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However, the claims of such cultural universalism have been criticized by various 19th- and 20th-century social thinkers, including Marx, Nietzsche, Foucault, Derrida, Althusser, and Deleuze. | ⵎⴰⵛⴰⵏ ⵜⵉⴳⴰⵔⵍⴰⵡⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵉⵍⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵜⵖⵣⵓⵔⴰⵏⵜ ⴰⴷ ⵜⴰⴷⵎⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⵣⵖⴰⵏ ⵜⵏⵜ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵙⵡⵉⵏⴳⵉⵎⵏ ⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵡⴰⵜⵓⵜⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵙⵙ 19 ⴷ ⵜⵉⵙⵙ 20, ⵡⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⴳ ⵢⴰⵎⵓ ⵎⴰⵕⴽⵙ, ⵏⵉⵜⵛⵉ, ⴼⵓⴽⵓ, ⴷⵉⵔⵉⴷⴰ, ⵓⵍⵜⵉⵙⵔ, ⴷ ⴷⵉⵍⵉⵣ. |
An ethnic group or ethnicity is a grouping of people who identify with each other on the basis of shared attributes that distinguish them from other groups such as a common set of traditions, ancestry, language, history, society, culture, nation, religion, or social treatment within their residing area. | ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵔⴰⴱⴱⵓⵜ ⵜⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵜ ⵏⵖⴷ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ ⵜⴳⴰ ⵜ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵔⴱⵉⵄⵜ ⵏ ⵉⵡⴷⴰⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⵎⵢⴰⴽⴰⵣⵏ ⴳⵔⴰⵙⵏ ⵙ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵜⴼⵉⵔⴰⵙ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵙⵙⴰⵔⵏ ⴰⵔ ⵜⵏ ⵙⵙⵜⵢⵏⵜ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⴰⴹⵏⵉⵏ ⵣⵓⵏⴷ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵓⴳⴳⵜ ⵉⵙⵙⴰⵔⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵢⵓⵔⵉⵏ, ⴰⵏⴰⵖⵉⵣ, ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ, ⴰⵎⵣⵔⵓⵢ, ⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏ, ⵜⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰ, ⵜⴰⵎⵜⵜⵉ, ⴰⵙⴳⴷ, ⵏⵖⴷ ⴰⵎⵙⴽⵍ ⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏ ⴰⴳⵏⵙⵓ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵏⵙⴰ ⵏ ⵓⵣⴷⵓⵖ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ. |
Membership of an ethnic group tends to be defined by a shared cultural heritage, ancestry, origin myth, history, homeland, language, or dialect, symbolic systems such as religion, mythology and ritual, cuisine, dressing style, art, or physical appearance. | ⵜⵓⵎⵓⵜ ⴳ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵔⴰⴱⴱⵓⵜ ⵜⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵏⵏⴱⴹ ⴷⵉⴳⵙ ⵜⵓⵙⵓⵔⵜ ⵏ ⵜⴰⵢⵙⵉ ⵜⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵜ, ⴰⵏⴰⵖⵉⵣ, ⵓⵎⵉⵢ ⵏ ⵓⵙⴰⵍⴰ, ⴰⵎⵣⵔⵓⵢ, ⵜⴰⵎⵓⵔⵜ, ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ ⵏⵉⵖ ⵜⴰⵏⵜⴰⵍⴰ, ⵉⵏⴳⵔⴰⵡⵏ ⴰⵙⵉⵎⴰⵜⴰⵔⵏ ⴰⵎⵎ ⵓⵙⴳⴷ, ⵜⴰⵙⵏⵓⵎⵉⵢⵜ ⴷ ⵜⵡⵔⴳⵍⵉⵏ, ⴰⵙⵎⵔⵉ, ⵙⵙⵜⵉⵍ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵍⵙⵉⵜ, ⵜⴰⵥⵓⵕⵉ, ⵏⵖⴷ ⵜⵉⴼⵉⵔⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵜⴼⴳⴳⴰ. |
By way of language shift, acculturation, adoption and religious conversion, individuals or groups may over time shift from one ethnic group to another. | ⵙ ⵓⵙⵏⴼⵍ ⵏ ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ, ⵜⴰⴽⴽⵙⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵜ, ⴰⵙⵙⴳⵎⵉ ⴷ ⵓⵙⵏⴼⵍ ⴰⵙⴳⴷⴰⵏ, ⵓⴳⴳⵉⴷⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⵥⴹⴰⵕⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵙⵏⴼⵍⵏ ⴰⵥⵓⵕ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ ⵙⴳ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵔⴱⵉⵄⵜ ⵙ ⵜⴰⵢⴹ ⴷ ⵓⵣⵔⵔⵓⵢ ⵏ ⵓⴳⵓⵔ. |
Whether through division or amalgamation, the formation of a separate ethnic identity is referred to as ethnogenesis. | ⵙ ⵜⵓⵟⵟⵓⵜ ⵏⵖⴷ ⵜⵓⵙⵓⵔⵜ, ⵉⵍⵡⵡⵉ ⵏ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⴰⴳⵉⵜ ⵜⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵜ ⵉⵙⵜⵢⵏ ⵍⵍⴰ ⴰⵙ ⵇⵇⴰⵔⵏ ⵜⴰⵜⵏⵓⵊⵉⵏⵉⵙⵉⵙⵜ. |
"In Early Modern English and until the mid-19th century, ethnic was used to mean heathen or pagan (in the sense of disparate ""nations"" which did not yet participate in the Christian oikumene), as the Septuagint used ta ethne (""the nations"") to translate the Hebrew goyim ""the nations, non-Hebrews, non-Jews""." | "ⴳ ⵜⵏⴳⵍⵉⵣⵜ ⵜⴰⵜⵔⴰⵔⵜ ⵏ ⵣⵉⴽ ⴷ ⴰⵔ ⴰⵎⵎⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵡⴰⵜⵓⵜ ⵜⵉⵙⵙ 19, ⴰⵥⵓⵕ ⵉⵍⴰ ⴰⵏⴰⵎⴽ ⵏ: ⵓⵔ ⵢⵓⵎⵉⵏ ⵙ ⵢⴰⵏ ⴳ ⵉⵙⴳⴷⵏ ⴰⵢⴰⵏⴽⵓⵛⵏ ⵏⵖⴷ ⵢⵓⵎⵏ ⵙ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵙⴳⴷ ⵉⴷⵔⵓⵙⵏ ( ""ⵜⵉⵎⵜⵜⵉⵏ"" ⵜⵉⵔⴰⵡⵢⴰⴹⵉⵏ ⵜⴰ ⵓⵔ ⵢⴰⵎⵓⵏⴳ ⴳ ⵓⵢⴽⵎⵉⵏ ⴰⵔⵓⵎⵢ), ⵉⵎⴽⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵜⵙⵎⵔⵙ ⵙⵉⴱⵜⵓⵊⵉⵏⵉⵜ ⵜⴰ ⵉⵜⵏ (""ⵜⵉⵎⵜⵜⵉⵏ"") ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵜⴳ ⴰⵙⵓⵖⵍ ⵉ ⵀⵉⴱⵔⵓ ⴳⵓⵢⵉⵎ ""ⵜⵉⵎⵜⵜⴰⵉⵏ, ⵜⴰⵔⵉⴱⵔⵓⵜⵉⵏ ⵜⴰⵔⵓⴷⴰⵢⵉⵏ""." |
"In the 19th century, the term came to be used in the sense of ""peculiar to a race, people or nation"", in a return to the original Greek meaning." | "ⴳ ⵜⵙⴰⵡⵜⵓⵜ ⵜⵉⵙⵙ 19, ⵜⴰⴳⵓⵔⵉ ⵜⴰⵖⵓⵍ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵓⵙⵎⵔⴰⵙ ⵙ ⵓⵏⴰⵎⴽ ⵏ ""ⵉⵥⵍⵢ ⵙ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ, ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵎⴷⴰⵏ, ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⵜⵜⵉ"", ⵢⴰⵖⵓⵍ ⵙ ⴰⵏⴰⵎⴽ ⵏⵏⵙ ⴰⵥⵖⵔⴰⵏ ⴰⴳⵔⵉⴽⴰⵏ." |
"ethnic, a. and n."") Depending on context, the term nationality may be used either synonymously with ethnicity or synonymously with citizenship (in a sovereign state)." | "ⴰⵥⵓⵕ, ⴰ. ⴷ ⵏ."") ⵙ ⵢⵉⴳⵍ ⴰⴽⴷ ⵓⵎⵏⴰⴹ, ⵜⴰⴳⵓⵔⵉ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵔⵜ ⵜⵖⵢ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵜⵓⵙⵎⵔⵙ ⵙ ⵡⴰⴽⵏⵉⵡ ⴷ ⵜⵏⴰⵎⵓⵔⵜ ⴷ ⴰⵡⴷ ⴰⴽⴷ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ ⴷ ⵜⵎⵓⵔⵉ (ⴳ ⵓⵡⴰⵏⴽ ⵉⵍⴰⵏ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵢ). |
Whether ethnicity qualifies as a cultural universal is to some extent dependent on the exact definition used. | ⴰⵙⵖⵍ ⵏ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ ⴷ ⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏ ⴷ ⴰⵖⵣⵓⵔⴰⵏ ⵉⴱⴷⴷⴰ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵙⵏⵎⵍ ⴰⵏⵉⵛⴰⵏ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵙⵎⵔⵙⴰⵏ. |
According to Thomas Hylland Eriksen, the study of ethnicity was dominated by two distinct debates until recently. | ⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵟⵓⵎⴰⵚ ⵀⵉⵍⴰⵏⴷ ⵉⵔⵉⴽⵙⵏ, ⵎⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵜⵉⵖⵔⵉ ⵏ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ ⵖⵎⵔⵏ ⵜⵜ ⵙⵉⵏ ⵉⵎⵔⴰⵔⴰⵜⵏ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵡⴰⵍ ⴰⵔ ⵜⵉⴳⴳⵉⵔⴰ ⴷⴷⵖ. |
The instrumentalist approach, on the other hand, treats ethnicity primarily as an ad hoc element of a political strategy, used as a resource for interest groups for achieving secondary goals such as, for instance, an increase in wealth, power, or status. | ⵜⴰⵎⵢⴰⴷⴰⵙⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⵉⵙⵙⵏⵜ, ⴳ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵙⴳⴰ ⴰⴹⵏⵉⵏ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵙⵜⴰⵍ ⴰⵥⵓⵕ ⴰⵎⵎ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⴼⵔⴷⵉⵙ ⴷ ⵢⵓⵙⴰⵏ ⴳ ⵜⵙⵜⵔⴰⵜⵉⵊⵉⵜ ⵜⴰⵙⵔⵜⴰⵏⵜ, ⵏⵏⴰ ⵙⵎⵔⴰⵙⵏⵜ ⵜⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⵜⵉⵖⴰⴱⵉⵔⵉⵏ ⴰⵎⵎ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵙⴰⴳⵎ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵏⵏ ⴰⵡⴹⵏⵜ ⵉⵙⴽⴽⵉⵏⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵡⵜⵜⴰⵙⵏ ⵏⵏⵙⵏⵜ ⵉⵙⵉⵏⴰⵏⵏ ⵣⵓⵏⴷ, ⵙ ⵓⵎⴷⵢⴰ, ⴰⵙⵙⵎⵖⵓⵔ ⵏ ⵜⴰⴳⴳⴰⵔⵜ, ⴰⵏⴱⴰⴹ ⴷ ⵜⴷⵖⴰⵔⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵜ. |
Constructivists view national and ethnic identities as the product of historical forces, often recent, even when the identities are presented as old. | ⵉⵎⵙⴽⵔⴰⵔⵏ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵉⵥⵉⵕⵏ ⵜⵉⵎⴰⴳⵉⵜⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵔⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⴰⵎⵎ ⵜⵢⴰⴼⵓⵜ ⵏ ⵡⴰⴳⴳⴰⴹⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⵔⵓⵢⴰⵏⵏ, ⵡⴰⵍⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⴳⴳⴰⵏ ⵉⵜⵔⴰⵔⵏ, ⴰⵡⴷ ⵉⴳ ⵜⵜⵓⵙⵏⴽⴰⴷⵏⵜ ⵜⵎⴰⴳⵉⵜⵉⵏ ⴰⵏⵏ ⴰⵎⵎ ⵉⵙ ⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵉⵇⴱⵓⵔⵉⵏ. |
This is in the context of debates over multiculturalism in countries, such as the United States and Canada, which have large immigrant populations from many different cultures, and post-colonialism in the Caribbean and South Asia. | ⴰⵢⴰ ⴳ ⵓⵎⵏⴰⴹ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵔⴰⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵡⴰⵍ ⵉⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵜⴳⵜⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⴳ ⵜⵎⵉⵣⴰⵔ ⵣⵓⵏⴷ ⵉⵡⵏⴰⴽⵏ ⵉⵎⴰⵏⵏ ⴷ ⴽⴰⵏⴰⴷ, ⵏⵏⴰ ⴳ ⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⵡⴰⴳⵏ ⴷ ⵉⴷⴷⴰⵏ ⵙⴳ ⵜⵎⵉⵣⴰⵔ ⵉⵍⴰⵏ ⵜⵉⴷⵍⵙⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵉⵥⵍⵉⵏ, ⴷ ⵓⵎⴹⴼⵕⵙⴷⵓⵔⵔⵉ ⴳ ⵓⴽⴰⵕⴰⵢⴱⵉ ⴷ ⴰⵙⵢⴰ ⵏ ⵉⴼⴼⵓⵙ. |
Third, group formation resulted from the drive to monopolize power and status. | ⵡⵉⵙⵙ ⴽⵕⴰⴹ, ⴰⵙⵉⵍⵖ ⵏ ⵜⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⴷⴰ ⴷ ⵉⵜⵜⴽⴽⴰ ⵜⵉⵔⴰⵜ ⵏ ⵓⴽⵡⴰⵛ ⵏ ⵓⵏⴱⴰⴹ ⴷ ⵜⴷⵖⴰⵔⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵜ. |
Barth went further than Weber in stressing the constructed nature of ethnicity. | ⴱⴰⵕⵜ, ⵉⵙⴷⴷⵉⴷ ⵅⴼ ⵡⵉⵙⵙ ⵉⴳⴰ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ ⵓⵚⴽⵉⵡ ⵓⴳⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵡⵉⴱⵔ. |
"He wanted to part with anthropological notions of cultures as bounded entities, and ethnicity as primordialist bonds, replacing it with a focus on the interface between groups. """ | "ⵉⵔⴰ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵎⵣⵉⵔⵢ ⴷ ⵜⵉⵙⵙⵉⵏⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⵉⵜⵜⵉⵏⵉⵏ ⵎⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵜⵉⴷⵍⵙⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵉⵎⴰⵙⵙⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵡⵜⵜⴰⵏⵉⵏ,ⴷ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ ⴰⵎⵎ ⵉⵙ ⴳⴰⵏ ⵉⵣⴷⴰⵢⵏ ⵉⴷⵙⵍⴰⵏⵏ, ⵉⵙⵙⵏⴼⵍ ⵜⵜ ⵙ ⵓⵙⵎⵙⵙⵉ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵎⵢⴰⵖⵉⵏ ⴳⵔ ⵜⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ""" |
"He agrees with Joan Vincent's observation that (in Cohen's paraphrase) ""Ethnicity... can be narrowed or broadened in boundary terms in relation to the specific needs of political mobilization." | "ⵉⵎⵙⴰⵙⴰ ⴷ ⵓⵙⵏⵉⵖⵙ ⵏ ⵊⵓⵏ ⴱⵉⵙⵉⵏⵜ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ (ⵜⴰⵔⴰⵔⵜ ⵉⵙⵙⴽⵔ ⴽⵓⵀⵉⵏ)""ⴰⵥⵓⵕ ⵉⵖⵢ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵙⵏⵢⴰⵎⴰ ⵏⵖ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵙⴼⵍⴰⵢ ⴳ ⵓⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵥⵍⵉⵏ ⵙ ⵓⵙⵖⴰⵡⵙ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵎⵓⵙⵙⵓ ⴰⵙⵔⵜⴰⵏ" |
Ethnic groups came to be defined as social rather than biological entities. | ⵜⵜⵓⵙⵏⵎⴰⵍⵏⵜ ⵜⵔⴱⵉⵄⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⴳ ⵜⵉⴳⴳⵉⵔⴰ ⵉⵙ ⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵉⵏ ⵓⴳⴳⴰⵔ ⵏ ⵡⵉⵙⵙ ⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵉⵎⴰⵙⵙⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⴱⵢⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉⵏ. |
Examples of various approaches are primordialism, essentialism, perennialism, constructivism, modernism, and instrumentalism. | ⵉⵎⴷⵢⴰⵜⵏ ⵏ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵢⴰⴷⴰⵙⵉⵏ ⵣⵓⵏⴷ ⵜⴰⵣⵡⵓⵔⴰⵏⵜ, ⵜⴰⴷⵙⵍⴰⵏⵜ, ⵜⴰⵙⵓⵍⴰⵏⵜ, ⵜⴰⴽⴰⵔⴰⵙⴰⵏⵜ, ⵜⴰⵜⵔⴰⵔⴰⵏⵜ, ⴷ ⵜⵉⵎⵉⵙⵙⴰⵏⵜ. |
"""Essentialist primordialism"" further holds that ethnicity is an a priori fact of human existence, that ethnicity precedes any human social interaction and that it is unchanged by it." | """ⵜⴰⵣⵡⵓⵔⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⴷⵙⵍⴰⵏⵜ"" ⴷⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⴰⵜⴳ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ⴰⵥⵓⵕ ⵉⵣⵡⴰⵔ ⴷ ⵜⵉⵍⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵓⴼⴳⴰⵏ, ⵉⵙ ⵉⵍⵍⴰ ⵓⵔ ⵜⴰ ⵜⵍⵍⵉ ⴰⵡⴷ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⵢⴰⵖⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⴷ ⵉⵙ ⵜ ⵓⵔ ⵜⵙⵙⵏⴼⵉⵍ. |
"""Kinship primordialism"" holds that ethnic communities are extensions of kinship units, basically being derived by kinship or clan ties where the choices of cultural signs (language, religion, traditions) are made exactly to show this biological affinity." | """ⵜⴰⵣⵡⵓⵔⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⵢⴰⵙⴰⵏⵜ"" ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⴰⵜⴳ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵜⵉⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⵜⵉⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵉⵙⴱⴰⵔⴰⵡⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵉⴼⵔⴷⵉⵙⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵢⴰⵙⴰ, ⵙⴳ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵢⴷ ⴷ ⴼⴼⵖⵏⵜ ⵙ ⵓⵙⵉⵍⴰⵍ ⵙⴳ ⵜⵣⴷⴰⵢⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵢⴰⵙⴰ ⵏⵖⴷ ⵉⵖⵙⵙ ⵏⵏⴰ ⴳ ⵉⵜⵜⵡⴰⴳⴳ ⵓⵙⵜⴰⵢ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵉⵜⴰⵔ ⵜⵉⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵉⵏ (ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ, ⴰⵙⴳⴷ, ⵜⵉⵎⵢⵓⵔⵉ) ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵎⵍ ⴰⵍⵎⵉⵍⵉ ⴰⴱⵢⵓⵍⵓⵊⴰⵏ ⵉⵍⵍⴰⵏ. " |
"""Geertz's primordialism"", notably espoused by anthropologist Clifford Geertz, argues that humans in general attribute an overwhelming power to primordial human ""givens"" such as blood ties, language, territory, and cultural differences." | """ⵜⴰⵣⵡⵓⵔⴰⵏⵜ ⵏ ⴳⵉⵔⵜⵣ"", ⵏⵏⴰ ⴷ ⵉⵍⵍⴰ ⵓⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏ ⴽⵍⵉⴼⵓⵔⴷ ⴳⵓⵔⵜⵣ, ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵉⵏⵉ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵉⵡⴷⴰⵏⵏ ⵙ ⵓⵎⴰⵜⴰ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵉⴽⴽⵉⵏ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵣⵎⵔⵜ ⵜⴰⵥⵏⵟⴰⵕⵜ ⵉ ""ⵜⵎⵓⵛⴰ"" ⵜⵉⵏⴼⴳⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵎⵣⵡⵓⵔⴰ ⵣⵓⵏⴷ ⵜⵉⵣⴷⴰⵢⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵉⴷⴰⵎⵎⵏ, ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ, ⵜⴰⵎⴰⵣⵉⵔⵜ, ⴷ ⵉⵎⵣⴰⵔⴰⵢⵏ ⵉⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵏ." |
"Smith (1999) distinguishes two variants: ""continuous perennialism"", which claims that particular nations have existed for very long periods, and ""recurrent perennialism"", which focuses on the emergence, dissolution and reappearance of nations as a recurring aspect of human history." | "ⵙⵎⵉⵜ(1999) ⴷⴰ ⵉⵙⵎⵣⵉⵔⵉⵢ ⴳⵔ ⵙⵉⵏ ⵡⴰⵏⴰⵡⵏ: ""ⵜⴰⵙⵓⵍⴰⵏⵜ ⵉⵣⴷⵉⵏ"", ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⵉⵏⵉⵏ ⴽⴽⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵜ ⵏⵏ ⵜⵎⵜⵜⴰ ⵉⵥⵍⵉⵏ ⵉⴷⴷⵔⵏ ⵜⵉⵡⵓⵍⴰ ⵉⵖⵣⵣⵉⴼⵏ, ⴷ ""ⵜⴰⵙⵓⵍⴰⵏⵜ ⵢⵓⵍⵙⵏ"", ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵙⴷⵉⴽⴽⵉⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵏⵏⵓⴼⵍⵓ ⴷ ⵓⴼⵙⴰⵢ ⴷ ⵓⵏⵏⵓⴼⵍⵓ ⵜⴰⵢⴹ ⵜⵉⴽⴽⵍⵜ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵜⵜⴰ ⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⴰⵜⴰⵔⵜ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵢⴰⵍⵙⵏ ⴳ ⵓⵎⵣⵔⵓⵢ ⴰⵏⴼⴳⴰⵏ." |
This view holds that the concept of ethnicity is a tool used by political groups to manipulate resources such as wealth, power, territory or status in their particular groups' interests. | ⵜⴰⵏⵏⴰⵢⵜ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵓⴽⵣ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵜⵉⵙⵙⵉⵏⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ ⴷ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵉⵎⵉⵙⵙⵉ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵙⵎⵔⴰⵙⵏⵜ ⵜⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⵜⵉⵙⵔⵜⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵏⵏⴱⴹⵏⵜ ⴳ ⵉⵙⵓⴳⴰⵎ ⵣⵓⵏⴷ ⴰⴳⵍⴰ, ⴰⵏⴱⴰⴹ, ⵜⴰⵎⴰⵣⵉⵔⵜ ⴷ ⵜⴷⵖⴰⵔⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵜ ⴳ ⵜⵔⴱⵉⵄⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵎⵥⵍⴰⵢ ⵏⵏⴰ ⴳ ⵖⵓⵔⵙⵏ ⵉⵖⴰⴱⵉⵔⵏ. |
"""Instrumentalist perennialism"", while seeing ethnicity primarily as a versatile tool that identified different ethnics groups and limits through time, explains ethnicity as a mechanism of social stratification, meaning that ethnicity is the basis for a hierarchical arrangement of individuals." | """ⵜⵉⵎⵙⵙⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵙⵓⵍⴰⵏⵜ"", ⵎⵇⵇⴰⵔ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵙⴽⵙⵉⵡ ⴰⵥⵓⵕ ⴳ ⵜⵉⵣⵡⵓⵔⵉ ⴰⵎⵎ ⵉⵙ ⵉⴳⴰ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵉⵎⵉⵙⵉ ⴰⵔⵉⵙⴰ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵙⵙⵓⴽⵣⵏ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⵜⵉⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵡⵜⵜⴰ ⵅⴼ ⵜⴰⵖⵣⵉ ⵏ ⵓⵣⵎⵣ, ⴷⴰ ⵜⵙⵙⴼⵔⵓ ⵉⵙ ⵉⴳⴰ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵎⵓⴽⴰⵏⵉⵣⵎ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵏⵎⴰⵍⴰ ⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏ , ⴰⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵙⵏⵓⵎⴰⴽⵏ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ⴰⵥⵓⵕ ⴰⵢⴷ ⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵜⴰⵙⵉⵍⴰ ⵏ ⵜⵏⵉⴳⴷⴰⵡⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵡⵓⴳⴳⵉⴹⵏ.." |
According to Donald Noel, ethnic stratification will emerge only when specific ethnic groups are brought into contact with one another, and only when those groups are characterized by a high degree of ethnocentrism, competition, and differential power. | ⴳ ⵓⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⴰⵙ ⵢⵓⴽⵣ ⴷⵓⵏⴰⵍⴷ ⵏⵡⵉⵍ, ⴰⵙⵏⵎⴰⵍⴰ ⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏ ⴷⴰ ⴷ ⵉⵜⵜⴰⴳⴳⴰ ⵖⴰⵙ ⴰⴷⴷⴰⵢ ⵜⵉⵍⵉ ⵜⵎⵢⴰⵖⵜ ⴷ ⵡⴰⵡⴰⴹ ⴳⵔ ⵜⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⵜⵉⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵎⵥⵍⴰⵢ, ⵎⴰⵛⴰⵏ ⵖⴰⵙ ⵉⴳ ⴷⵉⴳⵙⵏⵜ ⵍⵍⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴼⵔⵉⵙⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵔⵉⵥⵓⵕⵜ ⴷ ⵜⵖⵏⵏⴰⵏⵜ ⴷ ⵓⵎⵣⵉⵔⴰⵢ ⴰⵏⴱⴰⴹⴰⵏ. |
Continuing with Noel's theory, some degree of differential power must be present for the emergence of ethnic stratification. | ⵙ ⵓⵙⵙⵓⴷⵓ ⴰⴽⴷ ⵜⵥⵕⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵏⵡⵉⵍ, ⵎⴰⵅⵛⵛⴰⵢⵜ ⴰⴷ ⵢⵉⵍⵉ ⴽⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵣⵉⵔⴰⵢ ⴰⵏⴱⴰⴹⴰⵏ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵉⴱⴰⵢⵏ ⵓⵙⵏⵎⴰⵍⴰ ⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏ. |
The different ethnic groups must be competing for some common goal, such as power or influence, or a material interest, such as wealth or territory. | ⵉⵇⵇⴰⵏ ⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵉⵍⵉ ⵜⵖⵏⵏⴰⵏⵜ ⴳⵔ ⵜⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⵜⵉⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⴰⵔⴰⵢⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵙⴽⴽⵉⵏ ⵉⵙⵙⴰⵔⵏ, ⴰⵎⵎ ⵓⵏⴱⴰⴹ ⵏⵖⴷ ⵜⴰⵣⵔⵉⵔⵜ, ⵏⵖⴷ ⴰⵖⴰⴱⵉⵔ ⴰⵏⴳⴰⵡ, ⵣⵓⵏⴷ ⴰⴳⵍⴰ ⵏⵉⵖ ⵜⴰⵎⵓⵔⵜ. |
It holds that ethnic groups are only products of human social interaction, maintained only in so far as they are maintained as valid social constructs in societies. | ⵜⵓⴽⵣ ⴰⵙ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵜⵉⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⵜⵉⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵖⴰⵙ ⵜⴰⵢⴰⴼⵓⵜ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵢⴰⵖⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵜ, ⵓⵔ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵓⵢⴰⴷⵊⴰⵏⵜ ⵖⴰⵙ ⵉⴳ ⵙⵓⴼⵔⵏⵜ ⵉ ⵡⴰⵎⵓⵏⵏ. |
They hold that prior to this ethnic homogeneity was not considered an ideal or necessary factor in the forging of large-scale societies. | ⵛⴱⴱⵔⵏ ⵙ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ⴷⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⵙⴰⵔⵉⵜ ⴰⴷ ⵜⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵜ ⵓⵔ ⵜⵜ ⵏⵏ ⵜⴽⴽⵉ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵓⵢⴰⵏⵏⴰⵢ ⴰⵎⵎ ⵉⵙ ⵜⴳⴰ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⴽⵜⵓ ⵏⵖⴷ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵙⵖⵍⵜ ⵜⵓⵛⵛⵉⵍⵜ ⴳ ⵜⵓⵚⴽⴰ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵎⵓⵏⵏ ⵉⵎⵇⵔⴰⵏ. |
Members of an ethnic group, on the whole, claim cultural continuities over time, although historians and cultural anthropologists have documented that many of the values, practices, and norms that imply continuity with the past are of relatively recent invention. | ⵉⴳⵎⴰⵎⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵔⴰⴱⴱⵓⵜ ⵜⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵜ, ⵙ ⵓⵎⴰⵜⴰ, ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⴻⵜⵜⵔⵏ ⵜⵉⵙⵓⵍⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵜⴰⵖⵣⵉ ⵏ ⵓⵣⵎⵣ, ⵎⵇⵇⴰⵔ ⵣⵎⵎⴻⵎⵏ ⵉⵏⵎⵣⵔⵓⵢⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵣⴰⵍⵉⵡⵏ, ⵜⵉⵎⵙⴽⵔⵉⵏ, ⴷ ⵜⵙⵖⴰⵍ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵙⵖⴰⵡⴰⵙⵏ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵣⴷⴰⵢⵜ ⵜⴰⵙⵓⵍⴰⵏⵜ ⴷ ⵉⵣⵔⵢ ⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵉⵙⵍⵉⵡⵡⵉⵜⵏ ⵉⵜⵔⴰⵔⵏ. |
"It is based on the notion of ""culture""." | "ⵜⴱⴷⴷⴰ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵉⵙⵙⵉⵏⵜ ⵏ ""ⵜⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰ""." |
This view arose as a way to justify enslavement of African Americans and genocide of Native Americans in a society that was officially founded on freedom for all. | ⵜⴰⵏⵏⴰⵢⵜ ⴰⴷ ⵜⴱⴰⵢⵏ ⴷ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵜⴳ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵉⵎⵉⵙⵙⵉ ⵉⵙⵙⵏⵥⴰⵢⵏ ⴰⴽⴽⵍⵓ ⵏ ⵉⴼⵔⵉⵇⵏ ⵉⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⴰⵏⵏ ⴷ ⵓⵙⵙⵉⵡⵏⵖ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⴷⴰⵖ ⵉⵎⵣⵡⵓⵔⴰ ⵏ ⴰⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⴰ ⴳ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵎⵓⵏ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵚⴽⴰⵏ ⵙ ⵡⵓⵏⵚⵉⴱ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵍⴻⵍⵍⵉ ⵉ ⴽⵓ ⵢⴰⵏ. |
Many of the foremost scientists of the time took up the idea of racial difference and found that white Europeans were superior. | ⵡⴰⵀⵍⵉ ⵏ ⵉⵎⴰⵙⵙⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⵅⴰⵜⴰⵔⵏ ⵏ ⵡⴰⴽⵓⴷ ⴰⵏⵏ ⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⴰⴽⴷ ⵜⵡⵏⴳⵉⵎⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵣⵉⵔⴰⵢ ⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏ, ⵓⴼⴰⵏ ⵏⵏ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵉⵎⵍⵍⴰⵍⵏ ⵉⵕⵓⴱⴱⴰⵏ ⴳⴰⵏ ⵉⵏⵢⵓⴼⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵏⵓⴼⵍⴰⵢⵏ. |
Instead of attributing the marginalized status of people of color in the United States to their inherent biological inferiority, he attributed it to their failure to assimilate into American culture. | ⴳ ⵓⴷⵖⴰⵔ ⵏ ⵡⴰⴷ ⵉⵔⴰⵔ ⴰⵙⵙⵉⵜⵎ ⴳ ⵜⴷⵖⴰⵔⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵜ ⵉ ⵉⵡⴷⴰⵏ ⴰⵔⵉⵎⵍⵍⴰⵍⵏ ⴳ ⵉⵡⴰⵏⴽⵏ ⵉⵎⴰⵏⵏ ⵙ ⵜⵏⴰⴷⴷⴰⵡⵜ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ ⵜⴰⴱⵢⵓⵍⵓⵊⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⴽⵓⵙⴰⵏⵜ, ⵉⵔⵓⵔⴰ ⵜⵜ ⵙ ⴰⵎⵏⴽⴷ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ ⴰⴷ ⴰⵎⵥⵏ ⵓⵎⵓⵏ ⴳ ⵜⴷⵍⵙⴰ ⵜⴰⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⴰⵏⵜ. |
They argue in Racial Formation in the United States that the ethnicity theory was exclusively based on the immigration patterns of the white population and did take into account the unique experiences of non-whites in the United States. | ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵎⵏⵣⴰⵖⵏ ⴳ ⵓⴷⵍⵉⵙ ⵏ ⴰⵚⴽⵓ ⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏ ⴳ ⵉⵡⴰⵏⴽⵏ ⵉⵎⴰⵏⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵥⵕⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ ⵉⴱⴷⴷⴰⵏ ⴷⴰⵢ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵡⴰⵏⴰⵖⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵣⵡⴰⴳ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⴷⴰⵖ ⵉⵎⵍⵍⴰⵍⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵙ ⵜⵜ ⵜⵓⵡⵢ ⴳ ⵉⵔⵉⵎⵏ ⵉⵎⵢⵉⵡⴰⵏⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵔⵉⵎⵍⵍⴰⵍⵏ ⴳ ⵉⵡⴰⵏⴽⵏ ⵉⵎⴰⵏⵏ. |
Assimilationshedding the particular qualities of a native culture for the purpose of blending in with a host culturedid not work for some groups as a response to racism and discrimination, though it did for others. | ⵜⴰⵎⵙⵔⵜⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵜⵖⴰⵔⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵉⵥⵍⵉⵏ ⵙ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⴷⵍⵙⴰ ⵜⴰⵟⵓⴽⵟⵓⵏⵜ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵜⴼⵙⵢ ⴰⵎⵎⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵜⴷⵍⵙⴰ ⵜⴰⵙⵏⵓⴱⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵓⵔ ⵜⵙⵓⴼⵉⵔ ⵉ ⵉⴷⵙⵏⵜ ⵜⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⵉⴷⴷⵖ ⵜⵍⵍⴰ ⵜⵙⵙⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵜ ⴷ ⵓⵙⵏⵓⵃⵢⵓ, ⵎⵇⵇⴰⵔ ⵜⵙⵓⴼⵔ ⵉ ⵉⴷⵙⵏⵜ ⴰⴹⵏⵉⵏ. |
"They culminated in the rise of ""nation-states"" in which the presumptive boundaries of the nation coincided (or ideally coincided) with state boundaries." | "ⵓⵡⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵜⴰⵏⵏⴰⵢⵜ ⵏ ""ⵉⵡⴰⵏⴽⵏ-ⵜⵉⵎⵜⵜⴰ"" ⵏⵏⴰ ⴳ ⴷ ⵓⵙⴰⵏ ⵉⵡⵜⵜⴰ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵜⵜⵉ ⴷ ⵡⵉⵏ ⵓⵡⴰⵏⴽ." |
Nation-states, however, invariably include populations who have been excluded from national life for one reason or another. | ⵉⵡⴰⵏⴽⵏ-ⵜⵉⵎⵜⵜⴰ, ⵉⵎⵉⵍ, ⴷⴰ ⴷⵉⴳⵙⵏ ⵜⵜⵉⵍⵉⵏ ⵙ ⵓⵎⴰⵜⴰ ⵉⵎⵣⴷⴰⵖ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵙⵉⵜⵎⵏ ⴳ ⵜⵓⴷⵔⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵔⵜ ⵙ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⵏⵜⵉⵍⵜ ⵏⵖ ⵜⴰⵢⴹ. |
Multi-ethnic states can be the result of two opposite events, either the recent creation of state borders at variance with traditional tribal territories, or the recent immigration of ethnic minorities into a former nation-state. | ⵉⵣⵎⵔ ⵉⵙ ⴳⴰⵏ ⵉⵡⴰⵏⴽⵏ ⵉⴳⵜⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵏ ⵜⴰⵢⴰⴼⵓⵜ ⵏ ⵙⵉⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⵣⵓⵜⵏ ⵉⵏⵎⴳⴰⵍⵏ, ⵙⵡⴰ ⴽⴽⴰⵏ ⴷ ⵜⴰⵎⵜⵜⴰⴳⵓⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⴰⵜⵔⴰⵔⵜ ⵏ ⵉⵡⵜⵜⴰ ⵉⵡⴰⵏⴽⴰⵏⵏ ⵓⵔ ⵉⵎⵙⴰⵙⴰⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵡⵜⵜⴰ ⵉⵣⵉⵡⴰⵡⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⵣⴰⵢⴽⵓⵜⵏ, ⵙⵡⴰ ⴰⵣⵡⴰⴳ ⴰⵜⵔⴰⵔ ⵏ ⵜⴷⵔⵓⵙⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵎⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⵖⵔ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵡⴰⵏⴽ-ⵜⴰⵎⵜⵜⵉ. |
"States such as the United Kingdom, France and Switzerland comprised distinct ethnic groups from their formation and have likewise experienced substantial immigration, resulting in what has been termed ""multicultural"" societies, especially in large cities." | "ⵉⵡⴰⵏⴽⵏ ⴰⵎⵎ ⵜⴳⵍⵍⵉⴷⵜ ⵉⵎⴰⵏⵏ, ⴼⵔⴰⵏⵚⴰ ⴷ ⵙⵡⵉⵚⵕⴰ ⵍⵍⴰⵏⵜ ⴷⵉⴳⵙⵏ ⵜⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⵜⵉⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⵉⵙⵜⵢⵏ ⵙⴳ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵢⴷ ⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⵢⵉⵍⵉ ⵥⴰⵕⵙⵏ ⴰⵡⴷ ⵓⵣⵡⴰⴳ ⵉⴳⴳⵓⴷⵉⵏ, ⴰⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵙⵢⴰⴼⴰⵏ ⴰⵍⵉⴳ ⴳⴰⵏ ⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵏ ""ⵉⴳⵜⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏⵏ"", ⵍⵓⵎⴰⵕ ⴳ ⵜⵎⴷⵉⵏⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵅⴰⵜⴰⵔⵉⵏ." |
Though these categories are usually discussed as belonging to the public, political sphere, they are upheld within the private, family sphere to a great extent. | ⵎⵇⵇⴰⵔ ⵉⵍⵍⴰ ⵓⵎⴷⵉⴽⴰⵔ ⵅⴼ ⵜⴳⵯⵎⴰⵏⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵎⵉⵍⵉⵏ ⴰⵏⵏ ⵙ ⵉⴳⵔ ⴰⵎⴰⵜⴰⵢ, ⴰⵙⵔⵜⴰⵏ, ⵜⵜⵓⵢⴰⴷⵊⴰⵏⵜ ⴳ ⵢⵉⴳⵔ ⴰⵎⵥⵍⴰⵢ ⴷ ⵡⴰⵍⵎⵙⵙⴰⵏ. |
Before Weber (1864–1920), race and ethnicity were primarily seen as two aspects of the same thing. | ⴷⴰⵜ ⵡⵉⴱⵔ (1864-1920), ⵉⴽⴽⴰ ⵜⵜ ⵏⵏ ⵓⵥⵓⵔ ⴷ ⵓⵏⴰⵖⵉⵣ ⵙ ⵓⴷⵙⵍⴰⵏ ⴳⴰⵏ ⵙⵉⵏ ⵡⵓⴷⵎⴰⵡⵏ ⵏ ⵢⵓⵡⵏ ⵓⵙⴽⴽⵉⵏ. |
According to this view, the state should not acknowledge ethnic, national or racial identity but rather instead enforce political and legal equality of all individuals. | ⴰⵎⵏⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵢⵓⴽⵣ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ, ⵉⵅⵚⵚⴰ ⴰⵡⴰⵏⴽ ⴰⴷ ⵓⵔ ⵉⵙⵙⵓⴷⴻⴷ ⴰⵡⴷ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵡⵏⴳⵉⵎⵜ ⵜⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵎⵓⵔⵜ ⵏⵖ ⴷ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵖⵉⵣⴰⵏⵜ ⵎⴰⵛⴰⵏ ⵉⵅⵚⵚⴰ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵣⵔⴽ ⵉⴽⵙⵉⵍ ⴰⵙⵔⵜⴰⵏ ⴷ ⵓⵣⵔⴼⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵡⴷⴰⵏ ⵏⵏⵙ ⵎⴰⵕⵕⴰ. |
The 19th century saw the development of the political ideology of ethnic nationalism, when the concept of race was tied to nationalism, first by German theorists including Johann Gottfried von Herder. | ⴳ ⵜⵙⵡⴰⵜⵓⵜ ⵜⵉⵙⵙ 19 ⵜⴷⵢⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵜⵏⴰⵎⵓⵔⵜ ⵜⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵜ, ⵍⵍⵉⵖ ⴳ ⵜⵙⵍⵖ ⵜⵉⵙⵙⵉⵏⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ ⵙ ⵜⵏⴰⵎⵓⵔⵜ, ⴳ ⵜⵉⵣⵡⵓⵔⵉ ⵅⴼ ⵓⴼⵓⵙ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵙⵙⵉⵥⵉⵕⵏ ⴰⵍⵉⵎⴰⵏⵏ ⴳ ⵉⵍⵍⴰ ⵢⵓⵀⴰⵏ ⴳⵓⵜⴼⵔⵉⴷ ⴼⵓⵏ ⵀⵉⵔⴷⵔ. |
Each promoted the pan-ethnic idea that these governments were acquiring only lands that had always been inhabited by ethnic Germans. | ⴽⵓ ⵢⴰⵏ ⴷⵉⴳⵙⵏ ⵉⵙⵎⵎⵛⵜⴳ ⵜⴰⵡⵏⴳⵉⵎⵜ ⵜⴰⴽⴽⵯⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵜ ⵉⵜⵜⵉⵏⵉⵏ ⵉⵙ ⵉⵅⵚⵚⴰ ⵜⵉⵏⴱⴰⴹⵉⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵓⵔ ⴷⵔⴽⵏⵜ ⵖⴰⵙ ⵉⴽⴰⵍⵏ ⴳ ⵣⴷⵖⵏ ⵡⴰⵍⵉⵎⴰⵏⵏ ⵙ ⵓⵥⵓⵕ. |
The colonization of Asia was largely ended in the 20th century, with national drives for independence and self-determination across the continent. | ⵉⵏⴼⵍⴰⵍ ⵓⵙⴷⵓⵔⵔⵉ ⵏ ⴰⵙⵢⴰ ⵙ ⵜⵓⴳⴳⵜ ⴳ ⵜⵙⵡⴰⵜⵓⵜ ⵜⵉⵙⵙ 20, ⴰⴽⴷ ⵉⵎⵣⵎⵣⵣⵍⵏ ⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵔⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵣⴰⵔⵓⴳ ⴷ ⵓⵏⵜⴰⵙⵎⵉⵍ ⴳ ⵓⵎⵏⵥⴰⵡ. |
A number of European countries, including France and Switzerland, do not collect information on the ethnicity of their resident population. | ⵉⴷⵙⵏⵜ ⵜⵎⵓⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵓⵕⵓⴱⴱⴰ, ⴳ ⵜⴰⵎⵓ ⴼⵕⴰⵏⵚⴰ ⴷ ⵙⵡⵉⵙⵔⴰ, ⵓⵔ ⴷⴰ ⵙⵎⵓⵜⵜⵓⵔⵏⵜ ⵓⵎⵍⴰⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵏⴰⵖⵉⵣ ⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⴷⴰⵖ ⵏⵏⵙⵏⵜ. |
During European colonization, Europeans arrived in North America. | ⴳ ⵉⵡⵏⵏⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵙⴷⵓⵔⵔⵉ ⴰⵕⵓⴱⴱⴰⵏ, ⵉⵡⴹ ⵏⵏ ⴰⵢⵜ ⵓⵕⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⴰⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⴰ ⵏ ⵓⴳⴰⴼⴰⵢ. |
Digital ethnography allows for a lot more opportunities to look at different cultures and societies. | ⵜⴰⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⵓⵟⵟⵓⵏⵜ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵉⴽⴽⵉ ⵓⴳⴳⴰⵔ ⵏ ⵉⵙⵓⵍⴼⵏ ⴳ ⵓⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵥⵍⵉⵏ ⵙ ⵉⵙⵏⵉⵖⵙⵏ ⵏ ⵜⴷⵍⵙⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵡⴰⵎⵓⵏ ⵉⵔⵉⵎⵢⴰⵖⵏ. |
Relational Ethnography articulates studying fields rather than places or processes rather than processed people. | ⵜⴰⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼⵜ ⵜⴰⵣⴷⵢⴰⵏⵜ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵙⵙⴼⴰⵡ ⵉⴳⵔⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵖⵔⵉ ⵓⴳⴳⴰⵔ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵏⵙⵉⵡⵏ ⵏⵖⴷ ⵜⵉⵎⵀⴰⵍ ⵓⴳⴳⴰⵔ ⵏ ⵉⵡⴷⴰⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵡⵔⵉⴽⵏ. |
The goal is to collect data in such a way that the researcher imposes a minimal amount of personal bias in the data. | ⴰⵡⵜⵜⴰⵙ ⵉⴳⴰ ⵜ ⵓⵙⵎⵓⵜⵜⵔ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵍⴰⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵏⵖⵎⵉⵙⵉⵏ ⵙ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⴰⵎⴽⵜ ⵉⵜⵜⴰⴷⵊⴰⵏ ⴰⵎⵔⵣⵓ ⴰⴷ ⵉⴳ ⵓⵏⵓⴼ ⴷ ⵜⵓⴷⵎⴰⵡⵉⵏ ⴳ ⵓⵎⵍⴰⵏ. |
Interviews are often taped and later transcribed, allowing the interview to proceed unimpaired of note-taking, but with all information available later for full analysis. | ⵉⵎⵙⵏⴰⵍⴰⵜⵏ ⴷⴰ ⵡⴰⵍⴰ ⵜⵜⵓⵙⵓⵔⵙⵏ ⵓⴽⴰⵏ ⵜⵜⵓⵣⵎⵎⴰⵎⵏ ⴰⵡⴰⵔ, ⴰⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⴰⴷⵊⴰⵏ ⴰⵎⵙⵏⴰⵍⴰ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵙⵙⵓⴷⵓ ⵎⵉⵔ ⵜⵉⵔⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵉⵣⵎⵎⵉⵎⵏ, ⵎⴰⵛⴰⵏ ⴷⴰ ⴰⴽⴽⵯ ⵜⵜⵖⵉⵎⴰⵏ ⵡⵓⵎⵍⴰⵏ ⵡⵊⴷⵏ ⵉ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⴼⵙⵉ ⴰⵖⵣⵓⵔⴰⵏ ⴷ ⵉⴹⴼⴰⵕⵏ. |
Despite these attempts of reflexivity, no researcher can be totally unbiased. | ⵡⴰⵅⵅⴰ ⵜⵜⵡⵡⴰⴳⴳⵏ ⵢⵉⵔⵉⵎⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵡⵉⵏⴳⵎ, ⴰⵡⴷ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵎⵔⵣⵓ ⵓⵔ ⵉⵥⴹⴰⵕ ⴰⴷ ⵉⴳⴳ ⴰⵔⴰⵡⵙⴰⵏ. |
These informants are typically asked to identify other informants who represent the community, often using snowball or chain sampling. | ⴷⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵢⴰⵜⵜⴰⵔ ⵉ ⵉⵏⵎⵎⴰⵍⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵙⵙⵉⴽⵣⵏ ⵉⵏⵎⵎⴰⵍⵏ ⴰⴹⵏⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⴳⵣⴰⵏ ⵜⴰⴳⵔⴱⴰⵣⴰⵜ, ⵙ ⵓⵙⵎⵔⵙ ⵏ ⵓⵙⵙⵉⴼⵜ ⵙ ⵜⵛⴰⵎⵎⴰ ⵏ ⵓⵜⴼⵍ ⵏⵖ ⴷ ⵙ ⵜⵎⵣⴷⴰⵢⵜ. |
2010) examine the ontological and epistemological presuppositions underlying ethnography. | 2010) ⴷⴰ ⵉⵣⵔⵔⵓ ⵜⵓⵔⴷⴰⵡⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵏⵟⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵜⴱⴱⵉⵙⵜⵉⵎⵓⵍⵓⵊⵉⵏ ⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵜⵉⵔⵙⴰⵍ ⵏ ⵜⴻⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼⵜ. |
"Critical theory researchers address ""issues of power within the researcher-researched relationships and the links between knowledge and power.""" | ⵉⵎⵔⵣⵓⵜⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵥⵕⵉⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴼⵔⴰⵏⵜ ⴷⴰ ⵙⴰⵡⴰⵍⵏ ⵅⴼ ""ⵉⵙⵇⵙⵉⵜⵏ ⵏ ⵓⴷⵡⴰⵙ ⴰⴳⵏⵙⵓ ⵏ ⵜⵣⴷⴰⵢⵉⵏ ⵓⵎⵔⵣⵓ-ⵉⵎⵔⵣⵉ ⴷ ⵉⵙⵖⵓⵏⵏ ⵉⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⴳⵔ ⵜⵓⵙⵙⵏⴰ ⴷ ⵓⴷⵡⴰⵙ.""" |
An image can be contained within the physical world through a particular individual's perspective, primarily based on that individual's past experiences. | ⵜⵖⵢ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵉⵍⵉ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵡⵍⴰⴼⵜ ⴳ ⵓⵎⴰⴹⴰⵍ ⴰⴽⵎⴰⵎ ⴳ ⵓⵎⵏⴰⴷ ⵏ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵡⵓⴳⴳⵉⴹ, ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵚⴽⴰⵏ ⵙ ⵓⴷⵙⵍⴰⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵢⵉⵔⵉⵎⵏ ⵉⵣⵔⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵡⵓⴳⴳⵉⴹ ⴰⵏⵏ. |
The idea of an image relies on the imagination and has been seen to be utilized by children in a very spontaneous and natural manner. | ⴷⴰ ⵜⴱⴷⴷⴰ ⵜⵡⵏⴳⵉⵎⵜ ⵏ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵡⵍⴰⴼⵜ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵡⴰⵔⴳⵉⵜ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵙⵎⵔⴰⵙⵏ ⵉⵛⵉⵔⵔⴰⵏ ⵙ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⴰⵎⴽⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴷⵖⴰⵔⵜ ⴷ ⵜⴳⵎⴰⵎⴰⵏⵜ. |
Cultural and social anthropologists today place a high value on doing ethnographic research. | ⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⴷⵍⵙⴰⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵏ ⴷⴰ ⵙⵙⵉⵜⵉⴳⵏ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⴰⵙⵙⴰ ⴰⵔⵣⵣⵓ ⴰⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼ. |
"Ethnographies are also sometimes called ""case studies.""" | ⴷⴰ ⴰⵙⵏ ⵇⵇⴰⵔⵏ ⵉⴷⵙⵏⵜ ⵜⵉⴽⴽⴰⵍ ⵉ ⵜⴻⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼⵉⵏ ⵙ """ⵜⵉⵖⵓⵔⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵎⴷⵢⴰ""". |
The fieldwork usually involves spending a year or more in another society, living with the local people and learning about their ways of life. | ⵜⴰⵡⵓⵔⵉ ⵏ ⵢⵉⴳⵔ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵙⵖⴰⵡⴰⵙ ⵙ ⵓⵎⴰⵜⴰ ⴰⵣⵣⵔⵓⵢ ⵏ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵙⴳⴳⵯⴰⵙ ⵏⵖ ⴷ ⵓⴳⴳⴰⵔ ⴳ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏ ⴰⴹⵏⵉⵏ, ⴷ ⵜⵓⴷⵔⵜ ⴰⴽⴷ ⵉⵎⵣⴷⴰⵖ ⵏⵏⵙ ⵉⴷⵖⴰⵔⴰⵏⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵡⴰⴼⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵎⵎⴰⴽ ⵏ ⵜⵓⴷⵔⵜ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ. |
Benedict's experiences with the Southwest Zuni pueblo is to be considered the basis of her formative fieldwork. | ⵉⵇⵇⴰⵏ ⴷ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵜⵉⵔⵉⵎⵉⵏ ⵏ ⴱⵉⵏⵉⴷⵉⴽⵜ ⴰⴽⴷ ⵚⴰⵡⵜⵡⵉⵙⵜ ⵣⵓⵏⵉ ⴱⵡⵉⴱⵍⵓ ⴰⴷ ⴳⵉⵏⵜ ⵜⵉⵔⵙⴰⵍ ⵏ ⵜⵡⵓⵔⵉ ⵏ ⵢⵉⴳⵔ ⵉ ⵓⵏⵎⵎⴰⵍ. |
A typical ethnography attempts to be holistic and typically follows an outline to include a brief history of the culture in question, an analysis of the physical geography or terrain inhabited by the people under study, including climate, and often including what biological anthropologists call habitat. | ⵜⴰⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼⵜ ⵜⴰⵏⴰⵡⴰⵏⵜ-ⵜⴰⵎⴷⵢⴰⵏⵜ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⴰⵔⵎ ⴰⴷ ⵜⴳ ⵜⴰⵖⵣⵓⵔⴰⵏⵜ ⴰⵔ ⵜⵜⴹⴼⵓⵔ ⵙ ⵓⵎⴰⵜⴰ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵖⴰⵡⴰⵙ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵙⵙⵉⴷⴼ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵎⵣⵔⵓⵢ ⴰⴳⴳⵯⵣⵣⴰⵍ ⵏ ⵜⴷⵍⵙⴰ ⵅⴼ ⵉⵍⵍⴰ ⵓⵙⵇⵙⵉ, ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵙⴼⵙⵉ ⵏ ⵜⵊⵢⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼⵜ ⵜⴰⴼⵉⵣⵉⴽⵜ ⵏⵖ ⴷ ⵉ ⵢⵉⴳⵔ ⵏⵏⴰ ⴳ ⵣⴷⵖⵏ ⵉⵡⴷⴰⵏⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵉⵍⵍⴰ ⵓⵔⵣⵣⵓ, ⴰⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⴳ ⵢⴰⵎⵓ ⵓⵏⵣⵡⵉ, ⴷⴰ ⴷⵉⴳⵙ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵎⵓ ⵙ ⵓⵎⴰⵜⴰ ⵓⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵎⵉ ⵇⵇⴰⵔⵏ ⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⴱⵢⵓⵍⵓⵊⴰⵏⵏ ⵜⴰⵣⴷⵓⵖⵜ. |
Kinship and social structure (including age grading, peer groups, gender, voluntary associations, clans, moieties, and so forth, if they exist) are typically included. | ⴰⵎⵢⴰⵙⴰ ⴷ ⵜⵓⵚⴽⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵔⵉⵏ (ⴳ ⵢⴰⵎⵓ ⵓⵙⵜⵜⴼ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵜⴰⵢ, ⵜⵉⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⵢⴰⴽⵙⵓⵍⵏ, ⵜⴰⵡⵙⵉⵜ, ⵜⵉⵎⵙⵎⵓⵏⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵎⵅⴰⵙⵉⵏ, ⵉⵖⵙⴰⵏ, ⵉⵣⴳⵏⴰⵏⵏ ⴷⵡⵉⵢⵢⴰⴹ, ⵎⴽ ⵍⵍⴰⵏ) ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵓⵎⵓⵏ ⵙ ⵓⵎⴰⵜⴰ. |
Rites, rituals, and other evidence of religion have long been an interest and are sometimes central to ethnographies, especially when conducted in public where visiting anthropologists can see them. | ⵜⵉⵎⵢⵓⵔⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵜⴼⵓⴳⵍⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵡⴰⵏⵥⴰⵜⵏ ⴰⴹⵏⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵙⴳⴷ ⵓⵡⵉⵏ ⵜⴰⵡⵏⴰ ⵙⴳ ⵣⵉⴽ ⴳⵉⵏ ⵉⴷⵙⵍⴰⵏⵏ ⵉ ⵜⴻⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼⵉⵏ, ⵍⵓⵎⴰⵕ ⴰⴷⴷⴰⵢ ⵜⵜⵓⵢⴰⴳⵏⵜ ⴰⵎⵎⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵓⴳⴷⵓⴷ ⵏⵏⴰ ⴳ ⵣⵎⵔ ⵉⵎⵔⵣⵓⵜⵏ ⵉⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵏⵜ ⵥⵕⵉⵏ. |
For example, if within a group of people, winking was a communicative gesture, he sought to first determine what kinds of things a wink might mean (it might mean several things). | ⵙ ⵓⵎⴷⵢⴰ, ⵎⴽ ⵉⴳⴰ ⵓⵏⵅⴰⵚ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⵓⵍⵉ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵢⴰⵡⴰⴹ ⴰⵎⵎⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵔⴰⴱⴱⵓⵜ ⵏ ⵉⵡⴷⴰⵏ, ⴷⴰ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⵔⵣⴰ ⵣⵡⴰⵔ ⵎⴰⵜⵜⴰ ⵡⴰⵏⴰⵡ ⵏ ⵜⵖⴰⵡⵙⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵙ ⵉⵖⵢ ⵓⵏⵅⴰⵚ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵏⵜ ⵉⵙⵏⵓⵎⴽ (ⵉⵣⵎⵔ ⴰⴷ ⵢⵉⵍⵉ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵏⵓⵎⴰⴽ). |
"Geertz, while still following something of a traditional ethnographic outline, moved outside that outline to talk about ""webs"" instead of ""outlines"" of culture." | ⵎⵇⵇⴰⵔ ⵉⴹⴼⴰⵕ ⴳⵉⵔⵜⵣ ⵜⴰⵡⵏⴰⵖⵜ ⵜⴰⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼⵜ ⵜⴰⵇⵇⴱⵓⵔⵜ ⵉⵎⵉⵃ, ⵉⴼⴼⵖ ⵜⴰⵡⵏⴰⵖⵜ ⴰⴷ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵙⵉⵡⵍ ⵅⴼ """ⵜⵔⴰⵜⵙⵉⵡⵉⵏ""" ⴳ ⵓⴷⵖⴰⵔ ⵏ """ ⵜⴷⵙⵍⴰ ⵏ ⵉⴽⵥⵉⵥⵏ ⵉⵥⵏⵟⴰⵕⵏ""". |
Writing Culture helped bring changes to both anthropology and ethnography often described in terms of being 'postmodern,' 'reflexive,' 'literary,' 'deconstructive,' or 'poststructural' in nature, in that the text helped to highlight the various epistemic and political predicaments that many practitioners saw as plaguing ethnographic representations and practices. | ⵜⵉⵔⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵜⴷⵍⵙⴰ ⵓⵡⵙⵏⵜ ⴳ ⵓⵙⵏⴼⵍ ⵏ ⵜⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⴷ ⵜⴻⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼⵜ, ⵜⴰⵎⴳⴳⴰⵔⵓⵜ ⴰⴷ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵓⵙⵏⵎⴰⵍ ⴰⵀⴰ ⵉⵙ ⵜⴳⴰ 'ⵜⴰⵡⴰⵔⵜⵔⴰⵔⵜ', 'ⵜⴰⵙⵡⵉⵏⴳⵎⴰⵏⵜ', 'ⵜⴰⵙⴽⵍⴰⵏⵜ', 'ⵜⴰⵔⴰⴽⵔⴰⵙⴰⵏⵜ' ⵏⵖ ⴷ 'ⵜⴰⵡⴰⵔⵓⵚⴽⵉⵡⵜ' ⴳ ⵜⵎⵓⵙⵜ ⵏⵏⵙ, ⴰⵢⵏⵏⴰⵖ ⴰⵙ ⵢⵓⵡⵙ ⵓⴹⵕⵉⵚ ⴳ ⵡⵓⴼⵓⵖ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵖⵏⵓⵜⵏ ⵉⴱⴱⵉⵙⵜⵉⵎⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵏⵎⵎⴰⵔⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵙⵔⵜⴰⵏ ⵙ ⴰⵙⵉⴷⴷ, ⵜⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵙⵜⴰⵍⵏ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵙⵙⴽⴰⵔⵏ ⴰⵎⵎ ⵉⵙ ⴳⴰⵏⵜ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵎⵓⵜⵜⵍ ⵉ ⵉⵎⵙⴷⵢⴰⵜⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵎⵙⴽⴰⵔⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵉⵏ. |
In regards to this last point, Writing Culture became a focal point for looking at how ethnographers could describe different cultures and societies without denying the subjectivity of those individuals and groups being studied while simultaneously doing so without laying claim to absolute knowledge and objective authority. | ⴳ ⵓⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵥⵍⵉⵏ ⵙ ⵜⵏⵇⵇⵉⴹⵜ ⴰⴷ ⵜⴰⵎⴳⴳⴰⵔⵓⵜ, ⵜⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰ ⵜⴰⵎⴰⵔⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵖⵓⵍ ⵜⴳⴰ ⵜⴰⴷⵙⵍⴰⵏⵜ ⴳ ⵢⵉⵏⵉⴳ ⵏ ⵜⵎⴰⵎⴽⵜ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵙ ⵣⵎⵔⵏ ⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵙⵏⵓⵎⵎⵍⵏ ⵜⵉⴷⵍⵙⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⴰⵔⴰⵢⵏ ⵎⵉⵔ ⴰⴷ ⵙⵙⵓⵀⵓⵏ ( ⵏⴽⵕⵏ) ⵜⵓⵏⵎⴰⵙⵜ ⵏ ⵉⵡⴷⴷⴰⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⵅⴼ ⵉⵍⵍⴰ ⵓⵔⵣⵣⵓ ⴷ ⵎⵉⵔ ⴰⴷ ⵙⵃⵏⵊⵉⴼⵏ ⵉⵙ ⵍⴰⵏ ⵜⵓⵙⵙⵏⴰ ⴷ ⵉⵙⵎⴷⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵏⴱⴰⴹⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⵙⵖⴰⵔⴰⵏⵜ. |
As the purpose of ethnography is to describe and interpret the shared and learned patterns of values, behaviors, beliefs, and language of a culture-sharing group, Harris, (1968), also Agar (1980) note that ethnography is both a process and an outcome of the research. | ⴰⵡⵜⵜⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵜⴻⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼⵜ ⴷ ⴰⴳⵍⴰⵎ ⴷ ⵓⴼⴰⵔⵙ ⵏ ⵉⵔⵣⵣⵓⵜⵏ ⵏ ⵡⴰⵣⴰⵍ ⵉⵙⵙⴰⵔⵏ ⵜⵜⵓⵍⵎⴰⴷⵏ, ⵜⵉⴽⵍⵉⵡⵉⵏ, ⵉⵖⴰⵍⵏ, ⴷ ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ ⵏ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵔⴰⴱⴱⵓⵜ ⵉⵙⵙⴰⵔⵏ ⵜⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰ, ⵀⴰⵔⵔⵉⵙ(1968), ⴷ ⴰⴳⴰⵔ (1980) ⵉⵣⵎⵎⴻⵎ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵜⴰⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼⵜ ⵜⴳⴰ ⴰⵣⵔⵔⵓⵢ ⴷ ⵜⵢⴰⴼⵓⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵔⵣⵣⵓ ⴳ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵉⴽⴽⵍⵜ. |
"Sociologist Sam Ladner argues in her book, that understanding consumers and their desires requires a shift in ""standpoint,"" one that only ethnography provides." | "ⴰⵙⵏⴰⵎⵓⵏ ⵙⴰⵎ ⵍⴰⴷⵏⵉⵔ ⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⴳ ⵓⴷⵍⵉⵙ ⵏⵏⵙ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ⴰⵔⵎⴰⵙ ⵏ ⵉⵏⵙⵙⵎⵓⵔⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵓⴳⴳⵓⵎⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ ⵙⵖⴰⵡⵙⵏⵜ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵙⵏⴼⵍ ⵏ ""ⵓⵎⵏⴰⴷ"" ⴰⵎⴳⴳⴰⵔⵓ ⴰⴷ ⵓⵔ ⴷⴰ ⵜ ⵢⵉⴽⴽⵉ ⵖⴰⵙ ⵜⴰⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼⵜ" |
"By assessing user experience in a ""natural"" setting, ethnology yields insights into the practical applications of a product or service." | "ⵙ ⵓⵙⵜⴰⵍ ⵏ ⵜⵉⵔⵉⵎⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵙⵎⵔⵙ ⴳ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵙⴰⵜⵉ ""ⴰⴳⴰⵎⴰⵏ"", ⵜⴰⵜⵏⵓⵍⵓⵊⵜ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵉⴽⴽⵉ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵢⵉⵏⵏⵉⵢ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵙⴽⵉⵔⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵙⵖⵏⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵢⴰⴼⵓ ⵏⵖ ⴷ ⵏ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵏⴰⴼⵓⵜ." |
The Ethnographic Praxis in Industry (EPIC) conference is evidence of this. | ⵜⵉⵏⴰⵡⵜ ⵜⴰⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼⵜ ⴱⴰⵕⴰⴽⵙⵉⵙ (EPIC) ⵜⴳⴰ ⴰⵏⵥⴰ ⵏ ⵓⵢⴰ. |
"Jaber F. Gubrium and James A. Holstein's (1997) monograph, The New Language of Qualitative Method, discusses forms of ethnography in terms of their ""methods talk.""" | "ⵜⴰⵎⵓⵏⵉⴳⵕⴰⴼⵜ ⵊⴰⵢⴱⵔ ⴳⵓⴱⵔⵢⵓⵎ ⴷ ⵊⴰⵢⵎⵙ ⵀⵓⵍⵙⵟⴰⵢⵏⵣ (1997), ⴳ ⵓⵍⵉⵙ ⵏⵏⵙ ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⴰⵢⵏⵓⵜ ⵏ ⵜⴱⵔⵉⴷⵜ ⵜⴰⵖⵓⴷⴰⵏⵜ, ⴷⴰ ⵉⵙⴳⴷⴰⵍ ⵜⴰⵍⵖⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵜⴻⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼⵜ ⵙ ⵜⴳⵓⵔⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵏ "" ⵜⵉⵎⴰⵎⴽⵉⵏ ⴷⴰ ⵙⴰⵡⴰⵍⵏⵜ""." |
"Essentially, Fine maintains that researchers are typically not as ethical as they claim or assume to be — and that ""each job includes ways of doing things that would be inappropriate for others to know""." | "ⵙ ⵓⴷⵙⵍⴰⵏ, ⵢⵓⴽⵣ ⴼⵉⵏ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵉⵎⵔⵣⵓⵜⵏ ⵓⵔ ⴷⵉⴳⵙⵏ ⵙ ⵓⵎⴰⵜⴰ ⵜⵉⵖⴰⵔⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵉⵎⴽⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵜⵜⵉⵏⵉⵏ— ⴷ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ""ⴽⵓ ⵜⴰⵡⵓⵔⵉ ⵖⵓⵔⵙ ⵜⵉⴱⵔⵉⴷⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵙ ⵜⵙⴽⴰⵔ ⵜⵉⵖⴰⵡⵙⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵙ ⴷ ⵓⵔ ⵢⵓⵙⵉ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵏⵜ ⵉⵙⵙⵉⵏⵏ ⵡⵉⵢⵢⴰⴹ""." |
"He maintains that ""illusions"" are essential to maintain an occupational reputation and avoid potentially more caustic consequences." | "ⵢⵓⴽⵣ ⵉⵙ ⴷ ""ⵉⵎⴰⵔⵓⵔⵏ"" ⴳⴰⵏ ⵉⴷⵙⵍⴰⵏⵏ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵇⵇⵉⵎ ⵜⵉⵣⵉ ⵜⴰⵣⵣⵓⵍⴰⵏⵜ ⵜⵜⵡⴰⵙⵙⴰⵏ ⵜⴰⵔⵢ ⵉⴷⵙⵏⵜ ⵜⵢⴰⴼⵓⵜⵉⵏ ⵖⵉⴼⵙ ⵉⵎⵎⵔⵏ ⵓⴳⴳⴰⵔ". |
The code of ethics notes that anthropologists are part of a wider scholarly and political network, as well as human and natural environment, which needs to be reported on respectfully. | ⴳ ⵓⵙⵍⴳⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵖⴰⵔⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵉⵜⵜⵡⴰⵣⵎⵎⴰⵎ ⵉⵙ ⵉⵅⵚⵚⴰ ⴰⴷ ⵙⵙⴽⵔⵏ ⵉⵙⵏⴰⴼⴳⴰⵏⵏ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵥⵟⵟⴰ ⴰⵙⴷⴰⵡⴰⵏ ⴷ ⵓⵙⵔⵜⴰⵏ ⵉⵖⵣⵣⵉⴼⵏ, ⴷ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵡⵏⵏⴰⴹ ⴰⵏⴼⴳⴰⵏ ⴷ ⵓⴳⴰⵎⴰⵏ, ⵏⵏⴰ ⵙ ⵉⵅⵚⵚⴰ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⴱⴷⴰⵔ ⵙ ⵓⵣⵔⴰⴽ. |
Researchers take near-fictions and turn them into claims of fact. | ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⴰⵙⵉⵏ ⵉⵎⵔⵣⵓⵜⵏ ⵜⵉⵃⴹⴰⵕⵎⴰⵔⵓⵔⵉⵏ ⵙⵙⵏⴼⵍⵏ ⵜⵏⵜ ⴰⵔ ⴷ ⴳⵉⵏⵜ ⵜⵉⵍⴰⵡⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⵎⴷⴰⴷⵉⵏ. |
In reality, an ethnographer will always miss some aspect because of lacking omniscience. | ⵙ ⵜⵉⴷⵜ, ⴰⵜⵏⵓⴳⵕⴰⴼ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵜⵜⵓ ⴽⵔⴰ ⴰⵀⴰ ⴰⵛⴽⵓ ⵓⵔ ⵖⵓⵔⵙ ⵜⵍⵍⵉ ⵜⴰⴽⴽⵯⵎⴰⵙⵙⴰⵏⵜ. |
Indigenous peoples, also referred to as first people, aboriginal people, native people, or autochthonous people, are culturally distinct ethnic groups who are native to a place which has been colonised and settled by another ethnic group. | ⵉⵎⴷⴰⵏ ⵉⵏⴷⵉⵊⵉⵏⵏ, ⵏⵏⴰ ⵎⵉ ⴰⵡⴷ ⵇⵇⴰⵔⵏ ⵙ ⵉⵎⴷⴰⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⵡⵓⵔⴰ, ⵉⴱⵓⵔⵉⵊⵉⵏⵏ, ⵉⵥⵖⵓⵔⴰⵏⵏ, ⵉⵟⵓⴽⵟⵓⵏⵏ, ⴳⴰⵏ ⵜⵉⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⵜⵉⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⵎⵖⵓⵔ ⵜⴰⴷⵍⵙⴰ ⵉⵜⵙⵢⵏ ⴳⵉⵏ ⵉⵍⵓⵍⴰⵡⵏ ⵏ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵡⴰⵏⵙⴰ ⵏⵏⴰ ⴳ ⵜⵜⵡⴰⵙⴷⵓⵔⵔⵉⵏ ⵜⵣⴷⵖ ⴽⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵜⵔⴰⴱⴱⵓⵜ ⵜⴰⵥⵓⵕⴰⵏⵜ ⴰⴹⵏⵉⵏ ⴳ ⵓⴷⵖⴰⵔ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ. |
"Peoples are usually described as ""indigenous"" when they maintain traditions or other aspects of an early culture that is associated with a given region." | "ⵉⵎⴷⴰⵏⵏ ⵙ ⵓⵎⴰⵜⴰ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵓⵙⵏⵎⴰⵍⵏ ⵙ ""ⵉⵟⵓⴽⵟⵓⵏⵏ"" ⵉⴳ ⵃⴹⴰⵏ ⵜⵉⵎⵢⵓⵔⵉⵏ ⵏⵖ ⴷ ⵉⴷⵙⵏⵜ ⵜⵙⴳⴳⵯⵉⵏ ⵢⴰⴹⵏⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⴷⵍⵙⴰ ⵜⴰⵣⴰⵢⴽⵓⵜ ⵉⵣⴷⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⵏⴰⴹⵜ ⵉⵜⵜⵡⴰⵙⵙⵏ." |
Indigenous peoples continue to face threats to their sovereignty, economic well-being, languages, ways of knowing, and access to the resources on which their cultures depend. | ⵉⵎⴷⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⵡⵓⵔⴰ ⵙⵓⵍⵏ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵏⴰⵍⵏ ⵉⵙⴷⵉⴷⴷⵉⵢⵏ ⵉⵎⵇⵔⴰⵏ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵏⵉⴳⴰⴽⵜ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ, ⴰⴹⵕⵕⵃ ⵏⵙⵏ ⴰⴷⵎⵙⴰⵏ, ⵜⵓⵜⵍⴰⵢⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ, ⵜⵉⴱⵔⵉⴷⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵓⵙⵙⵏⴰ, ⴷ ⵓⵍⴽⴰⵎ ⵏ ⵉⵙⵓⴳⴰⵎ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵅⴼ ⵜⴱⴷⴷⴰ ⵜⴷⵎⵙⴰ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ. |
Estimates of the total global population of Indigenous peoples usually range from 250 million to 600 million. | ⵓⵟⵟⵓⵏⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⴷⴰⵖ ⵉⵎⴰⴹⵍⴰⵏⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵎⴷⴰⵏ ⵉⵟⵓⴽⵟⵓⵏⵏ ⵍⵍⴰⵏ ⵙ ⵓⵎⴰⵜⴰ ⴳⵔ 250 ⵎⵍⵢⵓⵏ ⴷ 600 ⵎⵍⵢⵓⵏ. |
As a reference to a group of people, the term Indigenous first came into use by Europeans who used it to differentiate the Indigenous peoples of the Americas from enslaved Africans. | ⵜⴰⴳⵓⵔⵉ ⵏ ⵉⵟⵓⴽⵟⵓⵏⵏ, ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵙⴽⴰⵏⵏ ⵙ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵔⴱⵉⵄⵜ ⵏ ⵉⵡⴷⴰⵏ, ⵙⵎⵔⵙⵏ ⵜⵜ ⵉⵕⵓⴱⴱⵉⵢⵏ ⵜⵉⴽⴽⵍⵜ ⵜⴰⵎⵣⵡⴰⵔⵓⵜ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵙⵎⵣⵉⵔⵢⵏ ⴳⵔ ⵉⵡⴷⴰⵏ ⵉⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⵡⵓⵔⴰ ⴷ ⵉⵎⵉⵔⵉⴽⴽⴰⵏⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵔⵓⵔⴰⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵃⵣⵣⴰⵕⵏ ⵎⵖⵓⵔ ⴰⵏⴰⵖⵉⵣ ⵙⴳ ⴰⴼⵔⵉⴽⴰ. |
In the 1970s, the term was used as a way of linking the experiences, issues, and struggles of groups of colonized people across international borders. | ⴳ ⵉⵙⴳⴳⵯⴰⵙⵏ ⵏ 1970, ⵜⴽⴽⴰ ⵜⵜ ⵏⵏ ⵍⵍⴰ ⵜⵜⵓⵙⵎⵔⴰⵙ ⵜⴳⵓⵔⵉ ⴰⵏⵏ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵎⵓⵏⵏⵜ ⵜⵉⵔⵉⵎⵉⵏ, ⵜⵉⵎⴽⵯⵔⴰⵙ, ⴷ ⵜⵖⵏⵙⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵔⵓⴱⴱⴰ ⵏ ⵉⵎⴷⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⵜⵜⵡⴰⵙⴷⵓⵔⵔⵉⵏ ⴳⵔ ⵉⵡⵜⵜⴰ ⵉⴳⵔⴰⵖⵍⴰⵏⵏ. |
This situation can persist even in the case where the Indigenous population outnumbers that of the other inhabitants of the region or state; the defining notion here is one of separation from decision and regulatory processes that have some, at least titular, influence over aspects of their community and land rights. | ⴰⵏⵉⵜⵉⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵖⵢ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵣⴷⵢ ⴰⵡⴷ ⵎⴽ ⴷⴷⴰⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⴷⴰⵖ ⵉⵟⵓⴽⵟⵓⵏⵏ ⴰⵔ ⴷ ⴰⴳⵔⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⴷⴰⵖ ⵉⵎⵙⴷⵓⵔⵔⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵏⴰⴹⵜ ⵏⵖ ⴷ ⴰⵡⴰⵏⴽ; ⴰⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⴰⴷⵙⵍⴰⵏ ⴷⴰ ⴷ ⵜⵉⴱⴹⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵀⴰⵍ ⵜⵉⵖⵜⵙⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵙⵍⴳⴰⵏⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵟⵟⴰⴼⵏ ⴽⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵜⵣⵔⵉⵔⵜ, ⵎⵇⴰⵔ ⴷ ⵖⴰⵙ ⵙ ⵡⴰⵙⵙⴰⵖ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵙⴳⴳⵯⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵜⴳⵔⴰⵡⵜ ⴷ ⵉⵣⵔⴼⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵡⴰⴽⴰⵍ. |
A 2009 United Nations report published by the Secretariat of the Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues stated: For centuries, since the time of their colonization, conquest or occupation, Indigenous peoples have documented histories of resistance, interface or cooperation with states, thus demonstrating their conviction and determination to survive with their distinct sovereign identities. | ⵢⴰⵏ ⵓⵏⵇⵇⵉⵙ ⵏ ⵜⵎⵜⵜⴰ ⵉⵎⵓⵏⵏ ⵉⵜⵜⵓⴳⴰⵏ ⴳ 2009 ⵍⵍⵉ ⵜⴼⵙⵔ ⵜⵙⵉⴽⵔⵉⵜⴰⵔⵉⵜ ⵏ ⵓⵙⴳⵔⴰⵡ ⴰⵏⵣⴷⴰⵢ ⵅⴼ ⵜⵎⵏⵜⴰⵍ ⵜⵉⵟⵓⴽⵟⵓⵏⵉⵏ ⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ: ⵜⵉⵙⵡⴰⵜⵓⵜⵉⵏ ⴰⵢⴰ, ⵙⴳ ⵓⵣⵎⵣ ⵏ ⵓⵙⴷⵓⵔⵔⵉ, ⴰⵍⵉⴽ ⵏⵖ ⴷ ⵉⵡⵢ, ⵣⵎⵎⴻⵎⵏ ⵉⵎⴷⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⵟⵓⴽⵟⵓⵏⵏ ⵜⴰⵍⵍⴰⵙⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵏⵣⴱⴰⵢⵜ, ⵏ ⵜⵎⵢⴰⵖⵜ, ⵏⵖ ⴷ ⵏ ⵓⵎⵢⴰⵡⴰⵙ ⴰⴽⴷ ⵉⵡⴰⵏⴽⵏ, ⴰⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵙ ⵎⵎⴰⵍⵏ ⴰⵄⵡⵡⵍ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ ⴰⴷ ⴷⴷⵔⵏ ⴰⴽⴷ ⵜⵎⴰⴳⵉⵜⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ ⵉⵙⵜⵢⵏ. |
These people were seen by ancient writers either as the ancestors of the Greeks, or as an earlier group of people who inhabited Greece before the Greeks. | ⴽⴽⴰⵏ ⵜⵜ ⵏⵏ ⵉⵎⴰⵔⴰⵜⵏ ⵉⵇⴱⵓⵔⵏ ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⵉⵏⵉⵏ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴳⴰⵏ ⵉⵎⵣⵡⵓⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵉⴳⵔⵉⴽⵏ ( ⴰⵢⵜ ⵍⵢⵓⵏⴰⵏ ⵏ ⴷⵖⵉ), ⵏⵖ ⴷ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵔⴱⵉⵄⵜ ⵉⵣⵔⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵡⴷⴰⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵜⵜ ⵏⵏ ⵉⴽⴽⴰⵏ ⵣⴷⵖⵏ ⴳ ⵍⵢⵓⵏⴰⵏ ⴷⴰⵜ ⵏ ⵉⵢⵓⵏⴰⵏⵏ.. |
The Crusades (1096-1271) were based on this ambition of a holy war against who the church saw as infidels. | ⵉⵎⵏⵖⴰⵏ (1096-1271) ⵉⵏⵛⴰⵏ ⵉⵙⵙⵏⴷⵔ ⵜⵏ ⵓⵏⴰⵔⵓⵣ ⵏ ⵡⵉⵙⵙ ⴳⴰⵏ ⵉⴼⵓⵥⴰⵔ ⵎⴳⴰⵍ ⵏ ⵡⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵜⵎⵎⴰⵍ ⵍⵉⴳⵍⵉⵣ ⴰⵎⵎ ⵉⵙ ⴳⴰⵏ ⴰⵔⵉⵙⴳⴷⴰⵏⵏ. |
However, the council upheld that conquests could 'legally' occur if non-Christians refused to comply with Christianization and European natural law. | ⵉⵎⵉⵍ, ⴰⵙⵇⵇⵉⵎ ⵢⵓⴽⵣ ⴰⵙ ⵉⵙ ⵉⵖⵢ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵜⵡⴰⴳⴳⵏ ⵉⵍⵉⴽⵏ ⵙ ⵓⵍⴳⵉⵏ ⵎⴽ ⵓⴳⵉⵏ ⵉⵔⵉⵕⵓⵎⵉⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵎⵙⴰⵙⴰⵏ ⴰⴽⴷ ⵜⴽⵔⵉⵙⵜⵢⴰⵏⵉⵢⵜ ⴷ ⵓⵣⵔⴼ ⴰⴳⵎⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵓⵕⵓⴱⴱⴰ. |
In the 14th and 15th centuries, the Indigenous peoples of what are now referred to as the Canary Islands, known as Guanches (who had lived on the islands since the BCE era) became the subject of colonizers' attention. | ⴳ ⵜⵙⵡⴰⵜⵓⵜ ⵜⵉⵙⵙ 14 ⴷ 15, ⵉⵎⴷⴰⵏⵏ ⵉⵟⵓⴽⵟⵓⵏⵏ ⵏ ⵜⴳⵣⵉⵔⵉⵏ ⵜⵉⴽⵏⴰⵔⵉⵢⵉⵏ ⵎⵉ ⵇⵇⴰⵔⵏ ⵉⴳⵡⴰⵏⵛⵏ ( ⵣⴷⵖⵏ ⴳ ⵜⴳⵣⵉⵔⵜ ⵙⴳ ⵓⵣⵎⵣ ⵏ BCE) ⵓⵡⵉⵏ ⵜⴰⵡⵏⴰ ⴷ ⵜⴰⵖⴹⴼⵜ ⵏ ⵉⵎⵙⴷⵓⵔⵔⵉⵏ. |
In 1402, the Spanish began efforts to invade and colonize the islands. | ⴳ 1402, ⵜⵙⵙⵏⵜⴰ ⵚⴱⵍⵢⵓⵏ ⵜⵓⴳⴳⴰⵣ ⵏⵏⵙ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵙⴷⵓⵔⵔⵉ ⵜⵉⴳⵣⵉⵔⵉⵏ. |
The invaders brought destruction and diseases to the Guanche people, whose identity and culture disappeared as a result. | ⵉⵎⵙⴷⵓⵔⵔⵉⵏ ⵓⵡⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵜⵉⵔⴷⵍⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⴷ ⵡⴰⵟⵟⴰⵏⵏ ⵉ ⵓⵎⴷⴰⵏ ⴰⴳⵡⴰⵏⵛ, ⵙ ⵜⵢⴰⴼⵓⵜ ⵏ ⵎⴰⵢⴰ, ⵜⵓⵛⵛⴽⴰ ⵜⵎⴰⴳⵉⵜ ⴷ ⵜⴷⵍⵙⴰ ⵏⵏⵙ. |
"As stated by Robert J. Miller, Jacinta Ruru, Larissa Behrendt, and Tracey Lindberg, the doctrine developed over time ""to justify the domination of non-Christian, non-European peoples and the confiscations of their lands and rights.""" | "ⵉⵎⴽⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⵏⵏⴰ ⵕⵓⴱⵉⵔⵕ ⵊ. ⵎⵉⵍⵔ, ⵊⴰⵙⵉⵏⵜⴰ ⵔⵓⵔⵓ, ⵍⴰⵔⵉⵙⵙⴰ ⴱⵉⵔⵉⵏⴷⵜ, ⴷ ⵜⵔⴰⵢⵙⵉ ⵍⵉⵏⴷⴱⵓⵔⴳ, ⵜⵜⵓⵙⴱⵓⵖⵍⴰ ⵜⴱⵔⵉⴷⵜ ⵅⴼ ⵓⵣⵔⵔⵓⵢ ⵏ ⵡⴰⴽⵓⴷ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ "" ⵜⵙⵙⵏⵥⵉ ⴰⵏⵏⴱⴹ ⴳ ⵉⵎⴷⴰⵏⵏ ⴰⵔⵉⵕⵓⵎⵉⵏ, ⴰⵔⵉⵕⵓⴱⴱⵉⵢⵏ ⴷ ⵓⵙⵓⴽⴽⴼ ⵏ ⵉⴽⴰⵍⵏ ⴷ ⵉⵣⵔⴼⴰⵏ ⵏⵙⵏ.’’ |
Spanish King Ferdinand and Queen Isabella hired Christopher Columbus, who was dispatched in 1492, to colonize and bring new lands under the Spanish crown. | ⴰⴳⵍⵍⵉⴷ ⴰⵚⴱⵍⵢⴰⵏ ⴼⵉⵔⴷⵉⵏⴰⵏⴷ ⴷ ⵜⴳⵍⵍⵉⴷⵜ ⵉⵣⴰⴱⵉⵍⵍⴰ ⵙⵙⵡⵓⵔⵉⵏ ⴽⵔⵉⵙⵟⵓⴼ ⴽⵓⵍⵓⵎⴱⵓⵚ, ⵏⵏⴰ ⵢⴰⴼⵓⴹⵏ ⴳ 1492, ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵙⵓⴷⴷⵔⵉ ⵢⴰⵡⵢ ⴷ ⵉⴽⴰⵍⵏ ⵉⵎⴰⵢⵏⵓⵜⵏ ⵉ ⵜⴳⵍⵍⵉⴷⵜ ⵜⴰⵚⴱⵍⵢⵓⵏⵜ. |
"Alexander granted Spain any lands that it discovered as long as they had not been ""previously possessed by any Christian owner.""" | "ⴰⵍⵉⴽⵙⴰⴷⵔ ⵉⵔⵓⵔⴰ ⴷ ⵉ ⵚⴱⵍⵢⵓⵏ ⵉⴽⴰⵍⵏ ⵏⵏⴰ ⴰⴽⴽⵯ ⵢⵓⴼⴰ ⵙ ⵢⵓⵡⵜ ⵜⴼⴰⴷⴰ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⴰⴷ ""ⵢⴰⴷ ⵓⵔ ⵉⵍⵉⵏ ⴳ ⵓⴼⵓⵙ ⵏ ⴽⵔⴰ ⵏ ⵓⵕⵓⵎⵢ."" |
Many conquistadors apparently feared that, if given the option, Indigenous peoples would actually accept Christianity, which would legally not permit invasion of their lands and the theft of their belongings. | ⵉⵔⵡⴰⵙ ⵉⵙ ⴳⴳⵯⴷⵏ ⴽⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵏ ⵉⵎⴰⵍⵉⴽⵏ ⵎⴰ ⴰⵙ ⴷ ⵎⴽ ⴼⴽⴰⵏ ⴰⵙⵜⴰⵢ ⵉ ⵉⵟⵓⴽⵟⵓⵏⵏ, ⵇⴰ ⴰⴷ ⵉⵔⵉⵏ ⵜⴰⴽⵔⵉⵙⵜⵢⴰⵏⵉⵢⵜ, ⴰⵢⵏⵏⴰ ⵢⴰⴷ ⵓⵔ ⵉⵏⵏⵉⵏ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵏ ⵢⴰⴷⴷⵊ ⴰⴷ ⴳⵉⵏ ⴰⵏⴱⴰⵣ ⵉ ⵉⴽⴰⵍⵏ ⵏⵏⵙ ⴰⴽⵔⵏ ⵜⵉⵍⵉⵜⵉⵏ ⵏⵏⵙⵏ ⵙ ⵓⵍⴳⵏ. |
Being Catholic countries in 1493, England as well as France worked to 're-interpret' the Doctrine of Discovery to serve their own colonial interests. | ⴼⵕⴰⵏⵚⴰ ⴷ ⵏⵏⴳⵍⵉⵣ ⵏⵏⴰ ⵉⴳⴰⵏ ⵜⵉⴽⴰⵜⵓⵍⵉⴽⵉⵏ ⴳ 1493, ⵓⵔⵎⵏⵜ ⴰⴷ ⵙⵙⵔⵎⵙⵏⵜ ⵜⴰⵖⴰⵔⴰⵙⵜ ⵏ ⵜⵏⴰⵣⵓⴼⵜ ⵙ ⵢⴰⵜ ⵜⵎⴰⵎⴽⵜ ⵉⵙⵓⴼⵔⵏ ⵉ ⵉⵖⴰⴱⵓⵔⵏ ⵏⵏⵙⵏⵜ ⵉⵎⵙⴷⵓⵔⵔⵉⵏ. |
"Land claims were made through symbolic ""rituals of discovery"" that were performed to illustrate the colonizing nation's legal claim to the land." | "ⴷⴰ ⵜⵜⴳⴳⴰⵏ ""ⵜⵉⴼⵓⴳⵍⵉⵡⵉⵏ ⵏ ⵜⵏⴰⵣⵓⴼⵜ"" ⴰⴷⴷⴰⵢ ⴰⴽⵔⵏ ⵉⴽⴰⵍⵏ ⵉⵎⴰⵢⵏⵓⵜⵏ ⴰⴼⴰⴷ ⴰⴷ ⵜⵜ ⵙⵙⵏⵜⵍⵏ ⴼⴽⵉⵏ ⴰⵙ ⵢⴰⵏ ⵡⵓⴷⵎ ⵓⵍⴳⵉⵏ." |