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arrest, detention, conviction, imprisonment and release of a
member.
6. It can institute inquiries and order the attendance of
witnesses and send for relevant papers and records.
7. The courts are prohibited to inquire into the proceedings of a
House or its committees.
8. No person (either a member or outsider) can be arrested,
and no legal process (civil or criminal) can be served within
the precincts of the House without the permission of the
presiding officer.
Individual Privileges
The privileges belonging to the members individually are:
1. They cannot be arrested during the session of Parliament
and 40 days before the beginning and 40 days after the end
of a session. This privilege is available only in civil cases
and not in criminal cases or preventive detention cases.
2. They have freedom of speech in Parliament. No member is
liable to any proceedings in any court for anything said or
any vote given by him in Parliament or its committees. This
freedom is subject to the provisions of the Constitution and
to the rules and standing orders regulating the procedure of
Parliament.26
3. They are exempted from jury service. They can refuse to
give evidence and appear as a witness in a case pending in
β€œWhen any individual or authority disregards or attacks any of
the privileges, rights and immunities, either of the member
individually or of the House in its collective capacity, the offence
is termed as breach of privilege and is punishable by the
House.”27
Any act or omission which obstructs a House of Parliament, its
member or its officer in the performance of their functions or which
has a tendency, directly or indirectly to produce results against the
dignity, authority and honour of the House is treated as a
contempt of the House.28
Though the two phrases, β€˜breach of privilege’ and β€˜contempt of
the House’ are used interchangeably, they have different
implications. β€˜Normally, a breach of privilege may amount to
contempt of the House. Likewise, contempt of the House may
include a breach of privilege also. Contempt of the House,
however, has wider implications. There may be a contempt of the
House without specifically committing a breach of privilege’.29
Similarly, β€˜actions which are not breaches of any specific privilege
but are offences against the dignity and authority of the House
amount to contempt of the House’.30 For example, disobedience
to a legitimate order of the House is not a breach of privilege, but
can be punished as contempt of the House.
Sources of Privileges
Originally, the Constitution (Article 105) expressedly mentioned
two privileges, that is, freedom of speech in Parliament and right
of publication of its proceedings. With regard to other privileges, it
provided that they were to be the same as those of the British
House of Commons, its committees and its members on the date
of its commencement (ie, 26 January, 1950), until defined by
Parliament. The 44th Amendment Act of 1978 provided that the
other privileges of each House of Parliament, its committees and
its members are to be those which they had on the date of its
commencement (ie, 20 June, 1979), until defined by Parliament.
This means that the position with regard to other privileges
remains same. In other words, the amendment has made only
verbal changes by dropping a direct reference to the British House
of Commons, without making any change in the implication of the
provision.31
It should be noted here that the Parliament, till now, has not
made any special law to exhaustively codify all the privileges.
They are based on five sources, namely,
1. Constitutional provisions,
2. Various laws made by Parliament,
3. Rules of both the Houses,
4. Parliamentary conventions, and
SOVEREIGNTY OF PARLIAMENT
The doctrine of β€˜sovereignty of Parliament’ is associated with the
British Parliament. Sovereignty means the supreme power within
the State. That supreme power in Great Britain lies with the
Parliament. There are no β€˜legal’ restrictions on its authority and
jurisdiction.
Therefore, the sovereignty of Parliament (parliamentary
supremacy) is a cardinal feature of the British constitutional
system. According to AV Dicey, the British jurist, this principle has
three implications:32
1. The Parliament can make, amend, substitute or repeal any
law. De Lolme, a British political analyst, said, β€˜The British
Parliament can do every thing except make a woman a man
and a man a woman’.
2. The Parliament can make constitutional laws by the same
procedure as ordinary laws. In other words, there is no legal
distinction between the constituent authority and the
legislative authority of the British Parliament.
3. The Parliamentary laws cannot be declared invalid by the
Judiciary as being unconstitutional. In other words, there is
no system of judicial review in Britain.
The Indian Parliament, on the other hand, cannot be regarded
as a sovereign body in the similar sense as there are β€˜legal’
restrictions on its authority and jurisdiction. The factors that limit
the sovereignty of Indian Parliament are:
1. Written Nature of the Constitution
The Constitution is the fundamental law of the land in our country.
It has defined the authority and jurisdiction of all the three organs
of the Union government and the nature of interrelationship
between them. Hence, the Parliament has to operate within the
limits prescribed by the Constitution. There is also a legal
distinction between the legislative authority and the constituent
authority of the Parliament. Moreover, to effect certain
states is also required. In Britain, on the other hand, the
Constitution is neither written nor there is anything like a
fundamental law of the land.
2. Federal System of Government
India has a federal system of government with a constitutional
division of powers between the Union and the states. Both have to
operate within the spheres allotted to them. Hence, the law-
making authority of the Parliament gets confined to the subjects
enumerated in the Union List and Concurrent List and does not
extend to the subjects enumerated in the State List (except in five
abnormal circumstances and that too for a short period). Britain,
on the other hand, has a unitary system of government and
hence, all the powers are vested in the Centre.
3. System of Judicial Review
The adoption of an independent Judiciary with the power of
judicial review also restricts the supremacy of our Parliament.
Both the Supreme Court and high courts can declare the laws
enacted by the Parliament as void and ultra vires
(unconstitutional), if they contravene any provision of the
Constitution. On the other hand, there is no system of judicial
review in Britain. The British Courts have to apply the
Parliamentary laws to specific cases, without examining their
constitutionality, legality or reasonableness.
4. Fundamental Rights
The authority of the Parliament is also restricted by the
incorporation of a code of justiciable fundamental rights under
Part III of the Constitution. Article 13 prohibits the State from
making a law that either takes away totally or abrogates in part a
fundamental right. Hence, a Parliamentary law that contravenes
the fundamental rights shall be void. In Britain, on the other hand,
there is no codification of justiciable fundamental rights in the
Constitution. The British Parliament has also not made any law
that lays down the fundamental rights of the citizens. However, it
does not mean that the British citizens do not have rights. Though
there is no charter guaranteeing rights, there is maximum liberty in
Britain due to the existence of the Rule of Law.
Therefore, even though the nomenclature and organisational
pattern of our Parliament is similar to that of the British
Parliament, there is a substantial difference between the two. The
Indian Parliament is not a sovereign body in the sense in which
the British Parliament is a sovereign body. Unlike the British
Parliament, the authority and jurisdiction of the Indian Parliament
are defined, limited and restrained.
In this regard, the Indian Parliament is similar to the American
Legislature (known as Congress). In USA also, the sovereignty of
Congress is legally restricted by the written character of the
Constitution, the federal system of government, the system of
judicial review and the Bill of Rights.
Table 22.5 Allocation of Seats in Parliament for States and Union
Territories (2019)
S.No. States/UTs No. of Seats No. of
in Rajya Seats in
Sabha Lok
Sabha
I. States
1. Andhra Pradesh 11 25
2. Arunachal Pradesh 1 2
3. Assam 7 14
4. Bihar 16 40
5. Chhattisgarh 5 11
6. Goa 1 2
7. Gujarat 11 26
8. Haryana 5 10
11. Karnataka 12 28
12. Kerala 9 20
13. Madhya Pradesh 11 29
14. Maharashtra 19 48
15. Manipur 1 2
16. Meghalaya 1 2
17. Mizoram 1 1
18. Nagaland 1 1
19. Odisha 10 21
20. Punjab 7 13
21. Rajasthan 10 25
22. Sikkim 1 1
23. Tamil Nadu 18 39
24. Telangana 7 17
25. Tripura 1 2
26. Uttarakhand 3 5
27. Uttar Pradesh 31 80
28. West Bengal 16 42
II. Union Territories
1. Andaman and Nicobar – 1
Islands
2. Chandigarh – 1
3. Dadra and Nagar Haveli – 1
4. Daman and Diu – 1
5. Delhi (The National 3 7
Capital Territory of Delhi)
6. Lakshadweep – 1
9 Ladakh – 1
III. Nominated members 12 2
Total 245 545
Table 22.6 Seats Reserved for SCs and STs in the Lok Sabha
(2019)
Name of the State/Union Total Reserved Reserved for
Territory for the the
Scheduled Scheduled
Castes Tribes
I. STATES:
1. Andhra Pradesh 25 4 1
2. Arunachal 2 – –
Pradesh
3. Assam 14 1 2
4. Bihar 40 6 –
5. Chhattisgarh 11 1 4
6. Goa 2 – –
7. Gujarat 26 2 4
8. Haryana 10 2 –
9. Himachal 4 1 –
Pradesh
10. Jharkhand 14 1 5
11. Karnataka 28 5 2
12. Kerala 20 2 –
13. Madhya Pradesh 29 4 6
14. Maharashtra 48 5 4
15. Manipur 2 – 1
18. Nagaland 1 – –
19. Odisha 21 3 5
20. Punjab 13 4 –
21. Rajasthan 25 4 3
22. Sikkim 1 – –
23. Tamil Nadu 39 7 –
24. Telangana 17 3 2
25. Tripura 2 – 1
26. Uttarakhand 5 1 –
27. Uttar Pradesh 80 17 –
28. West Bengal 42 10 2
II. UNION TERRITORIES:
1. Andaman and 1 – –
Nicobar Islands
2. Chandigarh 1 – –
3. Dadra and 1 – 1
Nagar Haveli
4. Daman and Diu 1 – –
5. Delhi (The 7 1 –
National Capital
Territory of Delhi)
6. Lakshadweep 1 – 1
7. Puducherry 1 – –
8. Jammu and 5 – –
Kashmir
9. Ladakh 1 – –
Total 543 84 47
Lok Sabha Duration Remarks
First 1952–1957 Dissolved 38 days before expiry of
its term.
Second 1957–1962 Dissolved 40 days before expiry of
its term.
Third 1962–1967 Dissolved 44 days before expiry of
its term.
Fourth 1967–1970 Dissolved one year and 79 days
before expiry of its term.
Fifth 1971–1977 Term of the Lok Sabha was
extended two times by one year at
a time. However, the House was
dissolved after having been in
existence for a period of five years,
10 months and six days.
Sixth 1977–1979 Dissolved after having been in
existence for a period of two years,
four months and 28 days.
Seventh 1980–1984 Dissolved 20 days before expiry of
its term.
Eighth 1985–1989 Dissolved 48 days before expiry of
its term.
Ninth 1989–1991 Dissolved after having been in
existence for a period of one year,
two months and 25 days.
Tenth 1991–1996 –
Eleventh 1996–1997 Dissolved after having been in
existence for a period of one year,
six months and 13 days.
Twelfth 1998–1999 Dissolved after having been in
existence for a period of one year,
one month and four days.
Thirteenth 1999–2004 Dissolved 253 days before expiry of
Fourteenth 2004–2009 –
Fifteenth 2009–2014 –
Sixteenth 2014–2019 –
Seventeenth 2019- –
Continuing
Table 22.8 Speakers of the Lok Sabha (from First Lok Sabha to
Present Lok Sabha)
Lok Sabha Name Tenure (Remarks)
First 1. Ganesh Vasudev 1952 to 1956 (Died)
Mavalanker
2. Ananthasayanam 1956 to 1957
Ayyangar
Second Ananthasayanam Ayyangar 1957 to 1962
Third Hukum Singh 1962 to 1967
Fourth 1. Neelam Sanjiva Reddy 1967 to 1969
(Resigned)
2. Gurdial Singh Dhillan 1969 to 1971
Fifth 1. Gurdial Singh Dhillan 1971 to 1975
(Resigned)
2. Bali Ram Bhagat 1976 to 1977
Sixth 1. Neelam Sanjiva Reddy 1977 to 1977