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Tamazight NLP 24

In his work, he contended that social class, colonialism, and capitalism shaped ideas about race and racial categories.

ⴳ ⵜⵡⵓⵔⵉ ⵏⵏⵙ, ⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵎⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵉⵙⵎⵉⵍⵏ ⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵏ, ⴰⵙⴷⵓⵔⵔⵉ ⴷ ⵜⴰⴳⴳⴰⵔⵜ ⵀⵢⵢⴰⵏ ⵜⵉⵡⵏⴳⵉⵎⵉⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ ⴷ ⵉⵙⵎⵉⵍⵏ ⵉⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵏ.

By 1978, William Julius Wilson (1935–) argued that race and racial classification systems were declining in significance, and that instead, social class more accurately described what sociologists had earlier understood as race.

ⴳ 1978, ⵡⵉⵍⵢⴰⵎ ⵊⵓⵍⵢⵓⵙ ⵡⵉⵍⵙⵓⵏ (1935-) ⵢⵓⴽⵣ ⵉⵙ ⴷ ⴰⵥⵓⵕ ⴷ ⵉⵏⴳⵔⴰⵡⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵜⵜⴼ ⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏ ⵓⵔ ⴰⵙⵏ ⵢⴰⴷ ⵉⵇⵇⵉⵎⵉ ⵡⴰⴷⴷⵓⵔ, ⴷ ⵉⵙ ⴷ ⴳ ⵓⴷⵖⴰⵔ ⵏⵏⵙ, ⴰⵙⵎⵉⵍ ⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏ ⴷⴰ ⵉⵙⵏⵎⴰⵍ ⵙ ⵓⵎⵖⴰⴷ ⴰⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵙ ⵜ ⵏⵏ ⴽⴽⴰⵏ ⵉⵙⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵏ ⵔⵎⵙⵏ ⵜ ⴷ ⴰⵥⵓⵕ.

"Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, Sociology professor at Duke University, remarks, ""I contend that racism is, more than anything else, a matter of group power; it is about a dominant racial group (whites) striving to maintain its systemic advantages and minorities fighting to subvert the racial status quo."

ⵉⴷⵡⴰⵔⴷⵓ ⴱⵓⵏⵉⵍⵍⴰ ⵙⵉⵍⴱⴰ, ⴰⵎⵙⵙⵍⵎⴷ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵏⵓⵎⴰⵏⵜ ⴳ ⵜⵙⴷⴰⵡⵉⵜ ⵏ ⴷⵓⴽ ⵢⵓⴽⵣ “ ⵍⵍⵉⵖ ⵏⴽⴽⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵡⵉⵙⵙ ⴷ ⵜⴰⵙⵏⴰⵥⵓⵕⵜ , ⵓⴳⴳⴰⵔ ⵏ ⴽⵔⴰ ⴰⴹⵏⵉⵏ, ⵜⴳⴰ ⵜⴰⵖⴰⵡⵙⴰ ⵏ ⵓⵏⴱⴰⴹ ⵉⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⵖⵓⵔ ⵜⵔⴰⴱⴱⵓⵜ ⵜⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵜ ⵉⵏⵏⴱⴹⵏ ( ⵉⵎⵍⵍⴰⵍⵏ), ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵙⵙⴽⴰⵔⵏ ⵜⵓⴳⴳⴰⵥ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⴰⵙⵏ ⵇⵇⵉⵎⵉⵏⵜ ⵜⴱⵖⵓⵔⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵏⴳⵔⴰⵡⵉⵏ ⵎⴳⴰⵍ ⵏ ⵜⴷⵔⵙⵉⵢⵉⵏ ⵉⵜⵜⵎⵡⴰⵜⵏ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵙⵙⵏⴼⵍⵏ ⴰⴷⴷⴰⴷ ⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏ ⵢⴰⴷ ⵉⵍⵍⴰⵏ.

In clinical settings, race has sometimes been considered in the diagnosis and treatment of medical conditions.

ⴳ ⵡⴰⵎⵎⴰⵙ ⴰⵙⴷⵓⵙⵉ , ⴰⵥⵓⵕ ⴷⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵙⵓⵜⴳ ⵉⵜⵙⵏⵜ ⵜⵉⴽⴽⴰⵍ ⴳ ⵢⵉⴽⵣ ⴷ ⵓⵙⵓⵊⵊⵉ ⵏ ⵓⵎⴰⴹⵓⵏ.

There is an active debate among biomedical researchers about the meaning and importance of race in their research.

ⵉⵍⵍⴰ ⵓⵎⵔⴰⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵡⴰⵍ ⴷ ⵓⵎⴷⵉⴽⴰⵔ ⴳⵔ ⵉⵎⵔⵣⵓⵜⵏ ⵉⴱⵢⵓⵙⵏⵓⵊⵊⵉⵜⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵡⴰⵜⵉⴳ ⴷ ⵡⴰⵣⴰⵍ ⵏ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ ⴳ ⵢⵉⵏⵉⴳⵏ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ.

Members of the latter camp often base their arguments around the potential to create genome-based personalized medicine.

ⵉⵎⴷⵔⴰⵡⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵏⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⴷⴰ ⵙⵙⵏⵥⴰⵢⵏ ⵜⵉⵡⵏⴳⵉⵎⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ ⵙ ⵜⴰⵖⵉⵢⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵀⵢⵢⵓ ⵏ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵙⵏⵓⵊⵊⵉⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⵉⵎⴰⵏⵜ ⵉⴱⴷⴷⴰⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵊⵉⵏⵓⵎ.

They argue that overemphasizing genetic contributions to health disparities carries various risks such as reinforcing stereotypes, promoting racism or ignoring the contribution of non-genetic factors to health disparities.

ⴷⴰ ⵙⵏⴰⵍⵏ ⵎⴰⵙ ⴷ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵏⴷⴰⴷ ⴷ ⵓⵙⵙⵉⵜⴳ ⵉⴳⴳⵓⴷⵉⵏ ⵉ ⵜⵊⵉⵏⵉⵜⵉⴽⵜ ⴳ ⵓⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵥⵍⵉⵏ ⵙ ⵉⵎⵣⵉⵔⴰⵢⵏ ⵏ ⵜⴷⵓⵙⵉ, ⴷⴰ ⴷ ⵉⵜⵜⴰⵡⵢ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵉⵣⵉⵜⵏ, ⵣⵓⵏⴷ ⴰⵙⵎⵎⵖⵓⵔ ⴷ ⵓⵙⴷⵓⵙ ⵏ ⵉⵙⵜⵉⵔⵢⵓⵜⵉⴱⵏ (ⵜⴰⵏⵏⴰⵢⵉⵏ ⵜⵓⵔⵙⵉⵍⵉⵏ), ⴰⵙⵏⵢⵓⴷⴷⵓ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵙⴰⵥⵓⵕⵜ, ⵏⵖⴷ ⴰⵙⵙⵉⵜⵎ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵓⴼⵔ ⵏ ⵜⴰⵔⴽⵓⵙⵓⵜⵉⵏ ⴳ ⵉⵎⵣⵉⵔⴰⵢⵏ ⵉⵥⵍⵉⵏ ⵙ ⵜⴷⵓⵙⵉ.

"IC"" stands for ""Identification Code;"" these items are also referred to as Phoenix classifications."

‘IC’ ⵉⴳⴰ ⵜ “ⵉⵏⵉⴳ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵎⴰⴳⵉ’;ⵜⵉⵖⴰⵡⵙⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵜⵓⵢⴰⵙⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⵙ ⵉⵙⵙⵓⴷⵙⵏ ⵏ ⴼⵓⵏⵉⴽⵙ’’

"In many countries, such as France, the state is legally banned from maintaining data based on race, which often makes the police issue wanted notices to the public that include labels like ""dark skin complexion"", etc."

ⴳ ⵡⴰⵀⵍⵉ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵓⵔⴰ ⴰⵎⵎ ⴼⵕⴰⵏⵚⴰ, ⵉⴳⴰ ⵓⴳⴷⵉⵍ ⵉ ⵓⵡⵏⴰⴽ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵃⴹⵓ ⵜⵉⵎⵓⵛⴰ ⵜⵉⵏⵉⵎⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⵢⵓⴳⵍⵏ ⵙ ⴰⵥⵓⵕ. ⴰⵢⴰ ⴷⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⴳⴳⴰ ⵉⵖⵏⴰⵏ ⵉ ⵍⴱⵓⵍⵉⵙ ⴰⴷ ⴼⵙⵔⵏ ⴰⵍⵖⵓⵜⵏ ⵏ ⵢⵉⵏⵉⴳ ⵉ ⵓⴳⴷⵓⴷ, ⵡⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⴳ ⵍⵍⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵛⵏⵢⴰⵍⵉⵏ ⵣⵓⵏⴷ: ‘’ⵖⵓⵔⵙ ⵜⵉⴼⵔⴽⵉⵜ ⵉⴷⵏⵓⵏⵙⵏ ‘’ ⴷ ⵜⵉⵢⵢⴰⴷ’’

Many consider de facto racial profiling an example of institutional racism in law enforcement.

ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⴷⴰ ⵙⴽⵙⵉⵡⵏ ⵉⵙ ⴷ, ⵙ ⵜⵉⴷⵜ, ⴰⵙⴱⵔⵓⴼⵉⵍ ⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏ ⴷ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵎⴷⵢⴰ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵙⴰⵥⵓⵕⵜ ⵜⴰⵙⵉⵏⴰⴳⵜ ⴳ ⵜⵉⴳⴳⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵣⵔⴼ.

"Mass incarceration is also, ""the larger web of laws, rules, policies, and customs that control those labeled criminals both in and out of prison."""

ⴰⵙⵙⵖⵣⵓ ⴰⴼⴰⴹⵉⵙⴰⵏ ⴰⵡⴷ ⵏⵜⵜⴰ ⴷ ‘’’’ⵜⴰⵔⴰⵜⵙⴰ ⵜⴰⵖⵣⵣⴰⴼⵜ ⵏ ⵉⵣⵔⴼⴰⵏ , ⵉⵍⵓⴳⵏ , ⵜⵉⵙⵔⵜⵉⵢⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵎⵢⵓⵔⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵃⴹⴰⵏ ⵡⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵡⴰⴳⵍ ⵜⵎⴰⵜⴰⵔⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵎⴱⴽⴽⵉⴹ ⴰⴳⵏⵙⵓ ⵏⵖⴷ ⴱⵔⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵓⴱⵏⵉⵇ’’’’

Many research findings appear to agree that the impact of victim race in the IPV arrest decision might possibly include a racial bias in favor of white victims.

ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵢⴰⴼⵓⵜⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵔⵣⵣⵓⵜⵏ ⵣⵓⵏ ⵎⵙⴰⵙⴰⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵉⴹⵉⵚ ⵏ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ ⵏ ⵓⵏⴳⵉⵙ ⴳ ‘’IPV’’ ⵜⵖⴰⵜⴰⵙⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵙⴱⴷⴷ, ⵉⵖⵢ ⵉⵙ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵓⵢⴰⴽⴽⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵙⵏⵓⵔⴰⴼ ⴰⵎⴽⴰⴷ ⵏ ⵉⵡⴷⴰⵏ ⵏⵉⵖ ⵓⵏⴳⵉⵙⵏ ⵉⵎⵍⵍⴰⵍⵏ.

Some studies have reported that races can be identified with a high degree of accuracy using certain methods, such as that developed by Giles and Elliot.

ⵉⴷⵙⵏⵜ ⵜⵖⵓⵔⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵓⵡⵉⵏⵜ ⴷ ⵎⴰⵙ ⵉⵖⵢ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵢⴰⵙⵙⴰⵏ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ ⵏ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵙ ⵓⵏⵖⴰⴷ ⵙ ⵓⵙⵎⵔⵙ ⵏ ⵉⴷⵙⵏⵜ ⵜⵎⴰⵎⴽⵉⵏ, ⵉⵎⴽⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵙⵙⴼⵔⴰ ⵊⵉⵍⵣ ⴷ ⵉⵍⵢⵓⵜ.

"The study concluded that ""The apportionment of genetic diversity in skin color is atypical, and cannot be used for purposes of classification."""

ⵉⴷⵙⵏⵜ ⵜⵖⵓⵔⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⴼⴼⵖⵏⵜ ⵙ ⵎⴰⵙ ⴷ “ ⵜⵉⴱⴹⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵜⵎⴰⵏⴰⵡⵜ ⵜⴰⵊⵉⵏⵉⵜⵉⴽⵜ ⴳ ⵓⴽⵍⵓ ⵏ ⵜⴼⵔⴽⵉⵜ ⵉⴳⴰ ⴰⵔⴰⵏⴰⵡⴰⵏ , ⵎⴰⵙ ⵓⵔ ⵏⵥⴹⴰⵕ ⴰⴷ ⵜ ⵏⵙⵎⵔⵙ ⴳ ⵉⵡⵜⵜⴰⵙⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵙⵓⴷⵙ”.

Cultural anthropology is a branch of anthropology focused on the study of cultural variation among humans.

ⵜⴰⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⴷ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵡⴰⵏⴰⵡ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵜⵜ ⵉⵜⵜⴰⵡⵉⵏ ⴳ ⵓⵣⵔⵓ ⵏ ⵜⵉⴳⴳⵉⴷⵉⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⴳⵔ ⵉⵡⴷⴰⵏ.

In addressing this question, ethnologists in the 19th century divided into two schools of thought.

ⴳ ⵓⵙⴳⴷⵍ ⵅⴼ ⵉⵙⵇⵙⵉⵜⵏ ⴰⴷ, ⵉⵎⴰⵙⵙⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵜⴻⵜⵏⵍⵓⵊⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵡⴰⵜⵓⵜ ⵜⵉⵙⵙ 19 ⴱⴹⴰⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵙⵏⴰⵜ ⵜⵉⵏⵎⴰⵍ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵡⵉⵏⴳⵎ.

"Some of those who advocated ""independent invention"", like Lewis Henry Morgan, additionally supposed that similarities meant that different groups had passed through the same stages of cultural evolution (See also classical social evolutionism)."

ⵉⴷⵙⵏ ⴳ ⵡⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⴷ “”””ⵉⵙⵍⵉⵡⵡⵉ ⴰⵙⵉⵎⴰⵏ “””, ⵣⵓⵏⴷ ⵍⵡⵉⵙⵙ ⵀⵓⵏⵔⵉ ⵎⵓⵔⴳⴰⵏ ⵓⵔⴷⴰⵏ ⵎⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵎⴰⵢⴷ ⵍⵍⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵎⵢⴰⵖⵉⵏ, ⴰⵢⴰ ⴷⴰ ⵉⵙⵙⵏⵥⴰⵢ ⴰⴽⴽⵯ ⵣⵔⵉⵏⵜ ⵜⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⵜⵉⴼⴳⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⴳ ⵜⴽⵍⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵢⴰⴽⵙⵓⵍⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵏⴼⵍⴰ ⵜⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵜ ( ⴰⴳⴳ ⵏⵏ ⴰⵡⴷ ⵜⴰⵏⴼⵍⴰ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵜ).

Morgan, like other 19th century social evolutionists, believed there was a more or less orderly progression from the primitive to the civilized.

ⵎⵓⵔⴳⴰⵏ, ⴰⵎⵎ ⵉⵎⵓⵙⵏⴰⵡⵏ ⵉⵏⴼⵍⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵏ ⴰⴹⵏⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵡⴰⵜⵓⵜ ⵜⵉⵙⵙ 19, ⵓⵎⵏⵏ ⵉⵙ ⵜⵜ ⵏⵏ ⵜⴽⴽⴰ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵣⵣⵉⴳⵣⵜ ⵙⴳ ⵜⵡⵏⵏⴰⵏⵜ ⴰⵔ ⵜⴰⵖⵔⵎⴰ.

"Although 19th-century ethnologists saw ""diffusion"" and ""independent invention"" as mutually exclusive and competing theories, most ethnographers quickly reached a consensus that both processes occur, and that both can plausibly account for cross-cultural similarities."

ⵎⵇⵇⴰⵔ ⴰⵏⵏⴰⵢⵏ ⵉⵜⵏⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉⵢⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵡⴰⵜⵓⵜ ⵜⵉⵙⵙ 19 “ⴰⵙⵏⵢⵓⴷⴷⵓ” ⴷ “ⵉⵙⵍⵉⵡⵡⵉ ⴰⵙⵉⵎⴰⵏ” ⵉⵙ ⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵉⵥⵉⵕⵉⵏ ⵉⵜⵜⵎⴰⵢⴰⴽⴽⴰⵙⵏ ⴰⵔ ⵜⵎⵖⵏⵏⴰⵏⵜ ⴳⵔⴰⵙⵏⵜ, ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵜⵏⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉⵢⵏ ⵓⵡⴹⵏ ⵏⵏ ⵙ ⵓⵙⴷⴷⵔⴼ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵎⵙⴰⵙⴰ ⵏ ⵡⵉⵙⵙ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵊⵕⵓⵏⵜ ⵙⵏⴰⵜ ⵜⵣⵣⵉⴳⵣⵉⵏ, ⴷ ⵡⵉⵙⵙ ⴷⴰ ⵙⵙⴼⵔⵓⵏⵜ ⵙ ⵙⵏⴰⵜ ⵜⵉⵎⵢⴰⵖⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵏⴳⵔⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵉⵏ.

"Boas first articulated the idea in 1887: ""...civilization is not something absolute, but ... is relative, and ... our ideas and conceptions are true only so far as our civilization goes."""

ⵉⵙⴽⴰ ⴱⵓⵡⵣ ⵜⴰⵡⵏⴳⵉⵎⵜ ⵜⵉⴽⴽⵍⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⵣⵡⴰⵔⵓⵜ ⴳ 1887: “””” ⵜⴰⵖⵔⵎⴰ ⵓⵔ ⴷ ⴽⵔⴰ ⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⴰⵏⴽⵓⵛ, ⵎⴰⵛⴰⵏ ...ⴰⵎⵇⵇⴰⵏ , ⴷ ... ⵜⵉⵡⵏⴳⵉⵎⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⵖ ⴷ ⵉⵔⵎⵉⵙⵏ ⵏⵏⵖ ⵓⵔ ⴷ ⵉⵎⴷⴰⴷⵏ ⵅⵙ ⴰⴷⴷⴰⵢ ⵜⵙⵙⵓⴷⵓ ⵜⵖⵔⵎⴰ ⵏⵏⵖ’’’’.

Cultural relativism involves specific epistemological and methodological claims.

ⵜⴰⵏⴽⵓⵛⵜ ⵜⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵍⴰ ⵜⵓⵜⵔⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⴱⵉⵙⵜⵉⵎⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉⵢⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵎⵉⵟⵓⴷⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉⵢⵉⵏ ⵉⵥⵍⵉⵏ.

Cultural relativism was in part a response to Western ethnocentrism.

ⵜⴰⵏⴽⵓⵛⵜ ⵜⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵜ, ⵜⴳⴰ ⴳ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵙⴳⴰ, ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⵔⴰⵔⵓⵜ ⵉ ⵓⵜⵏⵓⵚⵓⵏⵜⵔⵉⵣⵎ ⴰⵜⴰⵔⴰⵎ.

This understanding of culture confronts anthropologists with two problems: first, how to escape the unconscious bonds of one's own culture, which inevitably bias our perceptions of and reactions to the world, and second, how to make sense of an unfamiliar culture.

ⴰⵔⵎⴰⵙ ⴰⴷ ⵏ ⵜⵓⵙⵙⵏⴰ ⵉⵙⵏⴰⵍ ⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ/ ⵉⵏⵜⵕⵓⴱⴱⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉⵢⵏ ⵉ ⵙⵉⵏ ⵉⵎⴽⵔⵉⵙⵏ: ⴰⵎⵣⵡⴰⵔⵓ, ⵎⴰⵎⴽ ⵙ ⵏⵔⴳⴳⵯⵍ ⵉ ⵜⵣⴷⴰⵢⵉⵏ ⵜⴰⵔⴰⴼⵔⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⴳⵔ ⵢⴰⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵓⵙⵙⵏⴰ ⵏⵏⵙ ⵏⵏⴰ ⴰⵙ ⵉⵙⵙⴼⵕⴰⵖⵏ ⴰⵔⵎⴰⵙ ⵏⵏⵙ ⴷ ⵉⴷⵉⵖⵉⵙⴽⵔⵏ ⵏⵏⵙ ⴰⴽⴷ ⵓⵎⴰⴹⴰⵍ. ⵡⵉⵙⵙ ⵙⵉⵏ, ⵎⴰⵎⴽ ⵙ ⵏⵜⵜⵣⵎⴰⴽ/ ⵏⵇⵇⵔⴰ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵓⵙⵙⵏⴰ ⵓⵔ ⵏⴻⵏⵏⵎⵢⴰⵔ.

One such method is that of ethnography: basically, they advocated living with people of another culture for an extended period of time, so that they could learn the local language and be enculturated, at least partially, into that culture.

ⵢⴰⵜ ⴳ ⵜⴱⵔⵉⴷⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵜⵜⴻⴹⴼⵓⵕⵏ ⴳ ⵜⴻⵜⵏⵓⴳⵔⴰⴼⵉⵜ: ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵃⴱⴱⴰⵔⵏ ⵜⵓⴷⵔⵜ ⴷ ⵜⵓⵙⵙⵏⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⴰⴹⵏⵉⵏ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵣⵎⵣ ⵉⵖⵣⵣⵉⴼⵏ, ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵍⵎⴷⵏ ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ ⵜⴰⴷⵖⵔⴰⵏⵜ ⵍⵎⴷⵏ ⵜⵓⵙⵙⵏⴰ ⵎⵇⵇⴰⵔ ⴷ ⵖⴰⵙ ⵉⵎⵉⴽ ⴳ ⵜⵓⵙⵙⵏⴰ ⵏⵏⴰ.

His approach was empirical, skeptical of overgeneralizations, and eschewed attempts to establish universal laws.

ⵜⴰⵎⵢⴰⴷⴰⵙⵜ ⵏⵏⵙ ⵜⴳⴰ ⵜⴰⵔⴰⵎⴰⵏⵜ, ⵜⴰⵎⵉⵊⴰⵏⵜ/ ⵜⴰⵙⵓⵔⴷⴰⵏⵜ ⴳ ⵓⵙⵎⴰⵜⴰ ⵉⵡⴼⴰⵏ ⵉⴳⴳⵓⴷⵉⵏ, ⴷ ⵢⵓⴳⵢ ⵉⵔⵉⵎⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵙⴽⵓ ⵏ ⵉⵙⵍⴳⵏ ⵉⵖⵣⵓⵔⴰⵏⵏ.

He believed that each culture has to be studied in its particularity, and argued that cross-cultural generalizations, like those made in the natural sciences, were not possible.

ⵢⵓⵎⵏ ⵉⵙ ⴷ ⵉⵇⵇⴰⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵙⴱⴰⵢⵏ ⵓⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵙ ⵜⵙⵜⵢ ⴽⵓ ⵜⵓⵙⵙⵏⴰ. ⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵎⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵉⵙⵎⴰⵜⴰⵢⵏ ⵉⵏⴳⵔⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵏ, ⵣⵓⵏⴷ ⵡⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⴳⴰⵏ ⴳ ⵜⵎⴰⵙⵙⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⴳⴰⵎⴰⵏⵉⵏ, ⵓⵔ ⴳⵉⵏ ⵉⵣⵓⴱⴰⵥ.

His first generation of students included Alfred Kroeber, Robert Lowie, Edward Sapir, and Ruth Benedict, who each produced richly detailed studies of indigenous North American cultures.

ⵜⴰⵙⵓⵜⴰ ⵏⵏⵙ ⵜⴰⵎⵣⵡⴰⵔⵓⵜ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⵔⴰⵡⵏ ⵉⵍⵍⴰ ⴷⵉⴳⵙ ⴰⵍⴼⵔⵉⴷ ⴽⵔⵓⴱⵔ, ⵕⵓⴱⵉⵔ ⵍⵓⵡⵉ, ⵉⴷⵡⴰⵔⴷ ⵙⴰⴱⵉⵔ, ⴷ ⵔⵓⵜ ⴱⵉⵏⵉⴷⵉⴽⵜ, ⴽⵓ ⵢⴰⵏ ⴷⵉⴳⵙⵏ ⵉⴼⴽⴰ ⵜⵉⵖⵓⵔⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵉⴼⵔⵓⵔⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵉⵎⵣⵡⵓⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵜⵓⵙⵙⵏⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵜⴰⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⵜ ⵏ ⵓⴳⴰⴼⴰ.

The publication of Alfred Kroeber's textbook Anthropology (1923) marked a turning point in American anthropology.

ⵜⴰⵥⵕⵉⴳⵜ ⵏ ⴰⵍⴼⵔⵉⴷ ⴽⵕⵓⴱⵕ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ (1923) ⵉⵙⵙⵏⴼⵍ ⴰⵣⵣⵉⴳⵣ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⴰⵏⵜ.

Influenced by psychoanalytic psychologists including Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung, these authors sought to understand the way that individual personalities were shaped by the wider cultural and social forces in which they grew up.

ⵜⵜⵓⴹⵉⵚⵏ ⵙ ⵉⴱⵙⵉⴽⵓⵍⵓⴳⵏ ⵉⴱⵙⵉⴽⴰⵏⴰⵍⵉⵜⴽⵏ ⵣⵓⵏⴷ ⵙⵉⴳⵎⵓⵏⴷ ⴼⵔⵓⵢⴷ ⴷ ⵔⴰⴽⵍ ⵊⵓⵏⴳ, ⵉⵎⴳⴰⵢⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵔⵣⴰⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵔⵎⵙⵏ ⵉⵎⴽⵉⴷⴷⴰ ⵙ ⵇⵇⴰⵣⵏ ⵡⴰⴳⴳⴰⴹⵏ ⵉⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵏ ⵉⵖⵣⵣⴰⴼⵏ ⵜⵉⵡⵔⵉⴽⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵎⴷⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⴷⴷⵔⵏ ⵔⵎⵓⵏⵜ ⴷⵉⴳⵙⵏ.

Economic anthropology as influenced by Karl Polanyi and practiced by Marshall Sahlins and George Dalton challenged standard neoclassical economics to take account of cultural and social factors, and employed Marxian analysis into anthropological study.

ⵜⴰⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⴷⵎⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⵉⵎⴽⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵙ ⵜⵜ ⵉⴹⵓⵚ ⴽⴰⵕⵍ ⴱⵓⵍⴰⵏⵢⵉ, ⴷ ⵉⵎⴽⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵙ ⵜⵜ ⵉⵜⵜⴳⴳⴰ ⵎⴰⵕⵛⴰⵍ ⵙⴰⵍⵉⵏⵣ ⴷ ⵊⵓⵕⵊ ⴷⴰⵍⵟⵓⵏ , ⵜⵓⴳⵢ ⵜⴰⴷⵎⵙⴰ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵡⴰⵢⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⵢⵓⴽⵍⴰⵙⵉⴽⵜ, ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵙⵙⵉⵜⴳ ⵉⴼⵔⴷⵉⵙⵏ ⵉⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵏ, ⵜⵙⵎⵔⵙ ⴰⵙⴼⵙⵉ ⴰⵎⴰⵕⴽⵙⴰⵏ ⴳ ⵜⵖⵓⵔⵉ ⵜⴰⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ.

In keeping with the times, much of anthropology became politicized through the Algerian War of Independence and opposition to the Vietnam War; Marxism became an increasingly popular theoretical approach in the discipline.

ⵙ ⵜⵓⵍⵓⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵜⵜ ⵏⵏ ⵉⴽⴽⴰⵏ ⴳ ⵡⴰⴽⵓⴷⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ, ⵡⴰⵀⵍⵉ ⴳ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴽⵯⵛⵎ ⵙ ⵜⵙⵔⵜⵉⵜ ⵉⴷⴷⵖ ⵉⵍⵍⴰ ⵉⵎⵏⵖⵉ ⵏ ⴷⵣⴰⵢⵔ ⴷ ⵜⵏⵎⴳⵍⴰ ⵜⵜ ⵏⵏ ⵉⴽⴽⴰⵏ ⵎⵏⵉⴷ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵏⵖⵉ ⵏ ⵓⴱⵉⵟⵏⴰⵎ, ⵜⴰⵖⵓⵍ ⵜⵎⴰⵔⴽⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⴷ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⵢⴰⴷⴰⵙⵜ ⵜⴰⵥⵉⵕⴰⵏⵜ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵢⴰⵙⵙⵏ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⴳ ⵉⴳⵔ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ.

In the 1980s books like Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter pondered anthropology's ties to colonial inequality, while the immense popularity of theorists such as Antonio Gramsci and Michel Foucault moved issues of power and hegemony into the spotlight.

ⴳ ⵉⴷⵍⵉⵙⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⴼⴼⵖⵏ ⴳ ⵉⵙⴳⴳⵯⴰⵙⵏ ⵏ 1980 ⵣⵓⵏⴷ “ⴰⵏⵟⵕⵓⴱⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉ” ⴷ “ⴽⵓⵍⵓⵏⵢⴰⵍ ⵉⵏⴽⴰⵡⵏⵜⵔ’’ ⴼⴽⴰⵏ ⴰⵙⵇⵙⵉ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵣⴷⴰⵢⵜ ⵉⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⴳⵔ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⴷ ⵜⵎⵢⴰⴳⴰⵔⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵉⵏ, ⵉⴷⴷⵖ ⵜⵜⵓⵢⴰⵙⵙⴰⵏ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵙⵙⵉⵥⵕⵉⵜⵏ ⵣⵓⵏⴷ ⴰⵏⵟⵓⵏⵢⵓ ⴳⵔⴰⵎⵛⵉ ⴷ ⵎⵉⵛⵉⵍ ⴼⵓⴽⵓ, ⵜⴰⵎⴷⵏⴰⵏⵜ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ ⵜⵙⵙⵓⴼⵖ ⴷ ⵙ ⴰⵙⵉⴷⴷ ⵉⵙⵇⵙⵉⵜⵏ ⵉⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⴳⵔ ⵓⵡⴰⵏⴽ ⴷ ⵓⴱⵔⵙⴽⵉⵍ.

These interpretations must then be reflected back to its originators, and its adequacy as a translation fine-tuned in a repeated way, a process called the hermeneutic circle.

ⵉⴼⴰⵔⵙⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵅⵚⵚⴰ ⴰⴷ ⵓⵖⵓⵍⵏ ⵙ ⵉⵎⴳⴰⵢⵏ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ, ⴰⴷ ⵜⵜⵓⵔⵎⴰⵙⵏ ⴰⵎⵎ ⵉⵙⵓⵖⵍⵏ ⵢⵓⵍⵙⵏ, ⴰⵢⴰ ⴷ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵣⵣⵉⴳⵣ ⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵙ ⵡⴰⵙⵙⴰⵖ “ⵜⴰⵡⵔⴻⵔⵔⴰⵢⵜ ⵜⵉⵔⵎⵉⵜⵉⴽⵜ”

David Schnieder's cultural analysis of American kinship has proven equally influential.

ⴰⴼⵙⵉ ⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏ ⵏ ⴷⴰⴱⵉⴷ ⵛⵏⴰⵢⴷⵔ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵎⵢⴰⵙⵙⴰ ⴰⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⴰⵏ ⵉⴼⴽⴰ ⴰⵡⴷ ⵏⵜⵜⴰ ⵉⴹⵉⵚ ⵏⵏⵙ.

The method originated in the field research of social anthropologists, especially Bronislaw Malinowski in Britain, the students of Franz Boas in the United States, and in the later urban research of the Chicago School of Sociology.

ⵜⴰⵎⴰⵎⴽⵜ ⵜⵓⴼⴰ ⵉⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏ ⵏⵏⵙ ⴳ ⵉⵔⵣⵣⵓⵜⵏ ⵏ ⵢⵉⴳⵔ ⵏⵏⴰ ⴳⴰⵏ ⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏ ⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵏ, ⵍⵓⵎⴰⵕ ⴱⵕⵓⵏⵉⵙⵍⴰⵡ ⵎⴰⵍⵉⵏⵓⴼⵙⴽⵉ ⴳ ⴱⵕⵉⵟⴰⵏⵢⴰ, ⵉⵎⵣⵔⴰⵡ ⵏ ⴼⵕⴰⵏⵣ ⴱⵡⴰⵙ ⴳ ⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⴰⵏ ⴷ , ⴳ ⵜⵉⵢⵢⵉⵔⴰ, ⴳ ⵓⵔⵣⵣⵓ ⴰⵖⵔⵎⴰⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵜⴳⴰ ⵜⵉⵏⵎⵍ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵜ ⵏ ⵛⵉⴽⴰⴳⵓ.

Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press.

ⵡⴰⵍⵓⵏⵜ ⴽⵔⵉⴽ, ⵙⴰ: ⴰⵍⵟⴰ ⵎⵉⵔⴰ ⴱⵕⵉⵙⵙ.

To establish connections that will eventually lead to a better understanding of the cultural context of a situation, an anthropologist must be open to becoming part of the group, and willing to develop meaningful relationships with its members.

ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵙⴽⵓ ⵜⵉⵣⴷⴰⵢⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵖⵉⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵙⵙⵉⵡⴹⵏ ⵙ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵔⵎⴰⵙ ⵢⵓⴼⵏ ⵉ ⵓⵎⵏⴰⴹ ⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵙⵓⵔⵙ, ⵉⵅⵚⵚⴰ ⴰⴷ ⵢⵓⵎⵓ ⵓⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏ, ⵉⴽⵯⵛⵎ ⵙ ⴰⵎⵎⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵜⵔⴰⴱⴱⵓⵜ, ⵜⵉⵍⵉ ⵖⵓⵔⵙ ⵜⵉⵔⴰⵜ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵙⵙⵎⵖⵓⵔ ⵉⵙⵅⵉⵜⵔ ⵜⵉⵣⴷⴰⵢⵉⵏ ⵉⴳⴳⵓⴷⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵉⴳⵎⴰⵎⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵔⴰⴱⴱⵓⵜ.

Before participant observation can begin, an anthropologist must choose both a location and a focus of study.

ⴷⴰⵜ ⵓⵙⵙⵏⵜⵉ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵏⵉⵖⵙ ⵙ ⵡⵓⵎⵓ, ⵉⵅⵚⵚⴰ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵙⵜⵢ ⵓⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏ ⴰⴷⵖⴰⵔ ⴷ ⵓⵡⵜⵜⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵜⵖⵓⵔⵉ ⵏⵏⵙ ⴳ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵉⴽⴽⵍⵜ.

This allows the anthropologist to become better established in the community.

ⴰⵢⴰ ⴷⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⴰⴷⵊⴰ ⴰⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵢⵓⵎⵓ ⵢⴰⵎⵥ ⴰⴷⵖⴰⵔ ⵏⵏⵙ ⴰⵎⵎⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵜⴳⵔⴰⵡⵜ.

The majority of participant observation is based on conversation.

ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵏⵉⵖⵙ ⵙ ⵡⵓⵎⵓ ⵉⴱⴷⴷⴰ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵎⵔⴰⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵡⴰⵍ.

In some cases, ethnographers also turn to structured observation, in which an anthropologist's observations are directed by a specific set of questions he or she is trying to answer.

ⵉⴷⵙⵏⵜ ⵜⵉⴽⴽⴰⵍ, ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵓⵖⵓⵍⵏ ⵉⵜⵏⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉⵢⵏ ⵙ ⵓⵙⵏⵉⵖⵙ ⵉⵍⴰⵏ ⵜⵓⵚⴽⵉⵡⵜ, ⴳ ⵡⴰⵏⴰⵡ ⴰⴷ , ⵉⵙⵏⵉⵖⵉⵙⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏ ⴷⴰ ⴷⵉⴳⵙⵏ ⵜⵜⵏⴱⴰⴹⵏ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵙⵇⵙⵉⵜⵏ ⵉⵥⵍⵉⵏ ⵉⵣⴷⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵓⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵎⵉ ⵉⵔⴰ ⵓⵎⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏ ⴰⴷ ⴰⵙⵏ ⵉⴼⴽ ⵜⴰⵎⵔⴰⵔⵓⵜ.

This helps to standardize the method of study when ethnographic data is being compared across several groups or is needed to fulfill a specific purpose, such as research for a governmental policy decision.

ⴷⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⴰⵡⵙ ⴳ ⵓⵙⵎⵙⴰⵙⴰ ⵏ ⵜⴱⵔⵉⴷⵜ ⵏ ⵜⵖⵓⵔⵉ ⴰⴷⴷⴰⵢ ⴷⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵙⵎⵣⴰⵣⴰⵍ ⵓⴷⴰⵜⴰ ⵏ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ, ⵏⵖⴷ ⴰⴷⴷⴰⵢ ⵖⵉⴼⵙ ⵏⴱⴷⴷ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵏⵏ ⵏⴰⵡⴹ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵙⴽⴽⵉⵏ ⵉⵥⵍⵉⵏ , ⵣⵓⵏⴷ ⵉⴳ ⵏⵔⴰ ⴰⴷ ⵏⴳ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵙⵔⵜⵉⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴱⴰⴹⴰⵏⵜ ⵉⵥⵍⵉⵏ.

Who the ethnographer is has a lot to do with what he or she will eventually write about a culture, because each researcher is influenced by his or her own perspective.

ⵉⵖⵢ ⵉⵙ ⴷ ⵜⴰⵎⴰⴳⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵜⵏⵓⴳⵔⴰⴼ ⵖⵓⵔⵙ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵓⵙⵓⵔⵜ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵔⵓ ⵅⴼ ⵜⴷⵍⵙⴰ, ⴰⵛⴽⵓ ⴽⵓ ⴰⵎⵔⵣⵓ ⴷⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⴹⵉⵚ ⵙ ⵜⴰⵏⵏⴰⵢⵜ ⵏⵏⵙ ⵜⴰⵏⵉⵎⴰⵏⵜ.

However, these approaches have not generally been successful, and modern ethnographers often choose to include their personal experiences and possible biases in their writing instead.

ⵎⴰⵛⴰⵏ ⵜⵉⴱⵔⵉⴷⵉⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵓⵔ ⵎⵎⵓⵔⵉⵙⵏⵜ ⵙ ⵓⵎⴰⵜⴰ, ⵉⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼⵏ ⵉⵜⵔⴰⵔⵏ ⴷⴰ ⴼⵔⵔⵏ ⴰⵟⵟⴰⵚ ⴰⴷ ⵙⴽⵯⵛⵎⵏ ⵉⵔⵉⵎⵏ ⵉⵏⵉⵎⴰⵏⵏ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⴷⴷⵔⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵏⵢⵓⴼⵓⵜⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ ⴳ ⵜⵉⵔⵔⴰ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ.

An ethnography is a piece of writing about a people, at a particular place and time.

ⵜⴰⵜⵏⵓⴳⵔⴰⴼⵜ ⴷ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵡⴰⵔⵔⴰ ⵅⴼ ⵓⴰⵏ ⵓⵎⴷⴰⵏ ⴳ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵡⴰⵏⵙⴰ ⴷ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵣⵎⵣ ⵉⵎⵏⵖⵓⴷⵏ.

A typical ethnography will also include information about physical geography, climate and habitat.

ⵜⴰⵜⵏⵓⴳⵔⴰⴼⵜ ⵜⵓⵏⴳⵉⵎⵜ ⴷⴰ ⴷⵉⴳⵙ ⵜⵜⵉⵍⵉⵏⵜ ⵜⵏⵖⵎⵉⵙⵉⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵊⵢⵓⴳⵔⴰⴼⵜ ⵜⴰⴼⵉⵣⵉⴽⵜ ⴷ ⵓⵏⵣⵡⵉ ⴷ ⵓⵣⴷⵓⵖ.

Boas' students such as Alfred L. Kroeber, Ruth Benedict and Margaret Mead drew on his conception of culture and cultural relativism to develop cultural anthropology in the United States.

ⵉⵎⵣⵔⴰⵡⵏ ⵏ ⴱⵓⵣ ⴰⵎⵎ ⴰⵍⴼⵔⵉⴷ ⵍ.ⴽⵕⵓⴱⵓ, ⵔⵓⵜ ⴱⵉⵏⵉⴷⵉⴽⵜ ⴷ ⵎⴰⵔⴳⴰⵔⵉⵜ ⵎⵉⴷ ⵓⴳⵎⵏ ⵙⴳ ⵓⵏⴳⴰⵎ ⵏⵏⵙ ⵉ ⵜⴷⵍⵙⴰ ⴷ ( relativisme) ⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵙⴱⵓⵖⵍⵓⵏ ⵜⴰⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⴳ ⵉⵡⵏⵏⴰⴽⵏ ⵉⵎⴰⵏⵏ (ⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⴰⵏ).

Today socio-cultural anthropologists attend to all these elements.

ⴰⵙⵙⴰ, ⵜⴰⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵙⵏⴰⵎⵓⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵓⵡⵢ ⵜⵜ ⴳ ⵉⴼⵔⴷⵉⵙⵏ ⴰⴷ ⴰⴽⴽⵯ.

"American ""cultural anthropologists"" focused on the ways people expressed their view of themselves and their world, especially in symbolic forms, such as art and myths."

ⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⴰⵏⵏ ⵙⴷⵉⴽⴽⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵉⵎⴽⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵙ ⵙⴰⵡⴰⵍⵏ ⵉⵡⴷⴰⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵢⵉⵎⴰⵏ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ ⴷ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵎⴰⴹⴰⵍ, ⵍⵓⵎⴰⵕ ⵙ ⵉⵎⵓⵖⵏⴰ ⵉⵙⵉⵎⴰⵜⴰⵔⴰⵏⵏ ⵣⵓⵏⴷ ⵜⴰⵥⵓⵕⵉ, ⵓⵎⵉⵢⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵏⴼⵓⵙⵉⵏ.

Monogamy, for example, is frequently touted as a universal human trait, yet comparative study shows that it is not.

ⵜⴰⵢⵏⵉⵡⵍⵜ ⵙ ⵓⵎⴷⵢⴰ, ⴰⵀⴰ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵓⵙⵏⴽⴰⴷ ⴰⵎⵎ ⵉⵙ ⵜⴳⴰ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⴼⵔⵙⵜ ⵜⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵖⵣⵓⵔⴰⵏⵜ, ⵎⴰⵛⴰⵏ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵖⵔⵉ ⵜⴰⵙⵎⵣⴰⵣⴰⵍⵜ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵎⵎⴰⵍ ⴰⵎⴳⴰⵍ.

Through this methodology, greater insight can be gained when examining the impact of world-systems on local and global communities.

ⵙ ⵜⴱⵔⵉⴷⵜ ⴷⴷⵖ, ⵏⵖⵢ ⴰⴷ ⵏⵍⴽⵎ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵔⵎⴰⵙ ⵢⵓⴼⵏ, ⴰⵢⴰ ⵙ ⵓⵔⵣⵓ ⵏ ⵜⵓⵙⵓⵔⵜ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵜⵜⴳⴳⴰⵏ ⵉⴳⵔⴰⵡⵏ ⵉⵎⴰⴹⵍⴰⵏⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵔⴱⵉⵄⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⴷⵖⴰⵔⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵖⵣⵓⵔⴰⵏⵉⵏ.

"For example, a multi-sited ethnography may follow a ""thing,"" such as a particular commodity, as it is transported through the networks of global capitalism."

“ⵙ ⵓⵎⴷⵢⴰ, ⵜⴰⵜⵏⵓⴳⵔⴰⴼⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⵏⵏⴰⵡⴷⵖⴰⵔⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵥⴹⴰⵕ ⴰⴷ ⵜⴹⴼⵓⵕ ⵢⴰⵜ ""ⵜⵖⴰⵡⵙⴰ""ⴰⵎⵎ ⴽⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵓⵏⵏⴰⵣⵉⵣ/ ⵓⵢⴰⴼⵓ , ⵉⵎⴽⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵙ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵙⵎⴰⵜⵜⴰⵢ ⴳ ⵜⵔⴰⵜⵙⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵜⴰⴳⴳⴰⵔⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⴰⴹⵍⴰⵏⵜ”.

An example of multi-sited ethnography is Nancy Scheper-Hughes' work on the international black market for the trade of human organs.

ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵎⴷⵢⴰ ⵏ ⵜⴻⵜⵏⵓⴳⵔⴰⴼⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⵏⵏⴰⵡⴷⵖⴰⵔⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴳⴰ ⵜ ⵜⵡⵓⵔⵉ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵜⵙⵙⴽⵔ ⵏⴰⵏⵙⵉ ⵛⵉⴱⵔ ⵀⵢⵓⵣ ⵅⴼ ⵓⴳⴰⴷⴰⵣ ⴰⴱⵔⵔⴽⴰⵏ ⴰⵎⴰⴹⵍⴰⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵙⵖⵏⵣⵉ ⵏ ⵉⵙⴽⵏⴰⴼⵏ ⵉⵏⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ.

Research in kinship studies often crosses over into different anthropological subfields including medical, feminist, and public anthropology.

ⵉⵔⵣⵣⵓⵜⵏ ⴳ ⵜⵖⵓⵔⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵎⵢⵉⵙⵙⴰ, ⴷⴰ ⵡⴰⵍⴰ ⵣⵔⵔⵉⵏ ⴳ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵡⴰⴷⴰⵡⴳⵔⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ, ⵍⵓⵎⴰⵕ ⵜⴰⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵙⵏⵉⵊⵊⵢⴰⵏⵜ, ⵜⴰⵡⵜⵎⴰⵏⵜ ⴷ ⵜⴳⴷⵓⴷⴰⵏⵜ.

That is the matrix into which human children are born in the great majority of cases, and their first words are often kinship terms.

ⴰⵢⵏⵏⴰⵖ ⴰⵢⴷ ⵉⵜⵜⴳⴳⴰⵏ ⴰⵙⵉⵔⵡ ⵏⵏⴰ ⴳ ⵜⵜⵍⴰⵍⴰⵏ ⵉⵎⵥⵥⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⵏⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ ⴳ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵡⴰⴷⴷⴰⴷⵏ, ⴷ ⵉⵡⴰⵍⵉⵡⵏ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵏ ⵡⴰⵍⴰ ⵜⴳⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴳⵓⵔⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵉⵣⴷⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵓⵎⵢⴰⵙⵙⴰ.

There are stark differences between communities in terms of marital practice and value, leaving much room for anthropological fieldwork.

ⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⴰⵔⴰⵢⵏ ⵉⵅⴰⵜⴰⵔⵏ ⴳⵔ ⵜⴳⵔⴱⴰⵣⵉⵏ ⴳ ⵓⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵟⵟⴼⵏ ⵙ ⵜⵎⵙⴽⴰⵔⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵏⴷⵉⵜⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵡⵍⴰⵏⵉⵏ. ⴰⵢⵏⵏⴰⵖ ⴰ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵅⵚⵚⴰ ⵜⴰⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⴰⵎⵎⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵏⵙⴰ ⵏ ⵜⵡⵓⵔⵉ.

The marital practice found in most cultures, however, is monogamy, where one woman is married to one man.

ⵜⵉⵎⵙⴽⵔⵜ ⵜⴰⵡⵍⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵍⵍⴰ ⴳ ⵡⴰⵟⵟⴰⵚ ⵏ ⵜⴷⵍⵙⵉⵡⵉⵏ, ⵜⴳⴰ ⵜⴰⵢⵏⵉⵡⵍⵜ ⵏⵏⴰ ⴳ ⵍⵍⴰ ⵜⵜⴰⵡⵍ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⵟⵟⵓⴹⵜ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵔⴳⴰⵣ.

There are similar foundational differences where the act of procreation is concerned.

ⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⵎⵏⵏⴰⵡ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⵉⵔⴰⵢⵏ ⵉⵎⵖⵜⴰⵙⵏ ⵉⵎⵢⴰⵖⵏ ⴳ ⵓⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵣⴷⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵎⵙⴽⵉⵔⵜ ⵏ ⵢⵉⵔⵡ.

The shift can be traced back to the 1960s, with the reassessment of kinship's basic principles offered by Edmund Leach, Rodney Neeham, David Schneider, and others.

ⴰⵙⵏⴼⵍ ⵉⵙⵙⵏⵜⵢ ⵙⴳ ⵉⵙⴳⴳⵯⴰⵙⵏ ⵏ 1960, ⴷ ⵓⵣⵜⴳ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵏⵣⴰⵢⵏ ⵉⵔⵙⴰⵍⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵢⴰⵙⵙⴰ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵙⵙⵓⵔⵎ ⵉⴷⵎⵓⵏⴷ ⵍⵉⵛ, ⵕⵓⴷⵏⵉ ⵏⵉⵀⴰⵎ, ⴷⴰⴱⵉⴷ ⵛⵏⴰⵢⴷⵔ ⴷ ⵡⵉⵢⴰⴹ.

This shift was progressed further by the emergence of second-wave feminism in the early 1970s, which introduced ideas of marital oppression, sexual autonomy, and domestic subordination.

ⴰⵙⵏⴼⵍ ⴰⴷ ⵉⴱⴱⵓⵖⵍⴰ ⵓⴳⴳⴰⵔ ⴰⴽⴷ ⵉⵍⵡⵡⵉ ⵡⵉⵙⵙ ⵙⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵓⵙⵙⵓ ⴰⵡⵜⵎⴰⵏ ⵜⵉⵣⵡⵓⵔⵉ ⵏ ⵉⵙⴳⴳⵯⴰⵙⵏ ⵏ 1970, ⵏⵏⴰ ⴷ ⵢⵓⵡⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵡⵏⴳⵉⵎⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵓⴷⴰⴳⴰⵣ ⴰⵍⵎⵙⵙⴰⵏ, ⵜⴰⵙⵉⵎⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵣⴼⴰⵏⵜ, ⴷ ⵓⵡⵍⵍⵊ ⴰⴳⵎⴰⵏ ( ⴳ ⵜⴳⵎⵎⵉ).

"At this time, there was the arrival of ""Third World feminism"", a movement that argued kinship studies could not examine the gender relations of developing countries in isolation, and must pay respect to racial and economic nuance as well."

“ⵜⵉⵣⵉ ⴰⵏⵏ, ⵜⵉⵡⴹ ⴷⴷ ‘’’’ ⵜⵡⵜⵎⴰⵏⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵎⴰⴹⴰⵍ ⵡⵉⵙⵙ ⴽⵕⴰⴹ’’’’, ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵎⵓⵙⵙⵓ ⵏⵏⴰ ⴷ ⵢⵓⵡⵉⵏ ⵎⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵜⵉⵖⵓⵔⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵎⵢⴰⵙⵙⴰ, ⵓⵔ ⵖⵉⵢⵏⵜ ⴰⴷ ⵣⵔⵓⵏⵜ ⵜⵉⵙⵇⵇⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵏⴰⵡ ⴳ ⵜⵎⵉⵣⴰⵔ ⵉⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⴳ ⵓⴱⵔⵉⴷ ⵏ ⵜⴳⵎⵉ ⴷ ⵓⵙⴱⵓⵖⵍⵓ ⵉ ⵉⵖⴼ ⵏⵙⵏⵜ, ⵎⴰⵛⴰⵏ ⵉⵙ ⵉⵅⵚⵚⴰ ⴰⴷ ⵔⴰⵔⵉⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵖⴹⴼⵜ ⵙ, ⵣⵔⴽⵏⵜ ⴰⵡⴷ ⵉⵎⵣⴰⵔⴰⵢⵏ ⵉⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵏ ⴷ ⵉⴷⵎⵙⴰⵏⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵍⵍⴰⵏ’’

In Jamaica, marriage as an institution is often substituted for a series of partners, as poor women cannot rely on regular financial contributions in a climate of economic instability.

ⴳ ⴷⵊⴰⵎⴰⵢⴽⴰ, ⴷⴰ ⵡⴰⵍⴰ ⵜⵜⵓⵙⴽⴰⵔⵏ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵎⴷⵔⴰⵡⵏ ⴳ ⵓⴷⵖⴰⵔ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵔⵙⵍⵜ ⵏ ⵢⵉⵡⵍ, ⴰⵛⴽⵓ ⵓⵔ ⵖⵉⵢⵏⵜ ⵜⵡⵜⵎⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵎⵥⵍⴰⴹ ⴰⴷ ⵄⵡⵡⵍⵏⵜ ⵅⴼ ⵉⵏⴰⵖⵓⵍⵏ/ ⵉⵏⴽⵛⵓⵎⵏ ⵉⵥⵕⴼⴰⵏⵏ ⴳ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵉⵙⵡⴰⵖ ⵏ ⵜⴰⵔⵡⴰⵔⵜ ⵜⴰⴷⵎⵙⴰⵏⵜ.

With this technology, questions of kinship have emerged over the difference between biological and genetic relatedness, as gestational surrogates can provide a biological environment for the embryo while the genetic ties remain with a third party.

ⴰⴽⴷ ⵜⴻⵜⵉⴽⵏⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉⵜ ⴰⴷ, ⵓⵎⴰⵏⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵙⵇⵙⵉⵜⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵢⵉⵙⴰ, ⵡⵉⵏ ⵓⵎⵣⴰⵔⴰⵢ ⴳⵔ ⵓⵎⵢⴰⵙⴰ ⴰⴱⵢⵓⵍⵓⵊⴰⵏ ⴷ ⵓⵊⵉⵏⵉⵜⵉⴽ, ⴰⵛⴽⵓ ⵍⵍⴰⵏⵜ ⵉⴷ ⵎⵎⴰ ⵜⵉⴷⵉⵙⴽⵔⴰⵏⵉⵏ (ⵜⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⴽⵔⵔⵓⵏ ⴰⴷⵉⵙ ⵏⵏⵙⵏⵜ) ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵊⵓⵊⴰⴷⵏ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵏⵎⵉⵍ ⴰⴱⵢⵓⵍⵓⵊⴰⵏ ⵉ ⵜⴹⵕⴰⵏⵜ, ⵎⵇⵇⴰⵔ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵖⵉⵎⴰⵏ ⵉⵙⵇⵇⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⵊⵉⵏⵉⵜⵉⴽⵏ ⴳⵔ ⵜⴹⵕⴰⵏⵜ ⴷ ⵜⴰⵢⴹ ⵜⵎⵟⵟⵓⴹⵜ.

There have also been issues of reproductive tourism and bodily commodification, as individuals seek economic security through hormonal stimulation and egg harvesting, which are potentially harmful procedures.

ⴽⴽⴰⵏ ⵜⵜ ⵏⵏ ⴰⵡⴷ ⵜⵎⴽⵔⵉⵙⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵎⴰⵍⵍⴰⵢⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⴰⵔⴰⵡⵜ ⴷ ⵓⵣⵣⵏⵣ ⴰⴼⴳⴳⴰⵏ, ⴰⵛⴽⵓ ⵓⴳⴳⵉⴷⵏ ⴷⴰ ⵔⵣⵣⵓⵏ ⵜⴰⵏⴼⵔⵓⵜ ⵜⴰⴷⵎⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⵙ ⵡⴰⵏⵣⴰⵍ ⵏ ⵉⵀⵓⵕⵎⵓⵏⵏ ⴷ ⵓⵙⵎⵓⵜⵜⵔ ⵏ ⵜⴳⵍⴰⵢ, ⵜⵉⵎⵀⴰⵍ ⴰ, ⵉⵖⵢ ⵉⵙ ⵛⵇⵇⴰⵏⵜ ⴳⵉⵏⵜ ⵜⵉⵎⵖⵣⴰⴷⵉⵏ.

One critique is that, as its inception, the framework of kinship studies was far too structured and formulaic, relying on dense language and stringent rules.

ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵣⴰⵡⴰⵔ ⵉⴳⴰⵜ, ⵍⵍⵉⵖ ⴳ ⵍⵓⵍⴰⵏⵜ, ⴰⵙⴰⵜⵉ ⵏ ⵜⵖⵓⵔⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵢⴰⵙⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵚⴽⴰ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵢⵉⵍⵉ ⵜⴰⵏⵏⴰⵢⵉⵏ ⵜⵓⵔⵙⵉⵍⵉⵏ (ⵉⵙⵜⵉⵔⵢⵓⵜⵉⴱⵏ), ⵉⴱⴷⴷ ⵅⴼ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⵥⵥⴰⵡⵜ ⴷ ⵉⵙⵍⴳⵏⵏ ⵓⴷⵖⵉⵔⵏ.

Much of this development can be attributed to the rise in anthropologists working outside of academia and the increasing importance of globalization in both institutions and the field of anthropology.

ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⴳ ⵓⵙⴱⵓⵖⵍⵓ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵖⵢ ⵉⵙ ⵜ ⵉⴷ ⵜⵓⵡⵢ ⵜⵉⴳⴳⵉⴷⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⵙⵡⵓⵔⵉⵏ ⴱⵕⵕⴰ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵎⵎⴰⵙ ⴰⵙⴷⴰⵡⴰⵏ, ⵜⵓⵡⵢ ⵜ ⵉⴷ ⴰⵡⴷ ⵜⵏⴼⵔⴰⵔⴰ ⵜⴰⵎⵇⵔⴰⵏⵜ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵎⴰⴹⵍⵜ ⴳ ⵜⵎⵔⵙⴰⵍ ⴷ ⵢⵉⴳⵔ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ.

The two types of institutions defined in the field of anthropology are total institutions and social institutions.

ⵙⵉⵏ ⵡⴰⵏⴰⵡⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵔⵙⴰⵍ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵙⵏⵎⴰⵍⵏ ⴳ ⵉⴳⵔ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⴷ ⵜⵉⵎⵔⵙⴰⵍ ⵜⵉⴽⵜⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵎⵔⵙⴰⵍ ⵜⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵉⵏ.

Anthropology of institutions may analyze labor unions, businesses ranging from small enterprises to corporations, government, medical organizations, education, prisons, and financial institutions.

ⵜⴰⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵔⵙⴰⵍ ⵜⵖⵢ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵣⵔⵓ ⵉⵏⵎⵓⵍⵍⴰ, ⵜⵉⵎⵙⵙⵏⵜⴰⵢ ⵙⴳ ⵜⵎⵥⵥⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⴰⵔ ⵜⵉⵅⴰⵜⴰⵔⵉⵏ ( ⵜⵉⵎⵙⵙⵓⵔⵉⵏ), ⵜⴰⵏⴱⴰⴹⵜ ⵜⵉⵎⴷⴷⴰⵙⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵙⵏⵉⵊⵊⴰⵏⵉⵏ, ⴰⵙⵙⵍⵎⴷ ⴷ ⵓⵙⵙⴳⵎⵉ, ⵉⴱⵏⵉⵇⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵎⵔⵙⴰⵍ ⵜⵉⵥⵕⴼⴰⵏⵉⵏ.

Institutional anthropologists may study the relationship between organizations or between an organization and other parts of society.

ⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵔⵙⴰⵍ ⵥⴹⴰⵕⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵖⵔⵏ ⵜⴰⵣⴷⴰⵢⵜ ⴳⵔ ⵜⵎⴰⴷⴷⴰⵙⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵉⴼⵓⵍⵉⵏ ⴰⴹⵏⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵎⵓⵏ.

More specifically, anthropologists may analyze specific events within an institution, perform semiotic investigations, or analyze the mechanisms by which knowledge and culture are organized and dispersed.

ⵙ ⵡⵓⴳⴳⴰⵔ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵏⵖⵓⴷ, ⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ ⵖⵉⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵙⴼⵙⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵎⵙⴰⵔ ⵜⵉⵎⵥⵍⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⴰⴳⵏⵙⵓ ⵏ ⵢⴰⵜ ⴳ ⵜⵎⵔⵙⴰⵍ, ⴰⴷ ⴳⵉⵏ ⵉⵙⴼⵙⴰⵢⵏ ⵉⵙⵉⵎⵢⵓⵜⵉⴽⵏ ⵉ ⵉⵎⵉⴽⴰⵏⵉⵣⵎⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵙ ⵜⵜⵓⵙⵓⴷⵙⵏⵜ ⴰⵔ ⵉⵙⵙ ⵜⵜⵓⴼⵜⵜⴰⵙⵏⵜ ⵜⵓⵙⵙⵏⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵜⴷⵍⵙⴰ.

This new era would involve many new technological developments, such as mechanical recording.

ⴰⵣⵎⵣ ⴰⴷ ⴰⵎⴰⵢⵏⵓ ⵉⵙⵖⴰⵡⵙ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵙⴱⵓⵖⵍⵓⵜⵏ ⵉⵜⵉⴽⵏⵓⵍⵓⵊⴰⵏⵏ, ⴰⵎⵎ ⵓⵣⵎⵎⴻⵎ ⴰⵎⵉⴽⴰⵏⵉⴽ.

Current Anthropology 43(Supplement):S5-17.Schieffelin, Bambi B. 2006.

ⴽⵓⵔⵏⵜ ⴰⵏⵟⵕⵓⴱⴱⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉ 43 ( ⵙⵓⴱⴱⵍⵉⵎⵏⵜ): ⵙ5-17. ⵛⵛⵉⴼⵍⵉⵏ, ⴱⴰⵎⴱⵉ ⴱ.2006.

"Woolard, in her overview of ""code switching"", or the systematic practice of alternating linguistic varieties within a conversation or even a single utterance, finds the underlying question anthropologists ask of the practice—Why do they do that?—reflects a dominant linguistic ideology."

“ⵡⵓⵍⴰⵕⴷ, ⴳ ⵓⵙⵏⵉⵖⵙ ⵏⵏⵙ ⵉ ‘’’’ⴽⵓⴷ ⵙⵡⵉⵜⵛ”””” ⵏⵖⴷ ⵜⵉⵎⵙⴽⵉⵔⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴳⵔⴰⵡⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵎⵍⵓⵍⵍⵉ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵎⵙⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵙⵏⵉⵍⵙⵉⵏ ⴰⵎⵎⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵎⵔⴰⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵡⴰⵍ, ⵏⵖⴷ ⴰⵎⵎⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵢⵓⵡⵜ ⵜⵉⵏⴰⵢⵜ, ⵜⵓⴼⴰ ⴰⵙⵇⵙⵉ ⵉⵏⵜⵍⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵜⵜⵉⴽⴽⵉⵏ ⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ ⴳ ⵜⵎⵙⴽⵉⵔⵜ — ⵎⴰⵖ ⴰⵍⵍⵉⴳ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⴳⴳⴰⵏ ⴰⵢⴰ? ⵜⴰⴷⵢⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉⵜ ⵜⴰⵙⵏⵉⵍⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⵎⵖⴰⵔⵜ.”

Other linguists have carried out research in the areas of language contact, language endangerment, and 'English as a global language'.

ⵉⵎⵙⵏⵉⵍⵙⵏ ⴰⴹⵏⵉⵏ ⴳⴰⵏ ⵉⵔⵣⵣⵓⵜⵏ ⴳ ⵉⴳⵔ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵢⴰⴳⴳⴰⵢ ⴰⵙⵏⵉⵍⵙⴰⵏ, ⴷ ⵡⵉⵏ ⵓⵙⵎⵉⵣⵉ ⵏ ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ, ⴷ ⵡⵉⵏ “ⵜⴰⵏⴳⵍⵉⵣⵜ ⴷ ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⴰⴹⵍⴰⵏⵜ”.

The work of Joel Kuipers develops this theme vis-a-vis the island of Sumba, Indonesia.

ⵜⴰⵡⵓⵔⵉ ⵏ ⵊⵡⵉⵍ ⴽⵡⵉⴱⵔⵣ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵙⴱⵓⵖⵍⵓ ⵉⵎⵔⵙⵉ ⴰⴷ ⵎⵏⵉⴷ ⵏ ⵜⴳⵣⵉⵔⵜ ⵏ ⵙⵓⵎⴱⴰ, ⵉⵏⴷⵓⵏⵉⵙⵢⴰ.

He feels, in fact, that the exemplary center idea is one of linguistic anthropology's three most important findings.

ⴷⴰ ⵉⵙⵢⴰⴼⴰ, ⵙ ⵜⵉⴷⵜ, ⵉⵙ ⴷ ⵜⴰⵡⵏⴳⵉⵎⵜ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵎⵎⴰⵙ ⴰⵎⴷⵢⴰⵏ ⵜⴰⵎⵓ ⴳ ⴽⵕⴰⴹⵜ ⵜⵡⴰⴼⵉⵜⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵅⴰⵜⴰⵔⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵙⵏⵉⵍⵙⵜ.

Therefore, after a couple generations these languages may no longer be spoken.

ⴰⵍⵜⵓ, ⴰⵡⴰⵔ ⵏ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵡⵓⵜⵉⵡⵉⵏ, ⵉⵖⵢ ⴰⴷ ⵢⴰⴷ ⵓⵔ ⵜⵜⵓⵙⴰⵡⴰⵍⵏⵜ ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵉⵏ ⴰⴷ.

To follow best practices of documentation, these records should be clearly annotated and kept safe within an archive of some kind.

ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵜⵡⴰⴳⴳⵏⵜ ⵜⵎⵙⴽⴰⵔ ⵜⵉⵎⵢⵓⴼⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵏⵜⴰⵎ, ⵉⵅⵚⵚⴰ ⵉⵙⵓⵔⴰⵙ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵡⴰⵣⵎⵎⴰⵎⵏ ⵎⵍⵉⵃ, ⵜⵜⵓⵃⴹⵓⵏⵏ ⴳ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵡⴰⵏⵙⴰ ⴰⵏⴼⵔⵓ.ⴰⵎⵎⴰⵙ ⵏ ⴽⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵔⵛⵉⴼ.

Language revitalization is the practice of bringing a language back into common use.

ⴰⵙⵙⵉⴷⵔ ⵜⴰⵢⴹ ⵜⵉⴽⴽⵍⵜ ⵉ ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ ⵜⴳⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⵙⴽⵉⵔⵜ ⵎⵖⵓⵔ ⴰⵡⵜⵜⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵡⴰⴷ ⵜⵓⵖⵓⵍ ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ ⵙ ⴰⵙⵎⵔⵙ ⴰⴽⵓⵢⴰⵙⵙ.

The course aims to educate indigenous and non-indigenous students about the Lenape language and culture.

ⵜⴰⵎⵙⵉⵔⵜ ⴰⴷ ⵖⵓⵔⵙ ⴰⵡⵜⵜⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵙⴳⵎⵢ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⵔⴰⵡⵏ ⵉⵟⵓⴽⵜⵓⵏⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵔⵉⵜⵉⴽⵟⵓⵏⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ ⴷ ⵜⴷⵍⵙⴰ ⵜⴰⵍⵉⵏⴰⴱⵜ.

Encouraging those who already know the language to use it, increasing the domains of usage, and increasing the overall prestige of the language are all components of reclamation.

ⴰⵙⵙⴱⵖⵙ ⵏ ⵡⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵢⴰⴷ ⵉⵙⵙⵏ ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵜ ⵙⵎⵔⴰⵙⵏ, ⴰⵙⴳⵉⴷⵢ ⵏ ⵢⵉⴳⵔⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵎⵔⵙ ⵏⵏⵙ, ⴷ ⵓⴼⵜⴰⵢ ⵏ ⵓⴱⵔⵉⵙⵜⵉⵊ ⴰⵖⵣⵓⵔⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ ⴰⵢⴷ ⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵉⴼⵔⴷⵉⵙⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵙⵉⴷⵔ.

Social anthropology is the study of patterns of behaviour in human societies and cultures.

ⵜⴰⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵜ ⴷ ⵜⵉⵖⵔⵉ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵏⴰⵡⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵎⴳⵉⵡⵉⵏ/ ⵜⵎⵙⴽⴰⵔ ⵏ ⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵏ ⵉⵏⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ ⴷ ⵜⴷⵍⵙⵉⵡⵉⵏ.

British and American anthropologists including Gillian Tett and Karen Ho who studied Wall Street provided an alternative explanation for the financial crisis of 2007–2010 to the technical explanations rooted in economic and political theory.

ⵉⴷⵙⵏ ⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ ⵏ ⴱⵕⵉⵟⴰⵏⵢⴰ ⴷ ⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⴰⵏ, ⵏⵏⴰ ⴳ ⵢⴰⵎⵓ ⵊⵉⵍⵢⴰⵏ ⵜⵉⵜ ⴷ ⴽⴰⵔⵏ ⵀⴰⵡ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵖⵔⴰⵏ ⵡⴰⵍⵍ ⵙⵜⵔⵉⵜ, ⴼⴽⴰⵏ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵙⵙⴼⵔⵓ ⴰⵏⴰⵔⴰⵢ (ⴰⵏⵎⵓⵍⵍⵢ) ⵉ ⵜⴰⵙⵙⴰⵙⵜ ⵜⴰⵥⵕⴼⴰⵏⵜ ⵏ 2007-2010. ⵉⵙⵙⴼⵔⵓⵜⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ, ⵓⵔ ⴰⴽⵙⵓⵍⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵙⴳⵔⵓⵜⵏ ⵉⵜⵉⴽⵏⵉⴽⵏ ⵉⵡⵜⵏ ⵙ ⵉⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏ ⴳ ⵜⵎⵥⵕⵉⵜ ⵜⴰⴷⵎⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⴷ ⵜⵙⵔⵜⴰⵏⵜ.

This development was bolstered by Franz Boas's introduction of cultural relativism arguing that cultures are based on different ideas about the world and can therefore only be properly understood in terms of their own standards and values.

ⴰⴱⵓⵖⵍⵓ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵎⵇⵇⵓⵔ ⵓⴳⴳⴰⵔ ⵍⵍⵉⴳ ⴷ ⵉⵙⴽⵯⵛⵎ ⴼⵔⴰⵏⵣ ⴱⵓⵣ ⴰⵔⵓⵍⴰⵜⵉⴱⵉⵙⵎ ( relativisme) ⴰⴷⵎⵙⴰⵏ, ⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵜⵉⴷⵍⵙⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⴱⴷⴷⴰⵏⵜ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵡⵏⴳⵉⵎⵉⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⴰⵔⴰⵢⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵎⴰⴹⴰⵍ, ⵙ ⵎⴰⵏⴰⵢⴰ, ⵓⵔ ⵏⵥⴹⴰⵕ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵜⵏⵜ ⵏⵔⵎⵙ ⵙ ⵜⵉⴷⵜ ⵖⴰⵙ ⴳ ⵡⴰⵎⵎⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵉⵙⵍⴳⵏⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵏⴷⵉⵜⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⵙⵏⵜ.

"In 1906, Congolese pygmy Ota Benga was put by American anthropologist Madison Grant in a cage in the Bronx Zoo, labelled ""the missing link"" between an orangutan and the ""white race"" — Grant, a renowned eugenicist, was also the author of The Passing of the Great Race (1916)."

“ ⴳ 1906, ⴰⴳⵯⵣⵣⴰⵍ ⴰⴽⵓⵏⴳⵓⵍⵉⵢ ⵓⵜⴰ ⴱⵉⵏⴳⴰ ⵉⴳⵔ ⵜ ⵓⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏ ⴰⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⴰⵏ ⵎⴰⴷⵉⵙⵓⵏ ⴳⵔⴰⵏⵜ ⵙ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵅⴱⵓⴹⵜ ⴳ ⵜⵓⵔⵜⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵓⴷⴰⵔ ⴱⵕⵓⵏⴽⵙ, ⵉⵙⵙⵍⵖ ⴰⵙ ⵜⴰⵛⵏⵢⴰⵍⵜ ‘’’’ ⵜⴰⵙⵔⴳⵯⵍⵜ ⵉⵣⵍⴰⵏ “””” ⴳⵔ ⵓⴱⴰⵖⵓⵙ ⵏ ⵓⵔⴰⵏⴳⵓⵜⴰⵏ ⴷ “”ⵓⴼⴳⴰⵏ ⴰⵎⵍⵍⴰⵍ”” — ⴳⵔⴰⵏⵜ, ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵊⵉⵏⵉⵙⵜ ⵉⵜⵜⵡⴰⵙⵙⵏ, ⵉⴳⴰ ⴰⵡⴷ ⴰⵎⴳⴰⵢ ⵏ ⵓⴷⵍⵉⵙ “ The Passing of the Great Race, ⴰⵣⵔⵔⵓⵢ ⵏ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ ⴰⵏⵓⴼⵍⴰⵢ1916”.

Anthropology grew increasingly distinct from natural history and by the end of the 19th century the discipline began to crystallize into its modern form - by 1935, for example, it was possible for T.K. Penniman to write a history of the discipline entitled A Hundred Years of Anthropology.

ⵉⵎⵉⵃ ⵙ ⵉⵎⵉⵃ, ⵜⵙⵜⵢ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵎⵣⵔⵓⵢ ⴰⴳⵎⴰⵏ, ⴳ ⵜⵉⴳⴳⵉⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵡⴰⵜⵓⵜ ⵜⵉⵙⵙ 19, ⵜⵙⵙⵏⵜⵉ ⵍⵍⴰ ⴷ ⵜⵜⴰⴳⴳⴰ ⵙ ⵓⵎⵖⵏⵓ ⴰⵜⴰⵔⴰⵔ -ⵙⴳ 1935, ⵙ ⵓⵎⴷⵢⴰ, ⵢⵓⴼⴰ ⵉⵙⵙ ⵜ.ⴽ ⴱⵉⵏⵏⵉⵎⴰⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵢⵓⵔⵓ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵎⵣⵔⵓⵢ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⴳ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⴷⵍⵉⵙ ⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵙ ⵓⵣⵡⵍ “ⵜⵉⵎⵉⴹⵉ ⵏ ⵉⵙⴳⴳⵯⴰⵙⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ”.

"Non-European societies were thus seen as evolutionary ""living fossils"" that could be studied in order to understand the European past."

ⵙ ⵎⴰⵏⴰⵢⴰ, ⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵏ ⴰⵔⵉⵕⵓⵎⵉⵏ ⴽⴽⴰⵏ ⵜⵜ ⵏⵏ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵓⵙⵓⴳⴳⵓⵔⵏ ⴰⵎⵎ “ⵉⵖⵉⵣⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⴷⴷⵔⵏ” ⵉⵏⴰⴼⵍⴰⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵙ ⵖⵢⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵏ ⵖⵔⵏ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵔⵎⵙⵏ ⵉⵣⵔⵢ ⵏ ⵓⵕⵓⴱⴱⴰ”.

However, as Stocking notes, Tylor mainly concerned himself with describing and mapping the distribution of particular elements of culture, rather than with the larger function, and he generally seemed to assume a Victorian idea of progress rather than the idea of non-directional, multilineal cultural change proposed by later anthropologists.

ⵎⴰⵛⴰⵏ ⵉⵎⴽⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵙⵍⵓⴽⵉⵏ, ⵢⵓⵡⵢ ⵜⵜ ⵜⴰⵢⵍⵓⵕ ⵙ ⵓⴷⵙⵍⴰⵏ ⴳ ⵜⵎⴰⵎⴽⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵏⵓⵎⵎⵍ ⴷ ⵓⵙⴽⴰⵕⴹⴰ ⵏ ⵓⴱⵟⵟⵓ ⵏ ⵉⴼⵔⴷⵉⵙⵏ ⵉⵍⵉⵛⴰⵏⵏ ⵏ ⵜⴷⵍⵙⴰ, ⵓⴳⴳⴰⵔ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵖⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⴼⵍⴰⵢⵜ, ⵉⵔⵡⴰⵙ ⵙ ⵓⵎⴰⵜⴰ ⵉⵙ ⵉⴱⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⵜⴰⵡⵏⴳⵉⵎⵜ ⵜⴰⴱⵉⴽⵟⵓⵕⴰⵏⵜ ⵏ ⵜⵏⴼⵍⵉⵜ ⵎⴳⴰⵍ ⵏ ⵜⵡⵏⴳⵉⵎⵜ ⵜⴰⵔⴰⵏⵉⵍⴰⵏⵜ, ⵜⴰⵙⵏⴼⵍ ⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏ ⴰⴳⵜⴰⵣⵢⵉⵣⴰⵏ ⵙⵙⵓⵔⵎⵏⵜ ⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⵎⴹⴼⵕⵏ.

His comparative studies, most influentially in the numerous editions of The Golden Bough, analyzed similarities in religious belief and symbolism globally.

ⵜⵉⵖⵓⵔⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⵙ ⵜⵉⵙⵎⵣⴰⵣⴰⵍⵉⵏ, ⵜⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵍⴰⵏ ⵉⴹⵉⵚ ⴰⵅⴰⵜⴰⵔ ⵙⴳ ⵜⵥⵕⵉⴳⵉⵏ ⵏ “ ⴳⵓⵍⴷⵏ ⴱⵓⵡ” ⴼⵙⵢⵏⵜ ⵜⵉⵎⵢⴰⵖⵉⵏ ⴳ ⵜⵖⴰⵍⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵙⴳⴷⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵎⴰⵜⴰⵔⵜ (symbolisme) ⴳ ⵓⵎⴰⴹⴰⵍ.

The findings of the expedition set new standards for ethnographic description.

ⵉⴼⵉⵜⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵓⴷⴷⵓⵜ ( ⵜⵓⴼⵓⵖⵜ) ⵏⵏⴰ ⵙⵙⴱⴷⴷⴰⵏ ⵉⵙⵍⴳⵏⵏ ⵉⵎⴰⵢⵏⵓⵜⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵏⵓⵎⵎⵍ ⴰⵜⵏⵓⴳⵔⴰⴼⴰⵏ.

Other intellectual founders include W. H. R. Rivers and A. C. Haddon, whose orientation reflected the contemporary Parapsychologies of Wilhelm Wundt and Adolf Bastian, and Sir E. B. Tylor, who defined anthropology as a positivist science following Auguste Comte.

ⵉⴷⵙⵏ ⵉⵎⵚⴽⵓⵜⵏ ⵉⵡⵏⴳⵉⵎⵏ ⴰⴹⵏⵉⵏ ⴳ ⵉⵍⵍⴰ ⵡ.ⵀ.ⵔ ⵔⵉⴱⵔⵣ ⴷ ⴰ.ⵙ.ⵀⴰⴷⵓⵏ, ⵏⵏⴰ ⵎⵖⵓⵔ ⵜⴰⵏⵏⴰⵢⵉⵏ ⵉⵟⵟⴼⵏ ⵙ ⵜⴱⴰⵔⴰⴱⵙⵉⴽⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉⵜⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵡⵉⵍⵀⵉⵍⵎ ⵡⵓⵏⴷ ⴷ ⴰⴷⵓⵍⴼ ⴱⴰⵙⵜⵢⵏ, ⴷ ⵜⵉⵏ ⵙⵉⵔ ⵓ.ⴱ. ⵜⴰⵢⵍⵓⵕ, ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵙⵏⵎⴰⵍⵏ ⵜⴰⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⴰⵎⵎ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⴰⵙⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵓⵎⵏⵉⴳⵜ ⵙ ⵓⵟⴼⴰⵕ ⵏ ⵓⴳⵓⵙⵜ ⴽⵓⵎⵜ.

A. R. Radcliffe-Brown also published a seminal work in 1922.

ⴰ.ⵔ. ⵕⴰⴷⴽⵍⵉⴼ ⴱⵕⵓⵡⵏ ⵉⴼⵙⵔ ⴰⵡⴷ ⵏⵜⵜⴰ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⴷⵍⵉⵙ ⴰⵎⵚⴽⴰⵢ ⴳ 1922.

"This was particularly the case with Radcliffe-Brown, who spread his agenda for ""Social Anthropology"" by teaching at universities across the British Empire and Commonwealth."

“ⵙ ⵓⴷⵙⵍⴰⵏ, ⵉⵎⴽⵉⵏⵏⴰⵖ ⴰⵡⴷ ⴷ ⵕⴰⴷⴽⵍⵉⴼ ⴱⵕⵓⵡⵏ, ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵙⵏⵢⵓⴷⴷⴰⵏ ⴰⵖⴰⵡⵙ ⵏⵏⵙ ⵏ ""ⵜⴰⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵜ"" ⵙ ⵓⵙⵙⵍⵎⴷ ⴳ ⵜⵙⴷⴰⵡⵉⵢⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵏⴰⴽⴰⴷ ⴰⴱⵕⵉⵟⴰⵏ”.

He believed that indigenous terms used in ethnographic data should be translated into Anglo-American legal terms for the benefit of the reader.

ⵢⵓⴽⵣ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵜⵉⴳⵓⵔⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵟⵓⴽⵜⵓⵏⵉⵏ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵙⵎⵔⴰⵙⵏ ⴳ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵉⵅⵚⵚⴰ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵜⵓⵙⵓⵖⵍⵏⵜ ⵙ ⵜⴳⵓⵔⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵣⵔⴼⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵏⴳⵍⵉⵣⵜ ⵏ ⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⴰⵏ ⴳ ⵓⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⴳ ⵓⴱⵖⵓⵔ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵖⵔⵉ.

Departments of Social Anthropology at different Universities have tended to focus on disparate aspects of the field.

ⵜⵉⵣⵓⵏⴰ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵜ ⵏ ⵎⵏⵏⴰⵡ ⵏ ⵜⵙⴷⴰⵡⵉⵢⵉⵏ ⴷⴰ ⵙⴷⵉⴽⵏⵏⵜ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵙⴳⴳⵯⵉⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⴰⵔⴰⵢⵏ ⵏ ⵢⵉⴳⵔ.

A people is any plurality of persons considered as a whole.

ⴰⵎⴰⴷⴰⵏ ⴷ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵓⴳⴳⵜ ⵏ ⵉⵡⴷⴰⵏⵏ ⴰⴽⴽⵯ ⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵢⴰⵏ.

Four states — Massachusetts, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Kentucky — refer to themselves as the Commonwealth in case captions and legal process.

ⴽⴽⵓⵥ ⵏ ⵉⵡⴰⵏⴽⵏ — ⵎⴰⵙⴰⵜⵛⵓⵙⵉⵜⵙ, ⴱⵉⵔⵊⵉⵏⵢⴰ, ⴱⵉⵏⵙⵍⴱⴰⵏⵢⴰ, ⴷ ⴽⴰⵏⵜⵓⴽⵢ — ⴷⴰ ⵙⵎⵓⵍⵉⵏ ⵙ ⵉⵎⴰⵏ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ ⴷ ⴰⴽⴰⵎⵏⵡⵉⵍⵟ ⴳ ⵓⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵥⵍⵉⵏ ⵙ ⵜⵣⵣⵉⴳⵣⵜ ⵜⴰⵣⵔⴼⴰⵏⵜ.

In some parts of the world, ethnology has developed along independent paths of investigation and pedagogical doctrine, with cultural anthropology becoming dominant especially in the United States, and social anthropology in Great Britain.

ⴳ ⵉⴷⵙⵏⵜ ⵜⵖⵎⵔⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵎⴰⴹⴰⵍ, ⵜⴰⵜⵏⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉⵜ ⵜⵙⴱⵓⵖⵍⴰ ⵜⵉⵙⵓⵔⵉⴼⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵙⵉⵎⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵢⵉⵏⵉⴳ ⴷ ⵜⵖⴰⵔⴰⵙⵜ ⵜⴰⴱⵉⴷⴰⴳⵓⵊⵉⵜ, ⵜⴰⵖⵓⵍ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⴷⵎⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵓⵡⵢ ⴰⵡⴰⵍ ⴳ ⵉⵡⴰⵏⴽⵏ ⵉⵎⴰⵏⵏ (ⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⴰⵏ), ⵜⵙⵍⵍⴱ ⴰⵡⴷ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⴷⵎⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⴳ ⴱⵕⵉⵟⴰⵏⵢⴰ.

"The 15th-century exploration of America by European explorers had an important role in formulating new notions of the Occident (the Western world), such as the notion of the ""Other""."

“ⵉⵏⵉⴳ ⵏⵏⴰ ⴳⴰⵏ ⵉⵎⵉⵏⵉⴳⵏ ⵉ ⴰⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⴰ ⴳ ⵜⵙⵡⴰⵜⵓⵜ ⵜⵉⵙⵙ 15 ⵢⵓⵔⴰⵔ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⵍⵉⵍⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⵇⵔⴰⵏⵜ ⴳ ⵓⵚⴽⵓ ⵏ ⵜⵉⵙⵙⵉⵏⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵎⴰⵢⵏⵓⵜⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵜⴰⵔⴰⵎ ( ⴰⵎⴰⴹⴰⵍ ⴰⵜⴰⵔⴰⵎ), ⵣⵓⵏⴷ ⵜⵉⵙⵙⵉⵏⵜ ⵏ ""ⵡⴰⵢⵢⴰⴹ""."

"The progress of ethnology, for example with Claude Lévi-Strauss's structural anthropology, led to the criticism of conceptions of a linear progress, or the pseudo-opposition between ""societies with histories"" and ""societies without histories"", judged too dependent on a limited view of history as constituted by accumulative growth."

"ⴰⵙⵙⴼⴰⵔⵉ ⵏ ⵜⴻⵜⵏⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉⵜ, ⵙ ⵓⵎⴷⵢⴰ ⴰⴽⴷ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵓⵚⴽⵉⵡⵜ ⵏ ⴽⵍⵓⴷ ⵍⵉⴱⵉ ⵙⵜⵔⴰⵡⵙ, ⵢⵓⵡⵢ ⴷ ⴰⵣⵖⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵏⴳⴰⵎⵏ ⵉⵥⵍⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵓⴱⵓⵖⵍⵓ ⴰⵣⵢⵉⵣⴰⵏ, ⵏⵖⴷ ⵜⴰⴳⴰⵔⵏⵎⴳⵍⴰ ⵉⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⴳⵔ ""ⵉⵎⴷⴰⵏⵏ ⵎⵖⵓⵔ ⴰⵎⵣⵔⵓⵢ"" ⴷ ""ⵉⵎⴷⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⴷ ⵡⴰⵔ ⴰⵎⵣⵔⵓⵢ"", ⵏⵏⴰ ⵅⴼ ⵉⵜⵜⵡⴰⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵙ ⵜⵓⴳⵍ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵙ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⵏⴰⵢⵜ ⵜⴰⴳⴳⵓⵜⵜⴰⵏⵜ" ⵉ ⵓⵎⵣⵔⵓⵢ ⵉⴷⴷⵖ ⵜⵜⵓⵙⵎⴰⵜⵜⴰⵔ ⵙ ⵜⵔⵙⵉ ⵜⴰⵙⴳⴰⴷⵢⴰⵏⵜ."