rushed to defend the BBC were trying to have an argument thats never been started. Whatever my view is, I dont determine what programmes the BBC should show, he added. Thats the job of the BBC. Mr Whittingdale said any speculation that the Conservative Party had always wanted to change the BBC due to issues such as its editorial line was absolute nonsense. | Armando Iannucci expressed a need of having more popular channels. | entailment |
id_1536 | Champion supporters Iannucci co-wrote Im Alan Partridge, wrote the movie In the Loop and created and wrote the hit HBO and Sky Atlantic show Veep. He delivered the 40th annual MacTaggart Lecture, which has previously been given by Oscar winner Kevin Spacey, former BBC director general Greg Dyke, Jeremy Paxman and Rupert Murdoch. Iannucci said: Faced with a global audience, British television needs its champion supporters. He continued his praise for British programming by saying the global success of American TV shows had come about because they were emulating British television. The best US shows are modelling themselves on what used to make British TV so world-beating, he said. US prime-time schedules are now littered with those quirky formats from the UK the Who Do You Think You Ares and the variants on Strictly Come Dancing as well as the single-camera non-audience sitcom, which we brought into the mainstream first. We have changed international viewing for the better. With the renewal of the BBCs royal charter approaching, Iannucci also praised the corporation. He said: If public service broadcasting one of the best things weve ever done creatively as a country if it was a car industry, our ministers would be out championing it overseas, trying to win contracts, boasting of the British jobs that would bring. In July, the government issued a green paper setting out issues that will be explored during negotiations over the future of the BBC, including the broadcasters size, its funding and governance. Primarily Mr Whittingdale wanted to appoint a panel of five people, but finally he invited two more people to advise on the channer renewal, namely former Channel 4 boss Dawn Airey and journalism professor Stewart Purvis, a former editor-in-chief of ITN. Iannucci bemoaned the lack of creatives involved in the discussions. When the media, communications and information industries make up nearly 8% our GDP, larger than the car and oil and gas industries put together, we need to be heard, as those industries are heard. But when I see the panel of experts whove been asked by the culture secretary to take a root and branch look at the BBC, I dont see anyone who is a part of that cast and crew list. I see executives, media owners, industry gurus, all talented people but not a single person whos made a classic and enduring television show. Dont be modest Iannucci suggested one way of easing the strain on the licence fee was by pushing ourselves more commercially abroad. Use the BBCs name, one of the most recognised brands in the world, he said. And use the reputation of British television across all networks, to capitalise financially oversees. Be more aggressive in selling our shows, through advertising, through proper international subscription channels, freeing up BBC Worldwide to be fully commercial, whatever it takes. Frankly, dont be icky and modest about making money, lets monetise the bezeesus Mary and Joseph out of our programmes abroad so that money can come back, take some pressure off the licence fee at home and be invested in even more ambitious quality shows, that can only add to our value. Mr Whittingdale, who was interviewed by ITV News Alastair Stewart at the festival, said he wanted an open debate about whether the corporation should do everything it has done in the past. He said he had a slight sense that people who rushed to defend the BBC were trying to have an argument thats never been started. Whatever my view is, I dont determine what programmes the BBC should show, he added. Thats the job of the BBC. Mr Whittingdale said any speculation that the Conservative Party had always wanted to change the BBC due to issues such as its editorial line was absolute nonsense. | There have been negotiations over the future of the BBC in July. | contradiction |
id_1537 | Champion supporters Iannucci co-wrote Im Alan Partridge, wrote the movie In the Loop and created and wrote the hit HBO and Sky Atlantic show Veep. He delivered the 40th annual MacTaggart Lecture, which has previously been given by Oscar winner Kevin Spacey, former BBC director general Greg Dyke, Jeremy Paxman and Rupert Murdoch. Iannucci said: Faced with a global audience, British television needs its champion supporters. He continued his praise for British programming by saying the global success of American TV shows had come about because they were emulating British television. The best US shows are modelling themselves on what used to make British TV so world-beating, he said. US prime-time schedules are now littered with those quirky formats from the UK the Who Do You Think You Ares and the variants on Strictly Come Dancing as well as the single-camera non-audience sitcom, which we brought into the mainstream first. We have changed international viewing for the better. With the renewal of the BBCs royal charter approaching, Iannucci also praised the corporation. He said: If public service broadcasting one of the best things weve ever done creatively as a country if it was a car industry, our ministers would be out championing it overseas, trying to win contracts, boasting of the British jobs that would bring. In July, the government issued a green paper setting out issues that will be explored during negotiations over the future of the BBC, including the broadcasters size, its funding and governance. Primarily Mr Whittingdale wanted to appoint a panel of five people, but finally he invited two more people to advise on the channer renewal, namely former Channel 4 boss Dawn Airey and journalism professor Stewart Purvis, a former editor-in-chief of ITN. Iannucci bemoaned the lack of creatives involved in the discussions. When the media, communications and information industries make up nearly 8% our GDP, larger than the car and oil and gas industries put together, we need to be heard, as those industries are heard. But when I see the panel of experts whove been asked by the culture secretary to take a root and branch look at the BBC, I dont see anyone who is a part of that cast and crew list. I see executives, media owners, industry gurus, all talented people but not a single person whos made a classic and enduring television show. Dont be modest Iannucci suggested one way of easing the strain on the licence fee was by pushing ourselves more commercially abroad. Use the BBCs name, one of the most recognised brands in the world, he said. And use the reputation of British television across all networks, to capitalise financially oversees. Be more aggressive in selling our shows, through advertising, through proper international subscription channels, freeing up BBC Worldwide to be fully commercial, whatever it takes. Frankly, dont be icky and modest about making money, lets monetise the bezeesus Mary and Joseph out of our programmes abroad so that money can come back, take some pressure off the licence fee at home and be invested in even more ambitious quality shows, that can only add to our value. Mr Whittingdale, who was interviewed by ITV News Alastair Stewart at the festival, said he wanted an open debate about whether the corporation should do everything it has done in the past. He said he had a slight sense that people who rushed to defend the BBC were trying to have an argument thats never been started. Whatever my view is, I dont determine what programmes the BBC should show, he added. Thats the job of the BBC. Mr Whittingdale said any speculation that the Conservative Party had always wanted to change the BBC due to issues such as its editorial line was absolute nonsense. | Ianucci believes that British television has contributed to the success of American TV-shows. | entailment |
id_1538 | Champion supporters Iannucci co-wrote Im Alan Partridge, wrote the movie In the Loop and created and wrote the hit HBO and Sky Atlantic show Veep. He delivered the 40th annual MacTaggart Lecture, which has previously been given by Oscar winner Kevin Spacey, former BBC director general Greg Dyke, Jeremy Paxman and Rupert Murdoch. Iannucci said: Faced with a global audience, British television needs its champion supporters. He continued his praise for British programming by saying the global success of American TV shows had come about because they were emulating British television. The best US shows are modelling themselves on what used to make British TV so world-beating, he said. US prime-time schedules are now littered with those quirky formats from the UK the Who Do You Think You Ares and the variants on Strictly Come Dancing as well as the single-camera non-audience sitcom, which we brought into the mainstream first. We have changed international viewing for the better. With the renewal of the BBCs royal charter approaching, Iannucci also praised the corporation. He said: If public service broadcasting one of the best things weve ever done creatively as a country if it was a car industry, our ministers would be out championing it overseas, trying to win contracts, boasting of the British jobs that would bring. In July, the government issued a green paper setting out issues that will be explored during negotiations over the future of the BBC, including the broadcasters size, its funding and governance. Primarily Mr Whittingdale wanted to appoint a panel of five people, but finally he invited two more people to advise on the channer renewal, namely former Channel 4 boss Dawn Airey and journalism professor Stewart Purvis, a former editor-in-chief of ITN. Iannucci bemoaned the lack of creatives involved in the discussions. When the media, communications and information industries make up nearly 8% our GDP, larger than the car and oil and gas industries put together, we need to be heard, as those industries are heard. But when I see the panel of experts whove been asked by the culture secretary to take a root and branch look at the BBC, I dont see anyone who is a part of that cast and crew list. I see executives, media owners, industry gurus, all talented people but not a single person whos made a classic and enduring television show. Dont be modest Iannucci suggested one way of easing the strain on the licence fee was by pushing ourselves more commercially abroad. Use the BBCs name, one of the most recognised brands in the world, he said. And use the reputation of British television across all networks, to capitalise financially oversees. Be more aggressive in selling our shows, through advertising, through proper international subscription channels, freeing up BBC Worldwide to be fully commercial, whatever it takes. Frankly, dont be icky and modest about making money, lets monetise the bezeesus Mary and Joseph out of our programmes abroad so that money can come back, take some pressure off the licence fee at home and be invested in even more ambitious quality shows, that can only add to our value. Mr Whittingdale, who was interviewed by ITV News Alastair Stewart at the festival, said he wanted an open debate about whether the corporation should do everything it has done in the past. He said he had a slight sense that people who rushed to defend the BBC were trying to have an argument thats never been started. Whatever my view is, I dont determine what programmes the BBC should show, he added. Thats the job of the BBC. Mr Whittingdale said any speculation that the Conservative Party had always wanted to change the BBC due to issues such as its editorial line was absolute nonsense. | John Whittingdale wanted to dismantle the BBC. | contradiction |
id_1539 | Champion supporters Iannucci co-wrote Im Alan Partridge, wrote the movie In the Loop and created and wrote the hit HBO and Sky Atlantic show Veep. He delivered the 40th annual MacTaggart Lecture, which has previously been given by Oscar winner Kevin Spacey, former BBC director general Greg Dyke, Jeremy Paxman and Rupert Murdoch. Iannucci said: Faced with a global audience, British television needs its champion supporters. He continued his praise for British programming by saying the global success of American TV shows had come about because they were emulating British television. The best US shows are modelling themselves on what used to make British TV so world-beating, he said. US prime-time schedules are now littered with those quirky formats from the UK the Who Do You Think You Ares and the variants on Strictly Come Dancing as well as the single-camera non-audience sitcom, which we brought into the mainstream first. We have changed international viewing for the better. With the renewal of the BBCs royal charter approaching, Iannucci also praised the corporation. He said: If public service broadcasting one of the best things weve ever done creatively as a country if it was a car industry, our ministers would be out championing it overseas, trying to win contracts, boasting of the British jobs that would bring. In July, the government issued a green paper setting out issues that will be explored during negotiations over the future of the BBC, including the broadcasters size, its funding and governance. Primarily Mr Whittingdale wanted to appoint a panel of five people, but finally he invited two more people to advise on the channer renewal, namely former Channel 4 boss Dawn Airey and journalism professor Stewart Purvis, a former editor-in-chief of ITN. Iannucci bemoaned the lack of creatives involved in the discussions. When the media, communications and information industries make up nearly 8% our GDP, larger than the car and oil and gas industries put together, we need to be heard, as those industries are heard. But when I see the panel of experts whove been asked by the culture secretary to take a root and branch look at the BBC, I dont see anyone who is a part of that cast and crew list. I see executives, media owners, industry gurus, all talented people but not a single person whos made a classic and enduring television show. Dont be modest Iannucci suggested one way of easing the strain on the licence fee was by pushing ourselves more commercially abroad. Use the BBCs name, one of the most recognised brands in the world, he said. And use the reputation of British television across all networks, to capitalise financially oversees. Be more aggressive in selling our shows, through advertising, through proper international subscription channels, freeing up BBC Worldwide to be fully commercial, whatever it takes. Frankly, dont be icky and modest about making money, lets monetise the bezeesus Mary and Joseph out of our programmes abroad so that money can come back, take some pressure off the licence fee at home and be invested in even more ambitious quality shows, that can only add to our value. Mr Whittingdale, who was interviewed by ITV News Alastair Stewart at the festival, said he wanted an open debate about whether the corporation should do everything it has done in the past. He said he had a slight sense that people who rushed to defend the BBC were trying to have an argument thats never been started. Whatever my view is, I dont determine what programmes the BBC should show, he added. Thats the job of the BBC. Mr Whittingdale said any speculation that the Conservative Party had always wanted to change the BBC due to issues such as its editorial line was absolute nonsense. | Iannucci delivered the 30th annual MacTaggart Lecture. | neutral |
id_1540 | Changing our Understanding of Health. The concept of health holds different meanings for different people and groups. These meanings of health have also changed over time. This change is no more evident than in Western society today, when notions of health and health promotion are being challenged and expanded in new ways. For much of recent Western history, health has been viewed in the physical sense only. That is, good health has been connected to the smooth mechanical operation of the body, while ill health has been attributed to a breakdown in this machine. Health in this sense has been defined as the absence of disease or illness and is seen in medical terms. According to this view, creating health for people means providing medical care to treat or prevent disease and illness. During this period, there was an emphasis on providing clean water, improved sanitation and housing. In the late 1940s the World Health Organistation challenged this physically and medically oriented view of health. They stated that 'health is a complete state of physical, mental and social wellbeing and is not merely the absence of disease' (WHO, 1946). Health and the person were seen more holistically (mind/body/spirit) and not just in physical terms. The 1970s was a lime of focusing on the prevention of disease and illness by emphasising the importance of the lifestyle and behaviour of the individual. Specific behaviours which were seen to increase risk of disease, such as smoking, lack of fitness and unhealthy eating habits, were targeted. Creating health meant providing not only medical health care, but health promotion programs and policies which would help people maintain healthy behaviours and lifestyles. While this individualistic healthy lifestyles approach to health worked for some (the wealthy members of society), people experiencing poverty, unemployment, underemployment or little control over the conditions of their daily lives benefited little from this approach. This was largely because both the healthy lifestyles approach and the medial approach to health largely ignored the social and environmental conditions affecting the health of people. During the 1980s and 1990s there has been a growing swing away from seeing lifestyle risks as the root cause of poor health. While lifestyle factors still remain important, health is being viewed also in terms of the social, economic and environmental contexts in which people live. This broad approach to health is called the socio-ecological view of health. The broad socio-ecological view of health was endorsed at the first International Conference of Health Promotion held in 1986, Ottawa, Canada, where people from 38 countries agreed and declared that: The fundamental conditions and resources for health are peace, shelter, education, food, a viable income, a stable eco-system, sustainable resources, social justice and equity. Improvement in health requires a secure foundation in these basic requirements. (WHO, 1986) It is clear from this statement that the creation of health is about much more than encouraging healthy individual behaviours and lifestyles and providing appropriate medical care. Therefore, the creation of health must include addressing issues such as poverty, pollution, urbanisation, natural resource depletion, social alienation and poor working conditions. The social, economic and environmental contexts which contribute to the creation of health do not operate separately or independently of each other. Rather, they are interacting and interdependent, and it is the complex interrelationships between them which determine the conditions that promote health. A broad socio-ecological view of health suggests that the promotion of health must include a strong social, economic and environmental focus. At the Ottawa Conference in 1986, a charter was developed which outlined new directions for health promotion based on the social-ecological view of health. This charter, known as the Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion, remains as the backbone of health action today. In exploring the scope of health promotion it states that: Good health is a major resource for social, economic and personal development and an important dimension of quality of life. Political, economic, social, cultural, environmental, behavioural and biological factors can all favour health or be harmful to it. (WHO, 1986) The Ottawa Charter brings practical meaning and action to this broad notion of health promotion. It presents fundamental strategies and approaches in achieving health for all. The overall philosophy of health promotion which guides these fundamental strategies and approaches is one of 'enabling people to increase control over and to improve their health' (WHO, 1986). | The approach to health during the 1970s included the introduction of health awareness programs. | entailment |
id_1541 | Changing our Understanding of Health. The concept of health holds different meanings for different people and groups. These meanings of health have also changed over time. This change is no more evident than in Western society today, when notions of health and health promotion are being challenged and expanded in new ways. For much of recent Western history, health has been viewed in the physical sense only. That is, good health has been connected to the smooth mechanical operation of the body, while ill health has been attributed to a breakdown in this machine. Health in this sense has been defined as the absence of disease or illness and is seen in medical terms. According to this view, creating health for people means providing medical care to treat or prevent disease and illness. During this period, there was an emphasis on providing clean water, improved sanitation and housing. In the late 1940s the World Health Organistation challenged this physically and medically oriented view of health. They stated that 'health is a complete state of physical, mental and social wellbeing and is not merely the absence of disease' (WHO, 1946). Health and the person were seen more holistically (mind/body/spirit) and not just in physical terms. The 1970s was a lime of focusing on the prevention of disease and illness by emphasising the importance of the lifestyle and behaviour of the individual. Specific behaviours which were seen to increase risk of disease, such as smoking, lack of fitness and unhealthy eating habits, were targeted. Creating health meant providing not only medical health care, but health promotion programs and policies which would help people maintain healthy behaviours and lifestyles. While this individualistic healthy lifestyles approach to health worked for some (the wealthy members of society), people experiencing poverty, unemployment, underemployment or little control over the conditions of their daily lives benefited little from this approach. This was largely because both the healthy lifestyles approach and the medial approach to health largely ignored the social and environmental conditions affecting the health of people. During the 1980s and 1990s there has been a growing swing away from seeing lifestyle risks as the root cause of poor health. While lifestyle factors still remain important, health is being viewed also in terms of the social, economic and environmental contexts in which people live. This broad approach to health is called the socio-ecological view of health. The broad socio-ecological view of health was endorsed at the first International Conference of Health Promotion held in 1986, Ottawa, Canada, where people from 38 countries agreed and declared that: The fundamental conditions and resources for health are peace, shelter, education, food, a viable income, a stable eco-system, sustainable resources, social justice and equity. Improvement in health requires a secure foundation in these basic requirements. (WHO, 1986) It is clear from this statement that the creation of health is about much more than encouraging healthy individual behaviours and lifestyles and providing appropriate medical care. Therefore, the creation of health must include addressing issues such as poverty, pollution, urbanisation, natural resource depletion, social alienation and poor working conditions. The social, economic and environmental contexts which contribute to the creation of health do not operate separately or independently of each other. Rather, they are interacting and interdependent, and it is the complex interrelationships between them which determine the conditions that promote health. A broad socio-ecological view of health suggests that the promotion of health must include a strong social, economic and environmental focus. At the Ottawa Conference in 1986, a charter was developed which outlined new directions for health promotion based on the social-ecological view of health. This charter, known as the Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion, remains as the backbone of health action today. In exploring the scope of health promotion it states that: Good health is a major resource for social, economic and personal development and an important dimension of quality of life. Political, economic, social, cultural, environmental, behavioural and biological factors can all favour health or be harmful to it. (WHO, 1986) The Ottawa Charter brings practical meaning and action to this broad notion of health promotion. It presents fundamental strategies and approaches in achieving health for all. The overall philosophy of health promotion which guides these fundamental strategies and approaches is one of 'enabling people to increase control over and to improve their health' (WHO, 1986). | The socio-ecological view of health recognises that lifestyle habits and the provision of adequate health care are critical factors governing health. | contradiction |
id_1542 | Changing our Understanding of Health. The concept of health holds different meanings for different people and groups. These meanings of health have also changed over time. This change is no more evident than in Western society today, when notions of health and health promotion are being challenged and expanded in new ways. For much of recent Western history, health has been viewed in the physical sense only. That is, good health has been connected to the smooth mechanical operation of the body, while ill health has been attributed to a breakdown in this machine. Health in this sense has been defined as the absence of disease or illness and is seen in medical terms. According to this view, creating health for people means providing medical care to treat or prevent disease and illness. During this period, there was an emphasis on providing clean water, improved sanitation and housing. In the late 1940s the World Health Organistation challenged this physically and medically oriented view of health. They stated that 'health is a complete state of physical, mental and social wellbeing and is not merely the absence of disease' (WHO, 1946). Health and the person were seen more holistically (mind/body/spirit) and not just in physical terms. The 1970s was a lime of focusing on the prevention of disease and illness by emphasising the importance of the lifestyle and behaviour of the individual. Specific behaviours which were seen to increase risk of disease, such as smoking, lack of fitness and unhealthy eating habits, were targeted. Creating health meant providing not only medical health care, but health promotion programs and policies which would help people maintain healthy behaviours and lifestyles. While this individualistic healthy lifestyles approach to health worked for some (the wealthy members of society), people experiencing poverty, unemployment, underemployment or little control over the conditions of their daily lives benefited little from this approach. This was largely because both the healthy lifestyles approach and the medial approach to health largely ignored the social and environmental conditions affecting the health of people. During the 1980s and 1990s there has been a growing swing away from seeing lifestyle risks as the root cause of poor health. While lifestyle factors still remain important, health is being viewed also in terms of the social, economic and environmental contexts in which people live. This broad approach to health is called the socio-ecological view of health. The broad socio-ecological view of health was endorsed at the first International Conference of Health Promotion held in 1986, Ottawa, Canada, where people from 38 countries agreed and declared that: The fundamental conditions and resources for health are peace, shelter, education, food, a viable income, a stable eco-system, sustainable resources, social justice and equity. Improvement in health requires a secure foundation in these basic requirements. (WHO, 1986) It is clear from this statement that the creation of health is about much more than encouraging healthy individual behaviours and lifestyles and providing appropriate medical care. Therefore, the creation of health must include addressing issues such as poverty, pollution, urbanisation, natural resource depletion, social alienation and poor working conditions. The social, economic and environmental contexts which contribute to the creation of health do not operate separately or independently of each other. Rather, they are interacting and interdependent, and it is the complex interrelationships between them which determine the conditions that promote health. A broad socio-ecological view of health suggests that the promotion of health must include a strong social, economic and environmental focus. At the Ottawa Conference in 1986, a charter was developed which outlined new directions for health promotion based on the social-ecological view of health. This charter, known as the Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion, remains as the backbone of health action today. In exploring the scope of health promotion it states that: Good health is a major resource for social, economic and personal development and an important dimension of quality of life. Political, economic, social, cultural, environmental, behavioural and biological factors can all favour health or be harmful to it. (WHO, 1986) The Ottawa Charter brings practical meaning and action to this broad notion of health promotion. It presents fundamental strategies and approaches in achieving health for all. The overall philosophy of health promotion which guides these fundamental strategies and approaches is one of 'enabling people to increase control over and to improve their health' (WHO, 1986). | Doctors have been instrumental in improving living standards in Western society. | neutral |
id_1543 | Changing our Understanding of Health. The concept of health holds different meanings for different people and groups. These meanings of health have also changed over time. This change is no more evident than in Western society today, when notions of health and health promotion are being challenged and expanded in new ways. For much of recent Western history, health has been viewed in the physical sense only. That is, good health has been connected to the smooth mechanical operation of the body, while ill health has been attributed to a breakdown in this machine. Health in this sense has been defined as the absence of disease or illness and is seen in medical terms. According to this view, creating health for people means providing medical care to treat or prevent disease and illness. During this period, there was an emphasis on providing clean water, improved sanitation and housing. In the late 1940s the World Health Organistation challenged this physically and medically oriented view of health. They stated that 'health is a complete state of physical, mental and social wellbeing and is not merely the absence of disease' (WHO, 1946). Health and the person were seen more holistically (mind/body/spirit) and not just in physical terms. The 1970s was a lime of focusing on the prevention of disease and illness by emphasising the importance of the lifestyle and behaviour of the individual. Specific behaviours which were seen to increase risk of disease, such as smoking, lack of fitness and unhealthy eating habits, were targeted. Creating health meant providing not only medical health care, but health promotion programs and policies which would help people maintain healthy behaviours and lifestyles. While this individualistic healthy lifestyles approach to health worked for some (the wealthy members of society), people experiencing poverty, unemployment, underemployment or little control over the conditions of their daily lives benefited little from this approach. This was largely because both the healthy lifestyles approach and the medial approach to health largely ignored the social and environmental conditions affecting the health of people. During the 1980s and 1990s there has been a growing swing away from seeing lifestyle risks as the root cause of poor health. While lifestyle factors still remain important, health is being viewed also in terms of the social, economic and environmental contexts in which people live. This broad approach to health is called the socio-ecological view of health. The broad socio-ecological view of health was endorsed at the first International Conference of Health Promotion held in 1986, Ottawa, Canada, where people from 38 countries agreed and declared that: The fundamental conditions and resources for health are peace, shelter, education, food, a viable income, a stable eco-system, sustainable resources, social justice and equity. Improvement in health requires a secure foundation in these basic requirements. (WHO, 1986) It is clear from this statement that the creation of health is about much more than encouraging healthy individual behaviours and lifestyles and providing appropriate medical care. Therefore, the creation of health must include addressing issues such as poverty, pollution, urbanisation, natural resource depletion, social alienation and poor working conditions. The social, economic and environmental contexts which contribute to the creation of health do not operate separately or independently of each other. Rather, they are interacting and interdependent, and it is the complex interrelationships between them which determine the conditions that promote health. A broad socio-ecological view of health suggests that the promotion of health must include a strong social, economic and environmental focus. At the Ottawa Conference in 1986, a charter was developed which outlined new directions for health promotion based on the social-ecological view of health. This charter, known as the Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion, remains as the backbone of health action today. In exploring the scope of health promotion it states that: Good health is a major resource for social, economic and personal development and an important dimension of quality of life. Political, economic, social, cultural, environmental, behavioural and biological factors can all favour health or be harmful to it. (WHO, 1986) The Ottawa Charter brings practical meaning and action to this broad notion of health promotion. It presents fundamental strategies and approaches in achieving health for all. The overall philosophy of health promotion which guides these fundamental strategies and approaches is one of 'enabling people to increase control over and to improve their health' (WHO, 1986). | The principles of the Ottawa Charter are considered to be out of date in the 1990s. | contradiction |
id_1544 | Check-in procedure at Stanza airport Check-in The flight desk opens 2 hours before the scheduled departure time. The latest check-in is 45 minutes before departure. Passengers must deposit their hold baggage at the flight desk where they will be issued with a boarding pass and a seat number. Identification Passengers will need: Valid passport or photo ID. Valid airline ticket or reservation code. Baggage weight allowance Economy Class: 18 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Business Class: 24 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Excess baggage charges are 5 per kg up to a maximum weight of 28 kg. If your hold baggage exceeds the maximum weight of 28 kg you must switch some items to your hand luggage. Hand luggage (cabin baggage) Hand luggage: Passengers are restricted to one piece of cabin luggage with a maximum weight of 8 kg and a maximum size of 50 cm x 40 cm x 20 cm. Security restrictions NO sharp items such as knives or scissors are to be carried in hand luggage. NO flammable liquids, compressed gases, hazardous chemicals or explosive substances under any circumstances. Liquids, gels and pastes (drink, shampoo, toothpaste, etc): individual containers must not exceed 100 ml (3.5 fl oz). All items must be kept in a single, transparent, plastic bag, approximately 20 cm 20 cm, knotted or tied at the top, which holds no more than 1 litre. All items of hand luggage will be screened by x-ray. | Passengers must have some means of photo identification. | entailment |
id_1545 | Check-in procedure at Stanza airport Check-in The flight desk opens 2 hours before the scheduled departure time. The latest check-in is 45 minutes before departure. Passengers must deposit their hold baggage at the flight desk where they will be issued with a boarding pass and a seat number. Identification Passengers will need: Valid passport or photo ID. Valid airline ticket or reservation code. Baggage weight allowance Economy Class: 18 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Business Class: 24 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Excess baggage charges are 5 per kg up to a maximum weight of 28 kg. If your hold baggage exceeds the maximum weight of 28 kg you must switch some items to your hand luggage. Hand luggage (cabin baggage) Hand luggage: Passengers are restricted to one piece of cabin luggage with a maximum weight of 8 kg and a maximum size of 50 cm x 40 cm x 20 cm. Security restrictions NO sharp items such as knives or scissors are to be carried in hand luggage. NO flammable liquids, compressed gases, hazardous chemicals or explosive substances under any circumstances. Liquids, gels and pastes (drink, shampoo, toothpaste, etc): individual containers must not exceed 100 ml (3.5 fl oz). All items must be kept in a single, transparent, plastic bag, approximately 20 cm 20 cm, knotted or tied at the top, which holds no more than 1 litre. All items of hand luggage will be screened by x-ray. | Passengers must leave their hand luggage (cabin baggage) at the flight desk no later than 45 minutes before departure. | contradiction |
id_1546 | Check-in procedure at Stanza airport Check-in The flight desk opens 2 hours before the scheduled departure time. The latest check-in is 45 minutes before departure. Passengers must deposit their hold baggage at the flight desk where they will be issued with a boarding pass and a seat number. Identification Passengers will need: Valid passport or photo ID. Valid airline ticket or reservation code. Baggage weight allowance Economy Class: 18 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Business Class: 24 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Excess baggage charges are 5 per kg up to a maximum weight of 28 kg. If your hold baggage exceeds the maximum weight of 28 kg you must switch some items to your hand luggage. Hand luggage (cabin baggage) Hand luggage: Passengers are restricted to one piece of cabin luggage with a maximum weight of 8 kg and a maximum size of 50 cm x 40 cm x 20 cm. Security restrictions NO sharp items such as knives or scissors are to be carried in hand luggage. NO flammable liquids, compressed gases, hazardous chemicals or explosive substances under any circumstances. Liquids, gels and pastes (drink, shampoo, toothpaste, etc): individual containers must not exceed 100 ml (3.5 fl oz). All items must be kept in a single, transparent, plastic bag, approximately 20 cm 20 cm, knotted or tied at the top, which holds no more than 1 litre. All items of hand luggage will be screened by x-ray. | Toiletries must be placed together in a clear plastic bag. | neutral |
id_1547 | Check-in procedure at Stanza airport Check-in The flight desk opens 2 hours before the scheduled departure time. The latest check-in is 45 minutes before departure. Passengers must deposit their hold baggage at the flight desk where they will be issued with a boarding pass and a seat number. Identification Passengers will need: Valid passport or photo ID. Valid airline ticket or reservation code. Baggage weight allowance Economy Class: 18 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Business Class: 24 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Excess baggage charges are 5 per kg up to a maximum weight of 28 kg. If your hold baggage exceeds the maximum weight of 28 kg you must switch some items to your hand luggage. Hand luggage (cabin baggage) Hand luggage: Passengers are restricted to one piece of cabin luggage with a maximum weight of 8 kg and a maximum size of 50 cm x 40 cm x 20 cm. Security restrictions NO sharp items such as knives or scissors are to be carried in hand luggage. NO flammable liquids, compressed gases, hazardous chemicals or explosive substances under any circumstances. Liquids, gels and pastes (drink, shampoo, toothpaste, etc): individual containers must not exceed 100 ml (3.5 fl oz). All items must be kept in a single, transparent, plastic bag, approximately 20 cm 20 cm, knotted or tied at the top, which holds no more than 1 litre. All items of hand luggage will be screened by x-ray. | Passengers with breathing problems can take compressed oxygen on-board. | contradiction |
id_1548 | Check-in procedure at Stanza airport Check-in The flight desk opens 2 hours before the scheduled departure time. The latest check-in is 45 minutes before departure. Passengers must deposit their hold baggage at the flight desk where they will be issued with a boarding pass and a seat number. Identification Passengers will need: Valid passport or photo ID. Valid airline ticket or reservation code. Baggage weight allowance Economy Class: 18 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Business Class: 24 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Excess baggage charges are 5 per kg up to a maximum weight of 28 kg. If your hold baggage exceeds the maximum weight of 28 kg you must switch some items to your hand luggage. Hand luggage (cabin baggage) Hand luggage: Passengers are restricted to one piece of cabin luggage with a maximum weight of 8 kg and a maximum size of 50 cm x 40 cm x 20 cm. Security restrictions NO sharp items such as knives or scissors are to be carried in hand luggage. NO flammable liquids, compressed gases, hazardous chemicals or explosive substances under any circumstances. Liquids, gels and pastes (drink, shampoo, toothpaste, etc): individual containers must not exceed 100 ml (3.5 fl oz). All items must be kept in a single, transparent, plastic bag, approximately 20 cm 20 cm, knotted or tied at the top, which holds no more than 1 litre. All items of hand luggage will be screened by x-ray. | Passengers may pre-book an additional 28 kg of hold luggage. | neutral |
id_1549 | Check-in procedure at Stanza airport Check-in The flight desk opens 2 hours before the scheduled departure time. The latest check-in is 45 minutes before departure. Passengers must deposit their hold baggage at the flight desk where they will be issued with a boarding pass and a seat number. Identification Passengers will need: Valid passport or photo ID. Valid airline ticket or reservation code. Baggage weight allowance Economy Class: 18 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Business Class: 24 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Excess baggage charges are 5 per kg up to a maximum weight of 28 kg. If your hold baggage exceeds the maximum weight of 28 kg you must switch some items to your hand luggage. Hand luggage (cabin baggage) Hand luggage: Passengers are restricted to one piece of cabin luggage with a maximum weight of 8 kg and a maximum size of 50 cm x 40 cm x 20 cm. Security restrictions NO sharp items such as knives or scissors are to be carried in hand luggage. NO flammable liquids, compressed gases, hazardous chemicals or explosive substances under any circumstances. Liquids, gels and pastes (drink, shampoo, toothpaste, etc): individual containers must not exceed 100 ml (3.5 fl oz). All items must be kept in a single, transparent, plastic bag, approximately 20 cm 20 cm, knotted or tied at the top, which holds no more than 1 litre. All items of hand luggage will be screened by x-ray. | There is no charge for 18 kg of hold baggage. | entailment |
id_1550 | Check-in procedure at Stanza airport Check-in The flight desk opens 2 hours before the scheduled departure time. The latest check-in is 45 minutes before departure. Passengers must deposit their hold baggage at the flight desk where they will be issued with a boarding pass and a seat number. Identification Passengers will need: Valid passport or photo ID. Valid airline ticket or reservation code. Baggage weight allowance Economy Class: 18 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Business Class: 24 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Excess baggage charges are 5 per kg up to a maximum weight of 28 kg. If your hold baggage exceeds the maximum weight of 28 kg you must switch some items to your hand luggage. Hand luggage (cabin baggage) Hand luggage: Passengers are restricted to one piece of cabin luggage with a maximum weight of 8 kg and a maximum size of 50 cm x 40 cm x 20 cm. Security restrictions NO sharp items such as knives or scissors are to be carried in hand luggage. NO flammable liquids, compressed gases, hazardous chemicals or explosive substances under any circumstances. Liquids, gels and pastes (drink, shampoo, toothpaste, etc): individual containers must not exceed 100 ml (3.5 fl oz). All items must be kept in a single, transparent, plastic bag, approximately 20 cm 20 cm, knotted or tied at the top, which holds no more than 1 litre. All items of hand luggage will be screened by x-ray. | Passengers must have both the correct ticket and the reservation code. | contradiction |
id_1551 | Check-in procedure at Stanza airport Check-in The flight desk opens 2 hours before the scheduled departure time. The latest check-in is 45 minutes before departure. Passengers must deposit their hold baggage at the flight desk where they will be issued with a boarding pass and a seat number. Identification Passengers will need: Valid passport or photo ID. Valid airline ticket or reservation code. Baggage weight allowance Economy Class: 18 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Business Class: 24 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Excess baggage charges are 5 per kg up to a maximum weight of 28 kg. If your hold baggage exceeds the maximum weight of 28 kg you must switch some items to your hand luggage. Hand luggage (cabin baggage) Hand luggage: Passengers are restricted to one piece of cabin luggage with a maximum weight of 8 kg and a maximum size of 50 cm x 40 cm x 20 cm. Security restrictions NO sharp items such as knives or scissors are to be carried in hand luggage. NO flammable liquids, compressed gases, hazardous chemicals or explosive substances under any circumstances. Liquids, gels and pastes (drink, shampoo, toothpaste, etc): individual containers must not exceed 100 ml (3.5 fl oz). All items must be kept in a single, transparent, plastic bag, approximately 20 cm x 20 cm, knotted or tied at the top, which holds no more than 1 litre.. All items of hand luggage will be screened by x-ray. | Toiletries must be placed together in a clear plastic bag. | entailment |
id_1552 | Check-in procedure at Stanza airport Check-in The flight desk opens 2 hours before the scheduled departure time. The latest check-in is 45 minutes before departure. Passengers must deposit their hold baggage at the flight desk where they will be issued with a boarding pass and a seat number. Identification Passengers will need: Valid passport or photo ID. Valid airline ticket or reservation code. Baggage weight allowance Economy Class: 18 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Business Class: 24 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Excess baggage charges are 5 per kg up to a maximum weight of 28 kg. If your hold baggage exceeds the maximum weight of 28 kg you must switch some items to your hand luggage. Hand luggage (cabin baggage) Hand luggage: Passengers are restricted to one piece of cabin luggage with a maximum weight of 8 kg and a maximum size of 50 cm x 40 cm x 20 cm. Security restrictions NO sharp items such as knives or scissors are to be carried in hand luggage. NO flammable liquids, compressed gases, hazardous chemicals or explosive substances under any circumstances. Liquids, gels and pastes (drink, shampoo, toothpaste, etc): individual containers must not exceed 100 ml (3.5 fl oz). All items must be kept in a single, transparent, plastic bag, approximately 20 cm x 20 cm, knotted or tied at the top, which holds no more than 1 litre.. All items of hand luggage will be screened by x-ray. | Passengers must have both the correct ticket and the reservation code. | contradiction |
id_1553 | Check-in procedure at Stanza airport Check-in The flight desk opens 2 hours before the scheduled departure time. The latest check-in is 45 minutes before departure. Passengers must deposit their hold baggage at the flight desk where they will be issued with a boarding pass and a seat number. Identification Passengers will need: Valid passport or photo ID. Valid airline ticket or reservation code. Baggage weight allowance Economy Class: 18 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Business Class: 24 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Excess baggage charges are 5 per kg up to a maximum weight of 28 kg. If your hold baggage exceeds the maximum weight of 28 kg you must switch some items to your hand luggage. Hand luggage (cabin baggage) Hand luggage: Passengers are restricted to one piece of cabin luggage with a maximum weight of 8 kg and a maximum size of 50 cm x 40 cm x 20 cm. Security restrictions NO sharp items such as knives or scissors are to be carried in hand luggage. NO flammable liquids, compressed gases, hazardous chemicals or explosive substances under any circumstances. Liquids, gels and pastes (drink, shampoo, toothpaste, etc): individual containers must not exceed 100 ml (3.5 fl oz). All items must be kept in a single, transparent, plastic bag, approximately 20 cm x 20 cm, knotted or tied at the top, which holds no more than 1 litre.. All items of hand luggage will be screened by x-ray. | There is no charge for 18 kg of hold baggage. | entailment |
id_1554 | Check-in procedure at Stanza airport Check-in The flight desk opens 2 hours before the scheduled departure time. The latest check-in is 45 minutes before departure. Passengers must deposit their hold baggage at the flight desk where they will be issued with a boarding pass and a seat number. Identification Passengers will need: Valid passport or photo ID. Valid airline ticket or reservation code. Baggage weight allowance Economy Class: 18 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Business Class: 24 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Excess baggage charges are 5 per kg up to a maximum weight of 28 kg. If your hold baggage exceeds the maximum weight of 28 kg you must switch some items to your hand luggage. Hand luggage (cabin baggage) Hand luggage: Passengers are restricted to one piece of cabin luggage with a maximum weight of 8 kg and a maximum size of 50 cm x 40 cm x 20 cm. Security restrictions NO sharp items such as knives or scissors are to be carried in hand luggage. NO flammable liquids, compressed gases, hazardous chemicals or explosive substances under any circumstances. Liquids, gels and pastes (drink, shampoo, toothpaste, etc): individual containers must not exceed 100 ml (3.5 fl oz). All items must be kept in a single, transparent, plastic bag, approximately 20 cm x 20 cm, knotted or tied at the top, which holds no more than 1 litre.. All items of hand luggage will be screened by x-ray. | Passengers must leave their hand luggage (cabin baggage) at the flight desk no later than 45 minutes before departure. | entailment |
id_1555 | Check-in procedure at Stanza airport Check-in The flight desk opens 2 hours before the scheduled departure time. The latest check-in is 45 minutes before departure. Passengers must deposit their hold baggage at the flight desk where they will be issued with a boarding pass and a seat number. Identification Passengers will need: Valid passport or photo ID. Valid airline ticket or reservation code. Baggage weight allowance Economy Class: 18 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Business Class: 24 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Excess baggage charges are 5 per kg up to a maximum weight of 28 kg. If your hold baggage exceeds the maximum weight of 28 kg you must switch some items to your hand luggage. Hand luggage (cabin baggage) Hand luggage: Passengers are restricted to one piece of cabin luggage with a maximum weight of 8 kg and a maximum size of 50 cm x 40 cm x 20 cm. Security restrictions NO sharp items such as knives or scissors are to be carried in hand luggage. NO flammable liquids, compressed gases, hazardous chemicals or explosive substances under any circumstances. Liquids, gels and pastes (drink, shampoo, toothpaste, etc): individual containers must not exceed 100 ml (3.5 fl oz). All items must be kept in a single, transparent, plastic bag, approximately 20 cm x 20 cm, knotted or tied at the top, which holds no more than 1 litre.. All items of hand luggage will be screened by x-ray. | Passengers with breathing problems can take compressed oxygen on-board. | neutral |
id_1556 | Check-in procedure at Stanza airport Check-in The flight desk opens 2 hours before the scheduled departure time. The latest check-in is 45 minutes before departure. Passengers must deposit their hold baggage at the flight desk where they will be issued with a boarding pass and a seat number. Identification Passengers will need: Valid passport or photo ID. Valid airline ticket or reservation code. Baggage weight allowance Economy Class: 18 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Business Class: 24 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Excess baggage charges are 5 per kg up to a maximum weight of 28 kg. If your hold baggage exceeds the maximum weight of 28 kg you must switch some items to your hand luggage. Hand luggage (cabin baggage) Hand luggage: Passengers are restricted to one piece of cabin luggage with a maximum weight of 8 kg and a maximum size of 50 cm x 40 cm x 20 cm. Security restrictions NO sharp items such as knives or scissors are to be carried in hand luggage. NO flammable liquids, compressed gases, hazardous chemicals or explosive substances under any circumstances. Liquids, gels and pastes (drink, shampoo, toothpaste, etc): individual containers must not exceed 100 ml (3.5 fl oz). All items must be kept in a single, transparent, plastic bag, approximately 20 cm x 20 cm, knotted or tied at the top, which holds no more than 1 litre.. All items of hand luggage will be screened by x-ray. | Passengers may pre-book an additional 28 kg of hold luggage. | neutral |
id_1557 | Check-in procedure at Stanza airport Check-in The flight desk opens 2 hours before the scheduled departure time. The latest check-in is 45 minutes before departure. Passengers must deposit their hold baggage at the flight desk where they will be issued with a boarding pass and a seat number. Identification Passengers will need: Valid passport or photo ID. Valid airline ticket or reservation code. Baggage weight allowance Economy Class: 18 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Business Class: 24 kg of hold allowance included in the ticket. Excess baggage charges are 5 per kg up to a maximum weight of 28 kg. If your hold baggage exceeds the maximum weight of 28 kg you must switch some items to your hand luggage. Hand luggage (cabin baggage) Hand luggage: Passengers are restricted to one piece of cabin luggage with a maximum weight of 8 kg and a maximum size of 50 cm x 40 cm x 20 cm. Security restrictions NO sharp items such as knives or scissors are to be carried in hand luggage. NO flammable liquids, compressed gases, hazardous chemicals or explosive substances under any circumstances. Liquids, gels and pastes (drink, shampoo, toothpaste, etc): individual containers must not exceed 100 ml (3.5 fl oz). All items must be kept in a single, transparent, plastic bag, approximately 20 cm x 20 cm, knotted or tied at the top, which holds no more than 1 litre.. All items of hand luggage will be screened by x-ray. | Passengers must have some means of photo identification. | entailment |
id_1558 | Checked shirts are now synonymous with the technology entrepreneur. Whilst nobody can be attributed with starting the craze, this criss-crossed personal statement has since been adopted by technology whiz-kids from Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg to Twitter co-founder Eva William. The open-necked checked shirt look is beginning to be emulated by American teenagers. The important question being asked by fashion retailers is whether this trend will grow beyond its currently niche audience to the mass market. Fashion trends are fickle and if retailers get it wrong they are quickly punished through falling revenue. That is why fashion outlet Dicies often attends social gatherings and exhibitions where they expect to find lots of young people; their thinking is that if they can observe fashion trends and be ahead of the curve they will get a larger slice of the retail pie. | Twitter was founded by more than one person. | entailment |
id_1559 | Checked shirts are now synonymous with the technology entrepreneur. Whilst nobody can be attributed with starting the craze, this criss-crossed personal statement has since been adopted by technology whiz-kids from Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg to Twitter co-founder Eva William. The open-necked checked shirt look is beginning to be emulated by American teenagers. The important question being asked by fashion retailers is whether this trend will grow beyond its currently niche audience to the mass market. Fashion trends are fickle and if retailers get it wrong they are quickly punished through falling revenue. That is why fashion outlet Dicies often attends social gatherings and exhibitions where they expect to find lots of young people; their thinking is that if they can observe fashion trends and be ahead of the curve they will get a larger slice of the retail pie. | Trends in fashion can be said to remain steady over time. | contradiction |
id_1560 | Checked shirts are now synonymous with the technology entrepreneur. Whilst nobody can be attributed with starting the craze, this criss-crossed personal statement has since been adopted by technology whiz-kids from Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg to Twitter co-founder Eva William. The open-necked checked shirt look is beginning to be emulated by American teenagers. The important question being asked by fashion retailers is whether this trend will grow beyond its currently niche audience to the mass market. Fashion trends are fickle and if retailers get it wrong they are quickly punished through falling revenue. That is why fashion outlet Dicies often attends social gatherings and exhibitions where they expect to find lots of young people; their thinking is that if they can observe fashion trends and be ahead of the curve they will get a larger slice of the retail pie. | Mark Zuckerberg started the trend for wearing checked shirts. | contradiction |
id_1561 | Chelsea Rochman, an ecologist at the University of California, Davis, has been trying to answer a dismal question: Is everything terrible, or are things just very, very bad? Rochman is a member of the National Center for Ecological Analysis and Synthesis marine-debris working group, a collection of scientists who study, among other things, the growing problem of marine debris, also known as ocean trash. Plenty of studies have sounded alarm bells about the state of marine debris; in a recent paper published in the journal Ecology, Rochman and her colleagues set out to determine how many of those perceived risks are real. Often, Rochman says, scientists will end a paper by speculating about the broader impacts of what they've found. For example, a study could show that certain seabirds eat plastic bags, and go on to warn that whole bird populations are at risk of dying out. 'But the truth was that nobody had yet tested those perceived threats, ' Rochman says. 'There wasn't a lot of information. ' Rochman and her colleagues examined more than a hundred papers on the impacts of marine debris that were published through 2013. Within each paper, they asked what threats scientists had studied -366 perceived threats in all - and what they'd actually found. In 83 percent of cases, the perceived dangers of ocean trash were proven true. In the remaining cases, the working group found the studies had weaknesses in design and content which affected the validity of their conclusions - they lacked a control group, for example, or used faulty statistics. Strikingly, Rochman says, only one well-designed study failed to find the effect it was looking for, an investigation of mussels ingesting microscopic plastic bits. The plastic moved from the mussels' stomachs to their bloodstreams, scientists found, and stayed there for weeks - but didn't seem to stress out the shellfish. While mussels may be fine eating trash, though, the analysis also gave a clearer picture of the many ways that ocean debris is bothersome. Within the studies they looked at, most of the proven threats came from plastic debris, rather than other materials like metal or wood. Most of the dangers also involved large pieces of debris - animals getting entangled in trash, for example, or eating it and severely injuring themselves. But a lot of ocean debris is 'microplastic', or pieces smaller than five millimeters. These may be ingredients used in cosmetics and toiletries, fibers shed by synthetic clothing in the wash, or eroded remnants of larger debris. Compared to the number of studies investigating large-scale debris, Rochman's group found little research on the effects of these tiny bits. 'There are a lot of open questions still for microplastic, ' Rochman says, though she notes that more papers on the subject have been published since 2013, the cutoff point for the group's analysis. There are also, she adds, a lot of open questions about the ways that ocean debris can lead to sea-creature death. Many studies have looked at how plastic affects an individual animal, or that animal's tissues or cells, rather than whole populations. And in the lab, scientists often use higher concentrations of plastic than what's really in the ocean. None of that tells us how many birds or fish or sea turtles could die from plastic pollution - or how deaths in one species could affect that animal's predators, or the rest of the ecosystem. 'We need to be asking more ecologically relevant questions, ' Rochman says. Usually, scientists don't know exactly how disasters such as a tanker accidentally spilling its whole cargo of oil and polluting huge areas of the ocean will affect the environment until after they've happened. 'We don't ask the right questions early enough, ' she says. But if ecologists can understand how the slow-moving effect of ocean trash is damaging ecosystems, they might be able to prevent things from getting worse. Asking the right questions can help policy makers, and the public, figure out where to focus their attention. The problems that look or sound most dramatic may not be the best places to start. For example, the name of the 'Great Pacific Garbage Patch' - a collection of marine debris in the northern Pacific Ocean - might conjure up a vast, floating trash island. In reality though, much of the debris is tiny or below the surface; a person could sail through the area without seeing any trash at all. A Dutch group called 'The Ocean Cleanup' is currently working on plans to put mechanical devices in the Pacific Garbage Patch and similar areas to suck up plastic. But a recent paper used simulations to show that strategically positioning the cleanup devices closer to shore would more effectively reduce pollution over the long term. 'I think clearing up some of these misperceptions is really important, ' Rochman says. Among scientists as well as in the media, she says, 'A lot of the images about strandings and entanglement and all of that cause the perception that plastic debris is killing everything in the ocean. ' Interrogating the existing scientific literature can help ecologists figure out which problems really need addressing, and which ones they'd be better off - like the mussels - absorbing and ignoring. | The studies Rochman has reviewed have already proved that populations of some birds will soon become extinct. | contradiction |
id_1562 | Chelsea Rochman, an ecologist at the University of California, Davis, has been trying to answer a dismal question: Is everything terrible, or are things just very, very bad? Rochman is a member of the National Center for Ecological Analysis and Synthesis marine-debris working group, a collection of scientists who study, among other things, the growing problem of marine debris, also known as ocean trash. Plenty of studies have sounded alarm bells about the state of marine debris; in a recent paper published in the journal Ecology, Rochman and her colleagues set out to determine how many of those perceived risks are real. Often, Rochman says, scientists will end a paper by speculating about the broader impacts of what they've found. For example, a study could show that certain seabirds eat plastic bags, and go on to warn that whole bird populations are at risk of dying out. 'But the truth was that nobody had yet tested those perceived threats, ' Rochman says. 'There wasn't a lot of information. ' Rochman and her colleagues examined more than a hundred papers on the impacts of marine debris that were published through 2013. Within each paper, they asked what threats scientists had studied -366 perceived threats in all - and what they'd actually found. In 83 percent of cases, the perceived dangers of ocean trash were proven true. In the remaining cases, the working group found the studies had weaknesses in design and content which affected the validity of their conclusions - they lacked a control group, for example, or used faulty statistics. Strikingly, Rochman says, only one well-designed study failed to find the effect it was looking for, an investigation of mussels ingesting microscopic plastic bits. The plastic moved from the mussels' stomachs to their bloodstreams, scientists found, and stayed there for weeks - but didn't seem to stress out the shellfish. While mussels may be fine eating trash, though, the analysis also gave a clearer picture of the many ways that ocean debris is bothersome. Within the studies they looked at, most of the proven threats came from plastic debris, rather than other materials like metal or wood. Most of the dangers also involved large pieces of debris - animals getting entangled in trash, for example, or eating it and severely injuring themselves. But a lot of ocean debris is 'microplastic', or pieces smaller than five millimeters. These may be ingredients used in cosmetics and toiletries, fibers shed by synthetic clothing in the wash, or eroded remnants of larger debris. Compared to the number of studies investigating large-scale debris, Rochman's group found little research on the effects of these tiny bits. 'There are a lot of open questions still for microplastic, ' Rochman says, though she notes that more papers on the subject have been published since 2013, the cutoff point for the group's analysis. There are also, she adds, a lot of open questions about the ways that ocean debris can lead to sea-creature death. Many studies have looked at how plastic affects an individual animal, or that animal's tissues or cells, rather than whole populations. And in the lab, scientists often use higher concentrations of plastic than what's really in the ocean. None of that tells us how many birds or fish or sea turtles could die from plastic pollution - or how deaths in one species could affect that animal's predators, or the rest of the ecosystem. 'We need to be asking more ecologically relevant questions, ' Rochman says. Usually, scientists don't know exactly how disasters such as a tanker accidentally spilling its whole cargo of oil and polluting huge areas of the ocean will affect the environment until after they've happened. 'We don't ask the right questions early enough, ' she says. But if ecologists can understand how the slow-moving effect of ocean trash is damaging ecosystems, they might be able to prevent things from getting worse. Asking the right questions can help policy makers, and the public, figure out where to focus their attention. The problems that look or sound most dramatic may not be the best places to start. For example, the name of the 'Great Pacific Garbage Patch' - a collection of marine debris in the northern Pacific Ocean - might conjure up a vast, floating trash island. In reality though, much of the debris is tiny or below the surface; a person could sail through the area without seeing any trash at all. A Dutch group called 'The Ocean Cleanup' is currently working on plans to put mechanical devices in the Pacific Garbage Patch and similar areas to suck up plastic. But a recent paper used simulations to show that strategically positioning the cleanup devices closer to shore would more effectively reduce pollution over the long term. 'I think clearing up some of these misperceptions is really important, ' Rochman says. Among scientists as well as in the media, she says, 'A lot of the images about strandings and entanglement and all of that cause the perception that plastic debris is killing everything in the ocean. ' Interrogating the existing scientific literature can help ecologists figure out which problems really need addressing, and which ones they'd be better off - like the mussels - absorbing and ignoring. | Rochman analysed papers on the different kinds of danger caused by ocean trash. | entailment |
id_1563 | Chelsea Rochman, an ecologist at the University of California, Davis, has been trying to answer a dismal question: Is everything terrible, or are things just very, very bad? Rochman is a member of the National Center for Ecological Analysis and Synthesis marine-debris working group, a collection of scientists who study, among other things, the growing problem of marine debris, also known as ocean trash. Plenty of studies have sounded alarm bells about the state of marine debris; in a recent paper published in the journal Ecology, Rochman and her colleagues set out to determine how many of those perceived risks are real. Often, Rochman says, scientists will end a paper by speculating about the broader impacts of what they've found. For example, a study could show that certain seabirds eat plastic bags, and go on to warn that whole bird populations are at risk of dying out. 'But the truth was that nobody had yet tested those perceived threats, ' Rochman says. 'There wasn't a lot of information. ' Rochman and her colleagues examined more than a hundred papers on the impacts of marine debris that were published through 2013. Within each paper, they asked what threats scientists had studied -366 perceived threats in all - and what they'd actually found. In 83 percent of cases, the perceived dangers of ocean trash were proven true. In the remaining cases, the working group found the studies had weaknesses in design and content which affected the validity of their conclusions - they lacked a control group, for example, or used faulty statistics. Strikingly, Rochman says, only one well-designed study failed to find the effect it was looking for, an investigation of mussels ingesting microscopic plastic bits. The plastic moved from the mussels' stomachs to their bloodstreams, scientists found, and stayed there for weeks - but didn't seem to stress out the shellfish. While mussels may be fine eating trash, though, the analysis also gave a clearer picture of the many ways that ocean debris is bothersome. Within the studies they looked at, most of the proven threats came from plastic debris, rather than other materials like metal or wood. Most of the dangers also involved large pieces of debris - animals getting entangled in trash, for example, or eating it and severely injuring themselves. But a lot of ocean debris is 'microplastic', or pieces smaller than five millimeters. These may be ingredients used in cosmetics and toiletries, fibers shed by synthetic clothing in the wash, or eroded remnants of larger debris. Compared to the number of studies investigating large-scale debris, Rochman's group found little research on the effects of these tiny bits. 'There are a lot of open questions still for microplastic, ' Rochman says, though she notes that more papers on the subject have been published since 2013, the cutoff point for the group's analysis. There are also, she adds, a lot of open questions about the ways that ocean debris can lead to sea-creature death. Many studies have looked at how plastic affects an individual animal, or that animal's tissues or cells, rather than whole populations. And in the lab, scientists often use higher concentrations of plastic than what's really in the ocean. None of that tells us how many birds or fish or sea turtles could die from plastic pollution - or how deaths in one species could affect that animal's predators, or the rest of the ecosystem. 'We need to be asking more ecologically relevant questions, ' Rochman says. Usually, scientists don't know exactly how disasters such as a tanker accidentally spilling its whole cargo of oil and polluting huge areas of the ocean will affect the environment until after they've happened. 'We don't ask the right questions early enough, ' she says. But if ecologists can understand how the slow-moving effect of ocean trash is damaging ecosystems, they might be able to prevent things from getting worse. Asking the right questions can help policy makers, and the public, figure out where to focus their attention. The problems that look or sound most dramatic may not be the best places to start. For example, the name of the 'Great Pacific Garbage Patch' - a collection of marine debris in the northern Pacific Ocean - might conjure up a vast, floating trash island. In reality though, much of the debris is tiny or below the surface; a person could sail through the area without seeing any trash at all. A Dutch group called 'The Ocean Cleanup' is currently working on plans to put mechanical devices in the Pacific Garbage Patch and similar areas to suck up plastic. But a recent paper used simulations to show that strategically positioning the cleanup devices closer to shore would more effectively reduce pollution over the long term. 'I think clearing up some of these misperceptions is really important, ' Rochman says. Among scientists as well as in the media, she says, 'A lot of the images about strandings and entanglement and all of that cause the perception that plastic debris is killing everything in the ocean. ' Interrogating the existing scientific literature can help ecologists figure out which problems really need addressing, and which ones they'd be better off - like the mussels - absorbing and ignoring. | One study examined by Rochman was expecting to find that mussels were harmed by eating plastic. | entailment |
id_1564 | Chelsea Rochman, an ecologist at the University of California, Davis, has been trying to answer a dismal question: Is everything terrible, or are things just very, very bad? Rochman is a member of the National Center for Ecological Analysis and Synthesis marine-debris working group, a collection of scientists who study, among other things, the growing problem of marine debris, also known as ocean trash. Plenty of studies have sounded alarm bells about the state of marine debris; in a recent paper published in the journal Ecology, Rochman and her colleagues set out to determine how many of those perceived risks are real. Often, Rochman says, scientists will end a paper by speculating about the broader impacts of what they've found. For example, a study could show that certain seabirds eat plastic bags, and go on to warn that whole bird populations are at risk of dying out. 'But the truth was that nobody had yet tested those perceived threats, ' Rochman says. 'There wasn't a lot of information. ' Rochman and her colleagues examined more than a hundred papers on the impacts of marine debris that were published through 2013. Within each paper, they asked what threats scientists had studied -366 perceived threats in all - and what they'd actually found. In 83 percent of cases, the perceived dangers of ocean trash were proven true. In the remaining cases, the working group found the studies had weaknesses in design and content which affected the validity of their conclusions - they lacked a control group, for example, or used faulty statistics. Strikingly, Rochman says, only one well-designed study failed to find the effect it was looking for, an investigation of mussels ingesting microscopic plastic bits. The plastic moved from the mussels' stomachs to their bloodstreams, scientists found, and stayed there for weeks - but didn't seem to stress out the shellfish. While mussels may be fine eating trash, though, the analysis also gave a clearer picture of the many ways that ocean debris is bothersome. Within the studies they looked at, most of the proven threats came from plastic debris, rather than other materials like metal or wood. Most of the dangers also involved large pieces of debris - animals getting entangled in trash, for example, or eating it and severely injuring themselves. But a lot of ocean debris is 'microplastic', or pieces smaller than five millimeters. These may be ingredients used in cosmetics and toiletries, fibers shed by synthetic clothing in the wash, or eroded remnants of larger debris. Compared to the number of studies investigating large-scale debris, Rochman's group found little research on the effects of these tiny bits. 'There are a lot of open questions still for microplastic, ' Rochman says, though she notes that more papers on the subject have been published since 2013, the cutoff point for the group's analysis. There are also, she adds, a lot of open questions about the ways that ocean debris can lead to sea-creature death. Many studies have looked at how plastic affects an individual animal, or that animal's tissues or cells, rather than whole populations. And in the lab, scientists often use higher concentrations of plastic than what's really in the ocean. None of that tells us how many birds or fish or sea turtles could die from plastic pollution - or how deaths in one species could affect that animal's predators, or the rest of the ecosystem. 'We need to be asking more ecologically relevant questions, ' Rochman says. Usually, scientists don't know exactly how disasters such as a tanker accidentally spilling its whole cargo of oil and polluting huge areas of the ocean will affect the environment until after they've happened. 'We don't ask the right questions early enough, ' she says. But if ecologists can understand how the slow-moving effect of ocean trash is damaging ecosystems, they might be able to prevent things from getting worse. Asking the right questions can help policy makers, and the public, figure out where to focus their attention. The problems that look or sound most dramatic may not be the best places to start. For example, the name of the 'Great Pacific Garbage Patch' - a collection of marine debris in the northern Pacific Ocean - might conjure up a vast, floating trash island. In reality though, much of the debris is tiny or below the surface; a person could sail through the area without seeing any trash at all. A Dutch group called 'The Ocean Cleanup' is currently working on plans to put mechanical devices in the Pacific Garbage Patch and similar areas to suck up plastic. But a recent paper used simulations to show that strategically positioning the cleanup devices closer to shore would more effectively reduce pollution over the long term. 'I think clearing up some of these misperceptions is really important, ' Rochman says. Among scientists as well as in the media, she says, 'A lot of the images about strandings and entanglement and all of that cause the perception that plastic debris is killing everything in the ocean. ' Interrogating the existing scientific literature can help ecologists figure out which problems really need addressing, and which ones they'd be better off - like the mussels - absorbing and ignoring. | Most of the research analysed by Rochman and her colleagues was badly designed. | contradiction |
id_1565 | Chelsea Rochman, an ecologist at the University of California, Davis, has been trying to answer a dismal question: Is everything terrible, or are things just very, very bad? Rochman is a member of the National Center for Ecological Analysis and Synthesis marine-debris working group, a collection of scientists who study, among other things, the growing problem of marine debris, also known as ocean trash. Plenty of studies have sounded alarm bells about the state of marine debris; in a recent paper published in the journal Ecology, Rochman and her colleagues set out to determine how many of those perceived risks are real. Often, Rochman says, scientists will end a paper by speculating about the broader impacts of what they've found. For example, a study could show that certain seabirds eat plastic bags, and go on to warn that whole bird populations are at risk of dying out. 'But the truth was that nobody had yet tested those perceived threats, ' Rochman says. 'There wasn't a lot of information. ' Rochman and her colleagues examined more than a hundred papers on the impacts of marine debris that were published through 2013. Within each paper, they asked what threats scientists had studied -366 perceived threats in all - and what they'd actually found. In 83 percent of cases, the perceived dangers of ocean trash were proven true. In the remaining cases, the working group found the studies had weaknesses in design and content which affected the validity of their conclusions - they lacked a control group, for example, or used faulty statistics. Strikingly, Rochman says, only one well-designed study failed to find the effect it was looking for, an investigation of mussels ingesting microscopic plastic bits. The plastic moved from the mussels' stomachs to their bloodstreams, scientists found, and stayed there for weeks - but didn't seem to stress out the shellfish. While mussels may be fine eating trash, though, the analysis also gave a clearer picture of the many ways that ocean debris is bothersome. Within the studies they looked at, most of the proven threats came from plastic debris, rather than other materials like metal or wood. Most of the dangers also involved large pieces of debris - animals getting entangled in trash, for example, or eating it and severely injuring themselves. But a lot of ocean debris is 'microplastic', or pieces smaller than five millimeters. These may be ingredients used in cosmetics and toiletries, fibers shed by synthetic clothing in the wash, or eroded remnants of larger debris. Compared to the number of studies investigating large-scale debris, Rochman's group found little research on the effects of these tiny bits. 'There are a lot of open questions still for microplastic, ' Rochman says, though she notes that more papers on the subject have been published since 2013, the cutoff point for the group's analysis. There are also, she adds, a lot of open questions about the ways that ocean debris can lead to sea-creature death. Many studies have looked at how plastic affects an individual animal, or that animal's tissues or cells, rather than whole populations. And in the lab, scientists often use higher concentrations of plastic than what's really in the ocean. None of that tells us how many birds or fish or sea turtles could die from plastic pollution - or how deaths in one species could affect that animal's predators, or the rest of the ecosystem. 'We need to be asking more ecologically relevant questions, ' Rochman says. Usually, scientists don't know exactly how disasters such as a tanker accidentally spilling its whole cargo of oil and polluting huge areas of the ocean will affect the environment until after they've happened. 'We don't ask the right questions early enough, ' she says. But if ecologists can understand how the slow-moving effect of ocean trash is damaging ecosystems, they might be able to prevent things from getting worse. Asking the right questions can help policy makers, and the public, figure out where to focus their attention. The problems that look or sound most dramatic may not be the best places to start. For example, the name of the 'Great Pacific Garbage Patch' - a collection of marine debris in the northern Pacific Ocean - might conjure up a vast, floating trash island. In reality though, much of the debris is tiny or below the surface; a person could sail through the area without seeing any trash at all. A Dutch group called 'The Ocean Cleanup' is currently working on plans to put mechanical devices in the Pacific Garbage Patch and similar areas to suck up plastic. But a recent paper used simulations to show that strategically positioning the cleanup devices closer to shore would more effectively reduce pollution over the long term. 'I think clearing up some of these misperceptions is really important, ' Rochman says. Among scientists as well as in the media, she says, 'A lot of the images about strandings and entanglement and all of that cause the perception that plastic debris is killing everything in the ocean. ' Interrogating the existing scientific literature can help ecologists figure out which problems really need addressing, and which ones they'd be better off - like the mussels - absorbing and ignoring. | Some mussels choose to eat plastic in preference to their natural diet | neutral |
id_1566 | Chelsea Rochman, an ecologist at the University of California, Davis, has been trying to answer a dismal question: Is everything terrible, or are things just very, very bad? Rochman is a member of the National Center for Ecological Analysis and Synthesis marine-debris working group, a collection of scientists who study, among other things, the growing problem of marine debris, also known as ocean trash. Plenty of studies have sounded alarm bells about the state of marine debris; in a recent paper published in the journal Ecology, Rochman and her colleagues set out to determine how many of those perceived risks are real. Often, Rochman says, scientists will end a paper by speculating about the broader impacts of what they've found. For example, a study could show that certain seabirds eat plastic bags, and go on to warn that whole bird populations are at risk of dying out. 'But the truth was that nobody had yet tested those perceived threats, ' Rochman says. 'There wasn't a lot of information. ' Rochman and her colleagues examined more than a hundred papers on the impacts of marine debris that were published through 2013. Within each paper, they asked what threats scientists had studied -366 perceived threats in all - and what they'd actually found. In 83 percent of cases, the perceived dangers of ocean trash were proven true. In the remaining cases, the working group found the studies had weaknesses in design and content which affected the validity of their conclusions - they lacked a control group, for example, or used faulty statistics. Strikingly, Rochman says, only one well-designed study failed to find the effect it was looking for, an investigation of mussels ingesting microscopic plastic bits. The plastic moved from the mussels' stomachs to their bloodstreams, scientists found, and stayed there for weeks - but didn't seem to stress out the shellfish. While mussels may be fine eating trash, though, the analysis also gave a clearer picture of the many ways that ocean debris is bothersome. Within the studies they looked at, most of the proven threats came from plastic debris, rather than other materials like metal or wood. Most of the dangers also involved large pieces of debris - animals getting entangled in trash, for example, or eating it and severely injuring themselves. But a lot of ocean debris is 'microplastic', or pieces smaller than five millimeters. These may be ingredients used in cosmetics and toiletries, fibers shed by synthetic clothing in the wash, or eroded remnants of larger debris. Compared to the number of studies investigating large-scale debris, Rochman's group found little research on the effects of these tiny bits. 'There are a lot of open questions still for microplastic, ' Rochman says, though she notes that more papers on the subject have been published since 2013, the cutoff point for the group's analysis. There are also, she adds, a lot of open questions about the ways that ocean debris can lead to sea-creature death. Many studies have looked at how plastic affects an individual animal, or that animal's tissues or cells, rather than whole populations. And in the lab, scientists often use higher concentrations of plastic than what's really in the ocean. None of that tells us how many birds or fish or sea turtles could die from plastic pollution - or how deaths in one species could affect that animal's predators, or the rest of the ecosystem. 'We need to be asking more ecologically relevant questions, ' Rochman says. Usually, scientists don't know exactly how disasters such as a tanker accidentally spilling its whole cargo of oil and polluting huge areas of the ocean will affect the environment until after they've happened. 'We don't ask the right questions early enough, ' she says. But if ecologists can understand how the slow-moving effect of ocean trash is damaging ecosystems, they might be able to prevent things from getting worse. Asking the right questions can help policy makers, and the public, figure out where to focus their attention. The problems that look or sound most dramatic may not be the best places to start. For example, the name of the 'Great Pacific Garbage Patch' - a collection of marine debris in the northern Pacific Ocean - might conjure up a vast, floating trash island. In reality though, much of the debris is tiny or below the surface; a person could sail through the area without seeing any trash at all. A Dutch group called 'The Ocean Cleanup' is currently working on plans to put mechanical devices in the Pacific Garbage Patch and similar areas to suck up plastic. But a recent paper used simulations to show that strategically positioning the cleanup devices closer to shore would more effectively reduce pollution over the long term. 'I think clearing up some of these misperceptions is really important, ' Rochman says. Among scientists as well as in the media, she says, 'A lot of the images about strandings and entanglement and all of that cause the perception that plastic debris is killing everything in the ocean. ' Interrogating the existing scientific literature can help ecologists figure out which problems really need addressing, and which ones they'd be better off - like the mussels - absorbing and ignoring. | Rochman and her colleagues were the first people to research the problem of marine debris. | contradiction |
id_1567 | Chelsea Rochman, an ecologist at the University of California, Davis, has been trying to answer a dismal question: Is everything terrible, or are things just very, very bad? Rochman is a member of the National Center for Ecological Analysis and Synthesis marine-debris working group, a collection of scientists who study, among other things, the growing problem of marine debris, also known as ocean trash. Plenty of studies have sounded alarm bells about the state of marine debris; in a recent paper published in the journal Ecology, Rochman and her colleagues set out to determine how many of those perceived risks are real. Often, Rochman says, scientists will end a paper by speculating about the broader impacts of what they've found. For example, a study could show that certain seabirds eat plastic bags, and go on to warn that whole bird populations are at risk of dying out. 'But the truth was that nobody had yet tested those perceived threats, ' Rochman says. 'There wasn't a lot of information. ' Rochman and her colleagues examined more than a hundred papers on the impacts of marine debris that were published through 2013. Within each paper, they asked what threats scientists had studied -366 perceived threats in all - and what they'd actually found. In 83 percent of cases, the perceived dangers of ocean trash were proven true. In the remaining cases, the working group found the studies had weaknesses in design and content which affected the validity of their conclusions - they lacked a control group, for example, or used faulty statistics. Strikingly, Rochman says, only one well-designed study failed to find the effect it was looking for, an investigation of mussels ingesting microscopic plastic bits. The plastic moved from the mussels' stomachs to their bloodstreams, scientists found, and stayed there for weeks - but didn't seem to stress out the shellfish. While mussels may be fine eating trash, though, the analysis also gave a clearer picture of the many ways that ocean debris is bothersome. Within the studies they looked at, most of the proven threats came from plastic debris, rather than other materials like metal or wood. Most of the dangers also involved large pieces of debris - animals getting entangled in trash, for example, or eating it and severely injuring themselves. But a lot of ocean debris is 'microplastic', or pieces smaller than five millimeters. These may be ingredients used in cosmetics and toiletries, fibers shed by synthetic clothing in the wash, or eroded remnants of larger debris. Compared to the number of studies investigating large-scale debris, Rochman's group found little research on the effects of these tiny bits. 'There are a lot of open questions still for microplastic, ' Rochman says, though she notes that more papers on the subject have been published since 2013, the cutoff point for the group's analysis. There are also, she adds, a lot of open questions about the ways that ocean debris can lead to sea-creature death. Many studies have looked at how plastic affects an individual animal, or that animal's tissues or cells, rather than whole populations. And in the lab, scientists often use higher concentrations of plastic than what's really in the ocean. None of that tells us how many birds or fish or sea turtles could die from plastic pollution - or how deaths in one species could affect that animal's predators, or the rest of the ecosystem. 'We need to be asking more ecologically relevant questions, ' Rochman says. Usually, scientists don't know exactly how disasters such as a tanker accidentally spilling its whole cargo of oil and polluting huge areas of the ocean will affect the environment until after they've happened. 'We don't ask the right questions early enough, ' she says. But if ecologists can understand how the slow-moving effect of ocean trash is damaging ecosystems, they might be able to prevent things from getting worse. Asking the right questions can help policy makers, and the public, figure out where to focus their attention. The problems that look or sound most dramatic may not be the best places to start. For example, the name of the 'Great Pacific Garbage Patch' - a collection of marine debris in the northern Pacific Ocean - might conjure up a vast, floating trash island. In reality though, much of the debris is tiny or below the surface; a person could sail through the area without seeing any trash at all. A Dutch group called 'The Ocean Cleanup' is currently working on plans to put mechanical devices in the Pacific Garbage Patch and similar areas to suck up plastic. But a recent paper used simulations to show that strategically positioning the cleanup devices closer to shore would more effectively reduce pollution over the long term. 'I think clearing up some of these misperceptions is really important, ' Rochman says. Among scientists as well as in the media, she says, 'A lot of the images about strandings and entanglement and all of that cause the perception that plastic debris is killing everything in the ocean. ' Interrogating the existing scientific literature can help ecologists figure out which problems really need addressing, and which ones they'd be better off - like the mussels - absorbing and ignoring. | The creatures most in danger from ocean trash are certain seabirds. | neutral |
id_1568 | Children as young as 4 will qualify for summer schools, Saturday morning school and online tuition under a scheme to track the brightest of children through school and on to university. The scheme is a major extension of the national gifted and talented agenda to address the fact that mixed-ability teaching has failed to challenge the brightest. Gifted refers to children of high intelligence, while talented is applied to children with an exceptional ability in a specific discipline. In every school a teacher will be made responsible for identifying beneficiaries and they will rely on their peers, assessments and national Key Stage tests. However, teachers tend to recommend children who produce good work on paper and who behave themselves rather than the really gifted and talented. This means that, for example, the child whose high intelligence makes him or her a bit of a misfit is over-looked. | Children not labelled as gifted may well feel like failures. | neutral |
id_1569 | Children as young as 4 will qualify for summer schools, Saturday morning school and online tuition under a scheme to track the brightest of children through school and on to university. The scheme is a major extension of the national gifted and talented agenda to address the fact that mixed-ability teaching has failed to challenge the brightest. Gifted refers to children of high intelligence, while talented is applied to children with an exceptional ability in a specific discipline. In every school a teacher will be made responsible for identifying beneficiaries and they will rely on their peers, assessments and national Key Stage tests. However, teachers tend to recommend children who produce good work on paper and who behave themselves rather than the really gifted and talented. This means that, for example, the child whose high intelligence makes him or her a bit of a misfit is over-looked. | Gifted and talented children will be identified by their peers. | contradiction |
id_1570 | Children as young as 4 will qualify for summer schools, Saturday morning school and online tuition under a scheme to track the brightest of children through school and on to university. The scheme is a major extension of the national gifted and talented agenda to address the fact that mixed-ability teaching has failed to challenge the brightest. Gifted refers to children of high intelligence, while talented is applied to children with an exceptional ability in a specific discipline. In every school a teacher will be made responsible for identifying beneficiaries and they will rely on their peers, assessments and national Key Stage tests. However, teachers tend to recommend children who produce good work on paper and who behave themselves rather than the really gifted and talented. This means that, for example, the child whose high intelligence makes him or her a bit of a misfit is over-looked. | A reason given for the initiative is that gifted or talented children may not always behave themselves. | contradiction |
id_1571 | Childrens Literature Stories and poems aimed at children have an exceedingly long history: lullabies, for example, were sung in Roman times, and a few nursery games and rhymes are almost as ancient. Yet so far as written-down literature is concerned, while there were stories in print before 1700 that children often seized on when they had the chance, such as translations of Aesops fables, fairy-stories and popular ballads and romances, these were not aimed at young people in particular. Since the only genuinely child-oriented literature at this time would have been a few instructional works to help with reading and general knowledge, plus the odd Puritanical tract as an aid to morality, the only course for keen child readers was to read adult literature. This still occurs today, especially with adult thrillers or romances that include more exciting, graphic detail than is normally found in the literature for younger readers. By the middle of the 18th century there were enough eager child readers, and enough parents glad to cater to this interest, for publishers to specialize in childrens books whose first aim was pleasure rather than education or morality. In Britain, a London merchant named Thomas Boreham produced Cajanus, The Swedish Giant in 1742, while the more famous John Newbery published A Little Pretty Pocket Book in 1744. Its contents rhymes, stories, childrens games plus a free gift (A ball and a pincushion)in many ways anticipated the similar lucky-dip contents of childrens annuals this century. It is a tribute to Newberys flair that he hit upon a winning formula quite so quickly, to be pirated almost immediately in America. Such pleasing levity was not to last. Influenced by Rousseau, whose Emile(1762) decreed that all books for children save Robinson Crusoe were a dangerous diversion, contemporary critics saw to it that childrens literature should be instructive and uplifting. Prominent among such voices was Mrs. Sarah Trimmer, whose magazine The Guardian of Education (1802) carried the first regular reviews of childrens books. It was she who condemned fairy-tales for their violence and general absurdity; her own stories, Fabulous Histories (1786) described talking animals who were always models of sense and decorum. So the moral story for children was always threatened from within, given the way children have of drawing out entertainment from the sternest moralist. But the greatest blow to the improving childrens book was to come from an unlikely source indeed: early 19th century interest in folklore. Both nursery rhymes, selected by James Orchard Halliwell for a folklore society in 1842, and collection of fairy-stories by the scholarly Grimm brothers, swiftly translated into English in 1823, soon rocket to popularity with the young, quickly leading to new editions, each one more child-centered than the last. From now on younger children could expect stories written for their particular interest and with the needs of their own limited experience of life kept well to the fore. What eventually determined the reading of older children was often not the availability of special childrens literature as such but access to books that contained characters, such as young people or animals, with whom they could more easily empathize, or action, such as exploring or fighting, that made few demands on adult maturity or understanding. The final apotheosis of literary childhood as something to be protected from unpleasant reality came with the arrival in the late 1930s of child-centered best-sellers intend on entertainment at its most escapist. In Britain novelist such as Enid Blyton and Richmal Crompton described children who were always free to have the most unlikely adventures, secure in the knowledge that nothing bad could ever happen to them in the end. The fact that war broke out again during her books greatest popularity fails to register at all in the self-enclosed world inhabited by Enid Blytons young characters. Reaction against such dream-worlds was inevitable after World War II, coinciding with the growth of paperback sales, childrens libraries and a new spirit of moral and social concern. Urged on by committed publishers and progressive librarians, writers slowly began to explore new areas of interest while also shifting the settings of their plots from the middle-class world to which their chiefly adult patrons had always previously belonged. Critical emphasis, during this development, has been divided. For some the most important task was to rid childrens books of the social prejudice and exclusiveness no longer found acceptable. Others concentrated more on the positive achievements of contemporary childrens literature. That writers of these works are now often recommended to the attentions of adult as well as child readers echoes the 19th-century belief that childrens literature can be shared by the generations, rather than being a defensive barrier between childhood and the necessary growth towards adult understanding. | Today childrens book writers believe their works should appeal to both children and adults. | entailment |
id_1572 | Childrens Literature Stories and poems aimed at children have an exceedingly long history: lullabies, for example, were sung in Roman times, and a few nursery games and rhymes are almost as ancient. Yet so far as written-down literature is concerned, while there were stories in print before 1700 that children often seized on when they had the chance, such as translations of Aesops fables, fairy-stories and popular ballads and romances, these were not aimed at young people in particular. Since the only genuinely child-oriented literature at this time would have been a few instructional works to help with reading and general knowledge, plus the odd Puritanical tract as an aid to morality, the only course for keen child readers was to read adult literature. This still occurs today, especially with adult thrillers or romances that include more exciting, graphic detail than is normally found in the literature for younger readers. By the middle of the 18th century there were enough eager child readers, and enough parents glad to cater to this interest, for publishers to specialize in childrens books whose first aim was pleasure rather than education or morality. In Britain, a London merchant named Thomas Boreham produced Cajanus, The Swedish Giant in 1742, while the more famous John Newbery published A Little Pretty Pocket Book in 1744. Its contents rhymes, stories, childrens games plus a free gift (A ball and a pincushion)in many ways anticipated the similar lucky-dip contents of childrens annuals this century. It is a tribute to Newberys flair that he hit upon a winning formula quite so quickly, to be pirated almost immediately in America. Such pleasing levity was not to last. Influenced by Rousseau, whose Emile(1762) decreed that all books for children save Robinson Crusoe were a dangerous diversion, contemporary critics saw to it that childrens literature should be instructive and uplifting. Prominent among such voices was Mrs. Sarah Trimmer, whose magazine The Guardian of Education (1802) carried the first regular reviews of childrens books. It was she who condemned fairy-tales for their violence and general absurdity; her own stories, Fabulous Histories (1786) described talking animals who were always models of sense and decorum. So the moral story for children was always threatened from within, given the way children have of drawing out entertainment from the sternest moralist. But the greatest blow to the improving childrens book was to come from an unlikely source indeed: early 19th century interest in folklore. Both nursery rhymes, selected by James Orchard Halliwell for a folklore society in 1842, and collection of fairy-stories by the scholarly Grimm brothers, swiftly translated into English in 1823, soon rocket to popularity with the young, quickly leading to new editions, each one more child-centered than the last. From now on younger children could expect stories written for their particular interest and with the needs of their own limited experience of life kept well to the fore. What eventually determined the reading of older children was often not the availability of special childrens literature as such but access to books that contained characters, such as young people or animals, with whom they could more easily empathize, or action, such as exploring or fighting, that made few demands on adult maturity or understanding. The final apotheosis of literary childhood as something to be protected from unpleasant reality came with the arrival in the late 1930s of child-centered best-sellers intend on entertainment at its most escapist. In Britain novelist such as Enid Blyton and Richmal Crompton described children who were always free to have the most unlikely adventures, secure in the knowledge that nothing bad could ever happen to them in the end. The fact that war broke out again during her books greatest popularity fails to register at all in the self-enclosed world inhabited by Enid Blytons young characters. Reaction against such dream-worlds was inevitable after World War II, coinciding with the growth of paperback sales, childrens libraries and a new spirit of moral and social concern. Urged on by committed publishers and progressive librarians, writers slowly began to explore new areas of interest while also shifting the settings of their plots from the middle-class world to which their chiefly adult patrons had always previously belonged. Critical emphasis, during this development, has been divided. For some the most important task was to rid childrens books of the social prejudice and exclusiveness no longer found acceptable. Others concentrated more on the positive achievements of contemporary childrens literature. That writers of these works are now often recommended to the attentions of adult as well as child readers echoes the 19th-century belief that childrens literature can be shared by the generations, rather than being a defensive barrier between childhood and the necessary growth towards adult understanding. | An interest in the folklore changed the direction of the development of childrens books. | entailment |
id_1573 | Childrens Literature Stories and poems aimed at children have an exceedingly long history: lullabies, for example, were sung in Roman times, and a few nursery games and rhymes are almost as ancient. Yet so far as written-down literature is concerned, while there were stories in print before 1700 that children often seized on when they had the chance, such as translations of Aesops fables, fairy-stories and popular ballads and romances, these were not aimed at young people in particular. Since the only genuinely child-oriented literature at this time would have been a few instructional works to help with reading and general knowledge, plus the odd Puritanical tract as an aid to morality, the only course for keen child readers was to read adult literature. This still occurs today, especially with adult thrillers or romances that include more exciting, graphic detail than is normally found in the literature for younger readers. By the middle of the 18th century there were enough eager child readers, and enough parents glad to cater to this interest, for publishers to specialize in childrens books whose first aim was pleasure rather than education or morality. In Britain, a London merchant named Thomas Boreham produced Cajanus, The Swedish Giant in 1742, while the more famous John Newbery published A Little Pretty Pocket Book in 1744. Its contents rhymes, stories, childrens games plus a free gift (A ball and a pincushion)in many ways anticipated the similar lucky-dip contents of childrens annuals this century. It is a tribute to Newberys flair that he hit upon a winning formula quite so quickly, to be pirated almost immediately in America. Such pleasing levity was not to last. Influenced by Rousseau, whose Emile(1762) decreed that all books for children save Robinson Crusoe were a dangerous diversion, contemporary critics saw to it that childrens literature should be instructive and uplifting. Prominent among such voices was Mrs. Sarah Trimmer, whose magazine The Guardian of Education (1802) carried the first regular reviews of childrens books. It was she who condemned fairy-tales for their violence and general absurdity; her own stories, Fabulous Histories (1786) described talking animals who were always models of sense and decorum. So the moral story for children was always threatened from within, given the way children have of drawing out entertainment from the sternest moralist. But the greatest blow to the improving childrens book was to come from an unlikely source indeed: early 19th century interest in folklore. Both nursery rhymes, selected by James Orchard Halliwell for a folklore society in 1842, and collection of fairy-stories by the scholarly Grimm brothers, swiftly translated into English in 1823, soon rocket to popularity with the young, quickly leading to new editions, each one more child-centered than the last. From now on younger children could expect stories written for their particular interest and with the needs of their own limited experience of life kept well to the fore. What eventually determined the reading of older children was often not the availability of special childrens literature as such but access to books that contained characters, such as young people or animals, with whom they could more easily empathize, or action, such as exploring or fighting, that made few demands on adult maturity or understanding. The final apotheosis of literary childhood as something to be protected from unpleasant reality came with the arrival in the late 1930s of child-centered best-sellers intend on entertainment at its most escapist. In Britain novelist such as Enid Blyton and Richmal Crompton described children who were always free to have the most unlikely adventures, secure in the knowledge that nothing bad could ever happen to them in the end. The fact that war broke out again during her books greatest popularity fails to register at all in the self-enclosed world inhabited by Enid Blytons young characters. Reaction against such dream-worlds was inevitable after World War II, coinciding with the growth of paperback sales, childrens libraries and a new spirit of moral and social concern. Urged on by committed publishers and progressive librarians, writers slowly began to explore new areas of interest while also shifting the settings of their plots from the middle-class world to which their chiefly adult patrons had always previously belonged. Critical emphasis, during this development, has been divided. For some the most important task was to rid childrens books of the social prejudice and exclusiveness no longer found acceptable. Others concentrated more on the positive achievements of contemporary childrens literature. That writers of these works are now often recommended to the attentions of adult as well as child readers echoes the 19th-century belief that childrens literature can be shared by the generations, rather than being a defensive barrier between childhood and the necessary growth towards adult understanding. | Parents were concerned about the violence in childrens books. | neutral |
id_1574 | Childrens Literature Stories and poems aimed at children have an exceedingly long history: lullabies, for example, were sung in Roman times, and a few nursery games and rhymes are almost as ancient. Yet so far as written-down literature is concerned, while there were stories in print before 1700 that children often seized on when they had the chance, such as translations of Aesops fables, fairy-stories and popular ballads and romances, these were not aimed at young people in particular. Since the only genuinely child-oriented literature at this time would have been a few instructional works to help with reading and general knowledge, plus the odd Puritanical tract as an aid to morality, the only course for keen child readers was to read adult literature. This still occurs today, especially with adult thrillers or romances that include more exciting, graphic detail than is normally found in the literature for younger readers. By the middle of the 18th century there were enough eager child readers, and enough parents glad to cater to this interest, for publishers to specialize in childrens books whose first aim was pleasure rather than education or morality. In Britain, a London merchant named Thomas Boreham produced Cajanus, The Swedish Giant in 1742, while the more famous John Newbery published A Little Pretty Pocket Book in 1744. Its contents rhymes, stories, childrens games plus a free gift (A ball and a pincushion)in many ways anticipated the similar lucky-dip contents of childrens annuals this century. It is a tribute to Newberys flair that he hit upon a winning formula quite so quickly, to be pirated almost immediately in America. Such pleasing levity was not to last. Influenced by Rousseau, whose Emile(1762) decreed that all books for children save Robinson Crusoe were a dangerous diversion, contemporary critics saw to it that childrens literature should be instructive and uplifting. Prominent among such voices was Mrs. Sarah Trimmer, whose magazine The Guardian of Education (1802) carried the first regular reviews of childrens books. It was she who condemned fairy-tales for their violence and general absurdity; her own stories, Fabulous Histories (1786) described talking animals who were always models of sense and decorum. So the moral story for children was always threatened from within, given the way children have of drawing out entertainment from the sternest moralist. But the greatest blow to the improving childrens book was to come from an unlikely source indeed: early 19th century interest in folklore. Both nursery rhymes, selected by James Orchard Halliwell for a folklore society in 1842, and collection of fairy-stories by the scholarly Grimm brothers, swiftly translated into English in 1823, soon rocket to popularity with the young, quickly leading to new editions, each one more child-centered than the last. From now on younger children could expect stories written for their particular interest and with the needs of their own limited experience of life kept well to the fore. What eventually determined the reading of older children was often not the availability of special childrens literature as such but access to books that contained characters, such as young people or animals, with whom they could more easily empathize, or action, such as exploring or fighting, that made few demands on adult maturity or understanding. The final apotheosis of literary childhood as something to be protected from unpleasant reality came with the arrival in the late 1930s of child-centered best-sellers intend on entertainment at its most escapist. In Britain novelist such as Enid Blyton and Richmal Crompton described children who were always free to have the most unlikely adventures, secure in the knowledge that nothing bad could ever happen to them in the end. The fact that war broke out again during her books greatest popularity fails to register at all in the self-enclosed world inhabited by Enid Blytons young characters. Reaction against such dream-worlds was inevitable after World War II, coinciding with the growth of paperback sales, childrens libraries and a new spirit of moral and social concern. Urged on by committed publishers and progressive librarians, writers slowly began to explore new areas of interest while also shifting the settings of their plots from the middle-class world to which their chiefly adult patrons had always previously belonged. Critical emphasis, during this development, has been divided. For some the most important task was to rid childrens books of the social prejudice and exclusiveness no longer found acceptable. Others concentrated more on the positive achievements of contemporary childrens literature. That writers of these works are now often recommended to the attentions of adult as well as child readers echoes the 19th-century belief that childrens literature can be shared by the generations, rather than being a defensive barrier between childhood and the necessary growth towards adult understanding. | Sarah Trimmer believed that childrens books should set good examples. | entailment |
id_1575 | Childrens Literature Stories and poems aimed at children have an exceedingly long history: lullabies, for example, were sung in Roman times, and a few nursery games and rhymes are almost as ancient. Yet so far as written-down literature is concerned, while there were stories in print before 1700 that children often seized on when they had the chance, such as translations of Aesops fables, fairy-stories and popular ballads and romances, these were not aimed at young people in particular. Since the only genuinely child-oriented literature at this time would have been a few instructional works to help with reading and general knowledge, plus the odd Puritanical tract as an aid to morality, the only course for keen child readers was to read adult literature. This still occurs today, especially with adult thrillers or romances that include more exciting, graphic detail than is normally found in the literature for younger readers. By the middle of the 18th century there were enough eager child readers, and enough parents glad to cater to this interest, for publishers to specialize in childrens books whose first aim was pleasure rather than education or morality. In Britain, a London merchant named Thomas Boreham produced Cajanus, The Swedish Giant in 1742, while the more famous John Newbery published A Little Pretty Pocket Book in 1744. Its contents rhymes, stories, childrens games plus a free gift (A ball and a pincushion)in many ways anticipated the similar lucky-dip contents of childrens annuals this century. It is a tribute to Newberys flair that he hit upon a winning formula quite so quickly, to be pirated almost immediately in America. Such pleasing levity was not to last. Influenced by Rousseau, whose Emile(1762) decreed that all books for children save Robinson Crusoe were a dangerous diversion, contemporary critics saw to it that childrens literature should be instructive and uplifting. Prominent among such voices was Mrs. Sarah Trimmer, whose magazine The Guardian of Education (1802) carried the first regular reviews of childrens books. It was she who condemned fairy-tales for their violence and general absurdity; her own stories, Fabulous Histories (1786) described talking animals who were always models of sense and decorum. So the moral story for children was always threatened from within, given the way children have of drawing out entertainment from the sternest moralist. But the greatest blow to the improving childrens book was to come from an unlikely source indeed: early 19th century interest in folklore. Both nursery rhymes, selected by James Orchard Halliwell for a folklore society in 1842, and collection of fairy-stories by the scholarly Grimm brothers, swiftly translated into English in 1823, soon rocket to popularity with the young, quickly leading to new editions, each one more child-centered than the last. From now on younger children could expect stories written for their particular interest and with the needs of their own limited experience of life kept well to the fore. What eventually determined the reading of older children was often not the availability of special childrens literature as such but access to books that contained characters, such as young people or animals, with whom they could more easily empathize, or action, such as exploring or fighting, that made few demands on adult maturity or understanding. The final apotheosis of literary childhood as something to be protected from unpleasant reality came with the arrival in the late 1930s of child-centered best-sellers intend on entertainment at its most escapist. In Britain novelist such as Enid Blyton and Richmal Crompton described children who were always free to have the most unlikely adventures, secure in the knowledge that nothing bad could ever happen to them in the end. The fact that war broke out again during her books greatest popularity fails to register at all in the self-enclosed world inhabited by Enid Blytons young characters. Reaction against such dream-worlds was inevitable after World War II, coinciding with the growth of paperback sales, childrens libraries and a new spirit of moral and social concern. Urged on by committed publishers and progressive librarians, writers slowly began to explore new areas of interest while also shifting the settings of their plots from the middle-class world to which their chiefly adult patrons had always previously belonged. Critical emphasis, during this development, has been divided. For some the most important task was to rid childrens books of the social prejudice and exclusiveness no longer found acceptable. Others concentrated more on the positive achievements of contemporary childrens literature. That writers of these works are now often recommended to the attentions of adult as well as child readers echoes the 19th-century belief that childrens literature can be shared by the generations, rather than being a defensive barrier between childhood and the necessary growth towards adult understanding. | Children didnt start to read books until 1700. | contradiction |
id_1576 | Childrens Thinking One of the most eminent of psychologists, Clark Hull, claimed that the essence of reasoning lies in the putting together of two behaviour segments in some novel way, never actually performed before, so as to reach a goal. Two followers of Clark Hull, Howard and Tracey Kendler, devised a test for children that was explicitly based on Clark Hulls principles. The children were given the task of learning to operate a machine so as to get a toy. In order to succeed they had to go through a two-stage sequence. The children were trained on each stage separately. The stages consisted merely of pressing the correct one of two buttons to get a marble; and of inserting the marble into a small hole to release the toy. The Kendlers found that the children could learn the separate bits readily enough. Given the task of getting a marble by pressing the button they could get the marble; given the task of getting a toy when a marble was handed to them, they could use the marble. (All they had to do was put it in a hole. ) But they did not for the most part integrate, to use the Kendlers terminology. They did not press the button to get the marble and then proceed without further help to use the marble to get the toy. So the Kendlers concluded that they were incapable of deductive reasoning. The mystery at first appears to deepen when we learn, from another psychologist, Michael Cole, and his colleagues, that adults in an African culture apparently cannot do the Kendlers task either. But it lessens, on the other hand, when we learn that a task was devised which was strictly analogous to the Kendlers one but much easier for the African males to handle. Instead of the button-pressing machine, Cole used a locked box and two differently coloured match-boxes, one of which contained a key that would open the box. Notice that there are still two behaviour segments open the right match-box to get the key and use the key to open the box so the task seems formally to be the same. But psychologically it is quite different. Now the subject is dealing not with a strange machine but with familiar meaningful objects; and it is clear to him what he is meant to do. It then turns out that the difficulty of integration is greatly reduced. Recent work by Simon Hewson is of great interest here for it shows that, for young children, too, the difficulty lies not in the inferential processes which the task demands, but in certain perplexing features of the apparatus and the procedure. When these are changed in ways which do not at all affect the inferential nature of the problem, then five-year-old children solve the problem as well as college students did in the Kendlers own experiments. Hewson made two crucial changes. First, he replaced the button-pressing mechanism in the side panels by drawers in these panels which the child could open and shut. This took away the mystery from the first stage of training. Then he helped the child to understand that there was no magic about the specific marble which, during the second stage of training, the experimenter handed to him so that he could pop it in the hole and get the reward. A child understands nothing, after all, about how a marble put into a hole can open a little door. How is he to know that any other marble of similar size will do just as well? Yet he must assume that if he is to solve the problem. Hewson made the functional equivalence of different marbles clear by playing a swapping game with the children. The two modifications together produced a jump in success rates from 30% to 90% for five year olds and from 35% to 72.5% for four year olds. For three year olds, for reasons that are still in need of clarification, no improvement rather a slight drop in performance resulted from the change. We may conclude then, that children experience very real difficulty when faced with the Kendler apparatus, but this difficulty cannot be taken as proof that they are incapable of deductive reasoning. | Hewsons modifications resulted in a higher success rate for children of all ages. | contradiction |
id_1577 | Childrens Thinking One of the most eminent of psychologists, Clark Hull, claimed that the essence of reasoning lies in the putting together of two behaviour segments in some novel way, never actually performed before, so as to reach a goal. Two followers of Clark Hull, Howard and Tracey Kendler, devised a test for children that was explicitly based on Clark Hulls principles. The children were given the task of learning to operate a machine so as to get a toy. In order to succeed they had to go through a two-stage sequence. The children were trained on each stage separately. The stages consisted merely of pressing the correct one of two buttons to get a marble; and of inserting the marble into a small hole to release the toy. The Kendlers found that the children could learn the separate bits readily enough. Given the task of getting a marble by pressing the button they could get the marble; given the task of getting a toy when a marble was handed to them, they could use the marble. (All they had to do was put it in a hole. ) But they did not for the most part integrate, to use the Kendlers terminology. They did not press the button to get the marble and then proceed without further help to use the marble to get the toy. So the Kendlers concluded that they were incapable of deductive reasoning. The mystery at first appears to deepen when we learn, from another psychologist, Michael Cole, and his colleagues, that adults in an African culture apparently cannot do the Kendlers task either. But it lessens, on the other hand, when we learn that a task was devised which was strictly analogous to the Kendlers one but much easier for the African males to handle. Instead of the button-pressing machine, Cole used a locked box and two differently coloured match-boxes, one of which contained a key that would open the box. Notice that there are still two behaviour segments open the right match-box to get the key and use the key to open the box so the task seems formally to be the same. But psychologically it is quite different. Now the subject is dealing not with a strange machine but with familiar meaningful objects; and it is clear to him what he is meant to do. It then turns out that the difficulty of integration is greatly reduced. Recent work by Simon Hewson is of great interest here for it shows that, for young children, too, the difficulty lies not in the inferential processes which the task demands, but in certain perplexing features of the apparatus and the procedure. When these are changed in ways which do not at all affect the inferential nature of the problem, then five-year-old children solve the problem as well as college students did in the Kendlers own experiments. Hewson made two crucial changes. First, he replaced the button-pressing mechanism in the side panels by drawers in these panels which the child could open and shut. This took away the mystery from the first stage of training. Then he helped the child to understand that there was no magic about the specific marble which, during the second stage of training, the experimenter handed to him so that he could pop it in the hole and get the reward. A child understands nothing, after all, about how a marble put into a hole can open a little door. How is he to know that any other marble of similar size will do just as well? Yet he must assume that if he is to solve the problem. Hewson made the functional equivalence of different marbles clear by playing a swapping game with the children. The two modifications together produced a jump in success rates from 30% to 90% for five year olds and from 35% to 72.5% for four year olds. For three year olds, for reasons that are still in need of clarification, no improvement rather a slight drop in performance resulted from the change. We may conclude then, that children experience very real difficulty when faced with the Kendler apparatus, but this difficulty cannot be taken as proof that they are incapable of deductive reasoning. | All Hewsons experiments used marbles of the same size. | neutral |
id_1578 | Childrens Thinking One of the most eminent of psychologists, Clark Hull, claimed that the essence of reasoning lies in the putting together of two behaviour segments in some novel way, never actually performed before, so as to reach a goal. Two followers of Clark Hull, Howard and Tracey Kendler, devised a test for children that was explicitly based on Clark Hulls principles. The children were given the task of learning to operate a machine so as to get a toy. In order to succeed they had to go through a two-stage sequence. The children were trained on each stage separately. The stages consisted merely of pressing the correct one of two buttons to get a marble; and of inserting the marble into a small hole to release the toy. The Kendlers found that the children could learn the separate bits readily enough. Given the task of getting a marble by pressing the button they could get the marble; given the task of getting a toy when a marble was handed to them, they could use the marble. (All they had to do was put it in a hole. ) But they did not for the most part integrate, to use the Kendlers terminology. They did not press the button to get the marble and then proceed without further help to use the marble to get the toy. So the Kendlers concluded that they were incapable of deductive reasoning. The mystery at first appears to deepen when we learn, from another psychologist, Michael Cole, and his colleagues, that adults in an African culture apparently cannot do the Kendlers task either. But it lessens, on the other hand, when we learn that a task was devised which was strictly analogous to the Kendlers one but much easier for the African males to handle. Instead of the button-pressing machine, Cole used a locked box and two differently coloured match-boxes, one of which contained a key that would open the box. Notice that there are still two behaviour segments open the right match-box to get the key and use the key to open the box so the task seems formally to be the same. But psychologically it is quite different. Now the subject is dealing not with a strange machine but with familiar meaningful objects; and it is clear to him what he is meant to do. It then turns out that the difficulty of integration is greatly reduced. Recent work by Simon Hewson is of great interest here for it shows that, for young children, too, the difficulty lies not in the inferential processes which the task demands, but in certain perplexing features of the apparatus and the procedure. When these are changed in ways which do not at all affect the inferential nature of the problem, then five-year-old children solve the problem as well as college students did in the Kendlers own experiments. Hewson made two crucial changes. First, he replaced the button-pressing mechanism in the side panels by drawers in these panels which the child could open and shut. This took away the mystery from the first stage of training. Then he helped the child to understand that there was no magic about the specific marble which, during the second stage of training, the experimenter handed to him so that he could pop it in the hole and get the reward. A child understands nothing, after all, about how a marble put into a hole can open a little door. How is he to know that any other marble of similar size will do just as well? Yet he must assume that if he is to solve the problem. Hewson made the functional equivalence of different marbles clear by playing a swapping game with the children. The two modifications together produced a jump in success rates from 30% to 90% for five year olds and from 35% to 72.5% for four year olds. For three year olds, for reasons that are still in need of clarification, no improvement rather a slight drop in performance resulted from the change. We may conclude then, that children experience very real difficulty when faced with the Kendler apparatus, but this difficulty cannot be taken as proof that they are incapable of deductive reasoning. | Michael Cole and his colleagues demonstrated that adult performance on inductive reasoning tasks depends on features of the apparatus and procedure. | entailment |
id_1579 | Childrens Thinking One of the most eminent of psychologists, Clark Hull, claimed that the essence of reasoning lies in the putting together of two behaviour segments in some novel way, never actually performed before, so as to reach a goal. Two followers of Clark Hull, Howard and Tracey Kendler, devised a test for children that was explicitly based on Clark Hulls principles. The children were given the task of learning to operate a machine so as to get a toy. In order to succeed they had to go through a two-stage sequence. The children were trained on each stage separately. The stages consisted merely of pressing the correct one of two buttons to get a marble; and of inserting the marble into a small hole to release the toy. The Kendlers found that the children could learn the separate bits readily enough. Given the task of getting a marble by pressing the button they could get the marble; given the task of getting a toy when a marble was handed to them, they could use the marble. (All they had to do was put it in a hole. ) But they did not for the most part integrate, to use the Kendlers terminology. They did not press the button to get the marble and then proceed without further help to use the marble to get the toy. So the Kendlers concluded that they were incapable of deductive reasoning. The mystery at first appears to deepen when we learn, from another psychologist, Michael Cole, and his colleagues, that adults in an African culture apparently cannot do the Kendlers task either. But it lessens, on the other hand, when we learn that a task was devised which was strictly analogous to the Kendlers one but much easier for the African males to handle. Instead of the button-pressing machine, Cole used a locked box and two differently coloured match-boxes, one of which contained a key that would open the box. Notice that there are still two behaviour segments open the right match-box to get the key and use the key to open the box so the task seems formally to be the same. But psychologically it is quite different. Now the subject is dealing not with a strange machine but with familiar meaningful objects; and it is clear to him what he is meant to do. It then turns out that the difficulty of integration is greatly reduced. Recent work by Simon Hewson is of great interest here for it shows that, for young children, too, the difficulty lies not in the inferential processes which the task demands, but in certain perplexing features of the apparatus and the procedure. When these are changed in ways which do not at all affect the inferential nature of the problem, then five-year-old children solve the problem as well as college students did in the Kendlers own experiments. Hewson made two crucial changes. First, he replaced the button-pressing mechanism in the side panels by drawers in these panels which the child could open and shut. This took away the mystery from the first stage of training. Then he helped the child to understand that there was no magic about the specific marble which, during the second stage of training, the experimenter handed to him so that he could pop it in the hole and get the reward. A child understands nothing, after all, about how a marble put into a hole can open a little door. How is he to know that any other marble of similar size will do just as well? Yet he must assume that if he is to solve the problem. Hewson made the functional equivalence of different marbles clear by playing a swapping game with the children. The two modifications together produced a jump in success rates from 30% to 90% for five year olds and from 35% to 72.5% for four year olds. For three year olds, for reasons that are still in need of clarification, no improvement rather a slight drop in performance resulted from the change. We may conclude then, that children experience very real difficulty when faced with the Kendler apparatus, but this difficulty cannot be taken as proof that they are incapable of deductive reasoning. | The Kendlers trained their subjects separately in the two stages of their experiment, but not in how to integrate the two actions. | entailment |
id_1580 | Childrens Thinking One of the most eminent of psychologists, Clark Hull, claimed that the essence of reasoning lies in the putting together of two behaviour segments in some novel way, never actually performed before, so as to reach a goal. Two followers of Clark Hull, Howard and Tracey Kendler, devised a test for children that was explicitly based on Clark Hulls principles. The children were given the task of learning to operate a machine so as to get a toy. In order to succeed they had to go through a two-stage sequence. The children were trained on each stage separately. The stages consisted merely of pressing the correct one of two buttons to get a marble; and of inserting the marble into a small hole to release the toy. The Kendlers found that the children could learn the separate bits readily enough. Given the task of getting a marble by pressing the button they could get the marble; given the task of getting a toy when a marble was handed to them, they could use the marble. (All they had to do was put it in a hole. ) But they did not for the most part integrate, to use the Kendlers terminology. They did not press the button to get the marble and then proceed without further help to use the marble to get the toy. So the Kendlers concluded that they were incapable of deductive reasoning. The mystery at first appears to deepen when we learn, from another psychologist, Michael Cole, and his colleagues, that adults in an African culture apparently cannot do the Kendlers task either. But it lessens, on the other hand, when we learn that a task was devised which was strictly analogous to the Kendlers one but much easier for the African males to handle. Instead of the button-pressing machine, Cole used a locked box and two differently coloured match-boxes, one of which contained a key that would open the box. Notice that there are still two behaviour segments open the right match-box to get the key and use the key to open the box so the task seems formally to be the same. But psychologically it is quite different. Now the subject is dealing not with a strange machine but with familiar meaningful objects; and it is clear to him what he is meant to do. It then turns out that the difficulty of integration is greatly reduced. Recent work by Simon Hewson is of great interest here for it shows that, for young children, too, the difficulty lies not in the inferential processes which the task demands, but in certain perplexing features of the apparatus and the procedure. When these are changed in ways which do not at all affect the inferential nature of the problem, then five-year-old children solve the problem as well as college students did in the Kendlers own experiments. Hewson made two crucial changes. First, he replaced the button-pressing mechanism in the side panels by drawers in these panels which the child could open and shut. This took away the mystery from the first stage of training. Then he helped the child to understand that there was no magic about the specific marble which, during the second stage of training, the experimenter handed to him so that he could pop it in the hole and get the reward. A child understands nothing, after all, about how a marble put into a hole can open a little door. How is he to know that any other marble of similar size will do just as well? Yet he must assume that if he is to solve the problem. Hewson made the functional equivalence of different marbles clear by playing a swapping game with the children. The two modifications together produced a jump in success rates from 30% to 90% for five year olds and from 35% to 72.5% for four year olds. For three year olds, for reasons that are still in need of clarification, no improvement rather a slight drop in performance resulted from the change. We may conclude then, that children experience very real difficulty when faced with the Kendler apparatus, but this difficulty cannot be taken as proof that they are incapable of deductive reasoning. | Howard and Tracey Kendler studied under Clark Hull. | neutral |
id_1581 | Childrens food promotion is dominated by television advertising, and the great majority of this promotes the so-called Big Four of pre-sugared breakfast cereals, soft-drinks, confectionary and savoury snacks. In the last ten years advertising for fast food outlets has rapidly increased. There is some evidence that the dominance of television has recently begun to wane. The importance of strong, global branding reinforces a need for multi-faceted communications combining television with merchandising, tie-ins and point of sale activity. The advertised diet contrasts sharply with that recommended by public health advisors, and themes of fun and fantasy or taste, rather than health and nutrition, are used to promote it to children. Meanwhile, the recommended diet gets little promotional support. There is plenty of evidence that children notice and enjoy food promotion. However, establishing whether this actually influences them is a complex problem. The review tackled it by looking at studies that had examined possible effects on what children know about food, their food preferences, their actual food behaviour (both buying and eating), and their health outcomes (eg. obesity or cholesterol levels). The majority of studies examined food advertising, but a few examined other forms of food promotion. In terms of nutritional knowledge, food advertising seems to have little influence on childrens general perceptions of what constitutes a healthy diet, but, in certain contexts, it does have an effect on more specific types of nutritional knowledge. For example, seeing soft drink and cereal adverts reduced primary aged childrens ability to determine correctly whether or not certain products contained real fruit. The review also found evidence that food promotion influences childrens food preferences and their purchase behaviour. A study of primary school children, for instance, found that exposure to advertising influenced which foods they claimed to like; and another showed that labelling and signage on a vending machine had an effect on what was bought by secondary school pupils. A number of studies have also shown that food advertising can influence what children eat. One, for example, showed that advertising influenced a primary classs choice of daily snack at playtime. The next step, of trying to establish whether or not a link exists between food promotion and diet or obesity, is extremely difficult as it requires research to be done in real world settings. A number of studies have attempted this by using amount of television viewing as a proxy for exposure to television advertising. They have established a clear link between television viewing and diet, obesity, and cholesterol levels. It is impossible to say, however, whether this effect is caused by the advertising, the sedentary nature of television viewing or snacking that might take place whilst viewing. One study resolved this problem by taking a detailed diary of childrens viewing habits. This showed that the more food adverts they saw, the more snacks and calories they consumed. Thus the literature does suggest food promotion is influencing childrens diet in a number of ways. This does not amount to proof; as noted above with this kind of research, incontrovertible proof simply isnt attainable. Nor do all studies point to this conclusion; several have not found an effect. In addition, very few studies have attempted to measure how strong these effects are relative to other factors influencing childrens food choices. Nonetheless, many studies have found clear effects and they have used sophisticated methodologies that make it possible to determine that i) these effects are not just due to chance; ii) they are independent of other factors that may influence diet, such as parents eating habits or attitudes; and iii) they occur at a brand and category level. Furthermore, two factors suggest that these findings actually downplay the effect that food promotion has on children. First, the literature focuses principally on television advertising; the cumulative effect of this combined with other forms of promotion and marketing is likely to be significantly greater. Second, the studies have looked at direct effects on individual children, and understate indirect influences. For example, promotion for fast food outlets may not only influence the child, but also encourage parents to take them for meals and reinforce the idea that this is a normal and desirable behaviour. This does not amount to proof of an effect, but in our view does provide sufficient evidence to conclude that an effect exists. The debate should now shift to what action is needed, and specifically to how the power of commercial marketing can be used to bring about improvements in young peoples eating. | There is a lack of investigation on food promotion methods other than TV advertising. | entailment |
id_1582 | Childrens food promotion is dominated by television advertising, and the great majority of this promotes the so-called Big Four of pre-sugared breakfast cereals, soft-drinks, confectionary and savoury snacks. In the last ten years advertising for fast food outlets has rapidly increased. There is some evidence that the dominance of television has recently begun to wane. The importance of strong, global branding reinforces a need for multi-faceted communications combining television with merchandising, tie-ins and point of sale activity. The advertised diet contrasts sharply with that recommended by public health advisors, and themes of fun and fantasy or taste, rather than health and nutrition, are used to promote it to children. Meanwhile, the recommended diet gets little promotional support. There is plenty of evidence that children notice and enjoy food promotion. However, establishing whether this actually influences them is a complex problem. The review tackled it by looking at studies that had examined possible effects on what children know about food, their food preferences, their actual food behaviour (both buying and eating), and their health outcomes (eg. obesity or cholesterol levels). The majority of studies examined food advertising, but a few examined other forms of food promotion. In terms of nutritional knowledge, food advertising seems to have little influence on childrens general perceptions of what constitutes a healthy diet, but, in certain contexts, it does have an effect on more specific types of nutritional knowledge. For example, seeing soft drink and cereal adverts reduced primary aged childrens ability to determine correctly whether or not certain products contained real fruit. The review also found evidence that food promotion influences childrens food preferences and their purchase behaviour. A study of primary school children, for instance, found that exposure to advertising influenced which foods they claimed to like; and another showed that labelling and signage on a vending machine had an effect on what was bought by secondary school pupils. A number of studies have also shown that food advertising can influence what children eat. One, for example, showed that advertising influenced a primary classs choice of daily snack at playtime. The next step, of trying to establish whether or not a link exists between food promotion and diet or obesity, is extremely difficult as it requires research to be done in real world settings. A number of studies have attempted this by using amount of television viewing as a proxy for exposure to television advertising. They have established a clear link between television viewing and diet, obesity, and cholesterol levels. It is impossible to say, however, whether this effect is caused by the advertising, the sedentary nature of television viewing or snacking that might take place whilst viewing. One study resolved this problem by taking a detailed diary of childrens viewing habits. This showed that the more food adverts they saw, the more snacks and calories they consumed. Thus the literature does suggest food promotion is influencing childrens diet in a number of ways. This does not amount to proof; as noted above with this kind of research, incontrovertible proof simply isnt attainable. Nor do all studies point to this conclusion; several have not found an effect. In addition, very few studies have attempted to measure how strong these effects are relative to other factors influencing childrens food choices. Nonetheless, many studies have found clear effects and they have used sophisticated methodologies that make it possible to determine that i) these effects are not just due to chance; ii) they are independent of other factors that may influence diet, such as parents eating habits or attitudes; and iii) they occur at a brand and category level. Furthermore, two factors suggest that these findings actually downplay the effect that food promotion has on children. First, the literature focuses principally on television advertising; the cumulative effect of this combined with other forms of promotion and marketing is likely to be significantly greater. Second, the studies have looked at direct effects on individual children, and understate indirect influences. For example, promotion for fast food outlets may not only influence the child, but also encourage parents to take them for meals and reinforce the idea that this is a normal and desirable behaviour. This does not amount to proof of an effect, but in our view does provide sufficient evidence to conclude that an effect exists. The debate should now shift to what action is needed, and specifically to how the power of commercial marketing can be used to bring about improvements in young peoples eating. | TV advertising has successfully taught children nutritional knowledge about vitamins and others. | contradiction |
id_1583 | Childrens food promotion is dominated by television advertising, and the great majority of this promotes the so-called Big Four of pre-sugared breakfast cereals, soft-drinks, confectionary and savoury snacks. In the last ten years advertising for fast food outlets has rapidly increased. There is some evidence that the dominance of television has recently begun to wane. The importance of strong, global branding reinforces a need for multi-faceted communications combining television with merchandising, tie-ins and point of sale activity. The advertised diet contrasts sharply with that recommended by public health advisors, and themes of fun and fantasy or taste, rather than health and nutrition, are used to promote it to children. Meanwhile, the recommended diet gets little promotional support. There is plenty of evidence that children notice and enjoy food promotion. However, establishing whether this actually influences them is a complex problem. The review tackled it by looking at studies that had examined possible effects on what children know about food, their food preferences, their actual food behaviour (both buying and eating), and their health outcomes (eg. obesity or cholesterol levels). The majority of studies examined food advertising, but a few examined other forms of food promotion. In terms of nutritional knowledge, food advertising seems to have little influence on childrens general perceptions of what constitutes a healthy diet, but, in certain contexts, it does have an effect on more specific types of nutritional knowledge. For example, seeing soft drink and cereal adverts reduced primary aged childrens ability to determine correctly whether or not certain products contained real fruit. The review also found evidence that food promotion influences childrens food preferences and their purchase behaviour. A study of primary school children, for instance, found that exposure to advertising influenced which foods they claimed to like; and another showed that labelling and signage on a vending machine had an effect on what was bought by secondary school pupils. A number of studies have also shown that food advertising can influence what children eat. One, for example, showed that advertising influenced a primary classs choice of daily snack at playtime. The next step, of trying to establish whether or not a link exists between food promotion and diet or obesity, is extremely difficult as it requires research to be done in real world settings. A number of studies have attempted this by using amount of television viewing as a proxy for exposure to television advertising. They have established a clear link between television viewing and diet, obesity, and cholesterol levels. It is impossible to say, however, whether this effect is caused by the advertising, the sedentary nature of television viewing or snacking that might take place whilst viewing. One study resolved this problem by taking a detailed diary of childrens viewing habits. This showed that the more food adverts they saw, the more snacks and calories they consumed. Thus the literature does suggest food promotion is influencing childrens diet in a number of ways. This does not amount to proof; as noted above with this kind of research, incontrovertible proof simply isnt attainable. Nor do all studies point to this conclusion; several have not found an effect. In addition, very few studies have attempted to measure how strong these effects are relative to other factors influencing childrens food choices. Nonetheless, many studies have found clear effects and they have used sophisticated methodologies that make it possible to determine that i) these effects are not just due to chance; ii) they are independent of other factors that may influence diet, such as parents eating habits or attitudes; and iii) they occur at a brand and category level. Furthermore, two factors suggest that these findings actually downplay the effect that food promotion has on children. First, the literature focuses principally on television advertising; the cumulative effect of this combined with other forms of promotion and marketing is likely to be significantly greater. Second, the studies have looked at direct effects on individual children, and understate indirect influences. For example, promotion for fast food outlets may not only influence the child, but also encourage parents to take them for meals and reinforce the idea that this is a normal and desirable behaviour. This does not amount to proof of an effect, but in our view does provide sufficient evidence to conclude that an effect exists. The debate should now shift to what action is needed, and specifically to how the power of commercial marketing can be used to bring about improvements in young peoples eating. | It is hard to decide which aspect of TV viewing has caused weight problems of children. | entailment |
id_1584 | Childrens food promotion is dominated by television advertising, and the great majority of this promotes the so-called Big Four of pre-sugared breakfast cereals, soft-drinks, confectionary and savoury snacks. In the last ten years advertising for fast food outlets has rapidly increased. There is some evidence that the dominance of television has recently begun to wane. The importance of strong, global branding reinforces a need for multi-faceted communications combining television with merchandising, tie-ins and point of sale activity. The advertised diet contrasts sharply with that recommended by public health advisors, and themes of fun and fantasy or taste, rather than health and nutrition, are used to promote it to children. Meanwhile, the recommended diet gets little promotional support. There is plenty of evidence that children notice and enjoy food promotion. However, establishing whether this actually influences them is a complex problem. The review tackled it by looking at studies that had examined possible effects on what children know about food, their food preferences, their actual food behaviour (both buying and eating), and their health outcomes (eg. obesity or cholesterol levels). The majority of studies examined food advertising, but a few examined other forms of food promotion. In terms of nutritional knowledge, food advertising seems to have little influence on childrens general perceptions of what constitutes a healthy diet, but, in certain contexts, it does have an effect on more specific types of nutritional knowledge. For example, seeing soft drink and cereal adverts reduced primary aged childrens ability to determine correctly whether or not certain products contained real fruit. The review also found evidence that food promotion influences childrens food preferences and their purchase behaviour. A study of primary school children, for instance, found that exposure to advertising influenced which foods they claimed to like; and another showed that labelling and signage on a vending machine had an effect on what was bought by secondary school pupils. A number of studies have also shown that food advertising can influence what children eat. One, for example, showed that advertising influenced a primary classs choice of daily snack at playtime. The next step, of trying to establish whether or not a link exists between food promotion and diet or obesity, is extremely difficult as it requires research to be done in real world settings. A number of studies have attempted this by using amount of television viewing as a proxy for exposure to television advertising. They have established a clear link between television viewing and diet, obesity, and cholesterol levels. It is impossible to say, however, whether this effect is caused by the advertising, the sedentary nature of television viewing or snacking that might take place whilst viewing. One study resolved this problem by taking a detailed diary of childrens viewing habits. This showed that the more food adverts they saw, the more snacks and calories they consumed. Thus the literature does suggest food promotion is influencing childrens diet in a number of ways. This does not amount to proof; as noted above with this kind of research, incontrovertible proof simply isnt attainable. Nor do all studies point to this conclusion; several have not found an effect. In addition, very few studies have attempted to measure how strong these effects are relative to other factors influencing childrens food choices. Nonetheless, many studies have found clear effects and they have used sophisticated methodologies that make it possible to determine that i) these effects are not just due to chance; ii) they are independent of other factors that may influence diet, such as parents eating habits or attitudes; and iii) they occur at a brand and category level. Furthermore, two factors suggest that these findings actually downplay the effect that food promotion has on children. First, the literature focuses principally on television advertising; the cumulative effect of this combined with other forms of promotion and marketing is likely to be significantly greater. Second, the studies have looked at direct effects on individual children, and understate indirect influences. For example, promotion for fast food outlets may not only influence the child, but also encourage parents to take them for meals and reinforce the idea that this is a normal and desirable behaviour. This does not amount to proof of an effect, but in our view does provide sufficient evidence to conclude that an effect exists. The debate should now shift to what action is needed, and specifically to how the power of commercial marketing can be used to bring about improvements in young peoples eating. | There is little difference between the number of healthy food advertisements and the number of unhealthy food advertisements. | contradiction |
id_1585 | Childrens food promotion is dominated by television advertising, and the great majority of this promotes the so-called Big Four of pre-sugared breakfast cereals, soft-drinks, confectionary and savoury snacks. In the last ten years advertising for fast food outlets has rapidly increased. There is some evidence that the dominance of television has recently begun to wane. The importance of strong, global branding reinforces a need for multi-faceted communications combining television with merchandising, tie-ins and point of sale activity. The advertised diet contrasts sharply with that recommended by public health advisors, and themes of fun and fantasy or taste, rather than health and nutrition, are used to promote it to children. Meanwhile, the recommended diet gets little promotional support. There is plenty of evidence that children notice and enjoy food promotion. However, establishing whether this actually influences them is a complex problem. The review tackled it by looking at studies that had examined possible effects on what children know about food, their food preferences, their actual food behaviour (both buying and eating), and their health outcomes (eg. obesity or cholesterol levels). The majority of studies examined food advertising, but a few examined other forms of food promotion. In terms of nutritional knowledge, food advertising seems to have little influence on childrens general perceptions of what constitutes a healthy diet, but, in certain contexts, it does have an effect on more specific types of nutritional knowledge. For example, seeing soft drink and cereal adverts reduced primary aged childrens ability to determine correctly whether or not certain products contained real fruit. The review also found evidence that food promotion influences childrens food preferences and their purchase behaviour. A study of primary school children, for instance, found that exposure to advertising influenced which foods they claimed to like; and another showed that labelling and signage on a vending machine had an effect on what was bought by secondary school pupils. A number of studies have also shown that food advertising can influence what children eat. One, for example, showed that advertising influenced a primary classs choice of daily snack at playtime. The next step, of trying to establish whether or not a link exists between food promotion and diet or obesity, is extremely difficult as it requires research to be done in real world settings. A number of studies have attempted this by using amount of television viewing as a proxy for exposure to television advertising. They have established a clear link between television viewing and diet, obesity, and cholesterol levels. It is impossible to say, however, whether this effect is caused by the advertising, the sedentary nature of television viewing or snacking that might take place whilst viewing. One study resolved this problem by taking a detailed diary of childrens viewing habits. This showed that the more food adverts they saw, the more snacks and calories they consumed. Thus the literature does suggest food promotion is influencing childrens diet in a number of ways. This does not amount to proof; as noted above with this kind of research, incontrovertible proof simply isnt attainable. Nor do all studies point to this conclusion; several have not found an effect. In addition, very few studies have attempted to measure how strong these effects are relative to other factors influencing childrens food choices. Nonetheless, many studies have found clear effects and they have used sophisticated methodologies that make it possible to determine that i) these effects are not just due to chance; ii) they are independent of other factors that may influence diet, such as parents eating habits or attitudes; and iii) they occur at a brand and category level. Furthermore, two factors suggest that these findings actually downplay the effect that food promotion has on children. First, the literature focuses principally on television advertising; the cumulative effect of this combined with other forms of promotion and marketing is likely to be significantly greater. Second, the studies have looked at direct effects on individual children, and understate indirect influences. For example, promotion for fast food outlets may not only influence the child, but also encourage parents to take them for meals and reinforce the idea that this is a normal and desirable behaviour. This does not amount to proof of an effect, but in our view does provide sufficient evidence to conclude that an effect exists. The debate should now shift to what action is needed, and specifically to how the power of commercial marketing can be used to bring about improvements in young peoples eating. | Wealthy parents tend to buy more sensible food for their children. | neutral |
id_1586 | Childrens food promotion is dominated by television advertising, and the great majority of this promotes the so-called Big Four of pre-sugared breakfast cereals, soft-drinks, confectionary and savoury snacks. In the last ten years advertising for fast food outlets has rapidly increased. There is some evidence that the dominance of television has recently begun to wane. The importance of strong, global branding reinforces a need for multi-faceted communications combining television with merchandising, tie-ins and point of sale activity. The advertised diet contrasts sharply with that recommended by public health advisors, and themes of fun and fantasy or taste, rather than health and nutrition, are used to promote it to children. Meanwhile, the recommended diet gets little promotional support. There is plenty of evidence that children notice and enjoy food promotion. However, establishing whether this actually influences them is a complex problem. The review tackled it by looking at studies that had examined possible effects on what children know about food, their food preferences, their actual food behaviour (both buying and eating), and their health outcomes (eg. obesity or cholesterol levels). The majority of studies examined food advertising, but a few examined other forms of food promotion. In terms of nutritional knowledge, food advertising seems to have little influence on childrens general perceptions of what constitutes a healthy diet, but, in certain contexts, it does have an effect on more specific types of nutritional knowledge. For example, seeing soft drink and cereal adverts reduced primary aged childrens ability to determine correctly whether or not certain products contained real fruit. The review also found evidence that food promotion influences childrens food preferences and their purchase behaviour. A study of primary school children, for instance, found that exposure to advertising influenced which foods they claimed to like; and another showed that labelling and signage on a vending machine had an effect on what was bought by secondary school pupils. A number of studies have also shown that food advertising can influence what children eat. One, for example, showed that advertising influenced a primary classs choice of daily snack at playtime. The next step, of trying to establish whether or not a link exists between food promotion and diet or obesity, is extremely difficult as it requires research to be done in real world settings. A number of studies have attempted this by using amount of television viewing as a proxy for exposure to television advertising. They have established a clear link between television viewing and diet, obesity, and cholesterol levels. It is impossible to say, however, whether this effect is caused by the advertising, the sedentary nature of television viewing or snacking that might take place whilst viewing. One study resolved this problem by taking a detailed diary of childrens viewing habits. This showed that the more food adverts they saw, the more snacks and calories they consumed. Thus the literature does suggest food promotion is influencing childrens diet in a number of ways. This does not amount to proof; as noted above with this kind of research, incontrovertible proof simply isnt attainable. Nor do all studies point to this conclusion; several have not found an effect. In addition, very few studies have attempted to measure how strong these effects are relative to other factors influencing childrens food choices. Nonetheless, many studies have found clear effects and they have used sophisticated methodologies that make it possible to determine that i) these effects are not just due to chance; ii) they are independent of other factors that may influence diet, such as parents eating habits or attitudes; and iii) they occur at a brand and category level. Furthermore, two factors suggest that these findings actually downplay the effect that food promotion has on children. First, the literature focuses principally on television advertising; the cumulative effect of this combined with other forms of promotion and marketing is likely to be significantly greater. Second, the studies have looked at direct effects on individual children, and understate indirect influences. For example, promotion for fast food outlets may not only influence the child, but also encourage parents to take them for meals and reinforce the idea that this is a normal and desirable behaviour. This does not amount to proof of an effect, but in our view does provide sufficient evidence to conclude that an effect exists. The debate should now shift to what action is needed, and specifically to how the power of commercial marketing can be used to bring about improvements in young peoples eating. | The preference of food for children is affected by their age and gender. | neutral |
id_1587 | Chilli peppers are a type of fruit grown all over the world. Most of these peppers are spicy and used in cooking. These peppers are believed to initially originate from Bolivia. As they spread throughout Europe, it was found that their spiciness had a similar taste to black peppercorns, which were incredibly valuable in the 15th century. As such, many people began to grow chilli peppers, which spread rapidly to India and China. These chilli peppers began to be incorporated into the cooking of different cultures, being used more commonly in hotter countries. There are a number of reasons suggested for why these countries would prefer spicy food. One suggestion is that spicy food would help people to sweat in hot conditions, allowing them to cool down. This however, is unlikely to explain the prevalence of chilli peppers as it is possible to sweat without eating them. Adding spice to food was also found to be a convenient method of preserving food as it discouraged the growth of bacteria. The peppers are spicy because they produce the chemical capsaicin. This chemical binds to receptors in the mouth and throat and cause the sensation of heat. This receptor is also capable of responding to heat directly. This is an example of labelled line coding which suggests that the perception of a stimulus is determined by which receptor it activates, not the nature of the stimulus itself. | Different methods of activating the capsaicin receptor (TRPV1) cause different sensations. | contradiction |
id_1588 | Chilli peppers are a type of fruit grown all over the world. Most of these peppers are spicy and used in cooking. These peppers are believed to initially originate from Bolivia. As they spread throughout Europe, it was found that their spiciness had a similar taste to black peppercorns, which were incredibly valuable in the 15th century. As such, many people began to grow chilli peppers, which spread rapidly to India and China. These chilli peppers began to be incorporated into the cooking of different cultures, being used more commonly in hotter countries. There are a number of reasons suggested for why these countries would prefer spicy food. One suggestion is that spicy food would help people to sweat in hot conditions, allowing them to cool down. This however, is unlikely to explain the prevalence of chilli peppers as it is possible to sweat without eating them. Adding spice to food was also found to be a convenient method of preserving food as it discouraged the growth of bacteria. The peppers are spicy because they produce the chemical capsaicin. This chemical binds to receptors in the mouth and throat and cause the sensation of heat. This receptor is also capable of responding to heat directly. This is an example of labelled line coding which suggests that the perception of a stimulus is determined by which receptor it activates, not the nature of the stimulus itself. | An individual lacking the capsaicin receptor would be able to eat the spiciest chillies without any pain. | entailment |
id_1589 | Chilli peppers are a type of fruit grown all over the world. Most of these peppers are spicy and used in cooking. These peppers are believed to initially originate from Bolivia. As they spread throughout Europe, it was found that their spiciness had a similar taste to black peppercorns, which were incredibly valuable in the 15th century. As such, many people began to grow chilli peppers, which spread rapidly to India and China. These chilli peppers began to be incorporated into the cooking of different cultures, being used more commonly in hotter countries. There are a number of reasons suggested for why these countries would prefer spicy food. One suggestion is that spicy food would help people to sweat in hot conditions, allowing them to cool down. This however, is unlikely to explain the prevalence of chilli peppers as it is possible to sweat without eating them. Adding spice to food was also found to be a convenient method of preserving food as it discouraged the growth of bacteria. The peppers are spicy because they produce the chemical capsaicin. This chemical binds to receptors in the mouth and throat and cause the sensation of heat. This receptor is also capable of responding to heat directly. This is an example of labelled line coding which suggests that the perception of a stimulus is determined by which receptor it activates, not the nature of the stimulus itself. | All chilli peppers are spicy. | contradiction |
id_1590 | Chilli peppers are a type of fruit grown all over the world. Most of these peppers are spicy and used in cooking. These peppers are believed to initially originate from Bolivia. As they spread throughout Europe, it was found that their spiciness had a similar taste to black peppercorns, which were incredibly valuable in the 15th century. As such, many people began to grow chilli peppers, which spread rapidly to India and China. These chilli peppers began to be incorporated into the cooking of different cultures, being used more commonly in hotter countries. There are a number of reasons suggested for why these countries would prefer spicy food. One suggestion is that spicy food would help people to sweat in hot conditions, allowing them to cool down. This however, is unlikely to explain the prevalence of chilli peppers as it is possible to sweat without eating them. Adding spice to food was also found to be a convenient method of preserving food as it discouraged the growth of bacteria. The peppers are spicy because they produce the chemical capsaicin. This chemical binds to receptors in the mouth and throat and cause the sensation of heat. This receptor is also capable of responding to heat directly. This is an example of labelled line coding which suggests that the perception of a stimulus is determined by which receptor it activates, not the nature of the stimulus itself. | Eating chilli peppers in hot conditions causes sweating. | entailment |
id_1591 | Chilli peppers are a type of fruit grown all over the world. Most of these peppers are spicy and used in cooking. These peppers are believed to initially originate from Bolivia. As they spread throughout Europe, it was found that their spiciness had a similar taste to black peppercorns, which were incredibly valuable in the 15th century. As such, many people began to grow chilli peppers, which spread rapidly to India and China. These chilli peppers began to be incorporated into the cooking of different cultures, being used more commonly in hotter countries. There are a number of reasons suggested for why these countries would prefer spicy food. One suggestion is that spicy food would help people to sweat in hot conditions, allowing them to cool down. This however, is unlikely to explain the prevalence of chilli peppers as it is possible to sweat without eating them. Adding spice to food was also found to be a convenient method of preserving food as it discouraged the growth of bacteria. The peppers are spicy because they produce the chemical capsaicin. This chemical binds to receptors in the mouth and throat and cause the sensation of heat. This receptor is also capable of responding to heat directly. This is an example of labelled line coding which suggests that the perception of a stimulus is determined by which receptor it activates, not the nature of the stimulus itself. | Chilli peppers became more valuable in the 15th century. | entailment |
id_1592 | Chinese Yellow Citrus Ant for BIOLOGICAL CONTROL A. In 1476, the farmers of Berne in Switzerland decided, according to this story, there was only one way to rid their fields of the cutworms attacking their crops. They took the pests to court. The worms were tried, found guilty and excommunicated by the archbishop. In China, farmers had a more practical approach to pest control. Rather than rely on divine intervention, they put their faith in frogs, ducks and ants. Frogs and ducks were encouraged to map up the pests in the paddies and the occasional plague of locusts. But the notion of biological control began with an ant. More specifically, the story says, it started with the predatory yellow citrus ant is a type of weaver ant, which has been polishing off pests in the orange groves of southern China for at least 1700 years. The yellow citrus ant $0 is a type ofweaver ant, which binds leaves and twigs with silk to form a neat, tent-like nest. In the beginning, farmers made do with the odd ants' nest here and there. But it wasn't long before growing demand led to the development of a thriving trade in nests and a new type of agricultureant farming. B. For an insect that bites, the yellow citrus ant is remarkably popular. Even by ant standards, Oecophylla smaragdina is a fearsome predator. It's big, runs fast and has a powerful nip - painful to humans but lethal to many of the insects that plague the orange groves of Guangdong and Guangxi in southern China. And for at least 17 centuries. Chinese orange growers have harnessed these sixlegged killing machines to keep their fruit groves healthy and productive. The story explains that citrus - a fruits evolved in the Far East and the Chinese discovered the delights of their flesh early on. As the ancestral home of oranges, lemons and pomelos, China also has the greatest diversity of citrus pests. And the trees that produce the sweetest fruits, the mandarinsor kan-attract a host of planteating insects, from black ants and sap-sucking mealy bugs to leaf-devouring caterpillars. With so many enemies, fruit growers clearly had to have some way of protecting their orchards. C. The West did not discover the Chinese orange growers' secret weapon until the early 20th century. At the time, Florida was suffering an epidemic of: itrus canker and in 1915 Walter Swingle, a plant physiologist working for the US Department of Agriculture, was, the story says, sent to China in search of varieties of orange that were resistant to the disease. Swingle spent some time studying the citrus orchards around Guangzhou, and there he came across the story of the cultivated ant. These ants, he was told, were "grown" by the people of a small village nearby who sold them to the orange growers by the nestful. D. The earliest report of citrus ants at work among the orange trees appears in a book on tropical and subtropical botany written by His Han in AD 304. "The people of Chiao-Chih sell in their markets ants in bags of rush matting. The nests are like silk. The bags are all attached to twigs and leaves which, with the ants inside the nests, are for sale. The ants are reddish-yellow in colour, bigger than ordinary ants. In the south if the kan trees do not have this kind of ant, the fruits will all be damaged by many harmful insects, and not a single fruit will be perfect. " E. Initially, farmers relied on nests which they collected from the wild or bought in the market where trade in nests was brisk. 'It is said that in the south orange trees which are free of ants will have wormy fruits. Therefore the people race to buy nests for their orange trees, ' wrote Liu Hsun in Strange Things Noted in the South, written about AD 890. The business quickly became more sophisticate. From the 10th century, country people began to trap ants in artificial nests baited with fat. "Fruit growing families buy these ants from vendors who make a business of collecting and selling such creatures, " wrote Chuang Chi-Yu in 1130. "They trap them by filling hogs' or sheep's bladders with fat and placing them with the cavities open next to the ants' nests. They wait until the ants have migrated into the bladders and take them away. This is known as 'rearing orange ants'. " Farmers attached the bladders to their trees, and in time the ants spread to other trees and built new nests. By the 17th century, growers were building bamboo walkways between their trees to speed the colonization of their orchards. The ants ran along these narrow bridges from one tree to another and established nests "by the hundreds of thousands". F. Did it work? The orange growers clearly thought so. One authority, Chi Ta Chun, writing in 1700, stressed how important it was to keep the fruit trees free of insect pests, especially caterpillars. "It is essential to eliminate them so that the trees are not injured. But hand labour is not nearly as efficient as ant power... " Swingle was just as impressed. Yet despite this reports, many Western biologists were skeptical. In the West, the idea of using one insect to destroy another was new and highly controversial. The first breakthrough had come in 1888, when the infant a orange industry in California had been saved from extinction by the Australian vedalia beetle. This beetle was the only thing that had made any inroad into the explosion of cottony cushion scale that was threatening to destroy the state's citrus crops. But, as Swingle now knew, Californias "first" was nothing of the sort. The Chinese had been expert in biocontrol for many centuries. G. The story goes on to say that the long tradition of ants in the Chinese orchards only began to waver in the 1950s and 1960s with the introduction of powerful organic (I guess the author means chemical insecticides. Although most fruit growers switched to chemicals, a few hung onto their ants. Those who abandoned ants in favour of chemicals quickly became disillusioned. As costs soared and pests began to develop resistance to the chemicals, growers began to revive the old ant patrols. They had good reason to have faith in their insect workforce. Research in the early 1960s showed that as long as there were enough ants in the trees, they did an excellent job of dispatching some pestsmainly the larger insectsand had modest success against others. Trees with yellow ants produced almost 20 per cent more healthy leaves than those without. More recent trials have shown that these trees yield just as big a crop as those protected by expensive chemical sprays. H. One apparent drawback of using antsand one of the main reasons for the early skepticism by Western scientistswas that citrus ants do nothing to control mealy bugs, waxy-coated scale insects which can do considerable damage to fruit frees. In fact, the ants protect mealy bugs in exchange for the sweet honeydew they secrete. The orange growers always denied this was a problem but Western scientists thought they knew better. Research in the 1980s suggests that the growers were right all along. Where mealy bugs proliferate under the ants' protection they are usually heavily parasitized and this limits the harm they can do. Orange growers who rely on carnivorous ants rather than poisonous chemicals maintain a better balance of species in their orchards. While the ants deal with the bigger insect pests, other predatory species keep down the numbers of smaller pests such as scale insects and aphids. In the long run, ants do a lot less damage than chemicals-and they're certainly more effective than excommunication. | Chinese orange farmers proposed that ant protection doesn't work out of China. | neutral |
id_1593 | Chinese Yellow Citrus Ant for BIOLOGICAL CONTROL A. In 1476, the farmers of Berne in Switzerland decided, according to this story, there was only one way to rid their fields of the cutworms attacking their crops. They took the pests to court. The worms were tried, found guilty and excommunicated by the archbishop. In China, farmers had a more practical approach to pest control. Rather than rely on divine intervention, they put their faith in frogs, ducks and ants. Frogs and ducks were encouraged to map up the pests in the paddies and the occasional plague of locusts. But the notion of biological control began with an ant. More specifically, the story says, it started with the predatory yellow citrus ant is a type of weaver ant, which has been polishing off pests in the orange groves of southern China for at least 1700 years. The yellow citrus ant $0 is a type ofweaver ant, which binds leaves and twigs with silk to form a neat, tent-like nest. In the beginning, farmers made do with the odd ants' nest here and there. But it wasn't long before growing demand led to the development of a thriving trade in nests and a new type of agricultureant farming. B. For an insect that bites, the yellow citrus ant is remarkably popular. Even by ant standards, Oecophylla smaragdina is a fearsome predator. It's big, runs fast and has a powerful nip - painful to humans but lethal to many of the insects that plague the orange groves of Guangdong and Guangxi in southern China. And for at least 17 centuries. Chinese orange growers have harnessed these sixlegged killing machines to keep their fruit groves healthy and productive. The story explains that citrus - a fruits evolved in the Far East and the Chinese discovered the delights of their flesh early on. As the ancestral home of oranges, lemons and pomelos, China also has the greatest diversity of citrus pests. And the trees that produce the sweetest fruits, the mandarinsor kan-attract a host of planteating insects, from black ants and sap-sucking mealy bugs to leaf-devouring caterpillars. With so many enemies, fruit growers clearly had to have some way of protecting their orchards. C. The West did not discover the Chinese orange growers' secret weapon until the early 20th century. At the time, Florida was suffering an epidemic of: itrus canker and in 1915 Walter Swingle, a plant physiologist working for the US Department of Agriculture, was, the story says, sent to China in search of varieties of orange that were resistant to the disease. Swingle spent some time studying the citrus orchards around Guangzhou, and there he came across the story of the cultivated ant. These ants, he was told, were "grown" by the people of a small village nearby who sold them to the orange growers by the nestful. D. The earliest report of citrus ants at work among the orange trees appears in a book on tropical and subtropical botany written by His Han in AD 304. "The people of Chiao-Chih sell in their markets ants in bags of rush matting. The nests are like silk. The bags are all attached to twigs and leaves which, with the ants inside the nests, are for sale. The ants are reddish-yellow in colour, bigger than ordinary ants. In the south if the kan trees do not have this kind of ant, the fruits will all be damaged by many harmful insects, and not a single fruit will be perfect. " E. Initially, farmers relied on nests which they collected from the wild or bought in the market where trade in nests was brisk. 'It is said that in the south orange trees which are free of ants will have wormy fruits. Therefore the people race to buy nests for their orange trees, ' wrote Liu Hsun in Strange Things Noted in the South, written about AD 890. The business quickly became more sophisticate. From the 10th century, country people began to trap ants in artificial nests baited with fat. "Fruit growing families buy these ants from vendors who make a business of collecting and selling such creatures, " wrote Chuang Chi-Yu in 1130. "They trap them by filling hogs' or sheep's bladders with fat and placing them with the cavities open next to the ants' nests. They wait until the ants have migrated into the bladders and take them away. This is known as 'rearing orange ants'. " Farmers attached the bladders to their trees, and in time the ants spread to other trees and built new nests. By the 17th century, growers were building bamboo walkways between their trees to speed the colonization of their orchards. The ants ran along these narrow bridges from one tree to another and established nests "by the hundreds of thousands". F. Did it work? The orange growers clearly thought so. One authority, Chi Ta Chun, writing in 1700, stressed how important it was to keep the fruit trees free of insect pests, especially caterpillars. "It is essential to eliminate them so that the trees are not injured. But hand labour is not nearly as efficient as ant power... " Swingle was just as impressed. Yet despite this reports, many Western biologists were skeptical. In the West, the idea of using one insect to destroy another was new and highly controversial. The first breakthrough had come in 1888, when the infant a orange industry in California had been saved from extinction by the Australian vedalia beetle. This beetle was the only thing that had made any inroad into the explosion of cottony cushion scale that was threatening to destroy the state's citrus crops. But, as Swingle now knew, Californias "first" was nothing of the sort. The Chinese had been expert in biocontrol for many centuries. G. The story goes on to say that the long tradition of ants in the Chinese orchards only began to waver in the 1950s and 1960s with the introduction of powerful organic (I guess the author means chemical insecticides. Although most fruit growers switched to chemicals, a few hung onto their ants. Those who abandoned ants in favour of chemicals quickly became disillusioned. As costs soared and pests began to develop resistance to the chemicals, growers began to revive the old ant patrols. They had good reason to have faith in their insect workforce. Research in the early 1960s showed that as long as there were enough ants in the trees, they did an excellent job of dispatching some pestsmainly the larger insectsand had modest success against others. Trees with yellow ants produced almost 20 per cent more healthy leaves than those without. More recent trials have shown that these trees yield just as big a crop as those protected by expensive chemical sprays. H. One apparent drawback of using antsand one of the main reasons for the early skepticism by Western scientistswas that citrus ants do nothing to control mealy bugs, waxy-coated scale insects which can do considerable damage to fruit frees. In fact, the ants protect mealy bugs in exchange for the sweet honeydew they secrete. The orange growers always denied this was a problem but Western scientists thought they knew better. Research in the 1980s suggests that the growers were right all along. Where mealy bugs proliferate under the ants' protection they are usually heavily parasitized and this limits the harm they can do. Orange growers who rely on carnivorous ants rather than poisonous chemicals maintain a better balance of species in their orchards. While the ants deal with the bigger insect pests, other predatory species keep down the numbers of smaller pests such as scale insects and aphids. In the long run, ants do a lot less damage than chemicals-and they're certainly more effective than excommunication. | Yield of fields using ants is larger a crop than that using chemical pesticides. | contradiction |
id_1594 | Chinese Yellow Citrus Ant for BIOLOGICAL CONTROL A. In 1476, the farmers of Berne in Switzerland decided, according to this story, there was only one way to rid their fields of the cutworms attacking their crops. They took the pests to court. The worms were tried, found guilty and excommunicated by the archbishop. In China, farmers had a more practical approach to pest control. Rather than rely on divine intervention, they put their faith in frogs, ducks and ants. Frogs and ducks were encouraged to map up the pests in the paddies and the occasional plague of locusts. But the notion of biological control began with an ant. More specifically, the story says, it started with the predatory yellow citrus ant is a type of weaver ant, which has been polishing off pests in the orange groves of southern China for at least 1700 years. The yellow citrus ant $0 is a type ofweaver ant, which binds leaves and twigs with silk to form a neat, tent-like nest. In the beginning, farmers made do with the odd ants' nest here and there. But it wasn't long before growing demand led to the development of a thriving trade in nests and a new type of agricultureant farming. B. For an insect that bites, the yellow citrus ant is remarkably popular. Even by ant standards, Oecophylla smaragdina is a fearsome predator. It's big, runs fast and has a powerful nip - painful to humans but lethal to many of the insects that plague the orange groves of Guangdong and Guangxi in southern China. And for at least 17 centuries. Chinese orange growers have harnessed these sixlegged killing machines to keep their fruit groves healthy and productive. The story explains that citrus - a fruits evolved in the Far East and the Chinese discovered the delights of their flesh early on. As the ancestral home of oranges, lemons and pomelos, China also has the greatest diversity of citrus pests. And the trees that produce the sweetest fruits, the mandarinsor kan-attract a host of planteating insects, from black ants and sap-sucking mealy bugs to leaf-devouring caterpillars. With so many enemies, fruit growers clearly had to have some way of protecting their orchards. C. The West did not discover the Chinese orange growers' secret weapon until the early 20th century. At the time, Florida was suffering an epidemic of: itrus canker and in 1915 Walter Swingle, a plant physiologist working for the US Department of Agriculture, was, the story says, sent to China in search of varieties of orange that were resistant to the disease. Swingle spent some time studying the citrus orchards around Guangzhou, and there he came across the story of the cultivated ant. These ants, he was told, were "grown" by the people of a small village nearby who sold them to the orange growers by the nestful. D. The earliest report of citrus ants at work among the orange trees appears in a book on tropical and subtropical botany written by His Han in AD 304. "The people of Chiao-Chih sell in their markets ants in bags of rush matting. The nests are like silk. The bags are all attached to twigs and leaves which, with the ants inside the nests, are for sale. The ants are reddish-yellow in colour, bigger than ordinary ants. In the south if the kan trees do not have this kind of ant, the fruits will all be damaged by many harmful insects, and not a single fruit will be perfect. " E. Initially, farmers relied on nests which they collected from the wild or bought in the market where trade in nests was brisk. 'It is said that in the south orange trees which are free of ants will have wormy fruits. Therefore the people race to buy nests for their orange trees, ' wrote Liu Hsun in Strange Things Noted in the South, written about AD 890. The business quickly became more sophisticate. From the 10th century, country people began to trap ants in artificial nests baited with fat. "Fruit growing families buy these ants from vendors who make a business of collecting and selling such creatures, " wrote Chuang Chi-Yu in 1130. "They trap them by filling hogs' or sheep's bladders with fat and placing them with the cavities open next to the ants' nests. They wait until the ants have migrated into the bladders and take them away. This is known as 'rearing orange ants'. " Farmers attached the bladders to their trees, and in time the ants spread to other trees and built new nests. By the 17th century, growers were building bamboo walkways between their trees to speed the colonization of their orchards. The ants ran along these narrow bridges from one tree to another and established nests "by the hundreds of thousands". F. Did it work? The orange growers clearly thought so. One authority, Chi Ta Chun, writing in 1700, stressed how important it was to keep the fruit trees free of insect pests, especially caterpillars. "It is essential to eliminate them so that the trees are not injured. But hand labour is not nearly as efficient as ant power... " Swingle was just as impressed. Yet despite this reports, many Western biologists were skeptical. In the West, the idea of using one insect to destroy another was new and highly controversial. The first breakthrough had come in 1888, when the infant a orange industry in California had been saved from extinction by the Australian vedalia beetle. This beetle was the only thing that had made any inroad into the explosion of cottony cushion scale that was threatening to destroy the state's citrus crops. But, as Swingle now knew, Californias "first" was nothing of the sort. The Chinese had been expert in biocontrol for many centuries. G. The story goes on to say that the long tradition of ants in the Chinese orchards only began to waver in the 1950s and 1960s with the introduction of powerful organic (I guess the author means chemical insecticides. Although most fruit growers switched to chemicals, a few hung onto their ants. Those who abandoned ants in favour of chemicals quickly became disillusioned. As costs soared and pests began to develop resistance to the chemicals, growers began to revive the old ant patrols. They had good reason to have faith in their insect workforce. Research in the early 1960s showed that as long as there were enough ants in the trees, they did an excellent job of dispatching some pestsmainly the larger insectsand had modest success against others. Trees with yellow ants produced almost 20 per cent more healthy leaves than those without. More recent trials have shown that these trees yield just as big a crop as those protected by expensive chemical sprays. H. One apparent drawback of using antsand one of the main reasons for the early skepticism by Western scientistswas that citrus ants do nothing to control mealy bugs, waxy-coated scale insects which can do considerable damage to fruit frees. In fact, the ants protect mealy bugs in exchange for the sweet honeydew they secrete. The orange growers always denied this was a problem but Western scientists thought they knew better. Research in the 1980s suggests that the growers were right all along. Where mealy bugs proliferate under the ants' protection they are usually heavily parasitized and this limits the harm they can do. Orange growers who rely on carnivorous ants rather than poisonous chemicals maintain a better balance of species in their orchards. While the ants deal with the bigger insect pests, other predatory species keep down the numbers of smaller pests such as scale insects and aphids. In the long run, ants do a lot less damage than chemicals-and they're certainly more effective than excommunication. | Trees without ants had grown more unhealthy leaves than those with. | entailment |
id_1595 | Chinese Yellow Citrus Ant for BIOLOGICAL CONTROL A. In 1476, the farmers of Berne in Switzerland decided, according to this story, there was only one way to rid their fields of the cutworms attacking their crops. They took the pests to court. The worms were tried, found guilty and excommunicated by the archbishop. In China, farmers had a more practical approach to pest control. Rather than rely on divine intervention, they put their faith in frogs, ducks and ants. Frogs and ducks were encouraged to map up the pests in the paddies and the occasional plague of locusts. But the notion of biological control began with an ant. More specifically, the story says, it started with the predatory yellow citrus ant is a type of weaver ant, which has been polishing off pests in the orange groves of southern China for at least 1700 years. The yellow citrus ant $0 is a type ofweaver ant, which binds leaves and twigs with silk to form a neat, tent-like nest. In the beginning, farmers made do with the odd ants' nest here and there. But it wasn't long before growing demand led to the development of a thriving trade in nests and a new type of agricultureant farming. B. For an insect that bites, the yellow citrus ant is remarkably popular. Even by ant standards, Oecophylla smaragdina is a fearsome predator. It's big, runs fast and has a powerful nip - painful to humans but lethal to many of the insects that plague the orange groves of Guangdong and Guangxi in southern China. And for at least 17 centuries. Chinese orange growers have harnessed these sixlegged killing machines to keep their fruit groves healthy and productive. The story explains that citrus - a fruits evolved in the Far East and the Chinese discovered the delights of their flesh early on. As the ancestral home of oranges, lemons and pomelos, China also has the greatest diversity of citrus pests. And the trees that produce the sweetest fruits, the mandarinsor kan-attract a host of planteating insects, from black ants and sap-sucking mealy bugs to leaf-devouring caterpillars. With so many enemies, fruit growers clearly had to have some way of protecting their orchards. C. The West did not discover the Chinese orange growers' secret weapon until the early 20th century. At the time, Florida was suffering an epidemic of: itrus canker and in 1915 Walter Swingle, a plant physiologist working for the US Department of Agriculture, was, the story says, sent to China in search of varieties of orange that were resistant to the disease. Swingle spent some time studying the citrus orchards around Guangzhou, and there he came across the story of the cultivated ant. These ants, he was told, were "grown" by the people of a small village nearby who sold them to the orange growers by the nestful. D. The earliest report of citrus ants at work among the orange trees appears in a book on tropical and subtropical botany written by His Han in AD 304. "The people of Chiao-Chih sell in their markets ants in bags of rush matting. The nests are like silk. The bags are all attached to twigs and leaves which, with the ants inside the nests, are for sale. The ants are reddish-yellow in colour, bigger than ordinary ants. In the south if the kan trees do not have this kind of ant, the fruits will all be damaged by many harmful insects, and not a single fruit will be perfect. " E. Initially, farmers relied on nests which they collected from the wild or bought in the market where trade in nests was brisk. 'It is said that in the south orange trees which are free of ants will have wormy fruits. Therefore the people race to buy nests for their orange trees, ' wrote Liu Hsun in Strange Things Noted in the South, written about AD 890. The business quickly became more sophisticate. From the 10th century, country people began to trap ants in artificial nests baited with fat. "Fruit growing families buy these ants from vendors who make a business of collecting and selling such creatures, " wrote Chuang Chi-Yu in 1130. "They trap them by filling hogs' or sheep's bladders with fat and placing them with the cavities open next to the ants' nests. They wait until the ants have migrated into the bladders and take them away. This is known as 'rearing orange ants'. " Farmers attached the bladders to their trees, and in time the ants spread to other trees and built new nests. By the 17th century, growers were building bamboo walkways between their trees to speed the colonization of their orchards. The ants ran along these narrow bridges from one tree to another and established nests "by the hundreds of thousands". F. Did it work? The orange growers clearly thought so. One authority, Chi Ta Chun, writing in 1700, stressed how important it was to keep the fruit trees free of insect pests, especially caterpillars. "It is essential to eliminate them so that the trees are not injured. But hand labour is not nearly as efficient as ant power... " Swingle was just as impressed. Yet despite this reports, many Western biologists were skeptical. In the West, the idea of using one insect to destroy another was new and highly controversial. The first breakthrough had come in 1888, when the infant a orange industry in California had been saved from extinction by the Australian vedalia beetle. This beetle was the only thing that had made any inroad into the explosion of cottony cushion scale that was threatening to destroy the state's citrus crops. But, as Swingle now knew, Californias "first" was nothing of the sort. The Chinese had been expert in biocontrol for many centuries. G. The story goes on to say that the long tradition of ants in the Chinese orchards only began to waver in the 1950s and 1960s with the introduction of powerful organic (I guess the author means chemical insecticides. Although most fruit growers switched to chemicals, a few hung onto their ants. Those who abandoned ants in favour of chemicals quickly became disillusioned. As costs soared and pests began to develop resistance to the chemicals, growers began to revive the old ant patrols. They had good reason to have faith in their insect workforce. Research in the early 1960s showed that as long as there were enough ants in the trees, they did an excellent job of dispatching some pestsmainly the larger insectsand had modest success against others. Trees with yellow ants produced almost 20 per cent more healthy leaves than those without. More recent trials have shown that these trees yield just as big a crop as those protected by expensive chemical sprays. H. One apparent drawback of using antsand one of the main reasons for the early skepticism by Western scientistswas that citrus ants do nothing to control mealy bugs, waxy-coated scale insects which can do considerable damage to fruit frees. In fact, the ants protect mealy bugs in exchange for the sweet honeydew they secrete. The orange growers always denied this was a problem but Western scientists thought they knew better. Research in the 1980s suggests that the growers were right all along. Where mealy bugs proliferate under the ants' protection they are usually heavily parasitized and this limits the harm they can do. Orange growers who rely on carnivorous ants rather than poisonous chemicals maintain a better balance of species in their orchards. While the ants deal with the bigger insect pests, other predatory species keep down the numbers of smaller pests such as scale insects and aphids. In the long run, ants do a lot less damage than chemicals-and they're certainly more effective than excommunication. | Western people were impressed by Swingle's theory of pest prevention. | contradiction |
id_1596 | Chinese Yellow Citrus Ant for BIOLOGICAL CONTROL A. In 1476, the farmers of Berne in Switzerland decided, according to this story, there was only one way to rid their fields of the cutworms attacking their crops. They took the pests to court. The worms were tried, found guilty and excommunicated by the archbishop. In China, farmers had a more practical approach to pest control. Rather than rely on divine intervention, they put their faith in frogs, ducks and ants. Frogs and ducks were encouraged to map up the pests in the paddies and the occasional plague of locusts. But the notion of biological control began with an ant. More specifically, the story says, it started with the predatory yellow citrus ant is a type of weaver ant, which has been polishing off pests in the orange groves of southern China for at least 1700 years. The yellow citrus ant $0 is a type ofweaver ant, which binds leaves and twigs with silk to form a neat, tent-like nest. In the beginning, farmers made do with the odd ants' nest here and there. But it wasn't long before growing demand led to the development of a thriving trade in nests and a new type of agricultureant farming. B. For an insect that bites, the yellow citrus ant is remarkably popular. Even by ant standards, Oecophylla smaragdina is a fearsome predator. It's big, runs fast and has a powerful nip - painful to humans but lethal to many of the insects that plague the orange groves of Guangdong and Guangxi in southern China. And for at least 17 centuries. Chinese orange growers have harnessed these sixlegged killing machines to keep their fruit groves healthy and productive. The story explains that citrus - a fruits evolved in the Far East and the Chinese discovered the delights of their flesh early on. As the ancestral home of oranges, lemons and pomelos, China also has the greatest diversity of citrus pests. And the trees that produce the sweetest fruits, the mandarinsor kan-attract a host of planteating insects, from black ants and sap-sucking mealy bugs to leaf-devouring caterpillars. With so many enemies, fruit growers clearly had to have some way of protecting their orchards. C. The West did not discover the Chinese orange growers' secret weapon until the early 20th century. At the time, Florida was suffering an epidemic of: itrus canker and in 1915 Walter Swingle, a plant physiologist working for the US Department of Agriculture, was, the story says, sent to China in search of varieties of orange that were resistant to the disease. Swingle spent some time studying the citrus orchards around Guangzhou, and there he came across the story of the cultivated ant. These ants, he was told, were "grown" by the people of a small village nearby who sold them to the orange growers by the nestful. D. The earliest report of citrus ants at work among the orange trees appears in a book on tropical and subtropical botany written by His Han in AD 304. "The people of Chiao-Chih sell in their markets ants in bags of rush matting. The nests are like silk. The bags are all attached to twigs and leaves which, with the ants inside the nests, are for sale. The ants are reddish-yellow in colour, bigger than ordinary ants. In the south if the kan trees do not have this kind of ant, the fruits will all be damaged by many harmful insects, and not a single fruit will be perfect. " E. Initially, farmers relied on nests which they collected from the wild or bought in the market where trade in nests was brisk. 'It is said that in the south orange trees which are free of ants will have wormy fruits. Therefore the people race to buy nests for their orange trees, ' wrote Liu Hsun in Strange Things Noted in the South, written about AD 890. The business quickly became more sophisticate. From the 10th century, country people began to trap ants in artificial nests baited with fat. "Fruit growing families buy these ants from vendors who make a business of collecting and selling such creatures, " wrote Chuang Chi-Yu in 1130. "They trap them by filling hogs' or sheep's bladders with fat and placing them with the cavities open next to the ants' nests. They wait until the ants have migrated into the bladders and take them away. This is known as 'rearing orange ants'. " Farmers attached the bladders to their trees, and in time the ants spread to other trees and built new nests. By the 17th century, growers were building bamboo walkways between their trees to speed the colonization of their orchards. The ants ran along these narrow bridges from one tree to another and established nests "by the hundreds of thousands". F. Did it work? The orange growers clearly thought so. One authority, Chi Ta Chun, writing in 1700, stressed how important it was to keep the fruit trees free of insect pests, especially caterpillars. "It is essential to eliminate them so that the trees are not injured. But hand labour is not nearly as efficient as ant power... " Swingle was just as impressed. Yet despite this reports, many Western biologists were skeptical. In the West, the idea of using one insect to destroy another was new and highly controversial. The first breakthrough had come in 1888, when the infant a orange industry in California had been saved from extinction by the Australian vedalia beetle. This beetle was the only thing that had made any inroad into the explosion of cottony cushion scale that was threatening to destroy the state's citrus crops. But, as Swingle now knew, Californias "first" was nothing of the sort. The Chinese had been expert in biocontrol for many centuries. G. The story goes on to say that the long tradition of ants in the Chinese orchards only began to waver in the 1950s and 1960s with the introduction of powerful organic (I guess the author means chemical insecticides. Although most fruit growers switched to chemicals, a few hung onto their ants. Those who abandoned ants in favour of chemicals quickly became disillusioned. As costs soared and pests began to develop resistance to the chemicals, growers began to revive the old ant patrols. They had good reason to have faith in their insect workforce. Research in the early 1960s showed that as long as there were enough ants in the trees, they did an excellent job of dispatching some pestsmainly the larger insectsand had modest success against others. Trees with yellow ants produced almost 20 per cent more healthy leaves than those without. More recent trials have shown that these trees yield just as big a crop as those protected by expensive chemical sprays. H. One apparent drawback of using antsand one of the main reasons for the early skepticism by Western scientistswas that citrus ants do nothing to control mealy bugs, waxy-coated scale insects which can do considerable damage to fruit frees. In fact, the ants protect mealy bugs in exchange for the sweet honeydew they secrete. The orange growers always denied this was a problem but Western scientists thought they knew better. Research in the 1980s suggests that the growers were right all along. Where mealy bugs proliferate under the ants' protection they are usually heavily parasitized and this limits the harm they can do. Orange growers who rely on carnivorous ants rather than poisonous chemicals maintain a better balance of species in their orchards. While the ants deal with the bigger insect pests, other predatory species keep down the numbers of smaller pests such as scale insects and aphids. In the long run, ants do a lot less damage than chemicals-and they're certainly more effective than excommunication. | Chinese farmers realised that price of pesticides became expensive. | entailment |
id_1597 | Chinese Yellow Citrus Ant for BIOLOGICAL CONTROL A. In 1476, the farmers of Berne in Switzerland decided, according to this story, there was only one way to rid their fields of the cutworms attacking their crops. They took the pests to court. The worms were tried, found guilty and excommunicated by the archbishop. In China, farmers had a more practical approach to pest control. Rather than rely on divine intervention, they put their faith in frogs, ducks and ants. Frogs and ducks were encouraged to map up the pests in the paddies and the occasional plague of locusts. But the notion of biological control began with an ant. More specifically, the story says, it started with the predatory yellow citrus ant is a type of weaver ant, which has been polishing off pests in the orange groves of southern China for at least 1700 years. The yellow citrus ant $0 is a type ofweaver ant, which binds leaves and twigs with silk to form a neat, tent-like nest. In the beginning, farmers made do with the odd ants' nest here and there. But it wasn't long before growing demand led to the development of a thriving trade in nests and a new type of agricultureant farming. B. For an insect that bites, the yellow citrus ant is remarkably popular. Even by ant standards, Oecophylla smaragdina is a fearsome predator. It's big, runs fast and has a powerful nip - painful to humans but lethal to many of the insects that plague the orange groves of Guangdong and Guangxi in southern China. And for at least 17 centuries. Chinese orange growers have harnessed these sixlegged killing machines to keep their fruit groves healthy and productive. The story explains that citrus - a fruits evolved in the Far East and the Chinese discovered the delights of their flesh early on. As the ancestral home of oranges, lemons and pomelos, China also has the greatest diversity of citrus pests. And the trees that produce the sweetest fruits, the mandarinsor kan-attract a host of planteating insects, from black ants and sap-sucking mealy bugs to leaf-devouring caterpillars. With so many enemies, fruit growers clearly had to have some way of protecting their orchards. C. The West did not discover the Chinese orange growers' secret weapon until the early 20th century. At the time, Florida was suffering an epidemic of: itrus canker and in 1915 Walter Swingle, a plant physiologist working for the US Department of Agriculture, was, the story says, sent to China in search of varieties of orange that were resistant to the disease. Swingle spent some time studying the citrus orchards around Guangzhou, and there he came across the story of the cultivated ant. These ants, he was told, were "grown" by the people of a small village nearby who sold them to the orange growers by the nestful. D. The earliest report of citrus ants at work among the orange trees appears in a book on tropical and subtropical botany written by His Han in AD 304. "The people of Chiao-Chih sell in their markets ants in bags of rush matting. The nests are like silk. The bags are all attached to twigs and leaves which, with the ants inside the nests, are for sale. The ants are reddish-yellow in colour, bigger than ordinary ants. In the south if the kan trees do not have this kind of ant, the fruits will all be damaged by many harmful insects, and not a single fruit will be perfect. " E. Initially, farmers relied on nests which they collected from the wild or bought in the market where trade in nests was brisk. 'It is said that in the south orange trees which are free of ants will have wormy fruits. Therefore the people race to buy nests for their orange trees, ' wrote Liu Hsun in Strange Things Noted in the South, written about AD 890. The business quickly became more sophisticate. From the 10th century, country people began to trap ants in artificial nests baited with fat. "Fruit growing families buy these ants from vendors who make a business of collecting and selling such creatures, " wrote Chuang Chi-Yu in 1130. "They trap them by filling hogs' or sheep's bladders with fat and placing them with the cavities open next to the ants' nests. They wait until the ants have migrated into the bladders and take them away. This is known as 'rearing orange ants'. " Farmers attached the bladders to their trees, and in time the ants spread to other trees and built new nests. By the 17th century, growers were building bamboo walkways between their trees to speed the colonization of their orchards. The ants ran along these narrow bridges from one tree to another and established nests "by the hundreds of thousands". F. Did it work? The orange growers clearly thought so. One authority, Chi Ta Chun, writing in 1700, stressed how important it was to keep the fruit trees free of insect pests, especially caterpillars. "It is essential to eliminate them so that the trees are not injured. But hand labour is not nearly as efficient as ant power... " Swingle was just as impressed. Yet despite this reports, many Western biologists were skeptical. In the West, the idea of using one insect to destroy another was new and highly controversial. The first breakthrough had come in 1888, when the infant a orange industry in California had been saved from extinction by the Australian vedalia beetle. This beetle was the only thing that had made any inroad into the explosion of cottony cushion scale that was threatening to destroy the state's citrus crops. But, as Swingle now knew, Californias "first" was nothing of the sort. The Chinese had been expert in biocontrol for many centuries. G. The story goes on to say that the long tradition of ants in the Chinese orchards only began to waver in the 1950s and 1960s with the introduction of powerful organic (I guess the author means chemical insecticides. Although most fruit growers switched to chemicals, a few hung onto their ants. Those who abandoned ants in favour of chemicals quickly became disillusioned. As costs soared and pests began to develop resistance to the chemicals, growers began to revive the old ant patrols. They had good reason to have faith in their insect workforce. Research in the early 1960s showed that as long as there were enough ants in the trees, they did an excellent job of dispatching some pestsmainly the larger insectsand had modest success against others. Trees with yellow ants produced almost 20 per cent more healthy leaves than those without. More recent trials have shown that these trees yield just as big a crop as those protected by expensive chemical sprays. H. One apparent drawback of using antsand one of the main reasons for the early skepticism by Western scientistswas that citrus ants do nothing to control mealy bugs, waxy-coated scale insects which can do considerable damage to fruit frees. In fact, the ants protect mealy bugs in exchange for the sweet honeydew they secrete. The orange growers always denied this was a problem but Western scientists thought they knew better. Research in the 1980s suggests that the growers were right all along. Where mealy bugs proliferate under the ants' protection they are usually heavily parasitized and this limits the harm they can do. Orange growers who rely on carnivorous ants rather than poisonous chemicals maintain a better balance of species in their orchards. While the ants deal with the bigger insect pests, other predatory species keep down the numbers of smaller pests such as scale insects and aphids. In the long run, ants do a lot less damage than chemicals-and they're certainly more effective than excommunication. | Swingle came to China in order to search an insect for the US government. | contradiction |
id_1598 | Chinese Yellow Citrus Ant for BIOLOGICAL CONTROL A. In 1476, the farmers of Berne in Switzerland decided, according to this story, there was only one way to rid their fields of the cutworms attacking their crops. They took the pests to court. The worms were tried, found guilty and excommunicated by the archbishop. In China, farmers had a more practical approach to pest control. Rather than rely on divine intervention, they put their faith in frogs, ducks and ants. Frogs and ducks were encouraged to map up the pests in the paddies and the occasional plague of locusts. But the notion of biological control began with an ant. More specifically, the story says, it started with the predatory yellow citrus ant is a type of weaver ant, which has been polishing off pests in the orange groves of southern China for at least 1700 years. The yellow citrus ant $0 is a type ofweaver ant, which binds leaves and twigs with silk to form a neat, tent-like nest. In the beginning, farmers made do with the odd ants' nest here and there. But it wasn't long before growing demand led to the development of a thriving trade in nests and a new type of agricultureant farming. B. For an insect that bites, the yellow citrus ant is remarkably popular. Even by ant standards, Oecophylla smaragdina is a fearsome predator. It's big, runs fast and has a powerful nip - painful to humans but lethal to many of the insects that plague the orange groves of Guangdong and Guangxi in southern China. And for at least 17 centuries. Chinese orange growers have harnessed these sixlegged killing machines to keep their fruit groves healthy and productive. The story explains that citrus - a fruits evolved in the Far East and the Chinese discovered the delights of their flesh early on. As the ancestral home of oranges, lemons and pomelos, China also has the greatest diversity of citrus pests. And the trees that produce the sweetest fruits, the mandarinsor kan-attract a host of planteating insects, from black ants and sap-sucking mealy bugs to leaf-devouring caterpillars. With so many enemies, fruit growers clearly had to have some way of protecting their orchards. C. The West did not discover the Chinese orange growers' secret weapon until the early 20th century. At the time, Florida was suffering an epidemic of: itrus canker and in 1915 Walter Swingle, a plant physiologist working for the US Department of Agriculture, was, the story says, sent to China in search of varieties of orange that were resistant to the disease. Swingle spent some time studying the citrus orchards around Guangzhou, and there he came across the story of the cultivated ant. These ants, he was told, were "grown" by the people of a small village nearby who sold them to the orange growers by the nestful. D. The earliest report of citrus ants at work among the orange trees appears in a book on tropical and subtropical botany written by His Han in AD 304. "The people of Chiao-Chih sell in their markets ants in bags of rush matting. The nests are like silk. The bags are all attached to twigs and leaves which, with the ants inside the nests, are for sale. The ants are reddish-yellow in colour, bigger than ordinary ants. In the south if the kan trees do not have this kind of ant, the fruits will all be damaged by many harmful insects, and not a single fruit will be perfect. " E. Initially, farmers relied on nests which they collected from the wild or bought in the market where trade in nests was brisk. 'It is said that in the south orange trees which are free of ants will have wormy fruits. Therefore the people race to buy nests for their orange trees, ' wrote Liu Hsun in Strange Things Noted in the South, written about AD 890. The business quickly became more sophisticate. From the 10th century, country people began to trap ants in artificial nests baited with fat. "Fruit growing families buy these ants from vendors who make a business of collecting and selling such creatures, " wrote Chuang Chi-Yu in 1130. "They trap them by filling hogs' or sheep's bladders with fat and placing them with the cavities open next to the ants' nests. They wait until the ants have migrated into the bladders and take them away. This is known as 'rearing orange ants'. " Farmers attached the bladders to their trees, and in time the ants spread to other trees and built new nests. By the 17th century, growers were building bamboo walkways between their trees to speed the colonization of their orchards. The ants ran along these narrow bridges from one tree to another and established nests "by the hundreds of thousands". F. Did it work? The orange growers clearly thought so. One authority, Chi Ta Chun, writing in 1700, stressed how important it was to keep the fruit trees free of insect pests, especially caterpillars. "It is essential to eliminate them so that the trees are not injured. But hand labour is not nearly as efficient as ant power... " Swingle was just as impressed. Yet despite this reports, many Western biologists were skeptical. In the West, the idea of using one insect to destroy another was new and highly controversial. The first breakthrough had come in 1888, when the infant a orange industry in California had been saved from extinction by the Australian vedalia beetle. This beetle was the only thing that had made any inroad into the explosion of cottony cushion scale that was threatening to destroy the state's citrus crops. But, as Swingle now knew, Californias "first" was nothing of the sort. The Chinese had been expert in biocontrol for many centuries. G. The story goes on to say that the long tradition of ants in the Chinese orchards only began to waver in the 1950s and 1960s with the introduction of powerful organic (I guess the author means chemical insecticides. Although most fruit growers switched to chemicals, a few hung onto their ants. Those who abandoned ants in favour of chemicals quickly became disillusioned. As costs soared and pests began to develop resistance to the chemicals, growers began to revive the old ant patrols. They had good reason to have faith in their insect workforce. Research in the early 1960s showed that as long as there were enough ants in the trees, they did an excellent job of dispatching some pestsmainly the larger insectsand had modest success against others. Trees with yellow ants produced almost 20 per cent more healthy leaves than those without. More recent trials have shown that these trees yield just as big a crop as those protected by expensive chemical sprays. H. One apparent drawback of using antsand one of the main reasons for the early skepticism by Western scientistswas that citrus ants do nothing to control mealy bugs, waxy-coated scale insects which can do considerable damage to fruit frees. In fact, the ants protect mealy bugs in exchange for the sweet honeydew they secrete. The orange growers always denied this was a problem but Western scientists thought they knew better. Research in the 1980s suggests that the growers were right all along. Where mealy bugs proliferate under the ants' protection they are usually heavily parasitized and this limits the harm they can do. Orange growers who rely on carnivorous ants rather than poisonous chemicals maintain a better balance of species in their orchards. While the ants deal with the bigger insect pests, other predatory species keep down the numbers of smaller pests such as scale insects and aphids. In the long run, ants do a lot less damage than chemicals-and they're certainly more effective than excommunication. | China has the most citrus pests counted in types in the world. | entailment |
id_1599 | Chinese Yellow Citrus Ant for BIOLOGICAL CONTROL A. In 1476, the farmers of Berne in Switzerland decided, according to this story, there was only one way to rid their fields of the cutworms attacking their crops. They took the pests to court. The worms were tried, found guilty and excommunicated by the archbishop. In China, farmers had a more practical approach to pest control. Rather than rely on divine intervention, they put their faith in frogs, ducks and ants. Frogs and ducks were encouraged to map up the pests in the paddies and the occasional plague of locusts. But the notion of biological control began with an ant. More specifically, the story says, it started with the predatory yellow citrus ant is a type of weaver ant, which has been polishing off pests in the orange groves of southern China for at least 1700 years. The yellow citrus ant $0 is a type ofweaver ant, which binds leaves and twigs with silk to form a neat, tent-like nest. In the beginning, farmers made do with the odd ants' nest here and there. But it wasn't long before growing demand led to the development of a thriving trade in nests and a new type of agricultureant farming. B. For an insect that bites, the yellow citrus ant is remarkably popular. Even by ant standards, Oecophylla smaragdina is a fearsome predator. It's big, runs fast and has a powerful nip - painful to humans but lethal to many of the insects that plague the orange groves of Guangdong and Guangxi in southern China. And for at least 17 centuries. Chinese orange growers have harnessed these sixlegged killing machines to keep their fruit groves healthy and productive. The story explains that citrus - a fruits evolved in the Far East and the Chinese discovered the delights of their flesh early on. As the ancestral home of oranges, lemons and pomelos, China also has the greatest diversity of citrus pests. And the trees that produce the sweetest fruits, the mandarinsor kan-attract a host of planteating insects, from black ants and sap-sucking mealy bugs to leaf-devouring caterpillars. With so many enemies, fruit growers clearly had to have some way of protecting their orchards. C. The West did not discover the Chinese orange growers' secret weapon until the early 20th century. At the time, Florida was suffering an epidemic of: itrus canker and in 1915 Walter Swingle, a plant physiologist working for the US Department of Agriculture, was, the story says, sent to China in search of varieties of orange that were resistant to the disease. Swingle spent some time studying the citrus orchards around Guangzhou, and there he came across the story of the cultivated ant. These ants, he was told, were "grown" by the people of a small village nearby who sold them to the orange growers by the nestful. D. The earliest report of citrus ants at work among the orange trees appears in a book on tropical and subtropical botany written by His Han in AD 304. "The people of Chiao-Chih sell in their markets ants in bags of rush matting. The nests are like silk. The bags are all attached to twigs and leaves which, with the ants inside the nests, are for sale. The ants are reddish-yellow in colour, bigger than ordinary ants. In the south if the kan trees do not have this kind of ant, the fruits will all be damaged by many harmful insects, and not a single fruit will be perfect. " E. Initially, farmers relied on nests which they collected from the wild or bought in the market where trade in nests was brisk. 'It is said that in the south orange trees which are free of ants will have wormy fruits. Therefore the people race to buy nests for their orange trees, ' wrote Liu Hsun in Strange Things Noted in the South, written about AD 890. The business quickly became more sophisticate. From the 10th century, country people began to trap ants in artificial nests baited with fat. "Fruit growing families buy these ants from vendors who make a business of collecting and selling such creatures, " wrote Chuang Chi-Yu in 1130. "They trap them by filling hogs' or sheep's bladders with fat and placing them with the cavities open next to the ants' nests. They wait until the ants have migrated into the bladders and take them away. This is known as 'rearing orange ants'. " Farmers attached the bladders to their trees, and in time the ants spread to other trees and built new nests. By the 17th century, growers were building bamboo walkways between their trees to speed the colonization of their orchards. The ants ran along these narrow bridges from one tree to another and established nests "by the hundreds of thousands". F. Did it work? The orange growers clearly thought so. One authority, Chi Ta Chun, writing in 1700, stressed how important it was to keep the fruit trees free of insect pests, especially caterpillars. "It is essential to eliminate them so that the trees are not injured. But hand labour is not nearly as efficient as ant power... " Swingle was just as impressed. Yet despite this reports, many Western biologists were skeptical. In the West, the idea of using one insect to destroy another was new and highly controversial. The first breakthrough had come in 1888, when the infant a orange industry in California had been saved from extinction by the Australian vedalia beetle. This beetle was the only thing that had made any inroad into the explosion of cottony cushion scale that was threatening to destroy the state's citrus crops. But, as Swingle now knew, Californias "first" was nothing of the sort. The Chinese had been expert in biocontrol for many centuries. G. The story goes on to say that the long tradition of ants in the Chinese orchards only began to waver in the 1950s and 1960s with the introduction of powerful organic (I guess the author means chemical insecticides. Although most fruit growers switched to chemicals, a few hung onto their ants. Those who abandoned ants in favour of chemicals quickly became disillusioned. As costs soared and pests began to develop resistance to the chemicals, growers began to revive the old ant patrols. They had good reason to have faith in their insect workforce. Research in the early 1960s showed that as long as there were enough ants in the trees, they did an excellent job of dispatching some pestsmainly the larger insectsand had modest success against others. Trees with yellow ants produced almost 20 per cent more healthy leaves than those without. More recent trials have shown that these trees yield just as big a crop as those protected by expensive chemical sprays. H. One apparent drawback of using antsand one of the main reasons for the early skepticism by Western scientistswas that citrus ants do nothing to control mealy bugs, waxy-coated scale insects which can do considerable damage to fruit frees. In fact, the ants protect mealy bugs in exchange for the sweet honeydew they secrete. The orange growers always denied this was a problem but Western scientists thought they knew better. Research in the 1980s suggests that the growers were right all along. Where mealy bugs proliferate under the ants' protection they are usually heavily parasitized and this limits the harm they can do. Orange growers who rely on carnivorous ants rather than poisonous chemicals maintain a better balance of species in their orchards. While the ants deal with the bigger insect pests, other predatory species keep down the numbers of smaller pests such as scale insects and aphids. In the long run, ants do a lot less damage than chemicals-and they're certainly more effective than excommunication. | Some Chinese farmers start to abandon the use of pesticide. | entailment |
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