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kendo and Eishin-ryū at the Kōchi branch of the Dai Nippon Butoku Kai and at local schools. In 1924 he became the second person (after Nakayama Hakudō) to be awarded hanshi in iaidō by the Dai Nippon Butoku Kai. Ōe died at Enokuchi on April 18, 1926. His many students went on to spread Musō Jikiden Eishin-ryū iai beyond Tosa and throughout Japan. 60 years after his death a memorial stone was raised to honour him on Mt Godaisan.
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Lineage Eishin-ryū uses a system of indiscriminate transmission (完全相傳), allowing anyone in possession of full-transmission to award licenses to any number of his students. Therefore, it is possible that there were multiple, unlisted holders of menkyo kaiden, known in Eishin-ryū as Kongen no Maki (根元之巻), in any generation. Due in part to Ōe Masaji's more open and inclusive approach to teaching Eishin-ryū, the lineages of groups practicing the art are fairly diverse and complex.
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Seitō (orthodox) lineage Hayashizaki Jinsuke Shigenobu, founder of Hayashizaki Shin Musō-ryū (林崎新夢想流) Tamiya Heibei Shigemasa, 2nd generation (田宮流) Nagano Muraku Nyūdō Kinrosai, 3rd generation (無楽流) Todo Gunbei Mitsushige, 4th generation Arikawa Seizaemon Munetsugu, 5th generation Banno Danemonnojō Nobusada, 6th generation Hasegawa Chikaranosuke Hidenobu (Eishin), 7th generation and founder of Hasegawa Eishin-ryū (長谷川英信流) Arai Seitetsu Kiyonobu, 8th generation Hayashi Rokudayū Morimasa, 9th generation Yasudayū Masatomo, 10th generation Ōguro Motoemon Kiyokatsu, 11th generation Hayashi Masunojō Masanari, 12th generation Yoda Manzō Toshikatsu, 13th generation Hayashi Yadayū Masatoshi, 14th generation Tanimura Kamenojō Yorikatsu, 15th generation Gotō Magobei Masasuke (?-1897), 16th generation Ōe Masaji (1852–1927), 17th generation and founder of Musō Jikiden Eishin-ryū (無双直伝英信流 or 無雙直傳英信流).
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Ōe Masaji's students established multiple lines of transmission. See Students of Ōe Masaji. Hokiyama Namio (1891–1935), 18th generation Fukui Harumasa (1884–1971), 19th generation Kōno Minoru Hyakuren (1899–1974), 20th generation Fukui Torao (1915–2000), 21st generation Ikeda Takashi (1932–2019), 22nd generation Fukui Masato, 23rd generation
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Following Kōno Hyakuren's death, the lineage of Eishin-ryu became contested again, with several individuals claiming to be the most senior representative. Who people consider sōke generally depends on the organization to which they belong. Some consider Musō Jikiden Eishin-ryū to no longer have a sōke. In addition to groups claiming to continue the above lineage, there are some branches of Eishin-ryū that trace their lineage back to students of Ōe Masaji other than Hokiyama Namio, and which regard their leaders as the most senior member of the school. There are a number of lines of transmission with direct links to Ōe Masaji but which do not make claims to hold leadership of Musō Jikiden Eishin-ryū. Students of Ōe Masaji, further lineage
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Ōe Masaji had many students who went on to spread Musō Jikiden Eishin-ryū throughout Japan. Some established their own branches (派, ha). Seventeen of Ōe's most influential students, some with the branches they established, are listed below. This list is not inclusive. Some of these students were presented with menkyo kaiden although the exact number Ōe awarded is unknown. Most Musō Jikiden Eishin-ryū taught today traces its lineage back to one or more of these men.
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Masaoka Katsutane (Κazumi, “Ikkan”) (1896–1973) (18th generation sōshihan, Masaoka-line) Narise Sakahiro (19th generation) Miura Takeyuki Hidefusa (20th generation) Shimabukuro Masayuki Hidenobu (21st generation) Carl E. Long (22nd generation) Nishikawa Baisui Kōda Morio Matsuda Eima Yamasaki Yasukichi Nakanishi Iwaki Taoka Den Hokiyama Namio (1891–1935), 18th generation sōke Fukui Harumasa (1894–1971), 19th generation sōke Suzuki Yoshishige (Suzue Yoshishige) Mori Shigeki (1890–1988) Yamamoto Takuji (1886–1977) Takemura Shizuo Yamamoto Harusuke (1892–1978) Sakamoto Tosakai Yamauchi Toyotake (1905–1946) (18th generation soke, Yamauchi-ha) Sendai Line Uno Mataji Sakagami Kaneo Kawakubo Takaji Sato Yoshio, Sato Masaki (21st generation) Komei Line Kono Kanemitsu (19th generation) Onoe Masamitsu (20th generation) Sekiguchi Takaaki (Komei) (21st generation) Ueda Heitarō Techniques
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The techniques of Musō Jikiden Eishin-ryū are broken up into sets based on the principal starting position of the waza and by skill level. The majority of the study is focused on these solo waza. Musō Jikiden Eishin-ryū has 45 solo waza and 45 paired waza; some of these paired waza are rarely taught. Certain lines contain additional waza, grouped under Bangai no Bu. Solo waza Solo waza use a single long sword (katana). Seiza no bu (Shoden) The word shoden (初伝) can be translated as ‘entry-transmission.’ This set of techniques was derived from Ōmori-ryū, and is still often referred to as “Ōmori-ryū.” It is the first set of techniques taught. Seiza no Bu waza are performed from seiza, a formal kneeling position, with the general exception of Oikaze, which often begins standing. Seiza no bu (正座之部) contains the following techniques: 前 Mae 右 Migi 左 Hidari 後 Ushiro 八重垣 Yaegaki 受流 Ukenagashi 介錯 Kaishaku 附込 Tsukekomi 月影 Tsukikage 追風 Oikaze 抜打 Nukiuchi
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Tatehiza no bu (Chūden) The word chūden (中伝) can be translated as ‘middle-transmission.’ This set was derived from techniques created by Hasegawa Eishin and is still commonly referred to as "Eishin-ryū." It is the second set of techniques taught. Tatehiza no bu waza are performed from tatehiza, a half-seated position, with the exception of Makkō. Tatehiza no bu (立膝之部) contains the following techniques: 横雲 Yokogumo 虎一足 Toraissoku 稲妻 Inazuma 浮雲 Ukigumo 颪 Oroshi 岩波 Iwanami 鱗返 Urokogaeshi 波返 Namigaeshi 瀧落 Takiotoshi 真向 Makkō Okuiai Iwaza no Bu (Okuden) The word Okuden (奥伝) can be translated as ‘inner transmission,’ or ‘secret transmission.’ The Okuden sets contain advanced-level techniques. Okuiai Iwaza are performed from tatehiza. Okuiai Iwaza no Bu (奥居合居業之部) contains the following techniques: 霞 Kasumi 脛囲 Sunegakoi 戸詰 Tozume 戸脇 Towaki 四方切 Shihōgiri 棚下 Tanashita 両詰 Ryōzume 虎走 Torabashiri Okuiai Tachiwaza no Bu (Okuden)
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Okuiai Tachiwaza are performed from a standing position, with the exception of the three Itamagoi waza, which start from seiza. Okuiai Tachiwaza no Bu (奥居合立業之部) contains the following techniques: 行連 Yukizure 連達 Tsuredachi 惣捲 Sō Makuri 惣留 Sō Dome 信夫 Shinobu 行違 Yukichigai 袖摺返 Sode Surigaeshi 門入 Mon'iri 壁添 Kabezoe 受流 Ukenagashi 暇乞其の一 Itomagoi Sono Ichi 暇乞其の二 Itomagoi Sono Ni 暇乞其の三 Itomagoi Sono San Bangai no Bu (Okuden) Bangai (番外, lit. ‘extra’) are extended tachiwaza. These waza are not koryū, but were created by Ōe Masamichi, along with the Katate Hayanuki exercise. Bangai no bu (番外之部) contains the following waza, performed from a standing position. 速浪 Hayanami 雷電 Raiden 迅雷 Jinrai In addition to variations of Hayanami and Raiden, some lines contain additional Bangai waza.3 Komei-Juku (Yamauchi-ha) practices the following set of five bangai kata in addition to the aforementioned three: Mae Aranami Kesaguruma Takiguruma Tatsumaki
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Kokusai Nippon Budo Kai formerly JKI (Masoka-ha) practices one additional bangai kata in addition to the aforementioned mentioned three: 4.鬼 Akuma Barai (shihogiri) Paired Waza (Kumitachi) Musō Jikiden Eishin-ryū's paired waza (kumitachi, 組太刀, Kenjutsu) are often taught only to advanced students after years of study. Some of these sets are rarely seen outside of Japan. Some ryuha have the first set (tachi uchi no kurai) as part of their yudansha curriculum. There is a high incidence of grappling, striking, and disarms in these paired sets. Some waza use both long (ōdachi) and short (kodachi) swords. Some waza begin with swords drawn; others begin with swords sheathed and employ nukitsuke (drawing) techniques. Typically these forms are practiced using bokutō; however, it is also practiced at high levels with shinken. Each of these katachi (essence of kata) was created to promote practice of a key principle of Eishin Ryu under controlled yet reasonably realistic conditions.
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Tachi Uchi no Kurai Tachi Uchi no Kurai (太刀打之位) is first kumitachi waza set in Eishin-ryū. Both practitioners use a single long sword. The techniques are performed from a standing position. There are two versions of this set: the original set of 10 waza (Tachi Uchi no Kurai) and the revised set of 7 waza formulated by Ōe Masamichi (also known as Tachi Uchi no Kata). These two sets contain similar techniques. Tachi Uchi no Kurai (Koryū) This version of the set contains the following 10 techniques: 出合 Deai 附込 Tsukekomi 請流 Ukenagashi 請込 Ukekomi 月影 Tsukikage 水月刀 Suigetsutō 絶妙剣 Zetsumyōken 独妙剣 Dokumyōken 心明剣 Shinmyōken 打込 Uchikomi Tachi Uchi no Kurai (Kata devised by Ōe Masaji) This version of the set contains the following 7 techniques: 出合 Deai 拳取 Kobushitori 絶妙剣 Zetsumyōken 独妙剣 Dokumyōken 鍔留 Tsubadome 請流 Ukenagashi 真方 Mappō Tsume Ai no Kurai
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Tsume Ai no Kurai (詰合之位) is the second kumitachi waza set in Eishin-ryū. Both practitioners use a single long sword. The set includes the following techniques, performed from tatehiza and standing positions: 発早 Hassō 拳取 Kobushitori 波返 Namigaeshi 八重垣 Yaegaki 鱗返 Urokogaeshi 位弛 Kurai Yurumi 燕返 Tsubame Gaeshi 眼関落 Ganseki Otoshi 水月刀 Suigetsutō 霞剣 Kasumi Ken The following kumitachi sets (Daishō Zume, Daishō Tachi Zume and Daikendori) are rare but are still taught in some dojo. Daishō Zume Daishō Zume (大小詰) is the third of the kumitachi sets. Shidachi wears an ōdachi and uchidachi wears a kodachi. The set contains the following techniques, which start from tatehiza and seiza. 抱詰 Dakizume 骨防 Koppō 柄留 Tsukadome 小手留 Kotedome 胸捕 Munatori 右伏 Migifuse 左伏 Hidarifuse 山形詰 Yamagatazume Daishō Tachi Zume
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Daishō Tachi Zume (大小立詰) is the fourth of the kumitachi sets. Shidachi wears an ōdachi and uchidachi wears a kodachi. The set contains the following techniques, which start from a standing position. 〆捕 Shimetori 袖摺返 Sode Surigaeshi 鍔打返 Tsuba Uchikaeshi 骨防返 Koppōgaeshi 蜻蛉返 Tonbōgaeshi 乱曲 Rankyoku 移り Utsuri Daikentori Daikentori (大剣取) is the fifth kumitachi set and contains ten waza. The first four waza are kodachi (shidachi) vs. ōdachi (uchidachi), while the next six are ōdachi vs. ōdachi. 無剣 Muken 水石 Suiseki 外石 Gaiseki 鉄石 Tesseki 榮眼 Eigan 榮月 Eigetsu 山風 Yamakaze 橇橋 Sorihashi 雷電 Raiden 水月 Suigetsu Techniques added by Kōno Hyakuren Kōno Hyakuren, the 20th sōke of Musō Jikiden Eishin-ryū, added two sets of additional waza, called Dai Nippon Battō Hō (大日本抜刀法). The Battō Hō are based on techniques from throughout the system, but are performed starting in a standing position. As these waza were added in the 20th century, they are not considered to be koryū.
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Eishin-ryū lineages without a connection to Kōno Hyakuren do not generally practise these techniques. Therefore, these waza are only included in some lines of transmission. Dai Nippon Battō Hō (大日本抜刀法), Kihon (基本) 順刀其の一 Juntō Sono Ichi 順刀其の二 Juntō Sono Ni 追撃刀 Tsuigekitō 斜刀 Shatō 四方刀其の一 Shihōtō Sono Ichi 四方刀其の二 Shihōtō Sono Ni 斬突刀 Zantotsutō Dai Nippon Battō Hō (大日本抜刀法), Oku (奥) These waza begin using the Okuiai walking pattern. 前敵逆刀 Zenteki Gyakutō 多敵刀 Tatekitō 後敵逆刀 Kōteki Gyakutō 後敵抜打 Kōteki Nukiuchi Auxiliary arts In his book Musō Jikiden Eishin-ryū Iai Heihō Chi no Maki, Masaoka Katsutane states that there were once two auxiliary arts practised alongside Tosa Eishin-ryū. Itabashi-ryū Bojutsu This subsumed art focused on the bō, or long staff. It featured 5 kata of bō vs. bō and 8 kata of bō vs. sword.
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Natsubara-ryū Yawara This subsumed art focused on grappling techniques in a variety of circumstances: standing, kneeling, from behind, etc. The school was divided into 6 sets with 63 kata. Natsubara-ryū seems to be no longer extant. In addition to the bojutsu and yawara, Masaoka's book also makes mention of other techniques, such as torinawa (rope tying) and jōjutsu (short staff). Footnotes Lineage from Hayashizaki Jinsuke to Gotō Magobei is taken from Mitani, p. 25–26. Ikeda gives the pronunciation for Masaoka's name, 壹實, as "Katsutane," although it is often romanized as "Kazumi." "Ikkan" was Masaoka's nickname, derived from another pronunciation of the characters in his name. Notes References Ko-ryū bujutsu Japanese martial arts Japanese swordsmanship Iaido
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The economy of Azerbaijan has completed its post-Soviet transition into a major oil-based economy (with the completion of the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan Pipeline), from one where the state played the major role. The transition to oil production led to remarkable growth figures as projects came online; reaching 26.4% in 2005 (second highest GDP growth in the world in 2005 only to Equatorial Guinea) and 34.6% in 2006 (world highest) before subsiding to 10.8% and 9.3% in 2008 and 2009 respectively. The real GDP growth rate for 2011 was expected at 3.7% but had dropped to 0.1%. Large oil reserves are a major contributor to Azerbaijan's economy. The national currency, the Azerbaijani manat, was stable in 2000, depreciating 3.8% against the dollar. The budget deficit equaled 1.3% of GDP in 2000.
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Progress on economic reform has generally lagged behind macroeconomic stabilization. The government has undertaken regulatory reforms in some areas, including the substantial opening of trade policy, but inefficient public administration in which commercial and regulatory interests are co-mingled limit the impact of these reforms. The government has largely completed privatization of agricultural lands and small and medium-sized enterprises. In August 2000, the government launched a second-stage privatization program, in which many large state enterprises will be privatized. Since 2001, the economic activity in the country is regulated by the Ministry of Economy of Azerbaijan Republic. Economic history of Azerbaijan
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Modern era Throughout the Soviet period, Azerbaijan had always been less developed industrially than Armenia and Georgia, two neighboring Transcaucasia countries but also less diversified, as a result of slow investment in the non-oil sector. With a history of industrial development of more than 100 years, Azerbaijan proved to be a leading nation in the Southern Caucasus throughout the turmoil of the Soviet Union collapse in the early 1990s until nowadays.
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Republic era Oil remains the most prominent product of Azerbaijan's economy with cotton, natural gas and agriculture products contributing to its economic growth over the last five years. More than $60 billion was invested into Azerbaijan's oil by major international oil companies in AIOC consortium operated by BP. Oil production under the first of these PSAs, with the Azerbaijan International Operating Company, began in November 1997 and now is about 500,000 barrels per day. People visit petroleum spas (or "oil spas") to bathe in the local crude in Naftalan A leading caviar producer and exporter in the past, Azerbaijan's fishing industry today is concentrated on the dwindling stocks of sturgeon and beluga in the Caspian Sea.
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Azerbaijan shares all the problems of the former Soviet republics in making the transition from a command to a market economy, but its energy resources brighten its long-term prospects. Azerbaijan has begun making progress on economic reform, and old economic ties and structures are slowly being replaced. An obstacle to economic progress, including stepped up foreign investment, is the continuing conflict with Armenia over the Nagorno-Karabakh region. In 1992, Azerbaijan became member of the Economic Cooperation Organization. In 2002, the Azerbaijani merchant marine had 54 ships. In March 2001, Azerbaijan concluded a natural gas agreement with Turkey, providing a future export market for Azerbaijan.
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Azerbaijan has concluded 21 production-sharing agreements with various oil companies. An export pipeline that transports Caspian oil to the Mediterranean from Baku through Tbilisi, Georgia to Ceyhan, Turkey (the Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan Pipeline) became operational in 2006. The pipeline is expected to generate as much as $160 billion in revenues for the country over the next 30 years. The recent high price of oil is highly beneficial to Azerbaijan's economy as the nation is in the midst of an oil boom. Eastern Caspian producers in Kazakhstan also have expressed interest in accessing this pipeline to transport a portion of their production.
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In 2010, Azerbaijan entered into the top eight biggest oil suppliers to EU countries with €9.46 billion. In 2011, the amount of foreign investments in Azerbaijan was $20 billion, a 61% increase from 2010. According to Minister of Economic Development of Azerbaijan, Shahin Mustafayev, in 2011, "$15.7 billion was invested in the non-oil sector, while the rest in the oil sector." In 2012, because of its economic performance after the Soviet breakup, Azerbaijan was predicted to become "Tiger of Caucasus". In 2012, Globalization and World Cities Research Network study ranked Baku as a Gamma-level global city. In 2015, Turkey and Azerbaijan agreed to boost mutual trade to US$15 billion by 2023. Macro-economic trend The following is a chart of trend of gross domestic product of Azerbaijan at market prices with figures in USD.
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For purchasing power parity comparisons, the US dollar was exchanged at 1,565.88 Manats only. Currently, the new Manat is in use, with an exchange rate of about 1 manat = $1.10. Mean graduate pay was $5.76 per man-hour in 2010. The following table shows the main economic indicators in 1980–2017. Source: IMF For more than a century the backbone of the Azerbaijani economy has been petroleum, which represented 50 percent of Azerbaijan's GDP in 2005, and is projected to double to almost 125 percent of GDP in 2007. Now that Western oil companies are able to tap deepwater oilfields untouched by the Soviets because of poor technology, Azerbaijan is considered one of the most important areas in the world for oil exploration and development. Proven oil reserves in the Caspian Basin, which Azerbaijan shares with Russia, Kazakhstan, Iran, and Turkmenistan, are comparable in size to the North Sea, although exploration is still in the early stages. Sectors of the economy Agriculture
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Azerbaijan has the largest agricultural basin in the region. About 54.9 percent of Azerbaijan is agricultural lands. At the beginning of 2007 there were of utilized agricultural area. In the same year the total wood resources counted . Azerbaijan's agricultural scientific research institutes are focused on meadows and pastures, horticulture and subtropical crops, leaf vegetables, viticulture and wine-making, cotton growing and medicinal plants. In some lands it is profitable to grow grain, potatoes, sugar beets, cotton and tobacco. Livestock, dairy products, and wine and spirits are also important farm products. The Caspian fishing industry is concentrated on the dwindling stocks of sturgeon and beluga. Some portions of most products that were previously imported from abroad have begun to be produced locally (among them are Coca-Cola by Coca-Cola Bottlers LTD, beer by Baki-Kastel, parquet by Nehir and oil pipes by EUPEC Pipe Coating Azerbaijan).
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A new program which is prepared by the European Union is aimed to support the economic diversification of Azerbaijan. Program is considered for southern region Lankaran which has the lowest economic indicator and the lowest income per capita, as well as, the lowest level of investment, but at the same time, high potential for the production of garden products in high quality. The program will be focused on the development of the region at the local and international levels. Azerbaijan produced in 2018: 2.0 million tons of wheat; 916 thousand tons of barley; 898 thousand tons of potato; 609 thousand tons of tomato; 307 thousand tons of watermelon; 277 thousand tons of sugar beet; 277 thousand tons of apple; 247 thousand tons of maize; 235 thousand tons of onion; 233 thousand tons of cotton; 223 thousand tons of cucumber; 167 thousand tons of grape; 160 thousand tons of persimmon (5th largest world producer); 108 thousand tons of cabbage;
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In addition to smaller productions of other agricultural products, like melon (94 thousand tons), pear (52 thousand tons) and apricot (28 thousand tons). Manufacturing In 2007, mining and hydrocarbon industries accounted for well over 95 percent of the Azerbaijani economy. Diversification of the economy into manufacturing industries remains a long-term issue. As of late 2000s, the defense industry of Azerbaijan has emerged as an autonomous entity with a growing defense production capability. The ministry is cooperating with the defense sectors of Ukraine, Belarus and Pakistan. Along with other contracts, Azerbaijani defence industries and Turkish companies, Azerbaijan will produce 40 mm revolver grenade launchers, 107 mm and 122 mm MLRS systems, Cobra 4×4 vehicles and joint modernization of BTR vehicles in Baku. Services Financial and business services
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The GDP growth rates observed in Azerbaijan during the last years made the country one of the fastest growing economies in the world. But the banking sector of Azerbaijan has yet to tap the vast growth potential that should be achievable due to the continuation of the high economic growth. For this reason the banking sector remains small in relation to the size of the Azerbaijani economy. Since 2002, important stages of restructuring of the banking system have started to be carried out. Taking into consideration the entry of big oil revenues in the country, as a logical result of successful oil strategy, and in this base, as the banks were ready to an effective transfer of their financial resources to the strategic goals, development strategy was made for 2002–2005.
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By 1 April 2010, 47 banks, 631 bank branches function in Azerbaijan. One of the banks was founded with the participation of state capital, 23 of foreign capital. To the same date, 98 non-bank credit organizations operate in the republic along with banks. Growth of real money incomes of population, development of trust in the bank system, improving the legal bases of protection of interests of creditors and depositors, in particular launch of 'Deposits Insurance Fund' were the criteria characterizing rapid growth of deposits of population. As of 1 April 2010, bank deposits of population were equal to 2,4 billion AZN. 33,3% of them were long-term deposits (higher than a year). As of 1 April 2010, bank credits to customers is 8.5 bn AZN, which makes 70.5% of bank assets. Special weight of private sector in structure of credit investments is higher than 82% (7 bn AZN). Telecommunications
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In the 21st century, a new oil and gas boom helped to improve the situation in Azerbaijan's science and technology sectors, and the government launched a campaign aimed at modernization and innovation. The government estimates that profits from the information technology and communication industry will grow and become comparable with those from oil production. Azerbaijan has a large and steadily growing Internet sector, mostly uninfluenced by the financial crisis of 2007–2008; rapid growth is forecast for at least five more years.
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The country has also been making progress in developing its telecoms sector. The Ministry of Communications & Information Technologies (MCIT), as well as being an operator through its role in Aztelekom, is both a policy-maker and regulator. Public payphones are available for local calls and require the purchase of a token from the telephone exchange or some shops and kiosks. Tokens allow a call of indefinite duration. As of 2009, there were 1,397,000 main telephone lines and 1,485,000 internet users. There are five GSM providers: Azercell, Bakcell, Azerfon (Nar Mobile), Aztrank, Catel mobile network operators and one CDMA. Tourism Tourism is an important part of the economy of Azerbaijan. The country was a well-known tourist spot in the 1980s. However, the fall of the Soviet Union, and the First Nagorno-Karabakh War during the 1988–1994 period, damaged the tourist industry and the image of Azerbaijan as a tourist destination.
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It was not until the 2000s that the tourism industry began to recover, and the country has since experienced a high rate of growth in the number of tourist visits and overnight stays. In recent years, Azerbaijan has also become a popular destination for religious, spa, and health care tourism. During winter, the Shahdag Winter Complex offers skiing. The government of Azerbaijan has set the development of Azerbaijan as an elite tourist destination a top priority. It is a national strategy to make tourism a major, if not the single largest, contributor to the Azerbaijani economy. These activities are regulated by the State Tourism Agency and the Ministry of Culture. The Formula One Grand Prix is held in Baku, the capital city and has been held here for years. Currency system
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The Azerbaijani manat is the currency of Azerbaijani, denominated as the manat, subdivided into 100 qapik. The manat is issued by the Central Bank of Azerbaijan, the monetary authority of Azerbaijan. The ISO 4217 abbreviation is AZN. The Latinised symbol is (). The manat is held in a floating exchange-rate system managed primarily against the US dollar. The rate of exchange (Azerbaijani manat per US$1) for 28 January 2016, was AZN 1.60. There is a complex relationship between Azerbaijan's balance of trade, inflation, measured by the consumer price index and the value of its currency. Despite allowing the value of the manat to "float", Azerbaijan's central bank has decisive ability to control its value with relationship to other currencies. Infrastructure Energy
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Two-thirds of Azerbaijan is rich in oil and natural gas. The region of the Lesser Caucasus accounts for most of the country's gold, silver, iron, copper, titanium, chromium, manganese, cobalt, molybdenum, complex ore and antimony. In September 1994, a 30-year contract was signed between the State Oil Company of Azerbaijan Republic (SOCAR) and 13 oil companies, among them Amoco, BP, ExxonMobil, Lukoil and Statoil. As Western oil companies are able to tap deepwater oilfields untouched by the Soviet exploitation, Azerbaijan is considered one of the most important spots in the world for oil exploration and development. Meanwhile, the State Oil Fund of Azerbaijan was established as an extra-budgetary fund to ensure the macroeconomic stability, transparency in the management of oil revenue, and the safeguarding of resources for future generations. Azeriqaz, a sub-company of SOCAR, intends to ensure full gasification of the country by 2021. Transportation
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The convenient location of Azerbaijan on the crossroad of major international traffic arteries, such as the Silk Road and the south–north corridor, highlights the strategic importance of the transportation sector for the country's economy. The transport sector in the country includes roads, railways, aviation, and maritime transport.
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Azerbaijan is also an important economic hub in the transportation of raw materials. The Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline (BTC) became operational in May 2006 and extends more than 1,774 kilometers through the territories of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey. The BTC is designed to transport up to 50 million tons of crude oil annually and carries oil from the Caspian Sea oilfields to global markets. The South Caucasus Pipeline, also stretching through the territory of Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey, became operational at the end of 2006 and offers additional gas supplies to the European market from the Shah Deniz gas field. Shah Deniz is expected to produce up to 296 billion cubic meters of natural gas per year. Azerbaijan also plays a major role in the EU-sponsored Silk Road Project.
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In 2002, the Azerbaijani government established the Ministry of Transport with a broad range of policy and regulatory functions. In the same year, the country became a member of the Vienna Convention on Road Traffic. The highest priority being; upgrading the transport network and transforming transportation services into one of the key comparative advantages of the country, as this would be highly conducive to the development of other sectors of the economy. In 2012, the construction of Kars–Tbilisi–Baku railway expected to provide transportation between Asia and Europe through connecting the railways of China and Kazakhstan in the east with Turkey's Marmaray to the European railway system in the west. Broad gauge railways in 2010 stretched for and electrified railways numbered . By 2010, there were 35 airports and one heliport.
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Regulation Single window system shares needed information through a single gateway with all organizations serving in trade field, as well as abolishes useless processes and raises the effectiveness of cooperation among different parties. 73 economies implement single window system in the world. Azerbaijan started to implement this system in 2009. It implemented an E-Government portal as well. A single-window system was established by a decree of the Azerbaijani President issued in 2007, 30 April, in order to simplify export-import procedures, innovate customs services, and improve the trade environment. According to the decree, Ministry of Justice, Ministry of Economic Development, Ministry of Taxes, Ministry of Labor and Social Protection, State Social Protection Fund, and State Statistics Committee should present a proposal on the organization of entrepreneurial activities by single registration body based on single window principle.
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The president appointed the State Customs Committee as the leading body of controlling goods and transportation passing through the borders of the country in 2008. A "single authority principle" requires customs officials to be more responsible in dealing with all types of border control operations for other authorities. The Netherlands and Sweden were the countries of which practice studied. A "single system" works on and then shares standardized information accumulated from traders to all entities taking part in international trade. The practice of US was explored in this phase. An "automated system" provides a single electronic statement to responsible agencies submitted by traders to be worked on and confirmed, and after that, these authorities send electronic confirmations and announcements. In this case, practice of Mauritius and Singapore was studied.
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The Customs Committee formed a commission to realize the new system. Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Healthcare, Ministry of Internal Affairs, Ministry of Taxes, Ministry of Transportation, Central Bank, State Road Police, State Committee for Standardization, Metrology and Patents, State Maritime Administration were selected as important agencies to implement single window system along with the State Customs Committee. The government supported Customs Committee in preparing its staff to deal with the new system by improving recruitment of local customs offices, providing with software and hardware upgrades for the system.
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Azerbaijani government supports financially single window system. In the first phase, the government realized customs clearance system on the process of border crossing to country beginning from 1 January 2009. This system was free to all users. Then it was expanded to Baku and Sumgayit in 2011. Customs code of the Republic of Azerbaijan was amended based on the inclusion of the article on single window system which became operative on 1 January 2012. After this amendment, all of Azerbaijan's 29 customs checkpoints started to implement new single window system.
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According to the Presidential Decree (11 November 2008), the "single window" principle started to be applied from 1 January 2009 on the inspection of goods and transportation at the border checkpoints. Customs Committee established a commission working on the implementation of "single window" principle in customs agencies on 18 November 2008 based on the Presidential Decree of 11 November 2008. Technological scheme determining the sequence of issuance of "permit" certificates was approved by the Customs Committee on 22 December 2009. Scheme provided customs officers to issue "permit" certificates at border checkpoints to vehicles, which perform customs, veterinary, photo-sanitary and sanitary quarantine control activities and international automobile transportation in accordance with legislation.
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The State Migration Service issues appropriate permits for foreigners and stateless persons coming to Azerbaijan to live and work on legal grounds, simplifying the procedure of their registration at the place of residence, and ensuring transparency in these processes. The "single window" principle has been applied on migration management processes starting from 1 July 2009 according to the Decree. Business environment As of October 2014, Azerbaijan holds the highest foreign investment per capita among the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) countries. Germany, for example, has invested approximately $760 million into the Azerbaijani economy, and approximately 177 German companies operate within Azerbaijan. Since gaining its independence, companies have invested $174 billion into Azerbaijan. Foreign investment accounts for around half of that amount.
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In 2008, Azerbaijan was cited as the top reformer by the World Bank's Doing Business report: According to World Bank's Doing Business report 2019, Azerbaijan improved its position in the Ease of doing business rank from 57 to 25, as well as ranked 4th among the top 10 improvers. Implementing a record number of reforms mainly involving institutional changes have made it easier to do business in Azerbaijan in 2017–2018 period, as a result time and cost to get construction permit reduced significantly (time by 80 days and cost by 12.563 AZN), process of connecting electricity grid rationalized, as well as getting credit simplified. Other economic indicators Data from CIA World Factbook unless noted otherwise Investment (gross fixed) 17% of GDP (2011 est.) Household income or consumption by percentage share lowest 10%: 3.4% highest 10%: 27.4% (2008) Inflation rate (consumer prices) 1.1% (2012 est.)
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Agriculture utilized agricultural land: (2011) total wood resources: 144,2 million cubic metres crops: cotton, grain, rice, grapes, fruit, vegetables, tea, tobacco livestock products: beef, mutton, poultry, milk, eggs Industrial production growth rate -3% (2011 est.) Electricity production: 22,55 billion kWh (2008) consumption: 18,8 billion kWh (2008) exports: 812 million kWh (2008) imports: 596 million kWh (2008) Current account balance $11,12 billion (2011 est.) Exports commodities petroleum and natural gas, petroleum products, oilfield equipment; steel, iron ore, cement; chemicals, petrochemicals, textiles, machinery, cotton, foodstuffs. Reserves of foreign exchange and gold $7,146 billion (2011 est.) Debt external $3.89 billion (2011 est.) Currency 1 Manat = 100 gepik Exchange rates Azerbaijani manat per US dollar 1.7 (for 22 November 2020) Azerbaijani manat per Euro 2.01 (for 22 November 2020) Fiscal year Calendar year See also
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Azerbaijan and the International Monetary Fund List of companies of Azerbaijan Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline State Oil Company of Azerbaijan Petroleum industry in Azerbaijan Agriculture in Azerbaijan Tourism in Azerbaijan Baku Military of Azerbaijan Judiciary of Azerbaijan References Further reading Habibov, Nazim: "Poverty in Azerbaijan" in the Caucasus Analytical Digest No. 34 External links Hübner, Gerald: "As If Nothing Happened? How Azerbaijan's Economy Manages to Sail Through Stormy Weather" in the Caucasus Analytical Digest No. 18 Azerbaijan
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The South African Local Government Association (SALGA) is a national, voluntary political association in South Africa. It is a public entity composed of South Africa's local governments. The association's members are made of all South Africa's 257 local governments. The purpose of the SALGA is to represent local governments of South Africa at various stages and levels of government. It supports local governments in their efforts of development, assists members in varying ways, and even works to promote women in local government. There has been criticism that the SALGA is weak and ineffective at representing local government interests. Local Government in South Africa
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The Constitution of South Africa enshrines the many roles and powers of local and municipal government. South Africa is a developmental state, in the context that the social development is promoted through the state intervening in the economy. Per section 152, this means that economic and social development relies heavily on municipalities. Section 152 is part of Chapter 7 of the Constitution, which features policy on local government. Section 151 states the many rights municipalities have in governance of their communities. It also states the restrictions of the national and provincial government in infringing on the governmental power of municipalities. Municipalities have broad authorities and power, much more codified than in many other countries. Scholars including Van der Waldt and Thornhill assert that the nexus of public service delivery in South Africa is local government. Local government is not simply a single municipality, but a whole, separate sphere of government. It is
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the closet government to the people.
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History Local, provincial, and national government must work together in South Africa. The South African Local Government Association was created in 1997 to better ensure this, as heavy emphasis was placed on the importance of local and municipal governments in South Africa's development. The 1997 Organised Local Government Act recognizes the South African Local Government Association. Section 21 of the 1973 Companies Act recognized its status as a public entity. The constitution governing the SALGA was adopted in the year 2000. It was amended in 2004, with substantive changes to membership policies, creating three categories of membership. The constitution of the SALGA was again amended in 2007, adding various changes pertaining to its governance structure.
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The SALGA is tied into international donor politics as well. In the later 1990s, the US National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) had a goal of strengthening countries' legislatures to ensure their governments are more accountable to their citizens. Ethics codes and comparable legislation were among the activities to develop "structural framework for local government". The main project included the SALGA among various other South African agencies, organizations, and provincial legislatures in a USAID program that provided over $3.8 million in funding. The project was also supplemented by another project that studied parliaments of other countries to increase the effectiveness of legislatures; it was received around $270,000 from the US funded National Endowment for Democracy (NED). Structure Fees from members, donors for various projects, various other sources, and funds from the national budget provide funding for the SALGA.
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The South African Local Government Association is structured in two main divisions; its political structure and administrative structure. The political structure consists of the organization's arm in developing policy. It is divided into the National Executive Committee and the Provincial Conferences. The National Executive Committee is divided into the National Conference, National Executive Committee, Working Groups, and the Chief Executive Officer. The Provincial Conference is structured into the Provincial Conference, Provincial Member Assembly, Provincial Executive Committee, Working Groups, and the Provincial Executive Officer. The National Executive Committee and the Provincial Conferences aim to implement policy.
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The administrative organization is structured in a way that the SALGA can easily work with support municipalities, to ensure that they can provide services to their communities. It is organized into eight directorates, led by the office of the CEO. The Current Chief Executive Officer is Xolile George. The eight directorates are the Provincial Offices, Governance and IGR, Strategy, Policy & Research, Municipal Institutional Development, Economic Development & Development Planning, Municipal Infrastructure & Services, Community Development, and Finance & Corporate Services. The SALGA has ten permanent seats on the National Council of Provinces, though these are not voting delegates. The South African Local Government Association releases an Annual Performance Plan (APP).
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Role and function Local government in South Africa is strong and the South African Local Government Association is another avenue for local governments to meet their goals of development and providing services. The SALGA advocates for local and municipal interests at the provincial and national political levels. It analyzes and attempts to offer solutions to problems faced by local and municipal governments. It analyzes numerous elements of local and municipal government, sharing findings and recommendations with all its members. The SALGA supports and advises localities in various manners, to promote and sustain development in communities.
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The South African local Government Association has many mandates. This includes aiding and counseling members, advocating on behalf of municipalities to various stakeholders, standing as a body to represent members, and "contributing to the positioning of local government". Regarding local economic development planning (LED), it cannot direct support to a particular local authority. There are services intended to build up LED which the SALGA cannot direct the delivery of these services. SALGA has many mandated roles to improve LED. The SALGA works to coordinate LED throughout the country, through the project known as LED networks. The network gathers and shares information about LED to localities throughout the country. The association works on LED internationally with the Commonwealth Local Government Association and the Swedish Association of Local Authorities and Regions.
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The SALGA advocates for local government and municipalities at other levels of government, and it works to foster positive intergovernmental relations between the other government spheres and local government. The SALGA, following prescriptions of the Intergovernmental Relations (IGR) Framework Act, supports various IGR policies, structures, and institutions. The association also works to ensure local government input is included in the national budget.
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A study of the South African Local Government Association found that regarding LED, there are two ways SALGA and its activities could maintain a crucial role. The first is that it could foster a better understanding of what LED is and the role municipalities and local governments have in it. This will also raise awareness of LED. The second is that the data SALGA supplies for local planning, along with the support of localities to understand LED networks and economic chains, leads to stimulation of local economies, which contributes to alleviating poverty. The SALGA takes action to empower women and support gender equality in local government. The 2006 election saw a 50:50 campaign ran by SALGA to promote equal gender councillor representation. The association also organizes summits and conferences for women in local government.
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Actions taken by the SALGA The SALGA publishes a magazine entitled Voice of the Local Government in association with Picasso Headline, which is part of the Tiso Blackstar Group. This magazine concerns local government and municipalities, boosting the visibility of the issues concerning them. It features content regarding the transformation of local governments and developmental service delivery. In 2006, the South African Local Government Association implemented a program that was part of the Development Bank of Southern Africa's "Operation Siyenza Manzi". The program was run in collaboration with DPLG and the National Treasury.
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In 2007, the SALGA published a report on municipal affairs, explaining what weakened municipality performance. Findings include that councillors' duties are not clearly defined, their offices lack legal support, and lack counseling when making decisions. The South African Local Government Association partnered with other institutions, including the University of Pretoria to provide relevant programming to local governments. Executive leadership and management is among this programming. In 2009, the South African Local Government Association received a study it commissioned on the arrangements of internal municipal governments and municipal service delivery. The study found political parties interfered in the function of municipalities' administrations. Many municipal political appointments were due to political loyalties rather than merit. The reports' authors found that this could have destructive consequences on municipal governments.
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In 2010, the SALGA developed a plan to ensure municipalities and local communities could all receive benefits brought in from the 2010 World Cup. In 2014, the City of Johannesburg expressed concern that its expansion would mean that landfill sites would be unable to be hidden in the coming years. The SALGA intervened and appealed to other cities and municipalities in the province to find creative solutions to this issue. The SALGA provided a waste management specialist to aid in resolving the crisis.
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The 2016 Annual Performance Plan (APP) features much reflection, as the twentieth anniversary of the association approached. The Plan identified municipalities' key problem areas. A ten-point plan was featured, containing actions and recommendations to improve community experiences. The Plan featured a revenue model, which was questioned by members at the National Assembly meeting discussing the APP. This questioning was due to the number of municipalities being reduced from 278 to 257; members expressed this could affect their model. Members also questioned the claim that the SALGA was capacitating municipalities. They wanted to know the plans and actions SALGA would take to deliver through these claims.
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In June 2017, then South African Local Government Association President, Parks Tau, addressed the Council of Mayors in Cape Town. He expressed that a "capable and developmental state", especially locally, can implement the goals of the SALGA. The SALGA national executive committee recommended that new and innovative revenue streams were needed to fund local spheres of government. Tau proposed various types of bonds, as well as public private partnerships to accomplish this. He also remarked on the need to work with government and parliament to achieve these goals. Criticism The South African Local Government Association has faced criticism regarding its effectiveness, as shown in a study conducted by the Department and Ministry of Provincial and Local Government. The SALGA is seen as lacking the ability to effectively advocate for local and municipal interests and bring about change and substantive policy.
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In 2016, SALGA had been waiting over eight years for a Departmental grant. The absence of this grant hindered many of its proposed and desired activities. The South African Local Government Association was criticized by members at a 2016 National Assembly meeting regarding its response to municipalities suffering from drought. Some members remarked that SALGA should be more bold in its recommendations to combat the drought and its effects. The SALGA, along with general municipalities, was criticized as hindering the expression of freedom of speech, because different restrictions and policies prevented people from protesting mining and other work. Critics called for SALGA to comply with court rulings, ensure staff are trained in knowing protest policy, to investigate impartially allegations of improper restrictions on protesting, and that there is appropriate discipline for localities implementing improper protest policy. References Government of South Africa
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The United Fishermen and Allied Workers' Union was established in 1945 in British Columbia through the merger of the United Fishermen's Federal Union and the Fish, Cannery and Reduction Plant and Allied Workers Union. It represents fishermen, shoreworkers, and workers in fish processing and transport, and fought for improved wages and working conditions in the industry as well as the imposition of fishing quotas and licensing requirements. The union survived raiding wars with the British Columbia Gillnetters Association in 1952 and the Seafarers' International Union in 1953. Suspected of being under communist influence, it was suspended by the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada in 1953 and refused admittance to the Canadian Labour Congress until 1972. For example, a longtime president of the UFAWU, Homer Stevens, ran as the Communist Party candidate in the Burnaby-Richmond-Delta riding in the 1970s. The union also had a section in Nova Scotia. The UFAWU joined the Canadian Auto
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Workers in 1996. The UFAWU was an integral part of the working class fight from 1945 to 1967 and brought fishermen, shoreworkers and tendermen together to fight for one cause during this era which made helped make significant progress on equality within the workplace.
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Structure Foundations A democratic system that elected its representatives. At formation had 3000 fishermen and 2000 shoremen. This increased to 8000 total in 1950 but has dropped ever since. Fishermen, shoreworkers and tendermen must all sign master agreements separately but in the same time frame. Participation from all within the union was always encouraged and was important to the functioning of the union as a result of its small money reserves. Key Policy Racism and sexism was not tolerated and was combated fully from 1950 forward. Fishermen, shoreworkers and tendermen must all agree on agreements signed with companies or the government or the change would not be made. If an agreement could not be reached, each trade was then able to make an agreement separately. Contracts were negotiated by senior administrative officers and a committee of local representatives that would change each year based on location and issue. Represented boats with less than two crew members only.
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Administration and their duties President and vice president were unpaid positions. The president was mainly a figurehead however the vice president focused mostly on administrative issues. Secretary treasurer and business agent were the only paid positions and did the work of daily administration, advertising and membership which were integral to the negotiations of master agreements. Local representatives volunteered their time to the union and represented their areas desires and advocated for them at meetings throughout the year. Majority of time spent by administration was used to sign new members up and advertise. Key Events Timeline 1945 Women and Chinese represented in policy. 1946 UFAWU welcomed to negotiate halibut fishing regulations. Homer Stevens becomes a union organizer. Represented on the fish price control board of Canada. Began allocating fish resources and lobbied the government to become involved. 1948
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Homer Stevens elected secretary treasurer. Buck Suzuki, a well known Japanese fishermen becomes an executive to show UFAWU support of the return of Japanese to the fishing industry. Became Affiliated with the Japanese Citizens Association. Herring canning came to an end and herring reduction became more important. 1950 Began fighting the government to allow fishermen to be represented within the labour code of Canada. Demonstration in Victoria harbour. Campaign on racial inequality begins. 1951 Female shoreworkers first pay increase. 1952 The start of annual wage conferences. 1953 Co-operative Commonwealth Federation decides to not affiliate itself with the UFAWU over communism concerns. Affiliated with The Communist Party of Canada. Barred from the Trade and Labour congress from 1953 to 1973 over communist leadership and affiliation. 1954 Mickey Beagle is the first women elected to office. 1956
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Won unemployment insurance for fishermen. Verna Parkins is elected as the first female president of the Prince Rupert UFAWU local. 1957 Welfare plan available to all members. 1959 Official policy that all three trades represented under the UFAWU must sign all agreements within the same time frame. Won reduction of monthly work hours to 40 hours a week as well as the introduction of overtime pay of shoreworkers. The introduction of brine systems and boats with refrigeration make tendermen almost obsolete. 1967 UFAWU, Prince Rupert Fishermen's Co-op strike. Strikes Introduction
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Striking was a key way that UFAWU brought policy changes to its agreements between the government and various canning companies and their working class members. At its creation in 1945 UFAWU conducted strikes almost every year over the next two decades. Striking was common in the fishing industry prior to the 20th century with fishermen being some of the most militant labourers. After the UFAWU formed, fishermen and tendermen were much more active in trying to change policy than shoreworkers. Shoreworkers often backed fishermen during their strikes prior to 1950 without their own agenda. After 1949, shoreworkers began to strike for themselves, expecting fishermen to back them. The number of strikes the UFAWU took part in during over three decades is extremely high and the reasons vary seasonally. Key issues were often wage increases, seniority rights, benefits, human rights that included combating racism and sexism as well as an attempt to slow the wage gap between the seasonal and
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permanent workforce.
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Notable Strikes 1946 The net menders of UFAWU canneries held a 29-day strike from May to July because of the pay difference between their trade and other shoreworkers. They also wished to shorten their work week to 40 hours. Although all the concessions they won are unclear, they signed a contract that included an increase in pay. This is significant because it was the first time the UFAWU signed a contract with female shore shoreworkers, which would soon become an entrenched policy. 1947
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1947 was the first large strike after the formation of UFAWU. There was concern over fish prices across the entire industry as the prices were driven down but high demand as work was steadily increasing. This angered seasoned fishermen and the union voted for an industry wide strike. The strike was complicated when the trawling industry decided to strike before others which complicated things as they also wanted to end their strike early. The poor organization of this strike resulted in no gains in any area of the industry the UFAWU represented. 1952
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1952s salmon strike is remembered as a key break in the relationship between The Native Brotherhood of British Columbia and UFAWU. When salmon prices were down at the opening of the 1952 season the UFAWU called for an industry wide strike. Prior to this the NBBC had usually picketed along with the UFAWU, this year however it saw resistance within its membership. The NBBC didn't have a strike mandate entrenched within its union policy and thus could not force its members to strike alongside the UFAWU. The UFAWU wanted to strike a deal with all workers during negotiations, including the Brotherhood, however the Brotherhood decided to negotiate its own negotiations without letting the UFAWU or its membership below senior coordinators know about its plan. Along with the NBBC and UFAWU, the Prince Rupert Fishermen's Co-op also decided not to respect picket lines for the first time and continued this right into 1967. In the end the NBBC lost membership due to its poor transparency and the
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UFAWU cut ties with them until 1953. In the end no new contracts were won between either unions or the co-op in 1952. The UFAWU used this to attempt to obtain cooperation in later years.
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1963
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A strike year that tested both the union's democratic principles as well as their unity. The 1963 fishing season started off with massive price cuts to all areas of the industry. The most affected were salmon seiners, this caused disunity because the gillnetters did not initially want to lose their season to a strike. Although the Gill-net fishermen didn't want to strike, the strike vote ended unanimous and they worked with their fellow fishermen. In an unusual event the companies did not counter offer in an attempt to stop the strike, they seemed to be wearing under the constant striking of the past 20 years and attempted to put their foot down. The initial problem faced by the UFAWU was deciding when the strike would start officially, they were attempting to make sure the loss was slightly equal so no industry felt it the hardest. Inevitably the seiners still took the brunt of the losses. A few days before the strike many companies in the stikine decided to hire workers for only
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one or two days in an attempt to disturb the strike vote, this did nothing and only disrupted the workers.
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A few days into the strike the majority of companies across the province said they would return sockeye prices to the previous year's standards, however they were not willing to increase any other fish prices. This created a problem because if they wanted to accept this offer they would need 3/4s of the entire unions agreeance. In the middle of fishing season however this is quite difficult, they took a vote with a very low number of members present but immediately regretted it as their membership was concerned with the union forgetting its democratic principles by, by- passing the entire body of membership to get a quick vote. UFAWU President, Homer Stevens quickly mitigated the situation and decided to try to get the entire union together again and take a vote on the matter to restore confidence.
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In the end the shoreworkers and tendermen were able to make new master agreements, however after a few weeks they decided to reject these to support their fishermen allies. The fishermen were under immense pressure because the strike caused so much disruption the government decided to start an inquiry into fish prices which could have been disastrous for companies as well as fishermen but later fizzled out in 1964. 1963 is remembered as a union failure and meetings were held by senior administrators to appeal to their lower membership on improvements of the union and restore confidence. 1967
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1967 is the most pivotal strike year in UFAWU history in the Prince Rupert area before the 1980s. The strike fundamentally changed the UFAWU and the Prince Rupert Fishermen's Co-op's relationship for the next half a century. The strike is known as a trawling strike, however all fishing trades played a very large part In the strike effort including halibut longliners. Trawling at the time was becoming a very lucrative business because the boats were getting much larger, with much better equipment leading to larger catches to those who could afford the upgrades. The UFAWU recognized that on the west coast there were no trawl share agreements unlike on the east where most agreements were 65% boat owners, 35% crew. At the time in Prince Rupert, many boat owners would hire crew members and give them an improper share but not enough for anyone to start protesting. This began to infuriate senior crew members and they looked to the UFAWU for share agreements.
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The majority of trawlers in Prince Rupert that the UFAWU wished to cover were in the Deep Sea Fishermen's union and worked at the Prince Rupert Fishermen's Co-op facility. Prior to 1967 the co-op and the UFAWU had a very rocky relationship. They had many arguments every fishing season and Homer Stevens believed they fundamentally couldn't work together because they believed in two different economic systems, capitalism and socialism. When UFAWU mostly amalgamated in 1943, the co-op used them to cover all of their members, however in 1947 after many years fighting, their fishermen were transferred to the Deep Sea Fishermen's Union. From 1953 onward the co-op officially decided to not respect UFAWU strikes as they had before, they would continue to fish and operate across all picket lines. This was a difficult situation however because although their fishermen were not covered by the UFAWU, many of their shoreworkers were, further complicating things. The relationship between the
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co-op and the UFAWU prior to 1967 leads you to believe that a large inplosion was inevitable.
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The negotiations for these share agreements began in 1966 and the UFAWU went along the coast to as many boat owners as they could find at the time and began showing the process and influence of the agreements to both crew members and boat owners. The majority of both sides agreed that this would be beneficial in the long run. They wanted to call a strike, however trawlers do not have a set fishing season and thus they are a hard group to get together, this caused the vote to be very close but it still went through and the strike was poised to start the last week of march.
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As the strike started five trawlers decided to go out and fish anyway and came back with their catch expecting it to be offloaded and packed for later sale. UFAWU agreed that it should be offloaded as to not waste the fish, however the union believed that they should wait until after the strike is done to apply proper shares to its crew members. The owners of the vessels did not agree and after a few days of back and forth arguing, the fish went rancid and both the co-op and the vessel owner lost profits. The UFAWU blamed the owners for the loss and vice versa. The strike continued for another two months with strong unity from its membership, however it was tough going when many co-op members were not unionized within the UFAWU.
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On May 24 the strike broke as more trawlers began to return to fishing and brought their catches back to the co-op for processing. Shoreworkers who refused to process the fish were bullied into returning to work or simply fired. Homer Stevens, president of the UFAWU recalls instances of many eastern Europeans being threatened with deportation. In an act of the political climate the RCMP kept many union workers away from the plant for the first time within the industry. Although you are not legally entitled to strike on the premises of your employer, it was rare that the RCMP would get involved or the company. However at the time the UFAWU was under constant scrutiny from the public eye because of its communist affiliation.
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At the same time that this was going on the UFAWU was also trying to be able to cover Halibut longliners within their union because currently only the Deep Sea Fishermen's Union was able to cover longliners and had recently not covered five families who had lost family members to a sunken halibut boat which Homer Stevens felt was highly unacceptable. This did not bode well with the DSFU as longlining had always been their exclusive territory and UFAWU did not cover the longliners until further into the century. Shoreworkers at the time were striking in support of their fellow fishermen, however they were also concerned with the move from cold to hot fish processing in the co-op plant which they were not trained for, which gave them the incentive to not supply ice during the trawling strike and join the picket line. In the end shoreworkers received no concessions after the strike along with the fishermen.
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In the end the UFAWU was decertified at the Co-op, losing its salmon and herring contracts as well as shoreworkers coverage when the strike was called off at the end of July. The Prince Rupert fall out was enormous and caused two of the UFAWU leaders Homer Stevens and Steve Stavenes to go to jail for acting against court orders to force its members back to work. The strike however did give the rest of the province time to sign trawling agreements which in turn bettered the fishing industry. B.C. Packers and CANFISCO both signed trawling agreements which stretched along the coast. All UFAWU members were fired from the co-op but were eventually with lost seniority benefits. Looking forward, the co-op and the UFAWU never saw eye to eye, however when jobs were dipping to all time lows in the 1970s, they worked together on lobbying the province for better industry wide wage increases, job security, and involvement in the labour code. Women
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Women made up the majority of shoreworkers in the union with Aboriginal women making up around eighty percent of that number. Shoreworkers were some of the lowest paid workers with the least desirable jobs and up until 1949 saw very rare pay increases within the UFAWU. In the late 1940s Aboriginal women were finally given the right to monthly pay guarantees as long as their monthly canning minimums were met. This was a positive move forward, however Aboriginal women's housing were the worst of all workers housed at canneries throughout their existence. This was a huge help as into the 1950s women had the most increased level of work and almost no pay increases during the decade. There were two pay increases for female shore workers in 1951 and 1953 versus the pay increases that can be compared to the yearly increases for males and non-shoreworkers.
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As canneries started closing down in the 1950s as more and more companies amalgamated their plants into one or two large canneries rather than many small remote canneries which of course hit women the hardest. Because of this development more and more women took on leadership roles within their respective unions. Aboriginal women were more likely to become a part of UFAWU because they believed they had more working issues in common with other shoreworkers than their Aboriginal fishing husbands, fathers and sons. 1954 was a key year for women's and racial rights within the canneries, the NBBC and the UFAWU came together in a meeting and called for new signage on washroom doors. Instead of them reading “White” and “Native” they were replaced with a single sign that read “Women.” This increased female militancy within the union and in the same year Mickey Beagle became the first female elected to office followed by Verna Parkins being elected as the president of the Prince Rupert local
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in 1956.
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UFAWU and Political Parties
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From the time the UFAWU was first established in 1945 to the present, the union was never affiliated with any political party. The first secretary-treasurer, Bill Rigby, and President, George Miller, were members of the Labour Progressive Party (Communist) were not shy about their views, but never imposed them on the union. Many members supported the CCF, and others supported the LPP and other parties. During the Cold War, Right Wing leaders of the CCF, along with the federal Liberal Government and the fishing companies attempted to control or smash the new union. This came to a head in August,1953 however when the Trades and Labour Congress suspended the UFAWU for printing an editorial criticizing the leadership for expelling the Vancouver Civic Outside Workers Union (later CUPE 1004). The suspension was followed by a raid by Hal Banks and his Seafarers' International Union in September with the support of the Congress leadership and the fish companies. That raid quickly failed but
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the Union was under constant threat from the federal government and fish companies who forced the Union onto picket lines to maintain fish prices, wages and working conditions in the industry. Fishermen didn't enjoy the same collective bargaining rights as other workers in Canada and were subjected to two attempts by the federal Combines Branch to destroy free collective bargaining in the fishing industry. The UFAWU was always a militant, fully functioning democratic organization, and while some of its leaders were Communist, it was the union's militancy that earned it the hatred and respect of fish companies and governments for being "communist".
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Relationship with The Native Brotherhood of British Columbia
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The NBBC was created in 1936 to focus on British Columbian Aboriginal rights including land claims, workers rights and political representation. The NBBC often focused on fishermen because of the potential of winning fishing claims rather than shore workers which was a fundamental divide that saw many of its shoreworkers members join the UFAWU. The two organizations worked together on collective agreements to ensure that aboriginal fishermen were being treated fairly and they won many concessions because of their team work. In the 1950s they fought racial signage as well as won Aboriginal women transportation and seniority rights that all other cannery workers could previously access. Many Aboriginals were members of both unions, this was considered perfectly ethical because each union had quite different goals. This also helped large boat owners because the NBBC accepted large vessels, where the UFAWU did not. The relationship of these unions was integral to improving workplace
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rights for all in British Columbia and alone they may not have been able to break so many barriers.
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See also Fish, Food and Allied Workers Union (Newfoundland and Labrador) External links Fisherman Publishing Society Collection – Images from the UBC Library Digital Collections documenting all aspects of the West Coast fishing industry Notes Defunct trade unions in Canada Fishing industry trade unions Canadian Auto Workers Trade unions established in 1945 Trade unions disestablished in 1996 1945 establishments in Canada 1996 disestablishments in Canada
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Common-law marriage, also known as non-ceremonial marriage, marriage, informal marriage, or marriage by habit and repute, is a legal framework where a couple may be considered married without having formally registered their relation as a civil or religious marriage. The original concept of a "common-law marriage" is one considered valid by both partners, but not formally recorded with a state or religious registry, nor celebrated in a formal civil or religious service. In effect, the act of the couple representing themselves to others as being married and organizing their relation as if they were married, means they are married.
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The term common-law marriage (or similar) has wider informal use, often to denote relations that are not legally recognized as marriages. It is often used colloquially or by the media to refer to cohabiting couples, regardless of any legal rights or religious implications involved. This can create confusion in regard to the term and to the legal rights of unmarried partners (in addition to the actual status of the couple referred to). Terminology Common-law marriage is a marriage that takes legal effect without the prerequisites of a marriage license or participation in a marriage ceremony. The marriage occurs when two people who are legally capable of being married, and who intend to be married, live together as a married couple and hold themselves out to the world as a married couple.