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https://openalex.org/W4389320372 | Pakistan’s Policy of Neutrality and Saudi Iranian Rivalry during the Syrian Crisis | [] | [
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"Saudi Arabia",
"Syria",
"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4389320372 | This research paper makes an attempt to find the Pakistan’s proclaimed position of neutrality during the period of escalated rivalry between Saudia Arabia and Iran in Syrian crises after Arab Spring 2011. If Pakistan managed to stay neutral, then how Pakistan maintains its policy of neutrality during the worst times in the region’s history. By using John Scott's model of Documentary Analysis, we explore the nature of rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran in Syrian crises. Syrian crisis presents a unique situation under which Pakistan’s neutral policy will be tested under extreme circumstances. From the perspective of the concept of neutrality, it is argued that Pakistan tried to maintain a strict neutral policy towards Syrian Crisis. Even over the Syrian military’s unverified use of chemical weapons, Pakistan powerfully condemned the United States’ decision to intervene in Syrian crisis against the Assad regime. Pakistan has also criticized other Western powers by stressing on the political solution of Syrian crisis, which shows a significant shift in Pakistan’s foreign policy to Western world. The goal of this research is to measure the scale of Pakistan’s neutrality by reviewing Pakistan’s position on Syrian Crisis. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3165521671 | The extent to which Saudi E-newspapers adhere to professional media standards: مدى التزام الصحف السعودية الإلكترونية بالمعايير المهنية الإعلامية | [
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"Saudi Arabia"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3165521671 | The emergence of the press on the Internet is a new media phenomenon linked to the revolution of information and communication technology. The media landscape has become closer to everyone. The role of the individual is free from the production controls and the policies of the media establishment. Which created a great problem related to the profession and its conditions so that it became easy for the citizen to be a journalist without professional qualification and practical experience in the basic rules of work. The increasing number of electronic media and the impact on Saudi Arabia are an important stage in its media activity. It has been able to reflect a significant role in the world of journalism, to accelerate the use of these new technologies, and to impose itself on the media arena as a strong competitor for paper journalism. However, the multiplicity of electronic platforms, accompanied by many negative repercussions in this aspect, including the absence of professionalism and professionalism and the decline in journalism standards, especially in the climate of freedom enjoyed by the new media and the absence of scissors censor. The aim of this study was to identify the methods and means of communicators in the electronic press to achieve professional standards such as accuracy, credibility, objectivity and neutrality in the dissemination of news and reports through the use of descriptive and analytical approach through the field survey on a sample of the study community. The study relied on the questionnaire as a tool for collecting data from a sample of 120 Saudi journalists in electronic newspapers and then analyzing and interpreting them. The study reached several results, the most important of which is that there is weakness in the adoption of the Saudi electronic press to the professional standards of objectivity, accuracy, credibility, and impartiality in the dissemination of news and reports. The study also concluded that e-newspapers do not always adhere to the rules of journalistic editing, and sometimes publish what is considered a violation of personal freedom. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4390239275 | The Visit of Najd Delegation to London, (October - November 1919): A Documentary Study | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C145097563"
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"Saudi Arabia"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4390239275 | Objectives: The study aims to analyze the Saudi and British documents to understand the historical context that led to Prince Faisal’s visit to London in 1919, and the reasons and aims that prompted Britain to invite Ibn Saud to this visit and was this related to Britain’s global perspective after WWI or was this related to its strategic interests and the internal situation in Arabia at the time. Methods: The study is mainly based on the analysis of Saudi and British documents, especially those of the British Foreign Office, the Indian Office Records, the information available in British newspapers, and primary and secondary sources. Results: The turbulent political and military situation in Arabia prompted Britain to invite Ibn Saud for a settlement with Sharif Hussein. The apparent British bias reflected in the difficulties faced by the delegation, which were not compatible with the usual diplomatic norms, and ultimately led to the failure of the visit to achieve tangible results for either party. Conclusions: Both the British and Saudi sides had their goals from the visit, but because the British negotiator - despite his pretense of neutrality - linked reaching a settlement of the border dispute through a direct meeting between Sharif Hussein and Ibn Saud with the fulfillment of the delegation's demands, namely the renewal of the British Treaty, the increase of British financial aid, and the issue of the Najdi pilgrims, the Najdis refrained from making any binding or conclusive promises regarding the approval of the British request. | [
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"display_name": "Dirāsāt",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210231371",
"type": "journal"
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https://openalex.org/W2171086910 | The right to practice medicine without repercussions: ethical issues in times of political strife | [
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] | [
"Bahrain",
"Syria"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W2001004376",
"https://openalex.org/W2003956358",
"https://openalex.org/W2030955945",
"https://openalex.org/W2129360294",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2171086910 | This commentary examines the incursion on the neutrality of medical personnel now taking place as part of the human rights crises in Bahrain and Syria, and the ethical dilemmas which these incursions place not only in front of physicians practicing in those nations, but in front of the international community as a whole. In Bahrain, physicians have recently received harsh prison terms, apparently for treating demonstrators who clashed with government forces. In Syria, physicians are under the same political pressure to avoid treating political demonstrators or to act as informants against their own patients, turning them in to government authorities. This pressure has been severe, to the point that some physicians have become complicit in the abuse of patients who were also political demonstrators. This paper posits that physicians in certain countries in the Middle East during the “Arab Spring,” specifically Syria and Bahrain, are being used as both political pawns and political weapons in clear violation of Geneva Convention and World Medical Association guidelines, and that this puts them into the most extreme sort of “dual loyalty” dilemma. They are being forced to choose between their own safety and well-being and that of their patients – a negative sum scenario wherein there is no optimal choice. As such, an international call for a United Nations inquiry must be made in order to protect the neutrality of medical care and personnel during times of armed conflict. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4288044875 | Transitioning to carbon neutrality in Bahrain: a policy brief | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C86803240"
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"https://openalex.org/W4248189093",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4288044875 | Purpose Bahrain has set a national target of achieving carbon neutrality by 2060, with an interim goal of a 30% reduction in CO 2 e emissions by 2035. The aim of this policy brief is to provide insights on how carbon neutrality in Bahrain can be achieved. Design/methodology/approach A review of literature related to climate change mitigation in general, and that related to Bahrain in particular, was carried out. Findings Given that the carbon intensity of Bahrain's economy is relatively high, achieving carbon neutrality requires not only technologies for reducing CO 2 e emissions at the source and enhanced carbon sinks, but it also requires the introduction of a circular economy culture and efforts to foster pro-environmental behavior within the population. The involvement of different stakeholders in the journey toward carbon neutrality is critical, along with the formulation of requisite policies regulating the roles of technology, behavior and research. Originality/value Pathways to achieve carbon neutrality in Bahrain were explored, and areas for policy focus were recommended. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4253028972 | Bahrain unrest | [
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"Bahrain"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4253028972 | Breaches principles of medical neutrality and international law Wang Bo/Xinhau Press/CORBIS Thousands of protesters in the small island Kingdom of Bahrain in the Persian Gulf took to the streets calling for government reform in early 2011. The government’s response was brutal and systematic: shoot civilian protesters, detain and torture them, and erase all evidence. On the frontline, treating hundreds of these wounded civilians, doctors had firsthand knowledge of these abuses and suffered from them themselves. Physicians for Human Rights and Médecins Sans Frontières each reported on these attacks against medical personnel, which were the result of their efforts to provide neutral care to wounded pro-democracy demonstrators⇑. On 22 April a report by Physicians for Human Rights documented violations of well established principles of medical neutrality (box).1 #### Violations of principles of medical neutrality by the Bahraini authorities1 | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3213130117 | المساواة بين الرجل والمرأة في اطار قواعد الاسناد المتعلقة بالطلاق والتطليق- دراسة مقارنة في اطار قواعد القانون الدولي الخاص البحريني ونظيره الأوروبي (The Equality Between Man and Women in the Field of Conflict of Law Rules in Divorce Issues- Comparative Study Between Bahrain Law and European Law) | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3213130117 | Arabic Abstract: تمهيد وتقسيم:
لم يكن من المتصور في ظل المنهج السافيني التقليدي لقاعدة الإسناد أن يثور التساؤل حول غايات موضوعية لتلك القاعدة ، فلقد استقرت قواعد هذا المنهج على حيادية قاعدة الإسناد، أي اكتفائها بالإشارة إلى القانون المختص بحكم العلاقة محل النزاع دون أن تلقي بالا بمضمونه أو عدالته، وعلى ذلك كانت قواعد الإسناد الوطنية كلها تستهدف تحديد أقرب قوانين الدول صلة بالنزاع المطروح، دون أي اعتبار لمضمون هذا القانون .
غير أن المدرسة الفقهية الحديثة في القانون الدولي الخاص، انتقدت وبحق تلك الحيادية لابتعادها عن العدالة الموضوعية التي تستهدفها قواعد القانون بصفة عامة ، تلك العدالة التي يعتبر من أهم مكوناتها مبدأ المساواة، وبصفة خاصة المساواة بين الرجل والمرأة، وهو ما يثير التساؤل حول إمكانية مساهمة قواعد الإسناد الوطنية –رغم حياديتها- في تحقيق هذه المساواة .
نطرح التساؤل السابق عبر صفحات هذا البحث لكن ليس بصفة عامة، وإنما سنخصص الموضوع في إطار مسائل الطلاق والتطليق، باعتبار أنهما من أهم مسائل الأحوال الشخصية المثارة في قضايا تنازع القوانين، ليصبح بذلك التساؤل الرئيسي الذي يطرحه هذا البحث هو هل يمكن لقواعد الإسناد البحرينية - رغم حياديتها المفترضة- أن تساهم في تحقيق قدر من المساواة بين الرجل والمرأة في مسائل الطلاق والتطليق ؟ وسوف نجعل من القانون البحريني هو محور دراستنا، لكننا سنقارنه بتجربة ناجحة لمنهج الإسناد ساهمت في تحقيق المساواة بين الرجل والمرأة في مسائل الطلاق والانفصال، ألا وهي تجربة تشريع روما III الأوروبي بشأن القانون الواجب التطبيق على مسائل الطلاق والانفصال الجسدي .
وعلى هذا النحو يجب علينا أولا أن نتعرض في المبحث الأول لمعنى حيادية قاعدة الإسناد التي تحدد لنا جانب كبير من مفهوم تلك القاعدة في المنهج السافيني التقليدي، والتي توجب علينا عند صياغة قاعدة الإسناد أن نبتعد عن تحقيق العدالة الموضوعية إكتفاء بالعدالة الشكلية التي تحققها القاعدة، وبالتالي تحرمنا من استهداف تحقيق مبادئ مثالية مثل المساواة وغيرها، لنكشف بذلك عن أزمة حقيقة لمنهج الإسناد، أسفرت عن بروز نجم قواعد الإسناد ذات الغاية الموضوعية، تلك القواعد التي سنعرض في المبحث الثاني لتجربة رائدة لها في مجال الطلاق والتطليق في القانون الدولي الخاص الأوروبي، ذلك القانون الذي استهدفت منظومة قواعد الإسناد فيه تحقيق غاية موضوعية واضحة وهي المساواة بين الرجل والمرأة في فرص الحصول على الطلاق، ومن ثم نلج بعدها إلى المبحث الثالث والأخير لنوضح موقف منظومة قواعد الإسناد البحرينية من المساواة بين الرجل والمرأة في مسائل الطلاق والتطليق، وكيفية تحقيق المشرع لغاية موضوعية مثالية مثل المساواة بين الرجل والمرأة من خلال قواعد الإسناد .
English Abstract: It was not conceivable under the traditional Savinian approach to the rule of attribution to question the objective ends of that rule. The rules of this approach have been based on the neutrality of the rule of attribution, ie, by referring to the law concerned with the relationship of the dispute without taking into account its content or fairness. All national support rules were aimed at identifying the closest laws of States to the dispute, without regard to the content of this law.
However, the modern jurisprudential school of private international law has rightly criticized this neutrality for departing from substantive justice, which is the object of the rule of law in general, the most important of which is the principle of equality, in particular equality between men and women, National support - though neutral - to achieve this equality.
We raise the previous question through the pages of this research, but not in general, but we will allocate the subject in the context of issues of divorce and divorce, as they are one of the most important issues of personal status raised in cases of conflict of laws, so becomes the main question raised by this research is whether the rules of attribution Bahrain - despite To contribute to achieving a degree of equality between men and women in matters of divorce and divorce? We will make Bahraini law the focus of our study, but compare it to a successful experience of the attribution approach that has contributed to equality between men and women in matters of divorce and separation, namely, the experience of European legislation on the law applicable to divorce and separation.
As such, we must first discuss in the first part the meaning of the neutrality of the attribution rule, which determines a large part of the concept of that rule in the traditional Savene approach, which, when formulating the attribution rule, requires us to move away from substantive justice. Which prevents us from targeting ideal ideals such as equality and others, thereby revealing a real crisis of attribution methodology, which has resulted in the emergence of the objective bases of attribution, which we will present in the second section of a pioneering experience in divorce and divorce in private international law This law aims at achieving a clear objective objective of equality between men and women in the chances of obtaining a divorce, and then we reach the third and final topic to clarify the position of the system of Bahraini attribution of equality between men and women in matters of divorce and divorce, and how The legislator achieves objective idealism such as equality between men and women through the rules of age. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2728302628 | Searching a Political Solution for Syria | [
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https://openalex.org/W4322582108 | An analysis of Yemenis’ responses and sentiments on social media towards the emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic | [
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"Yemen"
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https://openalex.org/W2491929921 | The effect of Omani-Iranian relations on the security of the Gulf Cooperation Council countries after the Arab Spring | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2491929921 | This research paper focuses on Gulf–Iran relations within the framework of the bilateral relationship between Oman and Iran. This relationship is unique as well as distinct from Oman’s relations with the other nations of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) and has a direct influence on Gulf regional security. Oman’s relationship with Iran has grown stronger and firmer after the events of the Arab Spring. This comes at a time when the Gulf countries are suffering worsening internal security, political and economic conditions and disagree amongst themselves about how to deal with Iran. Hence, the Omani-Iranian rapprochement is intensifying the security anxieties of the GCC countries. This paper examines the conceptual frameworks for security and cooperation within the GCC. Oman’s view on security and cooperation is seen in its foreign policy which adheres to non-intervention and neutrality in foreign affairs. Omani-Iranian relations are analyzed in how they affect Gulf integration and the role played by Oman in the Iranian nuclear deal. The paper concludes by discussing Oman’s position on the current conflict in Yemen and its effect on Gulf security as well as Oman’s role in mediation between the parties in the conflict. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4292014279 | THE SULTANATE OF OMAN’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS THE YEMENI CRISIS: PILLARS AND LIMITATIONS | [
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"Yemen",
"Oman"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4292014279 | The study started from the question: What is the role played by the Sultanate of Oman in the Yemeni crisis? What are the most important auxiliary factors and the most prominent obstacles to performing this role?
 The problem of the study was the difference of the foreign policy of the Sultanate of Oman towards the crisis in Yemen from the policies of other regional countries, especially the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council.
 The study adopted the hypothesis that there is an effective and important role played by the Sultanate of Oman in the Yemeni crisis, which it plays through the positions and foreign policy decisions that it has committed to towards the crisis in its neighbor Yemen. The study adopted both the decision-making approach and the descriptive analytical approach.
 The study analyzed the priorities of the Sultanate of Oman in Yemen, the developments of the Omani position on the Yemeni crisis, and the components and determinants of the Omani role in Yemen.
 The study concluded a number of results, the most important of which is that the Sultanate of Oman has invested its political neutrality and moderation diplomacy in order to activate channels of dialogue and diplomacy in order to end the ongoing fighting in Yemen, and that despite the difficulty of the Yemeni file, the Sultanate of Oman remains more qualified than others to play the role of a neutral mediator. This is reinforced by the fact that the Sultanate is not a party to the conflict in Yemen, as is the case with other regional and international parties. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2308567596 | Medical neutrality: resetting the moral compass | [
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] | [
"Yemen",
"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2308567596 | On Oct 3, 2015, US forces commenced an hour-long aerial bombardment of a volunteer-run hospital in northern Afghanistan. The airstrikes began on the intensive care unit, killing the medical staff on duty and the patients for whom they were caring, and continued in waves across the main hospital compound. Two patients were killed as they lay on the operating tables; terrified staff fled the building, only to be shot from above as they ran. In total, 42 civilians were killed, including 14 staff, 24 patients, and four relatives. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), whose flags were flying from the hospital roof on the night of the attack, and which recorded at least 12 attempts to inform the appropriate authorities of the hospital's plight, rightly sought an immediate explanation. The response from the US Army was an initial claim of self-defence, followed by a cursory apology and an altered account, citing a cry for help from besieged Afghan forces—whom US troops were providing with “training, advice, and assistance”—and blaming the Taliban for “knowingly putting civilians at significant risk of harm”. A subsequent internal inquiry revealed that the attack was “the direct result of human error, compounded by procedural and technical failures” and that the individuals who ordered and carried out the strike did not undertake the necessary checks to verify that the building targeted was the correct one. Some individuals were suspended from duties. MSF's International President Joanne Liu said that the inquiry and the suspensions that followed did not fill her with confidence that the sort of basic failings described would stop history from repeating, and called for an independent inquiry by the International Humanitarian Fact-Finding Commission. The Lancet supported this call. The Commission stands poised to act but can only do so on instruction by the US and Afghan Governments, neither of which are parties to Article 90 of the first additional protocol to the Geneva Conventions under which authority the Commission acts. Human Rights Watch went a step further in December and called on the US Pentagon to instigate an independent criminal inquiry. There has been no discernable response. In the meantime, Liu's concern about history repeating itself has been borne out. As MSF staffer Miguel Trelles and others point out in a Correspondence letter, attacks by various parties on its medical facilities have continued unabated since the Kunduz assault. Just weeks later, an MSF hospital in Haydan, Yemen, was attacked, as was another in Houban, on Dec 2, and one in Razeh on Jan 10. On Feb 15, a further MSF hospital in Ma'arat Al-Numan, Syria, was destroyed, leaving 25 dead and 40 000 local people without access to health care. The organisation, and others such as Human Rights Watch and Physicians for Human Rights, no longer accepts that the attacks merely represent collateral damage. It has recently stopped providing the GPS coordinates of its facilities to the parties involved in the Syrian conflict on the basis that they are probably being used to target the facilities rather than to avoid them. If this is the case, then these attacks, several of which are being carried out or at least supported by governments who claim to hold the moral high ground—including the USA, UK, and France—are indeed war crimes, as MSF has claimed ever since the Kunduz attack. Further support for this alarming turn of events emerged earlier this month, when Amnesty International released a report claiming that its researchers had uncovered evidence that hospital strikes are being used as a weapon of war in Syria in a calculated and illegal attempt to cut off civilian lifelines and gain military advantage. What can be done? Trelles and colleagues call on the international community to “engage with armed groups and affected populations to encourage compliance with the Geneva Conventions, and reconfirm the legitimacy of international humanitarian law”. And five nations within the UN Security Council are now putting together a draft resolution that “holds up international law, re-states respect for medical workers and sends a message about health care in armed conflict”. While civilians, and their health-care workers, wait for their aggressors to reset their moral compasses, it is perhaps the fragile “cessation of hostilities” in Syria that holds the best chance of a break in the destruction there. For our part, however, we must loudly condemn the morally empty act of attacking medical safe havens in times of war, and reiterate our admiration and respect for the individuals who devote their time—and their lives—to caring for those whom sovereign nations have chosen to abandon. Attacks on civilians and hospitals must stopOn Oct 3, 2015, a US airstrike hit Médecins Sans Frontières' (MSF's) Kunduz Trauma Centre in Afghanistan; 42 lives, including 14 MSF hospital staff, were lost.1 The 92-bed hospital was the only facility with essential trauma care capabilities for hundreds of thousands of people living in northern Afghanistan; those who continue to live amid conflict will critically miss it. The attack was a violation of international humanitarian law and the Geneva Conventions, a war crime, and an incursion on the sanctity of humanitarian action globally. Full-Text PDF Open AccessNeuraminidase inhibitors for influenza: a call for better researchOn Oct 8, the Academy of Medical Sciences and the Wellcome Trust (AMS/WT) published a timely report on the use of neuraminidase inhibitor (NAI) antiviral drugs in seasonal and pandemic influenza treatment and prophylaxis. As winter approaches in the UK, the debate about whether the benefit of routine use of NAIs outweighs the risks of side-effects, such as nausea and vomiting continues; a meta-analysis published in The Lancet in January explored this issue in oseltamivir use for seasonal influenza. Full-Text PDF | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3021695740 | Ideological Encounters in the BBC Translation of Media Reports on the Conflict in Yemen | [
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"Yemen"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W1555675111",
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"https://openalex.org/W2100400386",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3021695740 | This paper aims to investigate the influence of ideology on media translation. It examines the BBC news coverage of the current conflict in Yemen and the translation of media content discussing this conflict. In a globalized world, media becomes a powerful tool to generate and disseminate certain ideologies. Its power has been best manifested in the Arab Spring as social media platforms have played a pivotal role in campaigns to bring down regimes in the Arab world. Thus, it becomes important to explore the influence of ideology on media news agencies and the translations of the contents published therein. The paper comes to the conclusion that both the BBC coverage of the conflict in Yemen and the translation of relevant texts lack impartiality and neutrality.. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4378652492 | An analysis of Yemenis’ responses and sentiments on social media towards the emergence of the COVID-19 pandemic | [
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"Yemen"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4378652492 | Recently, many studies have widely dealt with data mining and Text classification, including sentiment analysis. Sentiment analysis (SA) is an application of Natural Language Processing (NLP) implemented tounderstand the public’s attitudes. The recent proliferation of social media has helped gauge the public’s mood. The current study aims to explore theinfluence of the COVID-19 pandemic on the Yemeni community and generate indices assessing public sentiments and attitudes using lexicon and rule-based approach (VAEDR: Valence Aware Dictionary and Sentiment Reasoner) and qualitative and quantitative analysis methods. 8,830 Facebook and YouTube comments were analyzed before and after thedeclaration of COVID-19 on 10th April 2020 in Yemen. The results revealed that sentiment polarity with and without contextual reference differed significantly. Without contextual reference, neutrality was prevalent andreached 55%; negativity scored 24% while positivity reached 21% before 10th April, but after this date, negativity was dominant and reached 57%, neutrality scored 28%, and positivity scored 15%. With contextual reference, positivity was prevalent and scored 72% before 10th April, but after this date, negativity dominated the public’s mood and reached 78.23%; positivity highly decreased to 18.65%, while neutrality scored 3.12%. The study demonstrated the superiority of SA based on the contextual reference of words. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W4239334939 | Guns for Cotton | [
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] | [
"Yemen",
"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4239334939 | This chapter examines Egypt's growing dependence on the Soviet Union as a result of the war in Yemen. It explores the tensions that developed between the two countries after Khrushchev's ouster as the Soviet government began to exploit Egypt's difficulties in order to obtain basing rights that would even the playing field against the US Sixth Fleet in the Mediterranean. The uneasy dependency on Moscow, in conjunction with the rupture in relations with Washington, shattered the edifice of Egyptian neutrality, which stood at the foundation of Nasser's international clout in the 1950s, and set the stage for the crisis that produced the Six-Day War. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3144139224 | Striving for Unity and Peace Among Muslim Nations is Pakistani Government's Constitutional Duty | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3144139224 | Pakistani Parliament's resolution calling for neutrality on Yemen crisis is sensible but the resolution goes further and requires neutrality 'so as to be able to play a proactive diplomatic role to end the crisis'. This is in accordance with the Principles of Policy set out in the Pakistani constitution, and Article 40, which imposes a duty on Pakistani government to strive for unity and peace among Muslim nations. However, the Parliamentary resolution fails to seek legitimacy from within the constitution, leaving the question open to controversial political debate over this important and sensitive issue. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3131310006 | Coup-Proofing in the Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) Region | [
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"Yemen",
"Tunisia",
"Syria",
"Libya",
"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3131310006 | Coup-proofing—that is, measures aimed at preventing military coups and ensuring military loyalty—has been a key feature of civil–military relations in Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) states. Just as the MENA region has been one of the most coup-prone regions in the world, coup-proofing has been an essential instrument of regime survival in Arab countries. The most commonly found coup-proofing strategies in the region include (a) so-called “communal coup-proofing,” involving the appointment of individuals to key positions within the military based on family, ethnic, or religious ties; (b) providing the military with corporate and/or private benefits in order to ensure its loyalty; (c) creating parallel military forces in addition to the regular military, so as to “counter-balance” the latter; (d) monitoring of the military through a vast internal security and intelligence apparatus; and (e) promoting professionalism, and thus political neutrality, within the military. The experiences of the “Arab Spring,” however, have shown that not all of these strategies are equally effective in ensuring military loyalty during times of popular upheavals and regime crises. A common finding in this context has been that communal coup-proofing (or militaries based on “patrimonialism”) creates the strongest bonds been the armed forces and their regimes, as evidenced by the forceful suppression of the popular uprising by the military in countries such as Syria, or by parts of the military in Libya and Yemen. By contrast, where coup-proofing has been based on the provision of material benefits to the military or on counterbalancing, as in Tunisia or Egypt, the armed forces have refrained from suppressing the popular uprising, ultimately leading to the downfall of these countries’ long-standing leaders. A further lesson that can be drawn from the Arab Spring in terms of coup-proofing is that students of both military coups and coup-proofing should dedicate (much) more attention to the increasingly important role played by the internal security apparatus in MENA countries. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1982897693 | Ambiguities of Sovereignty: Morocco, The Hague and the Western Sahara Dispute | [
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"https://openalex.org/W4235691474",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1982897693 | Abstract An analysis of Morocco's claims to the Western Sahara and of the International Court of Justice rulings of 1975 reveals the ambiguities that surround the principle of sovereignty and the futility of claiming neutrality or the high moral ground in settling disputes involving equally sound interpretations of what sovereignty means. Morocco's claims to the Western Sahara are related to an early process of nation-state building that renders untenable any attempt to grant the disputed territory a status different to that of other Moroccan provinces. The Spanish government and European NGOs would have advanced the cause of self-determination of the Sahrawi population more effectively if they had pressed Morocco on democracy, human rights and meaningful regional autonomy. | [
{
"display_name": "Mediterranean Politics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S69526605",
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https://openalex.org/W2141541528 | Neutrality or complicity? The United States and the 1975 Moroccan takeover of the Spanish Sahara | [
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"Western Sahara",
"Morocco"
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"https://openalex.org/W2031248854",
"https://openalex.org/W2313785849"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2141541528 | Abstract From mid-October to mid-November 1975, the Spanish Sahara was the site of a tense standoff between the governments of Spain and Morocco. By the end of the crisis, Madrid had abandoned its colony to Rabat, precipitating the now thirty-year-old conflict for Western Sahara between Morocco and the independence front Polisario. For many years, analysis of the US role in the 1975 Sahara crisis has had to rely on much speculation and little fact. This investigation is based on recently declassified US records and archival sources, as well as documents obtained under the US Freedom of Information Act. It demonstrates that the Ford administration adopted an explicitly pro-Moroccan policy. Though avowedly neutral in the affair, behind the scenes the US government worked to make sure the Spanish Sahara went to Morocco. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4360609502 | The enduring coloniality of ecological modernization: Wind energy development in occupied Western Sahara and the occupied Syrian Golan Heights | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4360609502 | The dominant narratives on how to confront climate change are often presented as neutral proposals concerned with the well-being of the planet and its inhabitants. The main objective of this article is to exemplify how concepts like Ecological Modernization and Sustainable Development are used in the name of energy transitions to prolong illegal military occupations in two territories, namely occupied Western Sahara and the occupied Syrian Golan Heights. By combining first-hand and secondary data from our cases, we also expose the enduring coloniality of such concepts that have been critiqued not only for their lack of neutrality but also for their contribution to the denial of basic human rights such as self-determination, sovereignty, and the right to resourcehood. We argue that renewable energy projects, in the two settings studied, are a manifestation of an ecological modernization that ignores aspects of justice and self-determination. Although touted as a solution to mitigating climate change, wind energy development in these two cases violates international law and the principle of self-determination. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4292615746 | Spain’s historical debt to Western Sahara: An interview with Eoghan Gilmartin | [
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"Western Sahara",
"Morocco"
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"https://openalex.org/W4292615746"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4292615746 | In March 2022, the Spanish government, under socialist Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez, broke with five decades of neutrality on Western Sahara, a former Spanish colony. Sánchez sent a letter to Moroccan King Mohammed VI, supporting Morocco’s 2007 autonomy plan for Western Sahara within the Moroccan state. Madrid-based journalist, Eoghan Gilmartin, discusses Spain’s historical debt to Western Sahara, Spanish–Moroccan relations, Spanish contemporary politics and the current energy crisis. Gilmartin’s work has appeared in publications including Jacobin Magazine , Tribune Magazine , Open Democracy, Novara Media and CTXT . He was interviewed on 20 May 2022 by Deirdre Kelly, a lecturer in Spanish at Technological University Dublin. The following transcript has been edited for length and clarity. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W152173745 | Aiding and Abetting: The Illegality of Morocco's Nationalist Expansion into Western Sahara and their Support from the United States | [
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"Western Sahara",
"Morocco"
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W152173745 | This paper will address the illegality of Morocco’s nationalist annexation of Western Sahara and how the United States plays the accommodating role through the selling of arms, economic aid, and diplomatic support. Considered as Africa’s last colony, the Saharawi people have not experienced the basic human right to self-determination and the right for independence. These rights are continued to be withheld for the sake of Moroccan nationalism and their “rightful and ethnic” claims to the territory, disregarding the International Court of Justice (ICJ)’s advisory opinion ruling in favor of Saharawi self-determination. It explores the chronology of the Saharawi population from the migration of the Sanhanja Berbers prior to Spanish colonization up to the initiation of Morocco’s autonomy plan in the occupied territory. Although this paper briefly examines the background to the conflict, the significance of the conflict is illustrated through a framework of international law and human rights by examining the ICJ’s advisory opinion, the Moroccan invasion and military occupancy, and the torture of Saharawis by Moroccan forces. Examining the occupation in an international law and human rights framework thus poses an important question: How does the United States, a close ally to the Moroccan Kingdom, support the illegal occupation? This will examine the United States’ “neutrality” by exploring the US’ involvement in the Madrid Accords up to the current Obama administration’s support for autonomy in the occupied territory. Finally, by examining the operation of the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) and how gender equality is a tool to fight colonialism, the United States’ support to the Kingdom will be questioned. The goal of this paper is to challenge US foreign policy, which ignores the violation of human rights and international law committed by Morocco in occupied Western Sahara, and the US’ narrowly defined national interests in the region. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2560191469 | A Place in the Sun: Colonial Entanglements in Lukas Bärfuss’s Hundert Tage and Daniel Goetsch’s Herz Aus Sand | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2560191469 | Schallié explores how Lukas Bärfuss’s Hundert Tage and Daniel Goetsch’s Herz aus Sand employ the transnational space of the international aid community in Africa to unpack misconstrued conceptions of Swiss neutrality during World War II. The novels reveal that Switzerland’s humanitarian engagement and aid work in Rwanda and Western Sahara was inextricably interwoven with the tarnished legacies of European colonialism. The novels thus challenge Switzerland’s post-war memory culture and question the established canonical narrative of Switzerland—and, by extension, Europe—as a defender of international human rights and democratic values. Both texts negotiate a multidirectional memory perspective: they interlink disparate violent histories and human rights violations in Europe as well as Africa and highlight how the memory of the Holocaust and the legacy of European colonialism influence and cross-reference one another over time. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4205476264 | Why the Military Abandoned Democracy | [
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https://openalex.org/W2080833650 | Causality relationship between energy industrial consumption and economic growth: Application on Tunisian country | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2080833650 | Following the importance of energy in the agrarian economies, the investigation of the causal relationship between energy consumption in industrial sector and industrial GDP has a fundamental role in implementing adequate policies. This paper aims to study the causal relationship between per capita industrial GDP and per capita energy consumption in Tunisia for the period 1980-2007. The relationship is investigated using aggregated as well as disaggregate categories of energy consumption, including gas, oil and electricity. Using Johansen's cointegration approach and Granger causality, we find that, in both the short and long-run, industrial GDP cause total energy consumption with no feedback. The results indicate also a uni-directional causality running from electricity consumption and gas consumption to industrial GDP in long-run, but the neutrality hypothesis is supported in both short and long-run between oil consumption and industrial GDP. The neutrality hypothesis is supported also between electricity consumption and industrial GDP in the short run. Therefore, conservation policies regarding aggregated and disaggregated energy consumption would harm future industrial performance in Tunisia. Moreover, gas and electrical energy which currently represents a small proportion of total energy consumption will constitute an important input to industrial production growth. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W4317367597 | Transitional Bodies, Party Politics, and Anti-Democratic Potential in Tunisia | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4317367597 | Abstract This chapter focuses on the High Independent Authority for Audiovisual Communication (known as the HAICA), a transitional body in charge of regulating the Tunisian audiovisual sector. The study offers a critical analysis of audiovisual regulation in post-revolutionary Tunisia, and pinpoints the less than democratic dimension associated with this transitional body. The legitimacy of the HAICA rests on its independence and neutrality, which were largely undermined by business and political interests shaping and defining the media sector. From the outset, the objective was not so much to nurture a regulatory body that could help align the media system during the country's transition with democratic norms than to serve business and political interests. The inability to preserve the autonomy of the media field from political interference resulted in what Hallin and Mancini call a polarized pluralistic political-media system. The dynamics have implications not only on the country's evolving media sector but on the prospects of democratic governance and, in fact, on the future of Tunisia's democratic transition as a whole. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2487860245 | Spain’s Return to Neutrality and the Historical Background of the Battle for Wolfram: The Laurel Incident (July–December 1943) | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2487860245 | During the Summer of 1943, the course of the war was being reversed in Europe, with the initiative falling to the Allied forces. In the east, the defeat of German forces at Stalingrad in January marked a turning point, and the defeat at Kursk in July and August signaled a change to a defensive position for Axis troops. In the Mediterranean theater, the defeat of the Axis at Tunisia in May was followed by the invasion of Sicily in July, and two months later, in September, the invasion of the Italian peninsula. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2355483822 | Strategic Thinking on China’s Constructive Involvement in Middle East Turmoil | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2592680553 | Since the late 1990s, researchers have been predicting that the era of neutrality in aid politics is coming to an end and that foreign organizations will have to take a more engaged stance. Yet while the boundaries between humanitarianism and development are fading, in some cases the neutrality norm is actually expanding rather than giving way to an engaged paradigm. Recognizing that the principles of neutrality and independence have different meanings for different actors and that they are applied in various ways, this article examines how the humanitarian developers—small NGOs operating in Jonglei State in South Sudan—use these paradigms. The article shows that their specific variant of neutrality is not so much a pragmatic tool enabling operations in difficult settings, but instead is a structural form of identity. In this variation, neutrality is not about the absence of a political stance, but about standing apart from social structures and social immunity. | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4286483219 | In this paper, we have investigated the implications of the threshold effect of changes in FDI inflows for the nexus between energy consumption and economic growth in eight under-researched sub-Saharan African countries for the period 1971–2016. The countries are Benin, Congo, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa, Sudan, and Zambia. Using the lag-augmented VAR (LAVAR) model (corrected for cross-sectional dependence), we develop an empirical framework tightly linked to the endogenous growth model that allows for a threshold effect of changes (strength and weakness) in FDI inflows on the nexus. Our findings show that the FDI inflows matter for the causal link between energy consumption and economic growth in some countries, although, for the cross-section as a whole, our bootstrap simulation supports the neutrality hypothesis. The overall results suggest that an energy demand policy, such as an energy conservation policy, should not cause any significant adverse side-effects to economic growth in those sub-Saharan African countries. Policy implications of the threshold effect for the nexus for individual sub-Saharan African countries are also provided. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2489103419 | In the Trial of F.E. Steiner | [] | [
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https://openalex.org/W4230586426 | The International Committee of the Red Cross in Internal Armed Conflicts | [
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"Sudan"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4230586426 | This book critically examines the possible dilution of the neutrality principle of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) in internal armed conflicts. The ICRC’s involvement in Sri Lanka and Sudan provides empirical support to validate these propositions and arguments. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2886091469 | Neutrality, proficiency and the feminisation of aid | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2886091469 | This chapter considers the strained, sometimes acrimonious, negotiations that attended the systematisation of voluntary aid in Britain in this period of colonial conflict and fears of an impending German invasion. The Boer War of 1899-1902 was one of a cluster of colonial campaigns at the end of the nineteenth century in which the Red Cross movement provided aid to British soldiers for the first time. South Africa in 1899 found British National Society for Aid to the Sick and Wounded in War (NAS) officials reprising their role in the Sudan, particularly the provision of transport links for the evacuation of British wounded. For many, Red Cross work remained neutral by dint of its being 'above the fray': the feminisation of the British Red Cross Society (BRCS) in fund-raising and publicity images of beatific Red Cross nurses would only amplify this impression. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2886962774 | Humanitarian Developers and Neutrality in Foreign Aid: shifting contexts, shifting meanings – examples from South Sudan | [
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"Sudan"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2886962774 | Since the late 1990s, researchers have been predicting that the era of neutrality
in aid politics is coming to an end and that foreign organizations will have
to take a more engaged stance. Yet while the boundaries between humanitarianism
and development are fading, in some cases the neutrality norm is actually expanding
rather than giving way to an engaged paradigm. Recognizing that the principles
of neutrality and independence have diff erent meanings for diff erent actors
and that they are applied in various ways, this article examines how the humanitarian
developers—small NGOs operating in Jonglei State in South Sudan—use these
paradigms. Th e article shows that their specifi c variant of neutrality is not so much
a pragmatic tool enabling operations in diffi cult settings, but instead is a structural
form of identity. In this variation, neutrality is not about the absence of a political
stance, but about standing apart from social structures and social immunity. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2973680372 | Political Neutrality and Humanitarian Aid | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C46312422"
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] | [
"Sudan"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2973680372 | This study investigates how the ideological interpretations of the principle of neutrality affect the practices of humanitarian aid organizations in conflict situations. I study the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and Medicins Sans Frontieres (Doctors without Borders/MSF). I seek examples from the current conflict in Darfur, Sudan to illustrate my findings. The purpose of this study is to determine how the organizations deal with delivering aid in a highly politicized environment while maintaining neutrality. I conclude that neutrality impacts practice, depending in part on the organization’s goals, by enhancing the level of organizational responsibility for aid’s impact, minimizing its coordination with other aid agencies, states or international organizations, and either eliminating the freedom to denounce abusive practices or causing dilemmas within organizations over whether or not to publicly denounce the parties to a conflict. Neutrality is more often a pragmatic means to an end rather than a theoretical ideal. Additionally, the neutrality of an organization depends not only on its intention but also on how it is perceived by the parties to the conflict. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4385797423 | Secular-Religious Dynamics and their Effect on Humanitarian Norms Compliance | [
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"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Olivia Wilkinson",
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] | [
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"https://openalex.org/W4300430028",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4385797423 | Abstract We propose a more nuanced examination of the powerful forces that play a role in shaping the view shared by many international humanitarians that religions have a predominantly negative influence. First, we examine the role of secularist underpinnings of humanitarian discourse in shaping secular-religious dynamics in the humanitarian sphere, and the intersection of this with other forces of power. We argue that analyses of secular-religious dynamics are essential to understanding the roles of and attitudes towards faith actors in humanitarian norms compliance as well as the actions and reactions of faith and humanitarian actors. Theoretically, we ground the article in an analysis of secular perspectives towards impartiality and neutrality, the observation of which is meant to secure humanitarian space. Interrogating secular perspectives on humanitarian action helps demonstrate how impartiality and neutrality can be used as reasons to avoid engagement with faith actors. A secular approach to humanitarian action tolerates religion with boundary-creation around what is permitted from faith actors, applying a reductive ‘good’/‘bad’ binary. We then examine the experiences of local faith actors (LFAs) in South Sudan in interaction with international humanitarians with respect to humanitarian principles. These examples demonstrate how LFAs comply with humanitarian principles and view this as part and parcel of their commitment to the values of their faith tradition. They also show how LFAs create space for humanitarian norms compliance of other actors through their peacebuilding work and have been relied upon to access parts of the country that are inaccessible to international humanitarians due to safety concerns. | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S10875568",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2600570599 | Health workers and the weaponisation of health care in Syria: a preliminary inquiry for The Lancet –American University of Beirut Commission on Syria | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2600570599 | The conflict in Syria presents new and unprecedented challenges that undermine the principles and practice of medical neutrality in armed conflict. With direct and repeated targeting of health workers, health facilities, and ambulances, Syria has become the most dangerous place on earth for health-care providers. The weaponisation of health care-a strategy of using people's need for health care as a weapon against them by violently depriving them of it-has translated into hundreds of health workers killed, hundreds more incarcerated or tortured, and hundreds of health facilities deliberately and systematically attacked. Evidence shows use of this strategy on an unprecedented scale by the Syrian Government and allied forces, in what human rights organisations described as a war-crime strategy, although all parties seem to have committed violations. Attacks on health care have sparked a large-scale exodus of experienced health workers. Formidable challenges face health workers who have stayed behind, and with no health care a major factor in the flight of refugees, the effect extends well beyond Syria. The international community has left these violations of international humanitarian and human rights law largely unanswered, despite their enormous consequences. There have been repudiated denunciations, but little action on bringing the perpetrators to justice. This inadequate response challenges the foundation of medical neutrality needed to sustain the operations of global health and humanitarian agencies in situations of armed conflict. In this Health Policy, we analyse the situation of health workers facing such systematic and serious violations of international humanitarian law. We describe the tremendous pressures that health workers have been under and continue to endure, and the remarkable resilience and resourcefulness they have displayed in response to this crisis. We propose policy imperatives to protect and support health workers working in armed conflict zones. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2266981039 | Attacks on Health Care in Syria — Normalizing Violations of Medical Neutrality? | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2223467811 | This article dissects the role of emergency food aid during the current Syrian conflict. Drawing on Séverine Autesserre's concept of frames and Giorgio Agamben's theory of sovereignty, we argue that the neutrality frame, which undergirds the majority of humanitarian relief efforts in Syria, obfuscates the impact of emergency food aid, both on sovereign power relations and local political dynamics. While neutrality appears benign, it has had a tangible impact on the Syrian civil war. Through close scrutiny of various case-studies, the article traces how humanitarian efforts reinforce the bases of sovereign politics while contributing to a host of what Mariella Pandolfi (1998) terms ‘mobile sovereignties’. In the process, humanitarian organizations reaffirm sovereign power while also engaging in similar activities. We then analyse how and why ostensibly neutral emergency food aid has unintentionally assisted the Assad regime by facilitating its control over food, which it uses to buttress support and foster compliance. By bringing external resources into life-or-death situations characterized by scarcity, aid agencies have become implicated in the conflict's inner workings. The article concludes by examining the political and military impact of emergency food assistance during the Syrian conflict, before discussing possible implications for the humanitarian enterprise more broadly. | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2809660042 | ON 22 FEBRUARY 2014, THE UNITED NATIONS Security Council (UNSC) adopted a sharply worded resolution on the Syrian crisis. Resolution 2139 called on all parties in the conflict to allow humanitarian workers to do their work while strongly condemning those who failed to observe this imperative, foremost the Syrian government. Yet Syrian president Bashar al-Assad responded with glee and confidently stated that the resolution must be implemented “with respect for the principles laid out in the UN charter, international law and the basic foundations of humanitarian work, especially state sovereignty and the role of the state, and principles of neutrality, transparency and non-politicized assistance.”1 At first glance, Assad’s remarks could be taken as grossly out of touch with reality, as proof—if any additional proof were needed—of the regime’s disingenuousness, and as yet another instance of its coating itself in the formulaic pomp so typical of a stiffly authoritarian regime clinging to an image of reasonableness when its legitimacy has long evaporated. Responding to another such speech that Assad gave in Damascus’s opera house a year earlier, Rami Khoury, a Beirut-based commentator, captured this common perspective by saying, “It was operatic in its otherworldly fantasy, unrelated to realities outside the building.”2 | [
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https://openalex.org/W3011079503 | <p>Understanding and Preventing Attacks on Health Facilities During Armed Conflict in Syria</p> | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3011079503 | Despite healthcare facilities being deemed untouchable in times of conflict, the war in Syria has seen its government as well as opposition forces, target their people and infrastructure as a strategy of war. Violations of medical neutrality and International Humanitarian Law has led to the loss of countless medical personnel, civilians and health care facilities; setting the country back to health levels last seen thirty years ago. It is evident through the strategy of the Syrian and Russian government that healthcare facilities are being deliberately targeted with humanitarian organisations condemning all parties involved for violating the Geneva Conventions. The report examines the impact of the conflict in Syria on its health facilities and looks at the reasons why these services are under attack and the international response to the conflict. The report concludes by looking into plans currently implemented to protect our healthcare infrastructure during times of war whilst comparing it to past strategies.A literature review was conducted for the study with information and data collected through several search engines including Google Scholar, PubMed, MEDLINE, OVID and searches through Google. The keywords mapped to find relevant literature includes "Syria", "healthcare", "health care worker", "humanitarian aid", and "volunteer", "International Humanitarian Law", "Geneva Convention". The majority of the data used was adapted from Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) and the World Health Organisation (WHO). Limitations included using sources written in English due to limited resources to translate literature in Arabic.The conflict in Syria and deliberate targeting of healthcare facilities has left services decimated with an estimated 782 medical personnel killed during this time; doctors accounting for 32% of total deaths in the five years. Several facilities are also operating at 1% or less functionality.The results and review highlight the need for protection of health facilities from humanitarian violations as health care continues to be targeted as a strategy of war. The number of attacks has steadily remained constant throughout the years and nothing seems to be done in bringing perpetrators to justice for violations of International Humanitarian Law. The paper calls for more public attention to shed light on the atrocities being committed and further inquiries like the preliminary carried out by The Lancet - American University of Beirut. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2336417581 | What’s in a frame? A comparative content analysis of American, British, French, and Russian news articles | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2336417581 | Drawing on the agenda-setting and framing literature, this quantitative content analysis examines how le Figaro, the Daily Telegraph, the New York Times, and the Moscow Times covered the Syrian war before and after the chemical weapon attack of 21 August 2013. Overall, the nationalization frame was most frequent, followed by the responsibility and conflict frames. Despite the large impact of the conflict, the morality, human interest, and economic impact frames were hardly present. Although all newspapers followed a similar pattern, the Daily Telegraph was the most heavily framed. Moreover, the stories barely provided any context while discussing several solutions largely in keeping with the suggestions of the governments. These findings raise questions about the neutrality of the newspapers and their impact on public opinion. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2149041340 | Estimates of trade-related adjustment costs in Syria | [
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https://openalex.org/W2516072653 | The limits of mediation in the Arab Spring: the case of Syria | [
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https://openalex.org/W2804410970 | Delivering Humanitarian Teleradiology Services to Besieged Areas in Syria | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2804410970 | The unique conflict in Syria has disrupted every aspect of the Syrians’ lives. It tremendously impacted the health care system with several reports of selective targeting of medical facilities and personnel. The World Health Organization issued alarming statements regarding the continuous attacks on health care facilities and providers throughout the country reaching a critical level of emergency. Since the beginning of the Syrian crisis in 2011, 485 medical facilities were bombed and 841 medical personnel were killed [ 1 Heisler M. Baker E. McKay D. Attacks on health care in Syria—normalizing violations of medical neutrality?. N Engl J Med. 2015; 373: 2489-2491 Crossref PubMed Scopus (33) Google Scholar , 2 Rights PfH. A map of attacks on health care in Syria. 2018. Available at: http://physiciansforhumanrights.org/library/multimedia/a-map-of-attacks-on-health-care-in-syria.html. Accessed May 7, 2018. Google Scholar ]. This deprived a growing number of people from urgent and basic medical care [ 3 WHO condemns attacks on hospitals and health workers in Idlib and Hama [press release]. World Health Organization; Available at: http://www.who.int/en/news-room/detail/18-09-2017-who-condemns-attacks-on-hospitals-and-health-workers-in-idlib-and-hama. Accessed May 7, 2018. Google Scholar ]. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2330667334 | ISIS as an Existential Threat to the Druze: The Struggle for Survival | [
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"Syria",
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2330667334 | Faced with an existential threat by the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria on one hand, and the repressive regime of Bashar Al-Assad on the other, the Druze community in Syria is faced with a dilemma of what political and military position to take. This study examines a variety of internal and external factors that affect the Druze's political and military choices in Syria, and finds that their best choice is to remain neutral in the conflict. I argue that any political and military choice by the Druze in Syria besides neutrality risks endangering the survival of the entire community. This article examines how internal organizational factors and the international community's divided position play important roles in understanding the Druze's decision to maintain a position of neutrality. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3118570654 | Addressing the Problems and Challenges of Medical Research During the Syrian Crisis | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3118570654 | Abstract Introduction : The Syrian crisis started 9 years ago causing substantial damage to the country’s infrastructure, and the consequences of this tragedy have further stunted the underdeveloped research environment in Syria. This paper aims to address the challenges of conducting medical research among Syrian academics during the Syrian crisis. Methods: The data were collected from (471) Syrian researchers (MsC or PhD students, university professors) from 13 universities and hospitals, covering 10 governates. A questionnaire was developed to collect the data and 52 factors were identified as research challenges. Results: The main institutional challenges are: (94%) insufficient funding, (80.3%) difficulties in acquiring supplies and equipment, (79.6%) lack of neutrality in approving research proposals. In regards to the personal challenges, (70.1%) expressed a high level of motivation to carry out research but only (33.4%) are confident that they have enough knowledge, (53.1%) do not have academic writing skills, (73.5%) do not have the basic information about medical statistics. For the crisis related factors, (83.5%) cite collecting data and reaching the sources of data as the main challenge, (80.4%) for losing contact with the patients because of the war situation, (76.3%) for lack of governmental support for the research during the crisis. Conclusion: Syrian medical researchers continue to face a number of challenges and the Syrian crisis has brought more problems and obstacles to the surface. However, despite those numerous challenges, researchers from Syrian institutes are still working on research projects. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4226158799 | One attack on a health worker is one too many | [
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"https://openalex.org/W2600570599"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4226158799 | After 6 years of conflict, the war in Syria is currently the largest humanitarian and refugee crisis. Over 250 000 Syrians have been killed, millions are displaced or living in besieged areas, and 5 million have become refugees. Health workers and the weaponisation of health care in Syria: a preliminary inquiry for The Lancet–American University of Beirut Commission on SyriaThe conflict in Syria presents new and unprecedented challenges that undermine the principles and practice of medical neutrality in armed conflict. With direct and repeated targeting of health workers, health facilities, and ambulances, Syria has become the most dangerous place on earth for health-care providers. The weaponisation of health care—a strategy of using people's need for health care as a weapon against them by violently depriving them of it—has translated into hundreds of health workers killed, hundreds more incarcerated or tortured, and hundreds of health facilities deliberately and systematically attacked. Full-Text PDF | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4252323732 | Syria and the Neutrality Trap | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4252323732 | <JATS1:p>The Syrian war has been an example of the abuse and insufficient delivery of humanitarian assistance. According to international practice, humanitarian aid should be channelled through a state government that bears a particular responsibility for its population. Yet in Syria, the bulk of relief went through Damascus while the regime caused the vast majority of civilian deaths. Should the UN have severed its cooperation with the government and neglected its humanitarian duty to help all people in need? Decision-makers face these tough policy dilemmas, and often the “neutrality trap” snaps shut.</JATS1:p> <JATS1:p>This book discusses the political and moral considerations of how to respond to a brutal and complex crisis while adhering to international law and practice. The author, a scholar and senior diplomat involved in the UN peace talks in Geneva, draws from first-hand diplomatic, practitioner and UN sources. He sheds light on the UN’s credibility crisis and the wider implications for the development of international humanitarian and human rights law. He is concerned about the silent retrogression towards absolute state-sovereignty, the death of Responsibility to Protect, an increasing numbness and lethargy on violations, a rise of bilateralism, and the dwindling respect for international law and institutions that have accompanied the Syrian crisis.</JATS1:p> <JATS1:p>The meticulous account of current international practice is both insightful and disturbing. It tackles the painful lessons learnt and provides recommendations for future challenges where politics fails and humanitarians fill the moral void.</JATS1:p> | [
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https://openalex.org/W2991665903 | RECONCEPTUALISING THE LEGAL RESPONSE TO FOREIGN FIGHTERS | [
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"https://openalex.org/W411293076",
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"https://openalex.org/W1608085403",
"https://openalex.org/W1626011447",
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"https://openalex.org/W4238477698",
"https://openalex.org/W4243729180",
"https://openalex.org/W4251992243"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2991665903 | Abstract The Syrian civil war has highlighted the phenomenon of foreign fighting, in which individuals leave their home State to join an armed conflict overseas. The predominant paradigm for regulating foreign fighting, centred on United Nations Security Council Resolution 2178, is based on counterterrorism, which in essence treats foreign fighting as a form of terrorism. This paradigm is largely reflective of the domestic legislation of the United Kingdom, United States, Canada and Australia. This article argues that this approach is problematic, and that an alternative paradigm based on the international law of neutrality and related domestic legislation provides a better means for regulating foreign fighting. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2294328701 | The Foreign Enlistment Act, International Law, and British Politics, 1819–2014 | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2294328701 | Foreign enlistment has made headline news in the current Syria crisis and with the rise of the terror group ISIS. The problem is an old one. How can states prevent their citizens from joining foreign forces? Whatever the motives of volunteers, states have usually reacted with the implementation of domestic laws in the hope of gaining a grip on the situation. Britain has one of the oldest pieces of legislation in place, the so-called Foreign Enlistment Act. Dating back to 1819, the history of the Act is largely unexplored. An analysis of British state practice related to the Act brings a history to light which reaches far beyond the domestic sphere where the Act is firmly placed today. The article shows that the Act originated in the realm of foreign policy, shaping legal concepts, such as non-intervention, recognition, and neutrality in the nineteenth century. In the twentieth century the Act was increasingly discussed in domestic policy, where current debates on foreign enlistment also take place. Thus, the article examines the changing role of the Foreign Enlistment Act in the context of 200 years of British domestic and foreign policy, illustrating how this domestic legislation shaped the understanding of concepts in international law. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2791806777 | The Syrian-Ottoman Home Front in Buenos Aires and Rosario during the First World War | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2791806777 | The commencement of hostilities in Europe in late summer 1914 transformed the southern Atlantic cities of Buenos Aires and Rosario into diasporic home fronts for many belligerent nations. These cities became at once contested terrains between and among émigré colonies and a source of financial and material aid for warring nations. Buenos Aires’ policy of neutrality further permitted activist immigrants to partner with like-minded individuals and their respective diplomatic representatives to organise civic associations, arrange public demonstrations, and host charity events. The Syrian-Ottoman colonies mirrored the efforts of other immigrant groups, but diverged in distinct ways as novel nationalist sentiments circulated among them. The increased social tension from penury and competing political agendas led to multiple violent confrontations among Syrian Ottomans. Thus, nations that did not directly fight in the European conflagration were indeed party to the First World War and warring states’ home fronts extended beyond national boundaries. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2550856838 | Persisting trend in the breach of medical neutrality: a wake-up call to the international community | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2550856838 | History is dotted with stories of war crimes in which civilians, patients and health personnel have been killed and health facilities destroyed by warring factions. In 1949, the International Humanitarian Law (IHL) as contained in the four 1949 Geneva Conventions was officially ratified by 196 countries.1 The law promoted medical neutrality and non-interference with medical services for people in war zones. The breach of medical neutrality became regarded as war crime, due to its impact on civilians and the health personnel who have a duty to save lives and treat the wounded in and around war zones.
In time, the IHL, which has its roots on principles of humanity, impartiality and neutrality, have undergone modifications with the Additional Protocols in 1977 (to protect the victims of international and non-international armed conflicts) and 2005 (to adopt the Red Crystal, in countries where the Red Cross and Red Crescent emblems may be objectionable).1 But over the years, war crimes have persisted with little or no definitive action by the international community to stem the tide.2 From the 1970s, when facilities and human lives were destroyed in Mozambique to the 1990s in Chechnya, Thailand and El Salvador where similar acts were perpetrated. The destruction of health facilities in Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan … | [
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https://openalex.org/W2886020809 | Retrieving Neutrality Law to Consider Otherr Foreign Fighters Under International Law | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2886020809 | Since the early twentieth century, scholarship has debated the continued relevance of neutrality law in an international system based on collective security. This paper contributes to continued thinking about the notion of neutrality, by considering what questions may be opened up when neutrality law’s rules on private foreign enlistment are examined alongside contemporary practice in response to the phenomenon of foreign fighters. Specifically, this paper retrieves earlier contesting views surrounding the departure of foreign volunteers to armed conflict under traditional neutrality law, and suggests how and why these debates can be of contemporary interest to a consideration of law and policy regulating foreign incursion and various kinds of foreign fighters today. Australia’s legislative response to foreign incursion by those within its jurisdiction, and its recently enacted “declared area offence” relating to parts of Syria and Iraq, provide one illustrative example. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3201263029 | Contested Statehood | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3201263029 | This chapter outlines how the history of health care in Syria has shaped the way in which wartime health care has been delivered and controlled. The chapter analyzes the claim by humanitarian organizations to a form of neutrality in the Syrian war, which was ultimately incompatible with the way the Syrian state and the opposition saw aid delivery as part of the battle for statehood. It also mentions how service providers to areas controlled by the opposition were seen by the Syrian government as complicit in directly challenging the legitimacy of the state. The chapter looks at opposition groups that co-opted humanitarian assistance to enforce their own legitimacy to the population. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1585916808 | Las conflictivas relaciones de Siria e Israel en el ajedrez del Próximo Oriente | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1585916808 | The Syria armed conflict has shown to the international community the complexity of the Middle East. Even taking into account all its failures, the Syria crisis has not fully involved Israel yet, the first military power in the region, maintaining a certain neutrality. Since the beginning of the crisis, Israel clearly appreciated that the objectives sought by the rebels or insurgents were not much better than those from the Damascus regime. Although international experts wanted to apply in the Syrian conflict the measures used in Libya whose disastrous results are well known, the events taking place in the civil war has shown that Israel's approach was right. Russia has played an important role in this conflict, after appreciating the violations of the Security Council Resolution 1973. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3154640190 | Medical Neutrality and Solidarity in the Syrian Armed Conflict | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3154640190 | Noninterference with health workers treating the sick and wounded during civil unrest and armed conflict is an ethical principle that has been legally recognized across the globe for 150 years, under the term “medical neutrality.” However, in the Syrian conflict, now in its third year, the deliberate targeting of health workers, including students, and hospitals as a warfare tactic has become widespread. Consequently, work performed under dangerous circumstances by the international medical community’s peers and colleagues deserves recognition, through declarations and demonstrations of international solidarity, in order to bolster the legitimacy of medical neutrality in diplomatic affairs. This article discusses the issue of medical neutrality as applied to the Syrian conflict and, furthermore, underscores the relevance of condemnation as a tactic for influencing policy. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3200915203 | The Business of Conflict | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3200915203 | This chapter presents an example of how humanitarian aid adapted the realities of the Syrian war. It examines the context of besiegement that reached populations under siege through utilizing the corruption mechanisms of informal networks and smugglers. It also describes how the humanitarian actors’ adaptations to the realities of besiegement, which caused the aid system to contribute to the war economy. The chapter discusses the provision of humanitarian aid by states as a substitute for meaningful foreign policy when healthcare provision was deeply political process steeped in the dynamics of the Syria conflict. It highlights a process of aid delivery that is intertwined with the endemic corruption of the war as a business model, which generated a form of entrepreneurial neutrality. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3180042837 | Syrian Imbroglio: A Complex Interaction of Local, Regional, and Extra-Regional Actors | [
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"Syria",
"Iran",
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3180042837 | This study provides an overview of the complex nature of the functioning of the Syrian conflict concerning the involvement of various actors (state and non-state actors) at the national, regional, and extra-regional levels. The main goal of the study is to analyze and identify the various political actors involved in the conflict, their roles, and strategies based on the convergence and divergence of their strategic interests. The research follows a qualitative approach and uses document analysis as a technique to collect and further analyze the data. It turned out that the political actors involved in this conflict can be divided into three groups; status quo forces, anti-status quo forces, and non-aligned forces. Further, the role of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) has become a distinctive subject of the conflict, because it fights almost with all other parties to the conflict, including the pro-Assad regime, as well as the forces against Assad. It is important to note that Israel which is one of the important players in regional geopolitics; initially expressed neutrality, but as the conflict unfolded it indulged in the conflict to counter the growing influence of Iran and the ISIS factor in the region. The study predicts that the complex functioning of the Syrian conflict involving various states and non-state actors will further complicate, and the violence is likely to continue shortly. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2144921681 | The Drug Squad | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2144921681 | The conflict in Syria presents new and unprecedented challenges that undermine the principles and practice of medical neutrality in armed conflict. With direct and repeated targeting of health workers, health facilities, and ambulances, Syria has become the most dangerous place on earth for health-care providers. The weaponisation of health care—a strategy of using people's need for health care as a weapon against them by violently depriving them of it—has translated into hundreds of health workers killed, hundreds more incarcerated or tortured, and hundreds of health facilities deliberately and systematically attacked. Evidence shows use of this strategy on an unprecedented scale by the Syrian Government and allied forces, in what human rights organisations described as a war-crime strategy, although all parties seem to have committed violations. Attacks on health care have sparked a large-scale exodus of experienced health workers. Formidable challenges face health workers who have stayed behind, and with no health care a major factor in the flight of refugees, the effect extends well beyond Syria. The international community has left these violations of international humanitarian and human rights law largely unanswered, despite their enormous consequences. There have been repudiated denunciations, but little action on bringing the perpetrators to justice. This inadequate response challenges the foundation of medical neutrality needed to sustain the operations of global health and humanitarian agencies in situations of armed conflict. In this Health Policy, we analyse the situation of health workers facing such systematic and serious violations of international humanitarian law. We describe the tremendous pressures that health workers have been under and continue to endure, and the remarkable resilience and resourcefulness they have displayed in response to this crisis. We propose policy imperatives to protect and support health workers working in armed conflict zones. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4292583406 | Syria and the Neutrality Trap: Dilemmas of Delivering Humanitarian Aid through Violent Regimes | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4292583406 | "Syria and the Neutrality Trap: Dilemmas of Delivering Humanitarian Aid through Violent Regimes." British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, ahead-of-print(ahead-of-print), pp. 1–2 | [
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https://openalex.org/W4253210760 | Syria: <i>Syria and the Neutrality Trap: The Dilemmas of Delivering Humanitarian Aid through Violent Regimes</i>, by Carsten Wieland (book review) | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4253210760 | Syria and the Neutrality Trap: The Dilemmas of Delivering Humanitarian Aid through Violent Regimes , by Carsten Wieland. London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2021. 183 pages. $91 cloth; $29 paper; $26.95 e-book. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2050745374 | Syrian government defies principle of medical neutrality by targeting underground clinics | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2050745374 | A prominent Syrian doctor who helped treat wounded protestors involved in the uprising against the regime of President Bashar al-Assad was found dead on 10 December, apparently shot by state security forces according to opposition sources.
Ibrahim Othman was a third year resident in orthopaedic surgery at Al-Mouassat University Hospital in Damascus. Originally from Hama—one of the centres of opposition activity—he graduated from Damascus University Medical School in 2009.
The 26 year old was a founder of Damascus Doctors, a network of doctors that secretly treats wounded protesters who are afraid to go to government run hospitals. He coordinated … | [
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https://openalex.org/W2930874165 | Humanitarian Politics and the Spectre of Illegitimacy | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2930874165 | The political landscape in which the humanitarian movement took current form has changed radically. If humanitarian certainties have been upended, it is not in Sri Lanka, or even Syria or Afghanistan, but in the NGO response to the migration crisis in Greece and in the Mediterranean. However overstated, the claim of neutrality has always played an important role in establishing the legitimacy humanitarian action has enjoyed in Europe. But it is no longer possible, if it ever was, for relief workers to separate their ethical commitment to helping people in need from their political convictions, including about what the EU should stand for. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3130715634 | Reconceptualising the Legal Response to Foreign Fighters | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3130715634 | The Syrian civil war has highlighted the phenomenon of foreign fighting, in which individuals leave their home State to join an armed conflict overseas. The predominant paradigm for regulating foreign fighting, centred on United Nations Security Council Resolution 2178, is based on counterterrorism, which in essence treats foreign fighting as a form of terrorism. This paradigm is largely reflective of the domestic legislation of the United Kingdom, United States, Canada and Australia. This article argues that this approach is problematic, and that an alternative paradigm based on the international law of neutrality and related domestic legislation provides a better means for regulating foreign fighting. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4388485252 | Decolonizing Reading Publics, Decompartmentalizing German Studies | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4388485252 | This essay focuses on the contemporary German literary public spheres, zooming in on the relation between a republic and its reading public. In the fraught political topography of contemporary Germany, marked by the arrival and eventual acceptance of over one million Syrian refugees since 2015, the rise of the extreme right-wing party Alternatives for Germany, resurgence of discussion on German colonialism in Africa, and extended public debate around the controversial Humboldt Forum in Berlin, the essay centralizes questions of race, colonialism, and migration. Connecting these key terms with current debates on decolonizing and diversifying the literary canon, the essay argues that decolonization is a direction, not a destination; it is a method, not a product, and attempts to decolonize a national literary canon must be conducted in connection with the larger public spheres, indeed by decompartmentalizing the classroom and the society. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4210404018 | Armed Conflict, War and Neutrality | [] | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4210404018 | War, Aggression and Self-Defence is an indispensable guide to international legal issues of war and peace, the crime of aggression, self-defence and its trigger, armed attack, and the different modalities of self-defence, as well as enforcement measures taken under the aegis of a binding decision of the Security Council. This new and fully updated 6th edition focuses on the key issues at the forefront of the contemporary international legal debate, as well as analysing the new armed conflicts in Syria, Ukraine and Georgia, re-examining the Kampala amendments on the crime of aggression and considering the phenomenon of 'robust' mandates of a peacekeeping force. Suitable for graduate and advanced undergraduate students, this market-leading book offers a wide-ranging and highly readable introduction to the legal issues surrounding war and self-defence. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3176969047 | The Protection of Medical Officers in the Armed Conficts; Case Study of Indonesia | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3176969047 | International Humanitarian Law (HHI) has regulated provisions regarding the protection of medical personnel in a conflict, whether an international, non-international armed conflict or an internationalized armed conflict. These categories of various types of armed conflict are also part of the legality of the emergence of humanitarian intervention by medical personnel in an armed conflict. A form of medical care for parties who are either directly or indirectly involved in an armed conflict. In the Indonesian context, the provisions regulating separately the protection of medical personnel in armed conflict have not been regulated separately. However, considering that Indonesia has ratified the 1949 Geneva Convention, the convention can be considered as the official Indonesian national regulation on the protection of medical personnel in armed conflict. In this article, it is demonstrated that there were still many violations, especially against the purpose of war, which made medical officers and medical buildings in an armed conflict a military target, such as in the Syrian conflict, as well as domestic Indonesia such as Aceh and Papua. Several factors have led to the fall of medical personnel in various armed conflicts (both horizontal and vertical) in Indonesia, among others are: (a) The parties to an armed conflict are not aware of the provisions of the principles of international humanitarian law. (b) The parties are suspicious of the neutrality of the medical personnel, as well as (c) Not having a good communication system between the conflicting parties and medical personnel. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2994681136 | Swiss Economic and Political Relations with Israel, Egypt and Syria During the Arab-Israeli Conflicts (1967-1983) | [
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] | [
"Syria",
"Egypt",
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2994681136 | This dissertation analyzes Swiss economic and political relations with the major parties of the Arab-Israeli conflict, Israel, Egypt and Syria, from 1967 to 1983. It does so from a Swiss perspective, combining public and private archival sources with descriptive data on trade and financial relations. It assesses the importance of foreign markets for the Swiss economy and of economic interests’ influence on foreign policy. The study evaluates how the national, regional, and international constraints of the ‘long 1970s’ shaped these relations – including but not limited to: the Arab-Israeli wars of 1967 and 1973; the oil price hikes and the international economic crisis; superpower involvement in the region; the emerging North-South divide; contradictions in local economic development and power structures; and the Third World debt crisis of the early 1980s. Despite the risks surrounding the Arab-Israeli conflict, Swiss involvement in the region increased substantially. But it was not equally distributed; growing engagement in the Arab world corresponded to estrangement from Israel. The thesis demonstrates that this was the result of coordinated efforts between the Swiss state and business. Economic interests – maintaining macro-economic stability amidst oil price hikes and mitigating the international economic crisis by securing new markets for Swiss companies – were a key factor in developing foreign policy. Situated within Middle Eastern political and economic antagonisms, this shift could not be sustained through ‘market forces’ alone; it required state support. Swiss neutrality policy proved helpful, yet insufficient in this context. By selectively becoming financially involved, the state played a crucial role in substantiating or dampening Swiss companies’ prospects in foreign markets. This study therefore demonstrates how Swiss foreign policy in a politically sensitive Third World region, although not totally subservient to corporate interests, was strongly influenced by the private sector.
--
Cette these analyse les relations economiques et politiques de la Suisse avec les principaux participants au conflit israelo-arabe, Israel, l'Egypte et la Syrie, de 1967 a 1983. Elle le fait d'une perspective suisse, en combinant des sources d'archives publiques et privees avec des donnees descriptives sur les relations economiques bilaterales. Elle evalue l'importance des marches etrangers pour l'economie suisse et l'influence des interets economiques sur la politique etrangere. L'etude montre comment des contraintes nationales, regionales et internationales des ‘longues annees 1970’ ont faconne ces relations. Elles incluent entre autres les guerres arabo-israeliennes de 1967 et 1973; la hausse des prix du petrole et la crise economique internationale; l’implication des superpuissances; l’emergence des fractures Nord- Sud; les contradictions du developpement economique et des structures de pouvoir local; et la crise de la dette du tiers monde du debut des annees 1980. Malgre ces risques se manifestant autour du conflit israelo-arabe, l'engagement de la Suisse dans la region s'est continuellement accru. Mais il n'etait pas equitablement reparti. L'engagement croissant dans le monde arabe correspondait a une dissociation d'Israel. La these demontre que ce developpement est le resultat d'efforts coordonnes entre l'Etat et l'economie suisse. Les interets economiques – le maintien de stabilite macro-economique pour affronter la hausse des prix du petrole et l'attenuation de la crise economique internationale par la conquete de nouveaux marches – ont joue un role essentiel dans le developpement de cette politique etrangere. Situee dans le contexte des antagonismes politiques et economiques du Moyen-Orient, cette evolution ne pouvait etre soutenue par les seules ‘forces du marche’, elle necessitait le soutien de l'Etat. La politique de neutralite suisse s'est averee utile, mais insuffisante dans ce contexte. En s'engageant de maniere selective sur le plan financier, l'Etat a joue un role crucial dans la promotion ou la moderation des opportunites d'entreprises suisses sur des marches etrangers. Cette etude montre ainsi comment la politique etrangere de la Suisse dans une region politiquement sensible du tiers monde a ete fortement influencee, sans toutefois etre totalement dominee, par le secteur prive. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W4388109294 | Covert Relationship | [
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"Iran",
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4388109294 | <JATS1:p>This modern study of the Iran-Iraq War utilizes newly available primary materials to analyze American policy towards the war and question the veracity of the United States' claims of strict neutrality.</JATS1:p> <JATS1:p>The Iran-Iraq War lasted from September 1980 to August 1988, dominating the landscape of the Middle East and polarizing many of the world's nations for nearly a decade. This new work analyzes the United States' policy towards this vicious and extremely costly war, and questions the veracity of America's claims of strict neutrality.</JATS1:p> <JATS1:p>The contents of Covert Relationship: American Foreign Policy, Intelligence, and the Iran-Iraq War, 1980-1988 can be broken down into five sections: the conflict's origins, the Carter administration's response to the war, the Reagan administration's actions, changes to American policy during the Iran-Contra Affair, and the collapse of neutrality in the final two years of the war. The author boldly refutes the arguments of other authors about the war, and provides timely and relevant insights regarding American-Iraqi relations in light of the U.S. invasion of Iraq.</JATS1:p> | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2548562417 | Iran in the Nazi New Order, 1933–1941 | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2548562417 | Despite a succession of scholarly studies over the years, the relationship between Reza Shah’s Iran and National Socialist Germany has not been fully explored. Rather than focusing on the supposed Aryan ideological sympathies that bound the two countries together, this article argues that the real driver of the German–Iranian relationship in the 1930s was economic and based in the mutual interaction of state economic initiatives. It states that Iran’s place in Nazism’s economic system was the outcome of two factors: the “New Plan” of Reich Economics Minister Hjalmar Schacht, and its focus on clearing agreements as a motor for depression-era trade, and the connections of Schacht’s system to Reza Shah’s strategy to modernize Iran. In exploring this issue the article focuses on relations between Germany and Iran during three distinct moments: first, the period from 1918 to 1928 and the working out of a new relationship after the First World War; secondly the period of Schacht’s New Plan in Iran in the mid-1930s; and finally the period from the signing of the Nazi-Soviet Pact in 1939 to the British–Soviet invasion of Iran in 1941. During this last period Iran both belonged to the Nazi–Soviet trade zone created by the Pact and attempted to defend its neutrality. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2045240333 | Critic or Mediator? Sweden in World Politics, 1945-90 | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2045240333 | The article analyses Sweden as a critic and as a mediator and bridge-builder on the international arena since 1945. Some researchers have claimed that in the mid-1960s Sweden took on the role of critic at the expense of that of mediator. Was this true? Has Sweden's participation in international opinion-building had a negative effect on her usefulness as mediator or bridge-builder in international conflicts? And what role do the actions of a nation as critic play for the image of that state as an impartial mediator? First, the relevance of a mediator/bridge-builder's impartiality is discussed. Thereafter, Sweden as critic and mediator/bridge-builder since 1945 is presented. Sweden's actions in two concrete cases are focused on the Vietnam and Iran-Iraq wars. In both cases Sweden tried to combine the role of mediator and bridge-builder with that of critic. Finally, some general conclusions are formulated about the relationship between the role of critic and that of mediator/bridge-builder. The results show that in the mid-1960s Sweden began to take part in international opinion-building and to formulate criticism of other countries to a much greater extent than previously. But Sweden's taking on of the critic's role in the 1960s was not followed by a decrease in her mediation or bridge-building missions. The hypothesis that Sweden took on the critic's role at the expense of the mediator's role is thus not supported in this study. It is concluded that there are no objections to a country that wants to act as a mediator or bridge-builder taking an active part in international opinion-building or formulating criticism of other countries in terms of different issues. But restrictions on criticism and attitudes come up in conflicts where that country is also acting as a mediator or bridge-builder. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2487376406 | THE PAHLAVĪ AUTOCRACY: RIŻĀ SHĀH, 1921–41 | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W570278971 | 1. Introduction. 2. Truman and the Hiroshima Bomb. 3. Eisenhower and Arms Control. 4. Kennedy and the Negotiated Neutrality of Laos. 5. Johnson and Escalation of the War in Vietnam. 6. Nixon, Ford and the Era of Detente. 7. Carter and the Panama Canal Treaties. 8. Reagan and the Iran-Contra Affair. 9. Bush and the Invasion of Panama. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2258737265 | The Impact of Monetary Variables on Economic Growth in Iran: A Monetarists' Approach | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2258737265 | There is a dispute among economists about the impact of monetary variables on real variables. Some believe that the change in money volume affects only the nominal production and it does not have any effect on real variables of economy such as real employment, real production and real economic growth. The others claim that the monetary variables can also influence the real ones in short run and even long run and they escalate the economic growth, as there is monetary misgiving in economic factors. The current research investigates different economic theories in this realm and tests them by applying the existing information and statistics. This is an analytical and empirical research because it analyses events by experimental observations in several statistical models. This paper scrutinizes neutrality or non-neutrality of the money during the period 1959 to 2008 in Iran with a monetarists' approach. Findings show that there is no significant relationship between the money volume and real economic variables, production and employment and monetary policies are neutral in Iran. The gross domestic product in Iran does not fluctuate intensively except in recent years and it has a normal direction. However, the unemployment rate fluctuates largely which is not natural. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2615775852 | A Study of the Causes of Famine in Iran during World War I | [
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"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2615775852 | In the early twentieth century, for various political and economic reasons, the European countries were divided into the Allies and the Central Powers which led to the beginning of World War I. During those years, Iran was politically and economically too weak. Despite the fact that Iran declared neutrality in this war, it attracted the attention of world powers because of its vast oil resources and especial geographical location. In this way, Iran too was affected by the war. At the time Iran had lost its political independence due to certain colonial contracts (e.g., 1907, 1915). With the start of the war, a large group of foreign troops occupied Iran. This in fact was a heavy blow to the economics and agriculture of Iran, and together with the successive droughts, marked the most extreme famine of the century in Iran. Food shortage, high prices, disease contagions, and the pressure of the foreign forces to collect food supplies, increased the mortality rate so much so that almost half of the Iranian population died in dire conditions. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3126667406 | Testing the long-run neutrality and superneutrality of money in a developing country: Evidence from Iran | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3126667406 | This paper investigates the long-run money neutrality (LMN) and long-run money superneutrality (LMSN) hypothesis for both the industry sector and the entire Iranian economy by using the data of 1979–2018 and applying Fisher and Seater's (1993) ARIMA framework. Conventional unit root tests, including PP, ADF, and KPSS, are applied to determine the order of integration of variables; however, since the structural break in variables is not considered in these methods, Lee-Strazicich and Zivot-Andrews methods are also applied to take it into account. The findings of money neutrality investigation in the Iranian industry sector show that when the monetary base is the criterion, money neutrality is confirmed, but when liquidity and money volume are the criteria, money neutrality is rejected. Also, the neutrality of money is accepted considering all three monetary aggregates (M1, M2, and M3) in investigating the entire economy. It is not feasible to examine the superneutrality of money since unit root tests confirm that all the variables are I (1). As there is more than one structural break in the time series of the study, applying the Lee-Strazicich unit root test has made the results more reliable. Neutrality of money testing is not efficient in the case of cointegration between model variables. Thus, the Gregory-Hansen test, which investigates cointegration considering the structural break, is applied. The results of this research can guide policy-makers. Non-neutrality of money in the industrial sector shows the positive effect of monetary policy on this sector when considering the probability of destructive effects on other sectors. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1974627021 | From action stations to action: U.S. naval deployment, “non‐belligerency,”; and “defensive reprisals”; in the final year of the iran‐iraq war | [
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"Iraq"
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1974627021 | Four years after the conclusion of the Iran‐Iraq War, a new case was brought against the United States before the World Court for matters of allegedly illegal use of force arising in the context of the American naval deployment in the Persian Gulf. At the height of American intervention in the Gulf Tanker War, U.S. naval forces often exceeded their deterrence mission and entered into overt large‐scale hostilities against Iran. This article looks at the major naval events in the final year of the Iran‐Iraq War and examines the opposing argumentation from a double perspective. First, could the American action fit within the confines of the inherent right of self‐defense, or should it be addressed as unlawful armed reprisals? Second, to what extent could the policies of the United States be construed as consistent with the traditional laws of neutrality, or better, with those of “non‐belligerency”? The article concludes that although diplomacy may occasionally be tempted to confound the notions of self‐defense and reprisals, legal theory should spare no effort in order to keep them distinct. Undoubtedly, the naval aspects of the Iran‐Iraq War in its final year nurtured a host of legal queries concerning the jus contra bellum so that an authoritative ruling of the International Court of Justice is expected to be eminently rich and instructive. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2028800418 | What Went Wrong with the Veil? A Comparative Analysis of the Discourse of the Veil in France, Iran, and Indonesia | [
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"Iran"
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2028800418 | This paper attempts to discuss several current issues about the veil. Three countries are selected, namely France, Iran, and Indonesia, due to their different policies and perspectives concerning the veil. Using discourse analysis, this paper examines the violation of human rights, particularly those of Muslim women, by the ban of the veil in France and the obligation to wear it in Iran. Finally, inspired by the theoretical work of Gramsci, this paper analyzes how the terms “secular” and “religious“ are used by the state to justify their hegemony over certain minority groups. Moreover, this paper offers the “correct concept of secularism” as that entails civic reason, constitutionalism, and human-rights based citizenship, and proposed by An-Na’im as the best avenue to safeguard the problem of human rights in France and Iran. The remainder of this paper discusses Indonesia, the largest Moslem country in the world, that is, in fact, “a secular country” based on Pancasila, which respects religious freedom, including for women to wear the veil or not. It also opens full, equal, and fair access for all Indonesian women, regardless of their ethnicity and religious affiliation, to compete in the workforce and to pursue education. The author’s intention is to clarify false stereotypes about the veil, to enlighten readers about abuse of power by both French and Iranian governments in violating the rights of women on the issue of veil, and to inform readers --using the case of Indonesia as an example-- about the importance of state neutrality in supporting the rights of freedom of and from religion. | [
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https://openalex.org/W349825871 | Turkmenistan and Central Asia After Niyazov | [
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"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W349825871 | Abstract : Sapirmurat Niyazov ruled Turkmenistan, a small Central Asian country with enormous natural gas holdings, like a sultan or latter-day Stalin. Therefore, his sudden death on December 21, 2006, opened the way not just to a domestic power struggle, but also to fears of instability in Turkmenistan and Central Asia, and to a major international struggle among the great powers -- Russia, China, Iran, and the United States -- for influence over the new leadership. This monograph examines the dimensions of the succession to Niyazov, the great power struggle for influence in this key Central Asian state, and concludes with recommendations for American policy makers. It examines the ways in which the succession has been arranged and what its likely course is going to be, one of very cautious and moderated reforms from the top. It also takes account of the issue of succession in Central Asian regimes, all of which are despotic and often dominated by families and clans. Turkmenistan may serve as a kind of precedent of what we should soon expect elsewhere in Central Asia, given the age of its leaderships. In similar fashion, this monograph examines in detail Niyazov's energy policies and the rivalry among the key players -- Russia, Iran, China, and America -- for influence over the future disposition of those holdings and the destination of future pipeline projects. This great power rivalry also encompasses Russian and Iranian, if not Chinese, efforts to persuade Turkmenistan to renounce in deed or in rhetoric the neutrality that was Niyazov's consistent policy and join one or another of the regional security blocs that they are proposing. Washington is seeking to ensure that Turkmenistan's gas goes to states and markets other than exclusively to Russia and supports new pipelines like those to China, a projected pipeline to India through Afghanistan and Pakistan, and a Trans-Caspian pipeline to Azerbaijan. The author also makes specific recommendations to American policy makers. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2752337342 | Hjalmar Schacht, Reza Shah, and Germany’s Presence in Iran | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2752337342 | In late July 1941, alarm echoed through the international press regarding the political situation in Iran. Several weeks following the German military onslaught on the Soviet Union (Operation Barbarossa) and the escalation of the Second World War, international journalists drew attention to the large numbers of Germans living in the country. Discussed as a threat to Iranian neutrality, their presence was seen as proof of the influence of Nazi Germany on the Tehran government. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W592260060 | Covert Relationship: American Foreign Policy, Intelligence, and the Iran-Iraq War, 1980-1988 | [
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"Iran",
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W592260060 | This modern study of the Iran-Iraq War utilizes newly available primary materials to analyze American policy towards the war and question the veracity of the United States' claims of strict neutrality. * Incorporates use of primary documents obtained from the American National Archives, the Carter and Reagan Presidential Libraries, the National Security Archive, and Freedom of Information Act requests * Provides an easy-to-follow, chronological presentation of all the major events in the war * Includes maps of all major battles during the Iran-Iraq War, as well as targets attacked in the Persian Gulf * Contains a glossary clarifying all major acronyms * An extensive bibliography and index of important people, organizations, documents, and events provides avenues for further research | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2521377596 | A post-secular reading of public sociology | [
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{
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{
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] | [
"Iran"
] | [
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"https://openalex.org/W4244491461",
"https://openalex.org/W4252778039",
"https://openalex.org/W4255160811"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2521377596 | There are two theses originally put forward by Michael Burawoy but which still need to be highlighted; the first is the necessity of challenging the assumed neutrality of the social sciences and the second is the necessity of public engagement in the form of encouraging co-practice in society. Burawoy suggests public sociology should play a role in the struggle to protect humanity against the tyranny of the market. I tend to challenge this by arguing that a post-secular and post-neutrality public sociology could only work as a frame of dialogue about the priority of each struggle. Otherwise, it can be easily turned into a target for the criticism of those who do not share the interest in Burawoy’s preferred struggle. The article would also suggest that Ali Shariati’s political rereading of religious ideas not only to adapt to the modern world but also to transform it makes this Iranian intellectual a classic figure of the traditional post-secular public sociology. | [
{
"display_name": "Social Compass",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S74899632",
"type": "journal"
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4226395197 | Identity markers in the Internet usernames adopted by female users of a Persian public discussion forum: A sociolinguistic analysis | [
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{
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"display_name": "Salman Farsi University of Kazerun",
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"display_name": "Nasimeh Nouhi Jadesi",
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C205649164"
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{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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{
"display_name": "Aesthetics",
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Psychotherapist",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C542102704"
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] | [
"Iran"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W2015471589",
"https://openalex.org/W2040560935",
"https://openalex.org/W2066727764",
"https://openalex.org/W2108761134",
"https://openalex.org/W2109151141",
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"https://openalex.org/W3138884823",
"https://openalex.org/W4231696122",
"https://openalex.org/W4253285488"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4226395197 | Abstract Drawing on the feminist poststructuralist perspective, the current study explored the usernames adopted by female users of Ninisite, that is, a Persian discussion forum, and aimed at identifying their identity markers. To this end, a corpus of 947 usernames in Ninisite was compiled. Using thematic analysis, the recurrent themes in the usernames were pinpointed, which led to the identification of six themes as identity markers, namely, gender, religion/ideology, ethnicity, occupation/profession, being humorous, and sense of uniqueness. With regard to the socioculturally unique context of Iran, a continuum of specificity versus generality can be observed in the usernames on Ninisite, with specificity emphasizing differences, sense of uniqueness, and individualization of the users, and generality highlighting neutrality, commonalities, and conventionality. | [
{
"display_name": "Psychology of Language and Communication",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S101983704",
"type": "journal"
}
] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2047520660 | The limits of American foreign commitments | [
{
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{
"country": "United States",
"display_name": "University of Minnesota System",
"id": "https://openalex.org/I2800403580",
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"display_name": "Bruce D. Berkowitz",
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{
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{
"country": "United States",
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"type": "education"
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],
"display_name": "Bruce Bueno de Mesquita",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5004218412"
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] | [
{
"display_name": "Foreign policy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C93377909"
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Setback",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2778437332"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
"display_name": "Power (physics)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C163258240"
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{
"display_name": "Political economy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138921699"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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{
"display_name": "International relations",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C34355311"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C47768531"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C28829305"
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Economics",
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{
"display_name": "Physics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C121332964"
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{
"display_name": "Quantum mechanics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C62520636"
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] | [
"Iran",
"Egypt",
"Somalia",
"Oman"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W2320647336"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2047520660 | Abstract A key instrument of American foreign policy intended to contain Soviet expansion since World War II has been the extension of security commitments from the United States to smaller nations in the third world. Currently, American political leaders have proposed similar commitments to such nations as Egypt, Oman, Kenya, and Somalia in response to the crises in Iran and Afghanistan. However, these policies frequently have been counterproductive because of a general principle affecting relations between a great power and a small power. These relationships are likely to deteriorate because of the limited mutual interests of the two nations. When this happens, the great power must usually choose between intervening in its ally's affairs or suffering a foreign policy setback. Instead, the United States should make strong commitments only to nations sharing with the U.S. broad mutual interests while actively supporting the neutrality of other countries. | [
{
"display_name": "Comparative Strategy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S21894344",
"type": "journal"
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W1024857430 | On the evolution of Iranian policies in the Southern Caucasus | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Arsen Vartanian",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5013784825"
}
] | [
{
"display_name": "Foreign policy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C93377909"
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C203133693"
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C31957729"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C138921699"
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{
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{
"display_name": "Persian",
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},
{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C3008058167"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
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{
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Disease",
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{
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{
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},
{
"display_name": "Infectious disease (medical specialty)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C524204448"
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] | [
"Iran",
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1024857430 | t is a well-known fact that the events of 9/11 and the subsequent antiterrorist operation in Afghanistan, as well as the situation in Iraq have influenced Iranian foreign policy strategies. They produced, in particular, a gradual transformation of the foreign policy concepts Tehran was applying in the region. The ambitious concept of the regional leadership, which has been developed since the time of the Shahs, has undergone a profound change. At present, when the U.S. is successfully establishing their presence in Afghanistan and Iraq, and penetrating into the Southern Caucasus and Central Asia, Iranian leadership does not declare any longer that it aims for military superiority over the neighboring countries. Instead, Tehran is adopting a stance of “positive neutrality” with its neighbors. On the other hand, Mr. A. Shamkhani, the Iranian Defense Minister, keeps emphasizing that Iranian military capacity is “sufficient to rebuff any military aggression.” At the same time, Iranian leaders pay utmost attention to the increase of their political role and influence in the region. In particular, they are keen to take part in the reconstruction of Iraq and Afghanistan, while at the same time boosting up their own economy for the sake of a stronger role in the Middle East. Another dimension of Tehran’s new foreign policy is presenting itself as “an Islamic democracy,” a synthesis of Islamic and democratic traditions, and distancing itself from terrorist organizations, such as al-Qa’eda and the Taliban. The Southern Caucasus has always been in the sphere of Iran’s foreign policy interests, taking into account their historical links and geographic proximity. Since the collapse of the U.S.S.R. Tehran has been trying to establish equal relations based on trust with the three South Caucasian countries, despite the disagreements among them. Iranian analysts believe that this constructive approach brought positive results in the early 1990s. In this way Iran’s policy was different from that of Turkey’s, which adopted an anti-Armenian stance on the Karabakh issue. As a result, it cannot establish normal relationships with Erevan to this day, which limits Ankara’s opportunities in the region. | [
{
"display_name": "Central Asia and the Caucasus",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S2764599068",
"type": "journal"
}
] |
|
https://openalex.org/W241837858 | Germany's Iran Policy : beyond Critical Dialogue | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Mark A. Gerschoffer",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5071955368"
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] | [
{
"display_name": "Sanctions",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2778069335"
},
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779084495"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
},
{
"display_name": "German",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C154775046"
},
{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780224610"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C138921699"
},
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C48103436"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C95457728"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C166957645"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C11413529"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
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] | [
"Iran"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W623117921",
"https://openalex.org/W652452841",
"https://openalex.org/W657289313",
"https://openalex.org/W1508648686",
"https://openalex.org/W1972171020",
"https://openalex.org/W1973618286",
"https://openalex.org/W2013036779",
"https://openalex.org/W2024602176",
"https://openalex.org/W2061165962",
"https://openalex.org/W2274648390"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W241837858 | Abstract : Germany and the United States differ in their approach to Iran. While the United States seeks to contain Iran through diplomatic isolation and economic sanctions, Germany prefers to influence Iran though diplomatic engagement and economic cooperation. German foreign posits that its of constructive engagement is the most effective way to influence another country's behavior. This notion has its origins in the Cold War. In 1963, the idea of a policy of small steps leading to change through rapprochement inspired the of Ostpolitik. The basic principles of Ostpolitik were continued from 1969 through the end of the Cold War. It is widely believed in Germany that the end of the Cold War and the unification of Germany were due not to the success of containment, but to detente and Ostpolitik. Given this perspective, Germany considers the political and economic costs of sanctions to be unacceptably high. In addition to the loss to commercial interests, sanctions would affect Germany's overall credibility as a trading state. Moreover, political demands which might be suspect because of Germany's past are translated into more respectable economic demands. Economic sanctions would limit Germany's ability to pursue its political objectives. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4382132756 | Switzerland's good offices in light of the American hostage-taking in Iran (1979-1981) | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Ahadzhon Tursinovich Khasanov",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5049820660"
}
] | [
{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2777063073"
},
{
"display_name": "State (computer science)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C48103436"
},
{
"display_name": "Islam",
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C93377909"
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{
"display_name": "Negotiation",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199776023"
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{
"display_name": "Ministry of Foreign Affairs",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780799905"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C3116431"
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C95457728"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C166957645"
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{
"display_name": "Algorithm",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C11413529"
},
{
"display_name": "World Wide Web",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C136764020"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
},
{
"display_name": "Payment",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C145097563"
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] | [
"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4382132756 | Switzerland's neutrality during the Cold War allowed it, without joining any of the opposing blocs, to take an active part in international politics. This, in particular, was reflected in the so-called good offices and a series of protective mandates of Switzerland in Iran. The article presents a brief historical digression into the process of development of diplomatic relations between Switzerland and Iran. The purpose of the article is to determine the role of Swiss diplomacy in negotiations on the release of American hostages in Iran (1979-1981). The study was carried out on the basis of declassified archival documents, a significant part of which is being introduced into scientific circulation for the first time (documents of the US State Department and the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs devoted to the settlement of the crisis with American hostages). This determined the scientific novelty of the study. The use of the historical-genetic method allowed us to study the genesis of bilateral relations between Switzerland and Iran before the 1979 Islamic Revolution. A narrative (descriptive-narrative) method was used to describe Switzerland's diplomatic services to the United States in Iran after the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Through the structural and functional method, it was possible to identify the mechanisms of Swiss diplomacy during secret meetings between the American and Iranian sides and the execution of the protective mandate to represent the interests of the United States in Iran. The historical-retrospective method helped to evaluate the results of Switzerland's "good offices" in Iran from the perspective of time distance. | [
{
"display_name": "Genesis: istoričeskie issledovaniâ",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210223377",
"type": "journal"
}
] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4381537776 | Caught Between Great Powers: Oman’s Neutrality in the Saudi-Iran Rivalry | [
{
"affiliations": [
{
"country": "Indonesia",
"display_name": "Universitas Gadjah Mada",
"id": "https://openalex.org/I165230279",
"lat": -7.80139,
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"type": "education"
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],
"display_name": "Maulana Ammar Auliaur Rahman",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5051370216"
}
] | [
{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
},
{
"display_name": "Political economy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138921699"
},
{
"display_name": "Development economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C47768531"
},
{
"display_name": "Sociology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
},
{
"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
},
{
"display_name": "Finance",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C10138342"
},
{
"display_name": "Macroeconomics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C139719470"
}
] | [
"Iran",
"Oman"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4381537776 | This article aims to explain the reason for Oman’s neutrality policy amid Saudi-Iran growing tension in the region. The neutral stance from Oman raised some questions about their position as a part of the members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) that, if following the logic of consequences, should take sides with Saudi, and put pressure on Iran due to Saudi presence in the group. Oman always promotes peace and tends to avoid confrontation when facing Saudi-Iran rivalry. By implementing explanative methods and a constructivism paradigm based on norms as a tool of analysis, and supported with secondary data, this article found out that Oman’s neutrality decision in the Saudi-Iran rivalry is largely being influenced by their domestic norms, that is Ibadism, that made them capable to avoid conflict in the region, in this case, the Saudi-Iran rivalry. Ibadism also drives them to always promote peace in the region, because this teaching is based on four main ideas, namely tolerance, just rule, acceptance of the other, and peaceful compromises. In the end, this domestic norm influenced Oman’s decision-maker’s conception of the importance of preserving stability in the region. This then becomes an important explanation about why Oman breaks with their fellow GCC members that tend to support Saudi in the rivalry with Iran and decided to follow neutrality as their main policy.
 Keywords: domestic norms, Ibadism, neutrality, Oman, Saudi-Iran rivalry | [
{
"display_name": "Insignia",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210206063",
"type": "journal"
}
] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4385479911 | Iran in Transition | [] | [
{
"display_name": "Disarmament",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780105426"
},
{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
},
{
"display_name": "Politics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
},
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C203458295"
},
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C48103436"
},
{
"display_name": "Famine",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2778589402"
},
{
"display_name": "Ancient history",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C195244886"
},
{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
},
{
"display_name": "Economic history",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C6303427"
},
{
"display_name": "Spanish Civil War",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C81631423"
},
{
"display_name": "History",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C95457728"
},
{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
},
{
"display_name": "Algorithm",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C11413529"
},
{
"display_name": "Computer science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
}
] | [
"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4385479911 | War came to Iran despite its declared neutrality. Ottoman and Russian forces attacked or occupied the northern regions, while Britain expanded its control in the south. The young king, Ahmad Shah, was ill-equipped to rule as rival political leaders emerged. American missionaries documented the devastation of war as Iran suffered from famine and the influenza epidemic. The conclusion of World War I did not bring much support to Iran as its concerns were rebuffed at the Congress of Versailles. A coup brought political change and the end of Qajar rule. The military commander Reza Khan positioned himself as the new leader of Iran, even after the political defeat of the republican movement. Tribal disarmament and state control followed the end of war and the rise of a new monarchy. After the war America considered new opportunities for involvement in Iran. | [
{
"display_name": "Cambridge University Press eBooks",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4306462995",
"type": "ebook platform"
}
] |
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