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1834_58 | Jouett Shouse, Member of the United States House of Representatives from 7th District of Kansas (1913–1919). He was known as a conservative who opposed the New Deal. He was president of the conservative American Liberty League from 1934 to 1940.
Howard W. Smith, Member of the United States House of Representatives from the 8th District of Virginia (1931–1967), Chairman of the House Rules Committee (1955–1967). He was a member of the Conservative Coalition.
Bob Stump, Member of the United States House of Representatives from the 3rd District of Arizona (1977-2003). He had a very conservative voting record. He was a Democrat from 1977 to 1983, and a Republican afterwards.
Martin L. Sweeney, Member of the United States House of Representatives from 20th District of Ohio (1931–1943). He was a judge of the Municipal Court of Cleveland, Ohio (1924–1932). He opposed a peacetime draft and was considered an isolationist. |
1834_59 | James Traficant, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Ohio's 17th District (1985–2002), Sheriff of Mahoning County, Ohio (1981–1984). After the Republicans took control of Congress in 1995, he tended to vote with them more than the Democrats. He favored immigration restriction and voted anti-abortion. When he voted for a Republican for Speaker of the House, the Democrats stripped him of all committee assignments.
William David Upshaw, Member of the United States House of Representatives from Georgia's 5th District (1919–1927). A supporter of Prohibition, he was the presidential candidate of the Prohibition Party in 1932. He was a member of the Ku Klux Klan. |
1834_60 | Joe Waggonner, Member of the United States House of Representatives from the 4th District of Louisiana (1961–1979), member, Louisiana State Board of Education (January 1961–December 1961), member Bossier Parish School Board (1954–1960). He was a fiscal conservative "Boll weevil" who opposed many federal spending programs and Civil Rights legislation.
Francis E. Walter, Member of the United States House of Representatives, Pennsylvania 24th District (1933–1945), 20th District (1945–1953), and 15th District (1953–1963). He was chairman of the House Committee on Un-American Activities. |
1834_61 | Mayors
William Robinson Pattangall, mayor of Waterville, Maine (1911–1913) and later chief justice of the state Supreme Judicial Court. Earlier supportive of progressive Democrats including Woodrow Wilson, Pattangall endorsed Herbert Hoover over Al Smith in the 1928 United States presidential election and became an opponent of Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal on conservative grounds. Pattangall later switched party affiliation to become a Republican.
Frank Rizzo, 93rd Mayor of Philadelphia (1972–1980) and Commissioner of the Philadelphia Police Department (1967–1971). (Former Democrat)
See also |
1834_62 | Black conservatism in the United States
Blue Dog Coalition
Boll weevil (politics)
Bourbon Democrat
Byrd Machine
Conservative coalition
Copperheads (politics)
Democrats for Life of America
Dixiecrat
Factions in the Democratic Party (United States)
Fire-Eaters
Hispanic and Latino conservatism in the United States
Hunkers
LaRouche movement
LGBT conservatism in the United States
Libertarian Democrat
National Democratic Party (United States)
New Democrats
Pork Chop Gang
Reagan Democrat
Redeemers
Regular Democratic Organization
Rockefeller Republican
Southern Manifesto
Straight-Out Democratic Party
Texas Regulars
Yellow dog Democrat
Notes
References
External links
Right Democrat: a blog for conservative Democrats
Democratic Party (United States)
Conservatism in the United States
Factions in the Democratic Party (United States)
Political terminology of the United States |
1835_0 | Mercy Point is an American science fiction medical drama, created by Trey Callaway, David Simkins, and Milo Frank, which originally aired for one season on United Paramount Network (UPN) from October 6, 1998, to July 15, 1999. With an ensemble cast led by Joe Morton, Maria del Mar, Alexandra Wilson, Brian McNamara, Salli Richardson, Julia Pennington, Gay Thomas, Jordan Lund, and Joe Spano, the series focuses on the doctors and nurses in a 23rd-century hospital space station located in deep space. The executive producers were Trey Callaway, Michael Katleman, Lee David Zlotoff, Joe Voci, and Scott Sanders. |
1835_1 | Callaway adapted Mercy Point from his original screenplay, "Nightingale One". It was picked up by Mandalay Television, and the concept was eventually revised as a television project and renamed Mercy Point; production on the film project had ended due to the poor commercial performance of the 1997 film Starship Troopers. The television show was part of a three-million-dollar deal between Mandalay and Columbia TriStar Television to produce 200 hours of material. It was filmed in Vancouver to reduce production costs, the hospital sets being constructed on a series of sound stages. Director Joe Napolitano has praised the show for its use of a complete set to allow for more intricate directing. Despite Callaway envisioning Mercy Point as a companion to Star Trek: Voyager, it was paired with Moesha and Clueless as its lead-in on Tuesday nights. Initially focused on ethical and medical cases, the show's storylines gradually shifted toward relating the characters' personal relationships, to |
1835_2 | better fit UPN's primarily teen demographic. |
1835_3 | Mercy Point was placed on hiatus after only three episodes were aired, and was replaced by the reality television series America's Greatest Pets and the sitcom Reunited. The show suffered from low ratings, with an average of two million viewers. The final four episodes of the series were broadcast in two 2-hour blocks on Thursday nights in July 1999. It has never been released on DVD or Blu-ray, but was made available to stream on Crackle. Critical response to Mercy Point was mixed; some commentators praised its characterization and use of science-fiction elements, while others found it to be uninteresting and unoriginal. Callaway stated that he had the potential story arcs for the full first season already planned before the show's cancellation. |
1835_4 | Premise
Set in the year 2249, Mercy Point revolves around doctors and nurses working in a hospital space station in deep space. The "state-of-the-art hospital" is described as "the last stop for anything going out, the first stop for anything coming back" by one of the show's characters. It is noted for existing on the "fringes of the galaxy", on a colony called Jericho. The facility includes advanced medical equipment, such as "artificial wombs, holographic three-dimensional X-ray projections [and] zero-gravity operating tables". A talking computer known as Hippocrates, voiced by series co-creator Trey Callaway, is shown as the primary method to monitor a patient's status. |
1835_5 | The doctors and nurses work on both human and extraterrestrial patients over the course of the series. In the series, the medical staff is referred to as "med-nauts". Despite the futuristic setting, the characters' clothing and hairstyles adhere to 1990s fashion trends. In Frank Garcia and Mark Phillips' book Science Fiction Television Series, 1990–2004, they compared the concept behind the show to James White's Sector General series, Murray Leinster's stories about a doctor who travels to different planets, and G. Harry Stine's book Space Doctor. Mercy Point's setting and filming style also received comparisons to the television medical drama ER; the series itself was promoted as "ER in space". |
1835_6 | Characters |
1835_7 | According to a press release from UPN, the series features the characters' attempts to "balanc[e] complicated personal lives with the demands of working in a cutting-edge hospital". Each episode includes story arcs involving personal and professional problems, the staff's relationships gaining more prominence as the series progressed. Alien physiologist Grote Maxwell (Joe Morton) works as the facility's lead doctor and surgeon. Senior surgeon Haylen Breslauer (Maria del Mar) directs Maxwell's actions as his boss and best friend. Dru Breslaur (Alexandra Wilson) begins working at the hospital in the pilot episode, creating tension because of her strained relationship with her older sister Haylen, and her past romance with Dr. C. J. Jurado (Brian McNamara). Jurado is characterized through his high libido, with his story arc involving a love triangle with Dru and his current girlfriend Lieutenant Kim Salisaw (Salli Richardson). While working as a doctor, Rema Cooke (Gay Thomas) grows more |
1835_8 | concerned about her patients' rights. |
1835_9 | The android head nurse ANI (Julia Pennington) and the alien surgeon Dr. Batung (Jordan Lund) also help to combat the frequent medical emergencies at the hospital. ANI (Android Nursing Interface) is represented as "extremely efficient and attractive", the facility's other nurses disliking her as they feel that she sets an impossible standard for them to match. Throughout the series, ANI develops more emotions, such as crying and laughing, and tries to learn more about them. Batung, who is part of the slug-like species the Shenn, is portrayed as lacking bedside manners by acting insensitively toward his patients. His negative behavior is attributed to his lack of experience working with human co-workers and patients. The hospital is run by the Chief of Staff Harris DeMilla (Joe Spano), who is often tasked to handle its ethical issues.
Production
Concept and development |
1835_10 | Created by Trey Callaway, David Simkins, and Milo Frank, Mercy Point was originally developed as a concept for a feature film. Callaway drew his primary inspiration for the original screenplay from a concept by Frank, entitled "Nightingale One". And while pitching the idea to film executives, Callaway said in his closing comments that he could also envision it as the framework for a successful television series. "Nightingale One" was eventually purchased by Mandalay Entertainment, a production company headed by Peter Guber, but the film's production was stalled after the poor commercial performance of the 1997 film Starship Troopers. However, a producer who saw Callaway's original pitch to Mandalay Entertainment's executives decided to reformat "Nightingale One" as a television series based on Callaway's final remarks in the meeting. After the concept's approval for television, "Nightingale One" was renamed Mercy Point. |
1835_11 | During production, Callaway imagined the series as a "companion piece" to Star Trek: Voyager, with the hope that it would have a shared viewership. Even though elements of "Nightingale One" were kept, Callaway said that "[he] really started over again and reconceived it completely as a series from the ground up". Prior to the series being officially green-lit, Callaway collaborated with writer David Simkins to prepare a presentation of a "low-budgeted 30 minute" pilot. Simkins did not work on the series after his pilot, but his contributions earned him a credit as one of its co-creators. John de Lancie, who was noted for acting as Q in Star Trek: The Next Generation, had essayed the role of DeMilla, and Steve Johnson designed the non-humanoid aliens. The pilot presentation was filmed in Los Angeles, but the sets were completely renovated for the series' episodes. Three non-humanoid characters, including ANI and Batung, were added to the show following this presentation. UPN executives |
1835_12 | responded positively to the presentation, and ordered thirteen episodes of the series, which was considered a "half-season's worth". Mercy Point was one of four shows produced by Mandalay Television that appeared in the 1998–99 United States television schedule, alongside Cupid, Rude Awakening, and Oh Baby. The show's production was part of a three-million-dollar deal with Columbia TriStar Television to produce 200 hours of material; a majority of the content created from this agreement was commercially unsuccessful. |
1835_13 | Casting and filming
Callaway carefully chose actors when casting each role. He focused on maintaining the series as a "character-driven plot", to always make "what is going on with people's hearts and minds" more important than special effects. Despite auditioning other actors to voice Hippocrates, Callway reprised the role from the pilot; he would later say that he had difficulty with the medical and technical vocabulary required for the character. Like The X-Files and Stargate SG-1, the show was filmed in Vancouver to take advantage of lower production costs. A majority of the crew had worked on The X-Files. The executive producers were: Trey Callaway, Michael Katleman, Lee David Zlotoff, Joe Voci, and Scott Sanders. Jon Ehrlich composed the show's theme. |
1835_14 | The entire series was shot on sound stages. Production designers Greg Loewen and Graemay Murray designed the medical facility as a "circular hub with offices and rooms radiating outward", and included a second floor in which DeMilla could oversee the entire hospital's operations. Director Joe Napolitano praised the sets while filming the episode "Last Resort", calling the show "a good candy store for a director" due to the functionality and size of the hospital. He explained that the set enabled him to direct long takes and walk and talk sequences without much difficulty. The series required extensive prosthetic work for Dr. Batung and the non-human patients. The application of Lund's prosthetic makeup required several hours each day that he was filmed. Napolitano said that he found this to be a challenge to the production schedule, explaining that there would be discussions about the amount of prosthetics necessary for Batung depending on the scene. Batung's prosthetic work included |
1835_15 | a tail that wrapped around his neck and shoulders; Lund was pushed around the set on a sled to mimic the character's movements as a slug. Napolitano also specified that the patients required a similar amount of time and work for their prosthetic makeup, such as a man who has gills under his chin. |
1835_16 | Cancellation and unproduced episodes
Callaway said he was surprised by UPN's cancellation of Mercy Point because of their strong support of the show. He felt the decision was made in part because of the show's high production costs. He also concluded that the decision to broadcast the pilot at the same time as the World Series resulted in the loss of Mercy Points target audience. To better connect with UPN's teen viewers, Callaway shifted the show's focus from medical and ethical cases to the characters' relationships. Despite these revisions, he said that UPN executives preferred to air shows like Moesha over science-fiction programs. When UPN announced the show's cancellation, the eighth episode was in the middle of production. Scenes originally written for the episode were revised and edited into the seventh episode to form a complete series finale. |
1835_17 | In an interview about the series, Callaway said that he had developed complete story arcs for each character for the rest of the first season. Hayden would have continued to deal with feelings of "homesickness", which is defined as "a crippling interstellar condition unique to humans that ultimately linked their survival to returning to Earth" in the context of the show. Batung would have suffered consequences for rejecting "the protective fold of his species", and ANI would develop an antidote for a virus that spread from computers to humans in the pilot episode. Callaway described ANI's future character development as "the ultimate clash between the organic and technological worlds". The status of Grote's missing family would eventually be uncovered after he conducts a rescue mission with C. J. to the "Sahartic Divide". Dru would be confronted by her "old addictions" and Cooke would test her theory that the temporal lobe houses a human's soul and is connected with "homesickness". |
1835_18 | Episodes
Reception |
1835_19 | Broadcast history |
1835_20 | Following the decision to expand its programming to Thursday and Friday nights, UPN picked up six original series. Mercy Point was one of two science fiction television shows picked up by UPN – the second being the time travel-themed Seven Days. Scott D. Pierce of Deseret News described the network's choice of two science-fiction dramas and two 19th century programs (The Secret Diary of Desmond Pfeiffer and Legacy) as showing "a definite bent toward the unusual". Prior to its premiere, the show was promoted through its inclusion of Joe Morton in a starring role. Although Callaway envisioned Mercy Point as a companion to Star Trek: Voyager, UPN paired the Star Trek installment with Seven Days instead. Mercy Point was initially broadcast on Tuesday nights at 9 pm EST, following the sitcoms Moesha and Clueless. The Moesha and Clueless block was held over from the previous year. Entertainment Weekly'''s Dan Snierson noted that Mercy Point faced tough competition from other shows in the |
1835_21 | same time slot, primarily Just Shoot Me!, Spin City, and Felicity. The series carried a TV-PG parental rating, meaning that it was judged as "unsuitable for young children". |
1835_22 | UPN placed Mercy Point on hiatus on October 27, 1998, after the show averaged a rating of 1.5 million viewers. The announcement was made ten days after the series premiere; only three episodes had aired. It was replaced by the reality television series America's Greatest Pets and the sitcom Reunited. The show ranked number 157 based on the Nielsen Media Research's survey of programs airing from September 21, 1998, to May 26, 1999, with an average of two million viewers. It tied with America's Greatest Pets and The Love Boat: The Next Wave. Joal Ryan of E! News wrote that the network's decision was not a surprise given that most viewers were unaware of the show's existence. While reporting on the show's status, Ryan questioned the repeated failures of science-fiction medical dramas. In October 1998, media outlets were reporting that the series might still return to UPN's primetime schedule sometime in the future. The series' final four episodes were broadcast in two 2-hour blocks on |
1835_23 | Thursday nights in July 1999. Mercy Point was included on the list of failed medical shows by The Blade's Rob Owen, along with MDs and 3 lbs. It has never been released on DVD or Blu-ray, but is available to stream on Crackle. |
1835_24 | Critical responseMercy Point has received mixed critical feedback. Prior to the show's premiere, a writer from SouthCoastToday.com wrote that it would appeal to Star Trek fans through its use of "portentous dialogue and plenty of gross-out imagery". David Bianculli of The New York Daily News praised Mercy Point as an improvement over "UPN's watch-me-please gimmick shows", and commended the way the show focused on its characters and medical cases while it "relegat[ed] the futuristic elements to the background". The Milwaukee Journal Sentinel's Joanne Weintraub favorably compared the show to Buffy the Vampire Slayer, writing that "both series take their special effects seriously and their often tongue-in-cheek dialogue lightly". Variety's Laura Fries wrote that the series had potential if it adhered to its own rules and focused on real drama. Fries highlighted Michael Katleman's directing as "crisp" and praised the show's technical credits.Mercy Point also garnered negative reactions |
1835_25 | from television critics, with GamesRadar's Dave Golder including it on his list of the worst science fiction and fantasy television shows of all time for its "[t]rite, obvious and cheesy" storylines. The Los Angeles Times' Howard Rosenberg criticized the show's reliance on its science-fiction context and technology to distract the viewers from "its mustiness and lack of originality". Even though Rosenberg felt the show's concept had potential and found Batung to an intriguing character, he advised the audience to "change this bedpan fast". Lee Sandlin of The Chicago Reader included Mercy Point in his assessment of the worst television shows in the 1998–1999 season, criticizing its lack of originality and poor writing. The series was heavily panned by Kevin Wagner of the science-fiction online magazine The Sci-Fi Guys, who found the pilot's story arc to be uninteresting and the use of rubber gloves as a way for advanced containment to be unrealistic. The Sun-Sentinels Hal Boedeker |
1835_26 | cited Mercy Point and The Secret Diary of Desmond Pfeiffer as "misbegotten fare" that alienated its audience and lowered viewership by forty percent. |
1835_27 | Several media commentators made negative comparisons between Mercy Point and other television programs. The show was described as reminiscent of a Saturday Night Live skit "that sounded brighter on paper than it plays on the air" by The Sun-Sentinels Tom Jicha, who felt it served as a spoof of ER. Caryn James of The New York Times wrote that Mercy Point was the "oddball new series", saying it was not compelling either in a dramatic or campy manner. Editor Jason Snell criticized the show as a retread of Crisis Center and General Hospital, describing it as an "utter waste of an intriguing premise", and The Chicago Tribune's Steve Johnson called it the "ER''-in-space mess". Both Snell and Johnson encouraged UPN to cancel the series following the announcement of its hiatus.
References
Citations
Book sources
External links |
1835_28 | 1998 American television series debuts
1999 American television series endings
1990s American medical television series
1990s American science fiction television series
Television series by Sony Pictures Television
Television series set in the 23rd century
UPN original programming
Television shows filmed in Vancouver |
1836_0 | Homeira Qaderi (; born 1980) is an Afghan writer, activist and educator. Her name is also written in English as Homeyra.
She was born in Kabul, Afghanistan during the Russian occupation to an artist mother and a father who is a high school teacher. Dr. Qaderi's early childhood was spent first sheltering from the Soviets and then from the civil war following the Soviet withdrawal. When the Taliban conquered Herat, Dr. Qaderi was prohibited from attending school and cloistered in her home. As a young adolescent, she found numerous ways to resist the Taliban's draconian edicts against girls and women. From these early beginnings, she became an outspoken advocate for Afghan women's rights and the rule of law, receiving the Malalai Medal for exceptional bravery from Afghanistan's President, Ashraf Ghani. |
1836_1 | At the age of 13, after the Taliban took control of the country and girl schools were closed, she secretly began the homeschooling of girls and boys. After the first publication of a short story by a woman under the Taliban, they made threats on her life. She was taken out of school and told that she could never return.
Dr. Qaderi took refuge in Iran. For seven years, while studying in Iran, Dr. Qaderi served as Director of The Afghan Artists and Cultural Instructors Society, established for Afghan writers living in Iran. In 2003, three of Dr. Qaderi's stories, “Zire Gonbadeh Kabood”, were published in Herat. Dr. Qaderi was the only Afghan woman writer published in Afghanistan that year. In 2003, she received the Sadegh Hedayat Award in Iran for her short story titled, Baz Baaran Agar Mibarid. This was the first prize ever given in Iran to an Afghan. |
1836_2 | Alongside these cultural endeavors in Iran, Dr. Qaderi pursued her studies as well. She obtained a Bachelor of Persian Literature from Shaheed Beheshti University (Tehran) in 2005. In 2007, she received her master's degree in Literature from Allame Tabatabaei University (Iran). She studied Persian Language and Literature at the University of Tehran. In 2014, she received a Ph.D. in Persian Literature from Jawaharlal Nehru University in India. Her thesis was titled, “Reflections of War and Emigration in Stories and Novels of Afghanistan.”
In 2011 she began teaching as a professor at Kabul University. Because of the great demand for her literary skills and professional expertise in Persian Literature, she also began teaching at Mash’al, Gharjistan, and Kateb universities. During the same period, she organized and was active in civic movements focused on achieving equal rights for Afghan women. |
1836_3 | Dr. Qaderi was named senior advisor to the Minister of Labor, Social Affairs, Martyrs, and Disabled in Afghanistan. Dr. Qaderi served as an advisor to the Ministry of the Department of Labor and Social Affairs, during which time she fought to improve the dire situation of widows and orphans in Afghan society and to establish programs so that they would be able to achieve self-sufficiency. |
1836_4 | In 2010 Dr. Qaderi attended a conference in China focusing on alleviating poverty and promoting better conditions for women in Afghanistan where she spoke extensively about the deprivation and oppression of Afghan women.
In 2011, Dr. Qaderi participated in the second conference in Bonn, Germany, The International Conference on Afghanistan, speaking before the general assembly regarding the plight of Afghan women and their fight for equal rights.
In 2012, Dr. Qaderi attended the Tokyo Conference, organized by 100 countries and their civic activists. During this conference, as part of the Afghan delegation, she requested that other countries assist the Afghan Government by dedicating their aid to benefit Afghan women.
In 2012, she met with representatives of the Islamic world in Turkey to request implementation of changes in education and the workplace in order to improve the condition of women in the Muslim world. |
1836_5 | In 2012, she also attended talks in Pakistan and in Tajikistan promoting women's participation in government and in decision making roles within Muslim society.
In 2014, Dr. Qaderi was a panelist for a symposium in Switzerland regarding the working conditions of women in Afghanistan.
In December 2014, Dr. Qaderi participated in the London Conference on Afghanistan.
In 2015, Dr. Qaderi was invited to attend the International Writing Program at the University of Iowa City. She took part in the International Writing Program at the University of Iowa. |
1836_6 | During the 2021 fall of Kabul, she and her son were among the last to gain entrance through a secret gate on the north side of the airport to flee the country.
Selected works
Dancing in the Mosque: An Afghan Mother's Letter to Her Son (2020)
Aqlema, a novel (2015)
Reflection of War and Exile in Stories of Afghanistan (2015)
Naqsh-e Shekaar-e Aho, a novel
Painting of A Deer Hunt – A Fable of Women and Men (2010)
Silver Kabul River Girl, a novel (2009)
Noqra, a novel (2009)
100 Years of Story Writing in Afghanistan (2009)
Goshwara-e- Anis, Anish's Earring, a collection of short stories (2008)
Noqre, the girl of Kabul river, a novel (2008)
References
1979 births
Living people
Afghan women writers
Afghan novelists
Afghan women's rights activists
International Writing Program alumni
Kabul University faculty
People from Kabul
21st-century Afghan writers
21st-century Afghan women writers |
1837_0 | The 753nd Bombardment Squadron is a former United States Army Air Forces unit. The squadron was first activated in July 1943. After training with Consolidated B-24 Liberator heavy bombers in the United States, it deployed to the European Theater of Operations, where it participated in the strategic bombing campaign against Germany. Following V-E Day, the squadron returned to the United States, where it began training with Boeing B-29 Superfortresses, but was inactivated in October 1945.
History |
1837_1 | Training in the United States
The 753nd Bombardment Squadron was activated at Wendover Field, Utah on 1 July 1943 as one of the four original squadrons of the 458th Bombardment Group. Before the month ended, the squadron moved to Gowen Field, Idaho, drawing its initial cadre from the 43d Bombardment Squadron. The air echelon of the squadron's cadre immediately departed for Orlando Army Air Base, where they spent the next two months participating in specialized tactical training. In September 1943, the air and ground echelons of the squadron were united at Kearns Army Air Base, Utah before proceeding to Wendover to begin the first phase of training with the Consolidated B-24 Liberator. |
1837_2 | At Wendover, most of the initial combat crews were assigned to the squadron. By the end of the year, the squadron completed its training and began moving to the European Theater of Operations. The ground echelon departed its final training base, Tonopah Army Air Field, Nevada, for the port of embarkation on 29 December 1943, sailing for England on the . The air echelon assembled at Hamilton Field, then ferried its Liberators to England via the southern ferry route. |
1837_3 | Combat in Europe
The squadron arrived at its combat station, RAF Horsham St. Faith on 1 February 1944, although the last bombers of the 458th Group did not arrive until 16 February. It entered the strategic bombing campaign against Germany during Big Week, but its first missions, flown on 24 and 25 February 1944, were diversionary missions, not strikes against the German aircraft manufacturing industry. On 2 March it began flying strategic bombardment missions. Its targets included an aircraft manufacturing plant at Brandenburg an der Havel, an airfield near Braunschweig, a fuel depot at Dulmen, oil refineries near Hamburg, marshalling yards at Hamm, an aircraft engine manufacturing factory at Magdeburg, the shipping canal at Minden, aircraft factories at Oschersleben and the industrial area of Saarbrücken. |
1837_4 | The squadron was occasionally diverted from the strategic bombing campaign to conduct air interdiction and close air support missions. It helped prepare for Operation Overlord, the invasion of Normandy, by striking artillery batteries, V-1 flying bomb and V-2 rocket launching sites, and airfields in France. On D-Day, it attacked coastal defenses to support the amphibious landings. Afterward, it attacked lines of communication to prevent the movement of enemy personnel and materiel from reaching the battlefield. It attacked enemy troops during Operation Cobra, the breakout from the beachhead through Saint Lo, in late July. It also flew support missions during the Battle of the Bulge in December 1944 and January 1945 and during Operation Varsity, the airborne attacks across the Rhine, in April 1945. In addition, The squadron stopped its bombing during September 1944 to transport gasoline to airfields in France to supply Third Army, which had outrun its supply lines (called |
1837_5 | Operation Truckin'). These resupply flights were not considered combat missions. The squadron flew its last combat mission on 24 April 1945. |
1837_6 | Return and inactivation
During May 1945, the squadron flew "Trolley" missions. These missions transported ground personnel of the unit over target areas on the continent to permit them to see the results of their contributions to the squadron mission. The squadron returned to the United States in June 1945, with aircraft beginning to depart for Bradley Field, Connecticut on 14 June. The ground echelon sailed on the on 6 July. The squadron assembled at Sioux Falls Army Air Field, South Dakota in July. At Sioux Falls, all personnel who had not been discharged were transferred to other units.
The squadron reformed at Walker Army Air Field, Kansas, moving to March Field, California in August, once the group had achieved 20% manning. At March Field, it trained with the Boeing B-29 Superfortress very heavy bomber, but never approached authorized manning. It was inactivated there in October 1945. |
1837_7 | Lineage
Constituted as the 753d Bombardment Squadron (Heavy) on 19 May 1943
Activated on 1 July 1943
Redesignated 753d Bombardment Squadron, Heavy 20 August 1943
Redesignated 753d Bombardment Squadron, Very Heavy on 5 August 1945
Inactivated on 17 October 1945
Assignments
458th Bombardment Group, 1 July 1943 – 17 October 1945
Stations
Wendover Field, Utah, 1 July 1943
Gowen Field, Idaho, 28 July 1943
Kearns Army Air Base, Utah, 10 September 1943
Wendover Field, Utah, 15 September 1943
Tonopah Army Air Field, Nevada, 4 November 1943 – 1 January 1944
RAF Horsham St. Faith (Station 123), England, 1 February 1944 – 3 July 1945
Sioux Falls Army Air Field, South Dakota, 15 July 1945
Walker Army Air Field, Kansas, 25 July 1945
March Field, California, 22 August-17 October 1945
Aircraft
Consolidated B-24 Liberator, 1943–1945
Boeing B-29 Superfortress, 1945
Campaigns
See also
B-24 Liberator units of the United States Army Air Forces
References |
1837_8 | Notes
Explanatory notes
Citations
Bibliography
Strategic bombing squadrons of the United States Army Air Forces
Military units and formations established in 1943
Military units and formations disestablished in 1945 |
1838_0 | Korean nationalism can be viewed in two different contexts. One encompasses various movements throughout history to maintain a Korean cultural identity, history, and ethnicity (or "race"). This ethnic nationalism was mainly forged in opposition to foreign incursion and rule. The second context encompasses how Korean nationalism changed after partition in 1945. Today, the former tends to predominate.
The term "pure blood" refers to the belief that Korean people are a pure race descended from a single ancestor. Invoked during the period of resistance to colonial rule, the idea gave Koreans a sense of ethnic homogeneity and national pride, and a potential catalyst for racial discrimination and prejudice. |
1838_1 | The dominant strand of nationalism in South Korea, tends to be romantic in nature (specifically ethnic or "racial"), rather than civic. This form of romantic nationalism often competes with and weakens the more formal and structured civic national identity. South Koreans' lack of state-derived nationalism (i.e. patriotism) manifests itself in various ways. For example, there is no national holiday solely commemorating the state itself and many South Koreans do not know the exact date their country was founded (i.e. 15 August 1948).
Romantic ethnic nationalism in North Korea has strong salience as well, though unlike in South Korea, civic nationalism and ethnic nationalism do not compete but rather co-exist and reinforce each other. This can be attributed to the state-sponsored ideology of Juche, which utilizes ethnic identity to enhance state power and control.
Ethnic nationalism is likely to play a large part in the unification of the two Koreas, should that ever occur.
History |
1838_2 | Historically, the central objectives of Korea's nationalist movement were the advancement and protection of Korea's ancient culture and national identity from foreign influence, and the fostering of the independence movement during Japanese rule. In order to obtain political and cultural autonomy, it first had to promote Korea's cultural dependency. For this reason, the nationalist movement demanded the restoration and preservation of Korea's traditional culture. The Donghak (Eastern Learning) peasant movement, also known as the Donghak Peasant Revolution, that began in the 1870s, could be seen as an early form of what would become the Korean nationalist resistance movement against foreign influences. It was succeeded by the Righteous Army movement and later a series of Korean resistance movements that led, in part, to the current status of the two Korean nations.
National resistance movements |
1838_3 | Nationalism in late 19th century Korea was a form of resistance movements, but with significant differences between the north and south. Since the intrusion by foreign powers in the late 19th century, Koreans have had to construct their identity in ways that pitted them against foreigners. They have witnessed and participated in a wide range of nationalist actions over the past century, but all of them have been some form of resistance against foreign influences. During the colonial period, the Korean nationalists carried on the struggle for independence, fighting against Imperial Japan in Korea, China particularly Manchuria and China Proper and Far East Russia. They formed 'governments in exile', armies, and secret groups to fight the imperial Japanese wherever they are.
Partition of Korea |
1838_4 | Korea was divided at the 38th parallel between north and south by the Allied powers in 1945 as part of the disarmament of Imperial Japan, and the division persists to this day. The split is perpetuated by rival regimes, opposing ideologies, and global politics; it is further deepened by a differing sense of national identity derived from the unique histories, polities, class systems, and gender roles experienced by Koreans on different sides of the border. As a result, Korean nationalism in the late 20th century has been permeated by the split between North and South. Each regime espouses its own distinctive form of nationalism, different from the opposing side's, that nonetheless seeks to encompass the entire Korean Peninsula in its scope.
Korean reunification |
1838_5 | With regard to Korean nationalism, the reunification of the two Koreas is a highly related issue. Ethnic nationalism that is prevalent in Korean society is likely to play a significant role in the unification process, if it does occur. As Gi-Wook Shin claims, “Ethnic consciousness would not only legitimize the drive for unification but it could also be a common ground, especially in the early stages of the unification process, that is needed to facilitate a smooth integration of the two systems.” |
1838_6 | Korean reunification (Korean: 남북통일) refers to the hypothetical future reunification of North and South Korea under a single government. South Korea had adopted a sunshine policy towards the North that was based on the hope that one day, the two countries would be re-united in the 1990s. The process towards this was started by the historic June 15th North–South Joint Declaration in August 2000, where the two countries agreed to work towards a peaceful reunification in the future. However, there are a number of hurdles in this process due to the large political and economic differences between the two countries and other state actors such as China, Russia, and the United States. Short-term problems such as a large number of refugees that would migrate from the North into the South and initial economic and political instability would need to be overcome.
State-aligned nationalism
North Korea |
1838_7 | In North Korea, nationalism is incorporated as part of the state-sponsored ideology of Juche. The Juche Idea teaches that "man is the master of everything and decides everything", and the Korean people are the masters of Korea's revolution. Juche is a component of North Korea's political system. The word literally means "main body" or "subject"; it has also been translated in North Korean sources as "independent stand" and the "spirit of self-reliance".
The Juche Idea gradually emerged as a systematic ideological doctrine in the 1960s. Kim Il-sung outlined the three fundamental principles of Juche as being:
"independence in politics" (자주, 自主, chaju).
"self-sustenance in the economy" (자립, 自立, charip).
"self-defense in national defense" (자위, 自衛, chawi).
Unlike South Koreans, North Koreans generally believe that their (North Korean) state and the "Korean race" (, minjok) are analogous. Thus they strengthen each other rather than undermining the other like in South Korea: |
1838_8 | Even North Koreans who may not particularly admire their country's leaders will still be patriotic towards their state. The North Korean state's symbols, such as the national emblem and flag, have been cited as an example of North Korea's attempt to build a civic-based nationalism, in contrast to South Korea's state symbols, which utilize overtly racialized motifs and ethnic symbolism.
South Korea |
1838_9 | State-based nationalism (or patriotism) in South Korea is weak, compared with the more salient race-based nationalism. As a result, some commentators have described the South Korean state in the eyes of South Koreans as constituting "an unloved republic". Whereas in North Korea, most of its citizens view their state and race as being the same thing, most South Koreans on the other hand tend to see the "Korean race" and their (South Korean) state as being separate entities due to the existence of a competing Korean state in North Korea. According to Korea scholar Brian Reynolds Myers, a professor at Dongseo University, while race-based nationalism in North Korea strengthens patriotism towards the state and vice versa, in South Korea it undermines it: |
1838_10 | Due to traditional state support for race nationalism fostered during the 20th century, South Koreans have come to view positive achievements as being a result of inherent racial characteristics, whereas negative events are attributed to the incompetence, malevolence, and inherent inferiority of the South Korean state: |
1838_11 | It is said that one of the reasons the South Korean state during the 20th century decided to extol race-based nationalism over civic nationalism was that being an authoritarian military junta at the time, it did not want to extol republican principles that might be used to criticize it in turn. That said, civic state-based nationalism was said to have been stronger during those years than in contemporary post-democratization South Korea, albeit still tenuous. Ironically, though fostered by a right-wing regime at the time, today race nationalism in South Korea is shared across the political spectrum. For instance, when the South Korean pledge of allegiance was reworded in 2007 to use less racialist language, it was left-leaning South Koreans who notably objected to a change. |
1838_12 | South Koreans' lack of state-based nationalism (or patriotism) manifests itself in various ways in the country's society. For example, there is no national holiday solely commemorating the state itself and many South Koreans do not know the exact date their country was founded. The closest analogue, Constitution Day, ceased to be a federal holiday in 2008. The Liberation Day holiday, which is celebrated each August, shares its date with the establishment of the South Korean state. However, celebrations during the holiday choose to forgo commemorations of the South Korean state or its establishment in favor of focusing and extolling other aspects. As a result, many South Koreans do not know the exact date their own state was established, in contrast to North Koreans, who do. In contrast, a holiday marking the mythological formation of the "Korean race" in 2333 BC is commemorated with a national holiday in South Korea each October. |
1838_13 | The "Hell Chosun" phenomenon and a desire among many South Koreans to immigrate have also been cited as an example of South Koreans' general lack of nationalistic patriotism towards their state. The lack of state-based nationalism manifests itself in diplomacy as well; the lack of a strong, resolute response by South Korea to North Korea's attacks against it in 2010 (i.e. the sinking of ROKS Cheonan and the bombardment of Yeonpyeong) has been attributed to the former's lack of state-aligned nationalistic sentiment, as these attacks were viewed as mere affronts against the state. In contrast, Japanese claims to South Korean-claimed territory are seen as affronts against the Korean race and are thus responded to with more vigor from South Koreans. |
1838_14 | Even state symbols that are ostensibly civic in nature, such as the national anthem, state emblem, and national flag contain racial nationalist references (such as the mugunghwa flower) instead of republican or civic ones. Thus, the South Korean flag is often seen by South Koreans as representing the "Korean race" rather than merely South Korea itself. As a result, the vast majority of South Koreans will almost always treat their national flag with reverence and respect, compared to other countries where citizens would desecrate their own national flags as political statements or in protest. This weak state-based nationalism was reflected in the pre-2011 South Korean military oath and pre-2007 pledge of allegiance, both of which pledged allegiance to the "Korean race" over the state. |
1838_15 | One of the reasons put forth to explain South Koreans' lack of support or affinity for the South Korean state is due to a popular misconception that only North Korea purged its regime of pro-Japanese collaborators of the colonial period and that South Korea did not, while in reality the former did not do so. Another reason given is that South Koreans view their interactions with their state in negative contexts, such as when having to report for mandatory military service or paying fines.
Particular issues
Anti-Japanese sentiment
Contemporary Korean nationalism, at least in South Korea, often incorporates anti-Japanese sentiment as a core component of its ideology, even being described by some scholars as constituting an integral part of South Korea's civil religion. |
1838_16 | The legacy of the colonial period of Korean history continues to fuel recriminations and demands for restitution in both Koreas. North and South Korea have both lodged severe protests against visits by Japanese officials to the Yasukuni Shrine, which is seen as glorifying the Class A war criminals whose remains are held there. South Koreans claim that a number of Korean women who worked near Japanese military bases as comfort women were forced to serve as sex slaves against their will for Japanese soldiers during World War II which had been a persistent thorn in the side of Japan-South Korea relations from the 1990s to the 2010s. Disagreements over demands for reparations and a formal apology still remain unresolved despite the previous agreement and compensation in 1965, South Koreans started peaceful vigils in 1992 held by survivors on a weekly basis. Recent Japanese history textbook controversies have emerged as a result of what some see as an attempt at historical negationism with |
1838_17 | the aim of whitewashing or ignoring Japan's war crimes during World War II. These issues continue to separate the two countries diplomatically, and provide fuel for nationalism in both Koreas as well as anti-Japanese sentiment. |
1838_18 | According to Robert E. Kelly, a professor at Pusan National University, anti-Japanese sentiment in South Korea stems not just from Japanese atrocities during the occupation period, but also from the Korean Peninsula's division. As a result, Kelly says, South Koreans take out their anger, whether rising from Korean division or otherwise, against Japan, as due to the racialized nature of Korean nationalism it is considered gauche for South Koreans to be overly hostile towards North Korea. This view is supported by another professor, Brian Reynolds Myers of Dongseo University.
Liancourt Rocks dispute
The Liancourt Rocks dispute has been ongoing since the end of World War II after the United States rejected Korea's claim to give sovereignty of the Liancourt Rocks islands, known as Dokdo or Tokto (독도/獨島, literally "solitary island") in Korean and Takeshima in Japanese, to Korea in the 1951. |
1838_19 | Since 1954, the South Koreans have administered the islands but bickering on both sides involving nationalism and lingering historical acrimony has led to the current impasse. Adding to this problem is political pressure from conservative politicians and nationalist groups in both South Korea and Japan to have more assertive territorial policies.
With the introduction of the 1994 UN Law of the Sea Convention, South Korea and Japan began to set their new maritime boundaries, particularly in overlapping terrain in the Sea of Japan (East Sea), where some exclusive economic zone (EEZ) borders was less than apart. Tensions escalated in 1996 when both governments declared a EEZ that encompassed the island, which brought Japan-South Korean relations to an all-time low. |
1838_20 | This has not only complicated bilateral relations but heightened nationalist sentiments on both sides. In spite of generational change and the passage of time, the institutionalization of Korean collective memory is causing young Koreans to be as anti-Japanese, if not more so, than the older generation. For Koreans, "historical memory and feelings of han (resentment) run deeply and can influence Korea's relations with its neighbors, allies, and enemies in ways not easily predicted by models of policy-making predicated on realpolitik or other geo-strategic or economic concerns." |
1838_21 | Due to Korea's colonial past, safeguarding the island has become equivalent to safeguarding the nation-state and its national identity. A territory's value and importance is not limited to its physical dimensions but also the psychological value it holds as a source of sovereignty and identity. Triggered by perceptions and strong feelings of injustice and humiliation, Korean nationalistic sentiment has become involved in the dispute. The island itself has become to symbolize South Korean national identity and pride, making it an issue even more difficult to resolve. South Korea's claim to the island holds emotional content that goes beyond material significance, and giving way on the island issue to Japan would be seen as compromising the sovereignty of the entire peninsula. The dispute has taken on the form of a national grievance rather than a simple territorial dispute. |
1838_22 | The South Korean government has also played a role in fanning nationalism in this dispute. President Roh Moo-hyun began a speech on Korea-Japan relations in April 2006 by bluntly stating, “The island is our land” and “for Koreans, the island is a symbol of the complete recovery of sovereignty.” The issue of the island is clearly tied to the protection of the nation-state that was once taken away by Japan. President Roh emphasizes this point again by saying:
“Dokdo for us is not merely a matter pertaining to territorial rights over tiny islets but is emblematic of bringing closure to an unjust chapter in our history with Japan and of the full consolidation of Korea's sovereignty.” |
1838_23 | Later on in his speech Roh also mentions the Yasukuni Shrine and Japanese history textbook controversy, saying that they will be dealt with together. Having placed the Liancourt Rocks issue "in the context of rectifying the historical record between Korea and Japan" and "the safeguarding of [Korea's] sovereignty", compromise becomes impossible. As the French theorist Ernest Renan said, "Where national memories are concerned, griefs are of more value than triumphs, for they impose duties, and require a common effort." |
1838_24 | The Liancourt Rocks dispute has affected the Korean and Japanese perceptions of each other. According to a 2008 survey by Gallup Korea and the Japan Research Center, 20% of Koreans had friendly feelings towards Japan and 36% of Japanese the same towards Korea. When asked for the reason of their antipathy, most Koreans mentioned the territorial dispute over the island, and the Japanese the anti-Japanese sentiment in Korea. This is in contrast to a 2002 survey (post 2002 FIFA World Cup) conducted by the Chosun Ilbo and Mainichi Shimbun, where 35% of Koreans and 69% of Japanese had friendly views of the other country.
Anti-U.S. sentiment |
1838_25 | Anti-Americanism in Korea began with the earliest contact between the two nations and continued after the division of Korea. In both North Korea and South Korea, anti-Americanism after the Korean War has focused on the presence and behavior of American military personnel (USFK), aggravated especially by high-profile accidents or crimes by U.S. servicemembers, with various crimes including rape and assault, among others. |
1838_26 | The 2002 Yangju highway incident especially ignited Anti-American passions. The ongoing U.S. military presence in South Korea, especially at the Yongsan Garrison (on a base previously used by the Imperial Japanese Army during Colonial Korea) in central Seoul, remains a contentious issue. While protests have arisen over specific incidents, they are often reflective of deeper historical resentments. Robert Hathaway, director of the Wilson Center's Asia program, suggests: "the growth of anti-American sentiment in both Japan and South Korea must be seen not simply as a response to American policies and actions, but as reflective of deeper domestic trends and developments within these Asian countries." |
1838_27 | Korean anti-Americanism after the war was fueled by American occupation of USFK troops and support for the authoritarian rule of Park Chung-hee, and what was perceived as an American endorsement of the brutal tactics used in the Gwangju massacre. Speaking to the Wilson Center, Katherine Moon was noted by Hathaway as suggesting that "anti-Americanism also represents the collective venting of accumulated grievances that in many instances have lain hidden for decades", but that despite the "very public demonstrations of anger toward the United States [...] the majority of Koreans of all age groups supports the continuation of the American alliance." |
1838_28 | Manchuria and Gando disputes
Historical Korean claims of Manchuria can be traced back to the late Joseon dynasty. It was common in late Joseon dynasty to write about old lands of Goguryeo, an expression of nostalgia for the north. In the early 20th century, Korean nationalist historians like Shin Chaeho, advocated a complete unification of Korean peninsula and Manchuria in order to restore the ancient lands of Dangun. |
1838_29 | Today, Irredentist Korean nationalist historians have claimed that Manchuria (now called Northeast China), in particular Gando (known in China as Jiandao), a region bordering China, North Korea, and Russia, and home to the Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture should be part of Korea, based on ancient Gojoseon, Goguryeo and Balhae control of the area. The term Greater Korea, sometimes used in nationalist works, usually enompasses those regions located. The claim for Gando is said to be stronger than the claim for the whole of Manchuria, due to later Balhae presence in Gando after the fall of the Koguryo kingdom, the current area population's consisting of 1/3 ethnic Koreans, and the circumstances of the 1909 Gando Convention that relegated the area to Chinese control. While the Manchurian claims have not received official attention in South Korea, claims for Gando were the subject of a bill introduced in 2004, at a time when China had been claiming that Balhae and Koguryo had been |
1838_30 | "minority states" within China and the resulting controversy was at its height. The legislation proposed by 59 South Korean lawmakers would have declared the Gando Convention signed under Japanese rule to be "null and void". Later that year, the two countries reached an understanding that their governments would refrain from further involvement in the historical controversy. |
1838_31 | Ethnic nationalism
Ethnic nationalism emphasizes descent and race. Among many Koreans, both in the North and South, ethnicity is interpreted on a racial basis, with "blood", and is usually considered the key determinant in defining "Koreanness" in contemporary Korean nationalist thought. In South Korea, ethnic nationalism has salience to the point where it has been described as being a part of the country's civil religion. Despite its contemporary salience, ethnic Korean nationalism is a relatively recent development. |
1838_32 | Importance of blood |
1838_33 | The term "pure blood" refers to the belief that Korean people are a pure race descended from a single ancestor. First invoked during the period of resistance to colonial rule, the idea of having pure blood gave Koreans an impetus for developing a sense of ethnic homogeneity and national pride, as well as a potential catalyst for racial discrimination and prejudice. As a way of resisting colonial rule, Shin Chaeho published his book Joseon Sanggosa in the 1920s, proclaiming that Korean descent is based on the Goguryeo kingdom, formed from the intermingling of the descendants of Dangun Joseon with the Buyeo kingdom. This raised a sense of ethnic homogeneity which persists as a major element in the politics and foreign relations of both Koreas. A survey in 2006 showed that 68.2% of respondents considered "blood" the most important criterion of defining the Korean nation, and 74.9% agreed that "Koreans are all brothers and sisters regardless of residence and ideology." |
1838_34 | Noted Korea scholar Brian Reynolds Myers argues in his 2010 book The Cleanest Race: How North Koreans See Themselves and Why It Matters that the North Korean ideology of a purest race arose from 20th century Japanese fascism. Japanese collaborators are said to have introduced the notion of racial unity in an effort to assert that Japanese and Koreans came from the same racial stock. After Japan relinquished control of Korea, Myers argues, the theory was subsequently adjusted to promote the idea of a pure Korean race. |
1838_35 | A poll by the Asan Institute for Policy Studies in 2015 found that only 5.4% of South Koreans in their twenties said they saw North Koreans as people sharing the same bloodline with South Koreans The poll also found that only 11 percent of South Koreans associated North Korea with Koreans, with most people associating them with words like military, war or nuclear weapons. It also found that most South Koreans expressed deeper feelings of "closeness" with Americans and Chinese than with North Koreans.
Nationalist historiography |
1838_36 | Shin Chaeho was the first historian to focus on the Korean minjok (민족, 民族, "race" or ethnicity) or Kyŏre(겨레), and narrated Korean history in terms of its minjok history. There is no direct English language equivalent for the word minjok, though commentators have offered "race" and "ethnicity" as being the closest analogues. For Shin, minjok and history were mutually defining and as he says in the preface of the Doksa Sillon, “if one dismisses the minjok, there is no history.” Shin emphasized the ancientness of the Korean minjok history, elevated the status of the semi-legendary figure, Dangun, as the primordial ancestor of the Korean people and located the host minjok, Puyo. Shin launched a vision of the Korean nation as a historically defined minjok or ethnicity entity. In an attempt to counter China's controversial Northeast Project and Goguryeo controversies that ensued, the South Korean government in 2007 incorporated the founding of Gojoseon of the year 2333 BCE into its |
1838_37 | textbooks. |
1838_38 | See also
Hanchongryun
History of Korea
Korean ethnic nationalism
Racism in South Korea
Sojunghwa (Korean ethnocentrism)
VANK
Gukppong
References
Bibliography
Journals
News
Academic/Educational
Lee, Chong-Sik (1963). The Politics of Korean Nationalism (Berkeley: University of California Press).
This can also be found as a chapter in a book called "Power and the Past: Collective Memory and International Relations".
- Presented at U.S.-Korea Relations in the 21st Century Challenges and Prospects, Washington, D.C.
Books
External links
Korean society
Foreign relations of North Korea
Foreign relations of South Korea
North Korea–South Korea relations
Politics of Korea
Nationalist movements in Asia
Korean irredentism
Pan-nationalism
Cultural regions |
1839_0 | The 1974–75 American Basketball Association season saw the Kentucky Colonels, led by Dan Issel, Artis Gilmore, Louie Dampier and coach Hubie Brown, win the 1975 ABA Championship.
Offseason
Draft picks
Preseason transactions
Following the 1973–74 Kentucky Colonels season, the Colonels fired head coach Babe McCarthy despite his winning the 1974 ABA Coach of the Year award. Milwaukee Bucks assistant coach Hubie Brown was hired as McCarthy's replacement in June 1974.
Preseason exhibition games |
1839_1 | Like most ABA teams, the Colonels played several preseason exhibition games against NBA opponents. By September 29, 1974, the ABA had won all five of that season's ABA vs. NBA exhibition games as the Colonels took the floor in Lincoln, Nebraska, against the Kansas City–Omaha Kings. Dan Issel scored 26 for the Colonels but the Kings won, 102-91. On October 1 the NBA's Washington Bullets visited the Colonels' home court at Freedom Hall. Artis Gilmore had 26 points and 16 rebounds as the Colonels won, 118-95. On October 5, 1974, the Colonels traveled to Pasadena, Texas, to face the Houston Rockets. The Rockets won 96-95 despite Gilmore's 22 points. On October 8, 1974, in Louisville the Colonels hosted the Detroit Pistons, defeating the NBA team 109-100 behind Gilmore's 18 points and 11 rebounds. On October 12 the Colonels defeated the Chicago Bulls in Louisville, 93-75. Gilmore scored 24 points and Dan Issel scored 15. |
1839_2 | The ABA went 16-7 vs. the NBA in that season's exhibition games; the Colonels posted a 3-2 record.
Regular season
Roster
10 Louie Dampier
14 Bird Averitt
22 Wil Jones
23 Gene Littles
24 Ted McClain
25 Jim Bradley
31 Marv Roberts
42 Ron Thomas
44 Dan Issel
53 Artis Gilmore
Season standings
Game log
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Month by Month
October 1974 |
1839_3 | The ABA opened its regular season on October 18, 1974, and on that night the host Colonels defeated the Denver Nuggets 117-99. Two nights later the Colonels won at home before 7,207 fans against the Indiana Pacers, 101-92. On October 23 the Colonels hosted the Virginia Squires and 5,978 fans watched ten different Colonels score ten or more points as Kentucky won 136-82. The next evening the Colonels hosted the San Antonio Spurs before 10,853 fans and won 113-103 despite George Gervin's 30 points. The next evening, October 25, saw the Colonels' first loss of the season, 91-86 against the Spirits of St. Louis as Marvin Barnes scored 25 points against the Colonels with 4,217 in attendance. The next evening in Indianapolis Dan Issel had 28 points as the Colonels defeated the Indiana Pacers 107-95 in front of 10,948 fans. October 30 saw the Colonels win at home against the San Diego Conquistadors 97-84 as 9,622 fans saw Caldwell Jones score 22 for San Diego. The Colonels ended October with |
1839_4 | a record of 6 wins and 1 loss. |
1839_5 | November 1974
On November 1 the Colonels defeated the Virginia Squires 125-93 in front of 8,203 fans as Louie Dampier led all scorers with 24. Two nights later in Louisville Kentucky defeated the Memphis Sounds 104-99; Rick Mount had a game-high 27 before 7,843 spectators. On November 6 the Colonels hosted the Utah Stars in Lexington; 9,400 turned out to see Kentucky prevail 97-85 despite Ron Boone's 29 points. November 9 saw the Colonels at home against the New York Nets; 16,029 packed Freedom Hall and Julius Erving had a game-high 28 points but Kentucky won 103-97. |
1839_6 | On November 13 the Colonels returned to Lexington, again facing the New York Nets. Julius Erving had 44 points and the game went into two overtimes before 9,577 fans; Kentucky won 132-129. Kentucky's seven game win streak came to an end on November 14 in an overtime road game as Bird Averitt's 26 were not enough to stop the San Antonio Spurs, who won 102-100 before 8,354 fans. On November 17 the Colonels bounced back with a 116-103 win against the Indiana Pacers in Lexington; Artis Gilmore scored 32 points and 7,381 attended. |
1839_7 | November 22 saw the Colonels on the road in San Diego, losing 121-103 to the Conquistadors as Travis Grant scored 34. The next evening the Colonels lost another road game, a one-point overtime loss to the Utah Stars. Despite Bird Averitt's 31 points the Stars pulled out the overtime win 111-110 before 8,476 fans. On November 26 the Colonels returned home and defeated the Memphis Sounds 128-106 before 7,805 fans; Stew Johnson had 24 points. November 28 saw the Colonels notch a road win against the Virginia Squires, prevailing 108-95 in Hampton Roads despite George Irvine's 27 points. The next night Kentucky lost a road game to the New York Nets; 10,562 saw Julius Erving put in 33 points in a 107-98 Nets victory. Kentucky ended the month with an unusual home game in Bowling Green, Kentucky. 7,611 turned out to see the Colonels defeat the San Diego Conquistadors 109-100. San Diego's Travis Grant and Bo Lamar led all scorers with 26 points each, and Kentucky only shot 9 free throws for |
1839_8 | the night (making 6 of them) but Artis Gilmore's 20 rebounds helped power Kentucky to the win. |
1839_9 | The Colonels went 9-4 in November for a season record of 15-5 (.750) at the start of December.
December 1974 |
1839_10 | On December 4 the Colonels lost on the road to the Spirits of St. Louis, 126-122; Maurice Lucas scored 30 before 2,898 fans. December 7 saw the Colonels at home winning a rematch against the Spirits 119-107; 9,830 saw St. Louis' Marvin Barnes lead all scorers with 31. On December 11 the Colonels lost on the road to the Memphis Sounds 104-97. On December 13 Kentucky lost on the Indiana Pacers' home court 114-108; 8,743 saw George McGinnis score 40 for Indiana. On December 14 10,417 turned out in Louisville to see Julius Erving score 27 in leading the New York Nets to a 98-89 win over Kentucky. The Colonels finally broke their three-game losing streak on December 17 as an unusually small Freedom Hall crowd of 3,630 turned out to see Artis Gilmore's 35 points lead Kentucky to a 121-98 win over the San Antonio Spurs. The next night Kentucky ended its three-game road losing streak with a win against the Spirits of St. Louis; Artis Gilmore scored 36 as the Colonels prevailed 110-94. The |
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