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https://openalex.org/W2276816248 | ASSISTÊNCIA HUMANITÁRIA NO PÓS-GUERRA FRIA: O TRISTE FIM DA NEUTRALIDADE? | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2276816248 | AbstractO artigo explora odesenvolvimento do principio de neutralidade no pos-guerra fria apos prevalecerdurante mais de um seculo, desde sua genese com Comite Internacional da Cruz Vermelha,tendo sido adotado tambem pelas agencias humanitarias da ONU e ONGs. Noentanto, no final da guerra fria ocorreram mudancas na natureza dos conflitos,surgindo tambem novos conflitos, menos interestatais e mais interetnicos ecomplexos o que afeta a percepcao dos beligerantes com relacao a assistenciahumanitaria as vitimas do conflito. Frequentemente ambos passam a ser alvosmilitares em fenomenos como o genocidio ou a “limpeza etnica”. Desde as guerras balcânicas, no comeco dosnoventa, onde a cooperacao civil militar e fortalecida e INPROFOR passa aproteger os comboios humanitarios, passando pela Somalia e outros conflitos, ocorreuma crescente militarizacao da assistencia humanitaria. O artigo aborda estatendencia ate o conflito de Darfur onde o Tribunal Penal Internacional refletesobre as dimensoes genocidas da negacao do socorro humanitario. AbstractThe article explores the development of the principle of neutrality inthe post cold war period after prevailing during more than one century, sinceits origins with the International Committee of the Red Cross had been adopted bythe humanitarian agencies of UN and NGOs alike. However, by the end of the coldwar some changes occurred in thenature of conflicts and new conflicts arose; less inter-state more inter-ethnicand complex conflicts, which affects belligerents’ perceptions in relation withthe humanitarian relief to the victims of conflicts. Frequently both turn to bemilitary targets in phenomena like genocide and “ethnic cleansing”. Fromthe war in the Balkans in the early nineties, when the civil-militarycooperation is strengthened and INPROFOR goes on protecting the humanitarianconvoys, through Somalia and other conflicts, a growing militarization ofhumanitarian assistance occurs. The article explores this tendency until theconflict in Darfur where the International Criminal Court reflects thegenocidal dimensions of the denial humanitarian relief. | [
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https://openalex.org/W610527726 | Neutrality and Impartiality in RemoteProgramming of Humanitarian Operations : Case Study MSF remote operations in Somalia 2008 until 2012 | [
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"display_name": "Timothy McCann",
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W610527726 | Humanitarian organisations are increasingly using remote programming to maintain access to vulnerable populations in contexts of high insecurity whilst mitigating the overall risks to staff security. What may once have been perceived as temporary modes of operation have ceased to be so as remote programming has become a (semi-) permanent modus operandi in many countries (e.g. Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia). The boom in remote programming of humanitarian operations has prompted extensive research and innovation into improving the application of this method however it has had a strong focus on technical aspects to improve programme quality. A distinctive focus on the compromise to operational neutrality and impartiality, known as a direct consequence of remote programming, has been lacking. This project, Neutrality and Impartiality in Remote Programming of Humanitarian Operations, has begun to bridge this gap, identifying key issues for maintaining, preserving and managing the operational neutrality and impartiality of remote humanitarian programmes. The project is a case study of Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) operations in Somalia from 2008 until 2012, as an organisation forced to switch to remote programming in 2008 following targeted attacks. The bulk of the research took place at the location of the MSF coordination offices in Nairobi where participant observation and key informant interviews allowed for a thorough analysis of the topic. The research found that a definitive lack of a valid decision making entity in a responsible position with the ability to exert management control over the neutrality and impartiality of operations has considerably weakened the organisation’s neutrality and impartiality both in real and perceived terms. Therefore issues surrounding remote programming do pose a considerable threat to the neutrality and impartiality of operations, with serious implications as to the prospect of staff security and therefore undermining the appropriateness of the method. This paper however highlights several good practices that can be developed further and adopted to address some of the issues. It presents practical recommendations for improving the management of neutrality and impartiality of remote programming, which have been designed to assist humanitarian organisations to maintain project status in highly insecure contexts. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2009824686 | A Framework for Survival: Health, Human Rights, and Humanitarian Assistance in Conflicts and Disasters | [
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"Somalia"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2009824686 | Since the start of the decade, the US medical community and its professional press have increasingly focused on human rights issues, although, as is pointed out by H. Jack Geiger, one of the speakers at a September 1992 conference of the Council on Foreign Relations, whose remarks are included in this book, "There is nothing new about... violations of medical neutrality, torture, and other blatant human rights violations... and nothing new... about the deliberate destruction of civilian populations." Nevertheless, this increased attention to human rights issues, largely stimulated by media coverage of the relief efforts directed toward Kurdish refugees in the wake of the Gulf War, by the televised horrors of Somalia, and by the seemingly insoluble war in the former Yugoslavia, is certainly both warranted and welcome. The speeches published in this book are by a diverse group of politicians, physicians, administrators, and development professionals. Together, they have both | [
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https://openalex.org/W2182719709 | The liberal myth of neutrality and the Local Peace Process in Somaliland | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2182719709 | While the liberal peace theory considers humanitarian intervention a shortcut to the Weberian state, many peace operations undertaken in the last decades have performed poorly. Alternative practices and theorizations have emerged so far, but little attention has been devoted to deconstruct the pillars of the liberal peace doctrine. The essence of the liberal approach is built upon the assumption that external forces are neutral peacemakers, and that peace could be enforced because of the moral superiority of the intervener. Yet, the liberal doctrine ignores the resistance that pragmatic approaches to peace offer to it. Neutrality, and impartiality,indeed are not actually working on the empirical ground either of the liberal or pragmatic approaches to peacebuilding The UN-US led intervention in Somalia, has been an instrument of division and externalisation of the peace process. It was a partisan intervention, which subverted the equilibrium internal to the factional conflict in favour of one faction. Also the autonomous, peace process pursued in Somaliland counters the narrative of neutral liberal peace. The local nature of the process represents the most innovative ingredient of the Somaliland recipe for peacebuilding. But clan leaders and political elites have been the most important protagonists, of a non-neutral process of state formation and conflict termination. This paper aims to explore the non-neutral rationale of the pragmatic peacebuilding undertaken in Somaliland between 1991 and 1997. The article first theoretically frames how supporters and critics of liberal peace elaborate on the principle of neutrality. Drawing on fieldwork and archival research conducted in Somaliland between 2011 and 2013 this paper maps how the Republic of Somaliland has inaugurated a process of indigenisation of the political authority. This case study is extremely helpful to identify how pragmatic approaches to peacebuilding contrast the conceptual key of neutrality. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W4386074206 | Territorial consolidation after rebel victory: when does civil war recur? | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4386074206 | ABSTRACTRebel victors of civil war face existential threats both internally and externally. In consolidating territorial control, how do rebel victors respond to domestic armed challengers? Do such decisions determine civil war recurrence? This paper argues that rebel victors can manage domestic risk and consolidate state power by either repressing or coopting challengers. Cooption strategies can range from the less inclusive, such as unilateral changes to the constitution and elite power-sharing arrangements, to the more inclusive, such as signing peace agreements and negotiated constitutional reform. While repression and non-inclusive cooption strategies increase chances of civil recurrence, consensus-based strategies of state consolidation, such as negotiated constitutional reform, reduce repeat civil wars. Evidence is found for our argument in newly configured data on cases of rebel victory since the end of the Cold War (1989–2015).KEYWORDS: rebel victoryconflict recurrencepower-sharingpeace agreementconstitutional reform ACKNOWLEDGEMENTSThe authors would like to thank the journal’s two anonymous reviewers for their constructive feedback. The authors also thank Marie Olson Lounsbery, Karl DeRouen Jr., Brian Urlacher, Jason M. Quinn, participants at the International Studies Association (ISA) conference (2022), and the Peace Accords Matrix (PAM) at the Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies.DATA AVAILABILITY STATEMENTThe data and replication material for this study can be found on the Harvard Dataverse at https://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataset.xhtml?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/CKHUJF.DISCLOSURE STATEMENTNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 Adopting the Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) definition, we refer to insurgencies as organised armed domestic challengers to state control, which might have existed during the war as rivals of the winning rebel group or could develop in response to rebel victory, either as a defecting faction of victors or as a mobilised section of dissident population (Gleditsch et al., Citation2002).2 Civil war recurrence refers to instances of armed conflict between the rebel government and insurgent groups.3 We interchangeably use the terms ‘civil conflict’, ‘armed conflict’ and ‘civil war’.4 Out of 23 cases of rebel victory since the Cold War, only six rebel regimes lost power in the face of either domestic challenges or international interventions. These include rebel regimes in the Comoros (1989–98), Paraguay (1989–2008), Somalia (1991–2000), Haiti (1991–94) and Afghanistan (1992–95, 1996–2001). All six rebel regimes lost power within the first 10 years of incumbency. Thus, in most observations in our dataset, rebel regimes were resilient and insurgencies did not manage to oust the rebel incumbents.5 We follow O’Leary (Citation2013, p. 3) in defining power-sharing as ‘any set of arrangements that prevents one agent, or organized collective agency, from being the winner who holds all critical power, whether temporarily or permanently’.6 Since 2015, there have been no cases of rebel victory, except for the Taliban victory in Afghanistan in 2021, which we do not include.7 See, Table A5 in the supplemental data online.8 We use a binary measure for democracy, instead of using the continuous Polity scores, because higher levels on the Polity score, indicating institutional democracy, are very rare following rebel victory. We also do not have any theoretical reason to control for the effect of an interval measure of democracy on rebel regimes. Our variable of interest to capture repression is political terror. | [
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https://openalex.org/W25898884 | Holder V. Humanitarian Law Project: Implications for Humanitarian Action: A View from Medecins Sans Frontieres | [
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"Somalia"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W25898884 | I. INTRODUCTION The United States Supreme Court decision in Holder v. Humanitarian Law Project (1) is part of a wider trend in counterterrorism that threatens to undermine the hard-won neutrality of humanitarian action--an essential characteristic and crucial tool for reaching populations in need of life-saving assistance. The agreement to preserve a space for neutral humanitarian action amounts to an agreement not to factor life-saving assistance into military strategies. Like most international humanitarian law (IHL), this is based on a mixture of humanitarian considerations and reciprocal self-interest. It is a principle, however, which regularly comes under attack. Only recently has the international community reached consensus that the potential military advantage of depriving one side of the means of survival does not outweigh the humanitarian imperative of relieving the suffering of war victims. Siege was a common military strategy for thousands of years, and blockades were still used until World War II. Since then, however, international humanitarian law has developed to a point where civilians must be allowed to receive life-saving relief, and the use of starvation as a method of war is an international crime. (2) Conversely, the potential advantages that humanitarian action can offer the efforts of one party also threaten to undermine the neutrality consensus. Aid has long been used as a stabilization tool, directed towards areas under control of the favored party and used to bolster the image of intervening states. There are international agreements--such as the Good Humanitarian Donorship Initiative and the European Union Consensus on Humanitarian Aid--that humanitarian assistance should be left out of these strategies. (3) Yet recent stabilization approaches not only integrate humanitarian action but often place it at the center of the plan. (4) The co-optation of humanitarian aid into the efforts of one side undermines both the reality and perception of its neutral character, exposing aid workers to attacks and outright denials of access, and leaving those in need in enemy-controlled areas to suffer without relief. The Holder decision and other recent developments in counterterrorism law attack humanitarian neutrality from both angles. With the material support statute upheld in Holder and similar measures undertaken by other countries that could criminalize the provision of humanitarian relief, we see a return to the siege mentality, where it is acceptable to deprive the civilians of the enemy of life-saving assistance in pursuit of conflict goals. At the same time, new obligations on organizations to report on activities or diversion of assistance seek to co-opt humanitarian actors into the efforts of one party, and in the process undermine their neutrality in the eyes of the other. The result is of course the same: people on one side of the conflict have no access to humanitarian relief. II. LEGAL FRAMEWORK The United Nations current counterterrorism regime is framed by Security Council Resolution 1373, passed on September 28, 2001. (5) Under this resolution, U.N. member states are required to refrain from providing any form of support to terrorist groups and individuals, and to implement a number of counterterrorism measures. Among these, states must ensure that none of their own funds are used to support terrorist activities. They must also criminalize a range of acts connected with terrorism, including not only carrying out terrorist acts, but providing resources or material support to terrorist groups. This language (material support) is reproduced in many national criminal laws, as well as in the EU Council Framework Decision, which introduces a common definition of terrorism and of acts which should be criminalized in EU member states. (6) Supplementing this are sanctions regimes. These regimes target particular actors considered a threat to international peace and security, such as those concerning Somalia, originally established by UN Security Council Resolution 733 of 1992, and concerning Afghanistan, based on UN Security Council Resolution 1267 of 1999. … | [
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https://openalex.org/W2914583492 | Switzerland, Regime Change, and Armed Conflict in Sub-Saharan Africa in the Global Cold War, 1967-1979 | [
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"Somalia"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2914583492 | This thesis analyses the foreign policy of Switzerland, a neutral, but Western-oriented state that has never been a colonial power, in sub-Saharan Africa between 1967 and 1979. It discusses the Swiss government's strategies during the late independence wars in Angola and Mozambique (1967-1974), the proxy wars in Angola (1975-1976) and the Ogaden between Ethiopia and Somalia (1977-1978), where the belligerents were supported by both sides of the East-West divide, and during regime changes in the four African states that brought Soviet-allied governments into power. The thesis combines the quantitative analysis of Switzerland's commercial relations and development cooperation with the four African states with a qualitative evaluation of a vast array of unpublished sources from Swiss public and private archives as well as the diplomatie archives of the United States, Great Britain, France, and Portugal.
The thesis demonstrates that the Swiss government's policy in sub-Saharan Africa was determined by the will to improve its international image and the credibility of its neutrality that were severely tarnished as a resuit of African governments' criticism of Switzerland's close political, economic, and financial relations with Apartheid South Africa, the illegal regime in Rhodesia, and the Portuguese colonial power. The elaboration of this policy was substantially influenced by different economic and civil society actors. Through a pragmatic use of diplomatie goodwill gestures and humanitarian and development aid, the Swiss government succeeded in maintaining its political and economic presence in Southern Africa and the Horn throughout armed conflicts, decolonisation, and regime changes, and to weather the Afro-Asian criticism of its policy of neutrality. At the same time, it managed to preserve close relations with the Western bloc. Overall, this study improves our understanding of Switzerland's role during the global Cold War and sheds new light on the position of neutral countries and small states in the conflicts in sub-Saharan Africa.
--
Cette these analyse la politique exterieure de la Suisse, pays neutre mais oriente vers l'Ouest, qui n'a jamais ete une puissance coloniale, en Afrique subsaharienne entre 1967 et 1979. Elle discute les strategies du gouvernement suisse durant la periode tardive des guerres d'independance en Angola et au Mozambique (1967-1974), les guerres par procuration en Angola (1975-1976) et la guerre de l'Ogaden entre l'Ethiopie et la Somalie (1977-1978), guerres ou les belligerants etaient soutenus par les deux parties du conflit Est-Ouest, ainsi que durant des changements de regime qui instituent des gouvernements allies a l'Union sovietique. La these combine une analyse quantitative des relations commerciales et de la cooperation au developpement de la Suisse avec les quatre Etats africains avec une etude qualitative d'un large corpus de sources non publiees provenant d'archives publiques et privees suisses, ainsi que des archives diplomatiques etatsuniennes, britanniques, francaises et portugaises.
La these demontre que la politique de la Suisse en Afrique subsaharienne est determinee par la volonte du gouvernement suisse d'ameliorer son image internationale et la credibilite de sa neutralite, ternies par les critiques de certains gouvernements africains envers ses relations politiques, economiques et financieres etroites avec le regime d'apartheid en Afrique du Sud, le gouvernement illegal en Rhodesie et la puissance coloniale portugaise. L'elaboration de cette politique est considerablement influencee par differents acteurs economiques et de la societe civile. Par un recours pragmatique a des gestes de 'goodwill' ainsi qu'a l'aide humanitaire et a l'aide au developpement, le gouvernement suisse reussit a maintenir sa presence politique et economique en Afrique australe et dans la Corne de l'Afrique pendant les conflits armes, les changements de regime et la decolonisation, et a surmonter les critiques a sa neutralite. En meme temps, il parvient a garder des relations etroites avec le bloc de l'Ouest. Dans l'ensemble, cette etude augmente nos connaissances du role de la Suisse durant la Guerre froide globale et eclaircit la position des pays neutres et des petits Etats durant les conflits en Afrique subsaharienne. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W1946631369 | Dead letter or living document? Ten years of the Code of Conduct for disaster relief | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1946631369 | This paper examines the present value of the Code of Conduct for the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement and Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in Disaster Relief, in view of discussions on neutrality and the Western bias of the humanitarian aid system, and assesses how it can retain its relevance in future.1 The Code of Conduct was launched just after the Rwanda genocide of April 1994. A decade later, the crises in Afghanistan and Iraq have sparked renewed interest in humanitarian principles and in whether the code can serve as an instrument to define humanitarianism and guide humanitarian decision-making and coordination. More than 300 organisations have now subscribed to it. This paper is based on the findings of a survey of code signatories and the outcomes of a conference on the value and future of the code, held in The Hague, Netherlands, in September 2004 to mark its tenth anniversary.2 | [
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https://openalex.org/W848732883 | Chapter 20. Benevolent Third States in International Armed Conflicts: the Myth of the Irrelevance of the Law of Neutrality | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W848732883 | The Federal Administrative Tribunal's position would appear unfounded if one takes into account that Germany's attitude towards Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF) resembled that of third States vis-a-vis post-World War II international armed conflicts. The object of the law of neutrality is to protect States from the harmful effects of an international armed conflict and, by subjecting neutral States to legal obligations, to prevent an escalation of the conflict. This body of law establishes legal limitations that the belligerents may not transgress though they are engaged in armed hostilities. Post-World War II State practice reveals that the law of neutrality has been applied in every international armed conflict irrespective of whether neutral States wished to be bound by it or not. According to modern State practice, the applicability of the law of neutrality depends on considerations that will, in cases, result in a partial applicability of that body of law. Keywords: Germany; international armed conflicts; law of neutrality; Operation Iraqi Freedom (OIF); World War II | [
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https://openalex.org/W2169552832 | Commercial Security: Conditions of Growth | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2169552832 | Today, in what has been described as a re-emergence of privately organized extraterritorial force, the private military and security industry supplies the major military powers with a range of core services. This article asks how such a development came about, and why it has become politically uncomplicated to outsource such intimate state functions as the executive branches of foreign policy programmes. How did certain states arrive at a situation where it is unclear whether core military and security affairs are run by public or private agencies? The article answers these questions by presenting and commenting on general explanations as to why the private military industry has grown so much in post-invasion Iraq. It adds new perspectives to existing scholarly work by suggesting that the reappearance of private extraterritorial force could not have occurred on such a scale without a restructuring of neutrality in international relations. It is suggested that this change in neutrality might constitute the sine qua non of the re-emergence of private extraterritorial force. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3124944852 | Humanitarian Inviolability in Crisis: The Meaning of Impartiality and Neutrality for U.N. and NGO Agencies Following the 2003-2004 Afghanistan and Iraq Conflicts | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3124944852 | Humanitarian inviolability - the ability of humanitarian agencies to be able to carry out their activities free from attack - depends upon the understanding that humanitarian agencies are neutral and impartial, but the very concept has been thrown into crisis, most spectacularly by the bombing attacks on the UN and International Committee of the Red Cross Baghdad headquarters in 2003. This article asks what the proper conceptual basis of humanitarian inviolability ought to be, and asserts that its traditional basis, neutrality, is insufficient morally to ground what humanitarian agencies do; it suggests that a better moral ground is rational incontestability of humanitarian aid at moments of extreme human need. At the same time, the article argues that most of the activities carried out by U.N. and NGO agencies in Iraq and Afghanistan are not neutral in this special humanitarian sense, but instead are nation building activities which are not neutral but which involve politically contestable choices; the tragedy of the attack upon the U.N. in Iraq was that it sought improperly to protect itself by appeal to humanitarian inviolability based upon rationally incontestable delivery of relief aid, when in fact it was engaged in nation building involving highly contestable political choices in the rebuilding of political and social institutions. Moreover, in order to situate itself as neutral as between Iraqi terrorist insurgents and the U.S., the U.N. sought to protect itself in effect by inviting attack upon U.S. occupation forces. The article criticizes U.N. comments after the attack upon the U.N. headquarter as improperly blaming the U.S., and instead invites the U.N. to reconsider the proper scope of neutrality and its relation to the U.N.'s necessarily politically value-laden role in nation-building. The article also criticizes the sense among NGO agencies that humanitarianism and humanitarian neutrality are the highest values and instead asserts that confronting moral evil, even with violence, is instead the highest value, and that neutral humanitarianism is always necessarily adjunct to that value. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W653423464 | The Politics of Protection: The Limits of Humanitarian Action | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W653423464 | For the past decade, humanitarian actors have increasingly sought not only to assist people affected by conflicts and natural disasters, but also to them. At the same time, protection of civilians has become central to UN peacekeeping operations, and the UN General Assembly has endorsed the principle that the international community has the responsibility to protect people when their governments cannot or will not do so. Elizabeth Ferris explores the evolution of the international community's understandings of protection, with a particular emphasis on the humanitarian community. Protection is a noble word, with positive connotations, but what does it actually mean in practice? Does providing assistance to vulnerable people them, for example? Does monitoring the number of rapes women? Does increased engagement in protection activities by humanitarian agencies jeopardize the cornerstone humanitarian principles of neutrality and impartiality? In The Politics of Protection, Ferris examines inconsistent ways in which protection is defined and applied. For example, why do certain groups receive international protection while other equally needy groups do not? Her case studies, ranging from Iraq to Katrina, illustrate the challenges -and limitations -of protecting vulnerable populations from the ravages of war and natural disasters. Ferris argues that the protection paradigms currently in use are inadequate to meet the challenges of the future, such as climate change, protracted displacement, and the changing nature of warfare. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W197992530 | Religious Tolerance, Pluralist Society and the Neutrality of the State: The Federal Constitutional Court's Decision in the Headscarf Case | [
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https://openalex.org/W2055048625 | The role of the military in post-conflict situations | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2055048625 | This article considers the possible role of the military in relation to ‘post-conflict situations’ and helping to improve the health of affected civilian populations. The opinions expressed are personal reflections which draw upon the author’s recent military medical experience in southern Iraq in 2004. The perspective of humanitarian aid agencies that have strong reservations about any involvement with the military is recognised, as they seek to maintain neutrality and the safety of their staff. The environment itself, however, may represent an unacceptable level of threat to humanitarian aid agencies, if their personnel are at risk of serious intimidation, e.g. kidnap or murder. Where terrorist and insurgent para-military groups emerge in a post-war fighting phase, it may be that the military is best placed to help co-ordinate efforts to ensure public health and health care provision until a satisfactory level of security is attained and humanitarian aid agencies are able to operate with confidence. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2317632222 | Policy neutrality and uncertainty: an info-gap perspective | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2317632222 | Reducing uncertainty is a central goal of intelligence analysis. 'Reducing uncertainty' can mean (1) reduce ignorance or ambiguity or potential for surprise in describing situations or intentions, or (2) reduce adverse impacts of ignorance, ambiguity or surprise on decision outcomes. We make two claims. First, the second meaning needs greater attention in intelligence analysis. Uncertainty itself isn't pernicious, but adverse impact of surprise is. Some policy options are less vulnerable to uncertainty than others. These less vulnerable (i.e. more robust) options can tolerate more uncertainty. Analysts should identify policy options that are robust to uncertainty. Second, reducing the impact of uncertainty requires awareness of policymakers' goals. This needn't conflict with analysts' policy neutrality. Tension between neutrality and involvement arises in economics, engineering, and medicine. The method of info-gap robust-satisficing supports decision making under uncertainty in these and other disciplines. Implications for intelligence analysis are explored in this paper. We discuss the assessment of Iraqi WMD capability in 2002. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1977573790 | How important is neutrality to humanitarian aid agencies? | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1977573790 | As western governments wage “humanitarian wars”, maintaining neutrality in providing aid seems increasingly difficult for non-governmental agencies. Priya Shetty investigates the challenges that Médecins Sans Frontières faces in trying to keep its work free of political agenda. Vanessa van Schoor recollects the time she was travelling in a Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) land cruiser in Sharia, south Darfur, when the jeep was flagged down by African Union peacekeepers, who had confused the vehicle for one of their own. For van Schoor, head of MSF's Darfur mission until 2006, this incident epitomises the growing confusion in distinguishing between military and humanitarian actors in conflict regions—a mix-up that can have fatal consequences for aid workers. The link between military and relief agencies was so deeply felt, says van Schoor, that in 2005, tribal militia in west Darfur threatened MSF that if UN peacekeepers entered the war-torn area, “we would be considered part of that western front, and a jihad would begin”. But this was not the first time MSF had been threatened because of perceived links with US forces. In August, 2004, MSF withdrew from Afghanistan after five of its staff were murdered. The increasingly visible links between aid agencies and coalition forces were blamed for the violence. A Taliban spokesperson claimed responsibility for the murders of the MSF Afghanistan workers saying “Organisations like Médecins Sans Frontières work for American interests and are therefore targets for us”. Not only are military forces increasingly and openly co-opting humanitarian efforts in “hearts and minds” missions, but also several aid agencies have been accused of either willingly collaborating with coalition forces or doing little to disassociate themselves from them—their stance being that it does not matter how political their actions are as long they provide help to those who need it. But MSF, which views independence from political or religious ideology as a cornerstone of its work, believes it does matter, and 35 years after it was founded, the organisation's ability to provide independent medical aid to strife-ridden regions is being severely threatened by the lack of distance between military and relief forces. Western governments had already begun in the 1990s to place humanitarian goals centre stage in military efforts, says Nicolas de Torrente, head of MSF-USA. But it was after Sept 11, 2001, that the ability of humanitarian organisations to remain politically neutral was destroyed. Bush's with-us-or-against-us doctrine “denies the possibility of neutrality by simply vanishing it away. It defines the two sides of the conflict—‘terrorism’ versus ‘freedom’ and ‘civilisation’”, said Oxfam's policy adviser on Iraq, Jo Nickolls. When former US Secretary of State Colin Powell described non-governmental organisations (NGOs) as “force multipliers”, and former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair called for the need for a “military-humanitarian coalition” these views served only to increase the perception that all western NGOs are merely extensions of foreign policy, says MSF's UK director Jean-Michel Piedagnel. MSF does not solely blame the military for the blurring of agendas. Although several MSF staff did not want to name any specific NGO, they said that some aid agencies' actions—travelling with military escorts, advising military troops on where to deploy, or calling for military intervention in certain conflict areas—are confusing the situation further. Why does MSF value independence so strongly? The values of neutrality and independence have an “operational value”, says de Torrente. “They help us gain access and reduce security risks enabling us to deliver much needed assistance in volatile and sensitive environments.” Neutrality, along with independence and impartiality, was a key founding principle of MSF. The agency was created in 1971 by a group of French doctors, some from the ICRC, who challenged the ICRC's mandate that neutrality meant keeping silent. On acceptance of the 1999 Nobel Peace Prize, MSF's then president James Orbinski said “silence has long been confused with neutrality…we are not sure that words can save lives, but we know that silence can certainly kill”. One of the organisation's most political activities has been its Campaign for Access to Essential Medicines, which was launched in 1999 to give people in the developing world access to medicines for diseases—such as HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria—that are routinely available in western countries. Despite MSF's reluctance to solve problems—its mandate being to speak out and force governments to take action—those involved in the campaign say the organisation felt it could not stand by and do nothing. The campaign proved to be not only high-profile but also highly successful—the pressure applied to governments and pharmaceutical companies helped to bring down the price of antiretrovirals for developing countries from US$10 000 per year to less than $300. But the organisation struggled to reconcile the overtly political tone of the access campaign with its traditionally neutral stance. Mary Moran, now head of the Pharmaceutical Research and Development Policy Project in Sydney, Australia, joined MSF to help set up the campaign. She recalls the fierce debate within MSF over whether the campaign was in line with the agency's principles. “It never went smoothly within MSF, there were moves to shut the campaign down; it was always under pressure to stay small”, she says. Oxfam, among others, felt compelled to speak out against the USA's plan to go to war with Iraq. Its spokesperson Michael Bailey says “we thought that the consequences for the civilian population would be sufficiently grave, and outweigh the benefits of the military intervention”. But MSF founder Rony Brauman has questioned the merit of such antiwar statements. “Nobody thought to ask these NGOs on what information or strategic analysis they based their assertions, nor what instrument Oxfam and others used to measure the intensity of a humanitarian crisis caused by bombing in comparison to the crisis produced by Saddam Hussein's dictatorship”, he said. For several agencies, remaining non-political in the current highly charged political climate is unrealistic. Paul O'Brien, ex-advocacy coordinator in Afghanistan for aid agency CARE, disagrees with de Torrente's calls for humanitarian aid agencies to remain non-political. Writing in the Harvard Human Rights Journal in 2004, he says that, post 9/11, “politics are too important to be left to politicians. The fiction of humanitarian neutrality…can no longer be relied upon for all humanitarians in highly politicized contexts such as Afghanistan and Iraq. In such environments, politicized humanitarianism is both right and realistic”. Financial independence is key to operational and political independence says de Torrente; more than 80% of MSF's annual budget—about $500 million—comes from private donors as unrestricted funds (ie, not tied to any crisis or country). Although NGOs who accept funding from governments should not be branded as sell-outs, says Bailey, Oxfam would refuse funding that might subject it to political control. It does not take money from USAID, for example, because of the perception of the US government's greater demands—compared with European Union countries—for political allegiance from the aid agencies that it funds. This difference has also led some to speculate whether US NGOs value neutrality less than their European counterparts. For Abby Stoddard, at the Center on International Cooperation, a research and advocacy organisation based in the USA, such differences are philosophical rather than practical. “Both US and European NGOs can and do operate independently of the great power governments on the ground, even those who receive large shares of their funding from them.” But ultimately, she says, “people in dire need tend not to care where the aid comes from as long as it comes”. As for the future, MSF's sole focus is getting aid to those who need it most. Despite concerns over a lack of humanitarian space in Iraq, it re-entered the fray, setting up a new mission in Amman last August. Whether it will return to the heart of conflict is uncertain. “We will continue exploring possibilities”, says MSF's International Council president Christophe Fournier. Afghanistan is still a no-go area until judicial processes surrounding the killing of the MSF workers have been resolved. But returning to the country is high on the agency's agenda, says Vickie Hawkins, head of operations for MSF Afghanistan in 2004. Adhering to its core principles of neutrality, impartiality, and independence is a daily battle, says Piedagnel. “We are continually asking ourselves whether we are compromising, and if we are, is it acceptable?” The wider NGO community might benefit from a reminder of these principles, suggests Bailey, “some of the ideals of humanitarianism need to be re-argued and re-fought”. History, principles, and practice of health and human rightsIndividuals and populations suffer violations of their rights that affect health and wellbeing. Health professionals have a part to play in reduction and prevention of these violations and ensuring that health-related policies and practices promote rights. This needs efforts in terms of advocacy, application of legal standards, and public-health programming. We discuss the changing views of human rights in the context of the HIV/AIDS epidemic and propose further development of the right to health by increased practice, evidence, and action. Full-Text PDF | [
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https://openalex.org/W94984176 | The Limits of Neorealism: Marginal States and International Relations Theory | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W94984176 | The foreign policy of small states tends to attract little public or scholarly attention. Much of the discussion about the international role of less powerful nations seems to acquire a mocking tone, flippantly dismissing Switzerland's quaint neutrality or famine-stricken Eritrea's place in the US coalition for the war in Iraq. Since the powerful naturally contribute more to the shaping of international circumstances, a discourse that eschews weaker countries in favor of more influential ones makes practical sense. Examining small states, however, amounts to more than musing over puzzling curiosities. It can inform the consideration of pressing practical issues by improving the means used to approach them. [ILLUSTRATION OMITTED] In other words, small states provide compelling test cases for international relations theory. Examining the presence of relatively impotent states at the margins of broad military coalitions sharpens the debate between competing theoretical models of international alliance. Specifically, current weak-state behavior in military coalitions demonstrates that a purely neorealist theoretical perspective is insufficient. Accounting for domestic and institutional factors provides a more complete explanation of alliance patterns. Weak-state behavior also lends empirical credibility to the idea that states may choose to bandwagon with, rather than balance against, a pressing The argument leading to these conclusions will begin with an explanation of the relevant theory. It will then consider two case studies: Iceland and its membership in NATO, Palau and the Federated States of Micronesia, as well as these nations' relationships to the US-led war in Iraq. Essential concepts shared by these theoretical models are bandwagoning and balancing. Richard Harknett and Jeffrey A. VanDenBerg, Professors of Political Science at University of Cincinnati, explain: Balancing is alignment driven by the desire to find security in resisting or defeating one's most pressing threat; bandwagoning is alignment driven by the desire to find security in appeasing one's most pressing threat. States may balance or bandwagon regardless of theoretical approach; an approach that accounts for omnialignment recognizes that balancing and bandwagoning may occur with and against threats both internal and external. Specifically, neorealism holds at its basis that external pressures will outweigh domestic ones as state leaders rationally choose a foreign policy that will minimize security risk in an anarchical international system. In other words, the neorealist approach, whose foremost advocate is Kenneth Waltz, presumes that elites--the empowered individuals shaping their nations' foreign policy--will be free of any domestic constraints that might sway their strategy for global interactions. National politics, international institutions, and ideological or cultural affinities among nations have little relevance. At odds with neorealism is the domestic-level (or liberal) theoretical approach. Miriam Fendius Elman, Professor of Political Science at Arizona State University, writes that scholars in this camp expect that state attributes and societal conflicts will affect foreign policy choices ... and will often render statesmen incapable of responding to the exigencies of the international environment. Institutionalism also places a limit on the neorealist premise of fully rational and self-interested leaders seeking risk minimization. Its constraint, however, comes from the binding political and ideological ties forged within and cemented by such international institutions as the United Nations. On balance, the truth lies between the extremes. Supposing that leaders who author foreign policy have absolutely no stake in the polities of their nations is as impractical as supposing that they are so preoccupied with those politics as to develop strategy without giving any thought to external conditions. … | [
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https://openalex.org/W4210541387 | Examining humanitarian principles in changing warfare | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4210541387 | The study by Paul Spiegel and colleagues,1Spiegel PB Garber K Kushner A Wise P The Mosul trauma response: a case study.http://www.hopkinshumanitarianhealth.org/empower/resources/reports/Date: February 2018Date accessed: April 26, 2018Google Scholar highlighted by a Lancet editorial2The LancetExamining humanitarian principles in changing warfare.Lancet. 2018; 391: 631Summary Full Text Full Text PDF PubMed Scopus (4) Google Scholar (Feb 17, p 631), assesses the trauma response that WHO operated together with partners in Mosul, Iraq. As the report outlines, our innovative referral pathways met a major unmet need for trauma care in a setting of modern urban warfare. When warring parties failed to provide trauma care to civilians from Mosul—their obligation under international humanitarian law—WHO undertook a sequential process to appeal to appropriately qualified organisations to fill that urgent gap. When none committed, WHO chose to fulfil our humanitarian obligation as provider of a last resort and contracted partners to operate near the front line. In doing so, we placed the principle of humanity first—saving lives and reducing suffering as overriding priorities. Our partners treated all patients impartially, regardless of their background. As the evaluation indicates, our colocation with Iraqi security forces did require some flexibility, but not abandonment, in the application of the principles of neutrality and independence that we acknowledged from the outset. This was to allow our partners to operate near front lines, while ensuring safety of staff. Data from the operation show a substantial humanitarian and public health impact; by the report's estimate, up to 1800 lives were saved. Additionally, WHO estimates that there were more than 38 000 hospital admissions for trauma care and urgent medical care during the military operations in Mosul, Hawiga, Telefar, and parts of western Anbar. The effectiveness of the operation is an example of the comparative advantages of organisations with different mandates working in highly insecure operating environments. WHO's status as a UN member stateorganisation and as a humanitarian organisation enabled us to fill a gap that could not be addressed by agencies more traditionally associated with trauma care in conflict. Nonetheless, we trust that the need for such operations will remain rare. Ultimately, warring parties bear the responsibility for providing trauma care to civilians caught up in conflict. They should be held accountable for doing so. Our experiences in Mosul have raised important operational and technical issues that we are discussing extensively with partners. Those discussions also include the application of international humanitarian law, humanitarian principles, and medical ethics in modern-day conflict, and they are informing internal policy development. We declare no competing interests. Examining humanitarian principles in changing warfareViolence in war must have a limit. Those who are not participating in the hostilities should be protected to prevent war from sinking into barbarity. Today, this is safeguarded by international humanitarian law (IHL), of which the cornerstones are the four Geneva Conventions of 1949 and its Additional Protocols. IHL provides for the wounded and sick to be collected and cared for by the warring faction that has them in their power, and for them to receive timely medical care. Traditionally, those entering into conflict could be expected to uphold these laws. Full-Text PDF | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3214529917 | Hostility to the freedom of the press and newsgathering was clearly evident within the new Conservative administration: certain journalists were excluded from Government Briefings and there was an embargo on Ministers appearing on the BBC's prime morning news programme, Today. Political theorists and commentators argue that governments in many liberal democracies have downgraded or bypassed impartiality in favour of a form of neutrality that offers a blank slate upon which successive governments imprint their own ambitions and aspirations. The publication in 2016 of the 7-year Chilcot inquiry into the 2003 Iraq War called for a clear distinction to be drawn between the political need to argue for particular policy actions and the requirement on the part of officials to present evidence. The dataset consists of 92 consecutive No.10 Briefings that took place from Monday 16 March 2020 to Tuesday 23 June 2020. | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2006830905 | As Tony Vaux points out in his Guest Editorial in this issue, the concept of humanitarianism applies to both war and general disaster, and is based on the principle that ‘in extreme cases of human suffering external agents may offer assistance to people in need, and in doing so should be accorded respect and even “rights” in carrying out their functions’. However, policy makers in humanitarian agencies, and aid workers on the ground, face a bewilderingly complex set of challenges in determining such ‘rights’. Gone are any comfortable certainties about what in the commercial sector is known as ‘the licence to operate’, and claims to the moral high ground of ‘neutrality’ have an increasingly hollow ring. Perhaps more to the point, such assumptions are of little practical use to frontline workers who may risk ambush, abduction, deportation, or even their lives as the result of their professional activities. Nor do outdated road maps help relief agencies to orient their decisions on whether to withdraw or continue providing material assistance in the knowledge that a proportion of it is fuelling the violence or lining the pockets of conflict profiteers. There are no standard ‘off-the-peg’ answers, because each situation must be considered on its own merits. And of course no aid agencies share an identical mandate, or have precisely the same expertise or history of involvement with the affected population – all factors that must be weighed up in deciding what is the appropriate course of action. For reasons of space, we have not sought to cover the areas of early warning, prevention, and mitigation associated with ‘natural’ disasters, although of course the two are always linked, as became very clear in wake of the Asian tsunami in Aceh and Sri Lanka. It has long been recognised that since catastrophic events disproportionately affect the poor and marginalised, they expose and may intensify existing social divides and structural injustice. For instance, in his seminal work on the 1943 Bengal famine, Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation (OUP, 1984) Amartya K Sen argued that such food shortages do not occur in functioning democracies. Similarly, Roger Plant's, Guatemala: Unnatural Disaster (Latin America Bureau, 1978) showed how the 1974 earthquake triggered an intensification in state violence that was to result in the death or disappearance of 200,000 Guatemalans and create ‘a nation of widows and orphans’. In accordance with the focus of this issue, we have given priority to publications and organisations that reflect on some direct involvement in humanitarian endeavour, rather than giving priority to more policy-oriented or scholarly works or academic institutions. We have included literature on the 1994 genocide in Rwanda, since this was such a defining event for humanitarianism; and some recent publications concerning the US-led invasions of Afghanistan in October 2001 (‘Operation Enduring Freedom’) and Iraq in March 2003 (‘Operation Iraqi Freedom’), since these have significantly redefined the global landscape of policy and practice within which humanitarian agencies operate. Inevitably we can offer only a glimpse of the growing literature in these fields, but we hope in so doing that readers, and particularly those directly involved in humanitarian endeavours, will be encouraged to explore the issues further. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2497833127 | Horgan <i>v</i>. An Taoiseach and Others | [] | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2497833127 | 407 War and armed conflict — Neutrality — Whether law of neutrality still part of international law — Movement of troops and munitions by belligerent through territory of neutral State — Whether neutral State obliged to prevent — Justiciability of obligations in national court War and armed conflict — Use of force — Prohibition of use of force in international relations — United Nations Charter, 1945, Article 2(4) — Jus cogens status — Whether requiring Ireland to prevent passage of United States forces through Irish territory on the way to Iraq — Constitution of Ireland, Article 29 Relationship of international law and municipal law — In general — Whether rules of international law yield to municipal law in case of conflict — Justiciability of international law obligations in municipal courts — The law of Ireland | [
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https://openalex.org/W307194066 | The Quest for Relevant Air Power: Continental European Responses to the Air Power Challenges of the Post–Cold War Era | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W307194066 | Abstract : During the Cold War, the comparatively minor contributions of European air forces to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) were not visible to the outside world because of their incorporation within the alliance structure and strategy. The first Gulf War starkly revealed the disparity between the air power of the United States and that of any other country. Subsequent operations in the Balkans, Iraq, and Afghanistan have demanded even more timely and accurate intelligence, with swifter response and greater precision in attack. The US accretion of all-weather precision munitions; stealth technology; netted real-time command, control, communications, and intelligence; unmanned aerial vehicles; and satellite systems has widened the gap with European air forces still further. The evolution and contribution of continental European air forces to recent operations remain largely unexplored, partly because of their limitations and partly because of Anglo-Saxon intellectual domination of air power analysis and concepts. Christian Anrig examines the responses of four countries to the challenges of air power in the last two decades. He has selected four very different air forces: the French Air Force (FAF), German Air Force (GAF), Royal Netherlands Air Force (RNLAF), and Swedish Air Force (SwAF). All four were influenced by the Cold War period. The GAF and RNLAF were embedded in Cold War NATO, the SwAF maintained a well-armed neutrality, and the FAF reflected the semi-independent strategic stance of post de Gaulle France. The author addresses four questions: how have these air forces responded to post Cold War political uncertainties, how have they operated, how have they responded to new air power thinking, and how have they adapted to the challenges of costs and technologies? He convincingly argues that budgetary provision has not been the most important factor in generating effective air power. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W253665189 | On the Ground in Afghanistan: Counterinsurgency in Practice | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W253665189 | Abstract : Only in the fall of 2009 did counterinsurgency became the centerpiece of U.S. strategy in Afghanistan, yet Coalition troops had been fighting an insurgency there since at least 2003, before the outbreak of violence in Iraq and the development of the new counterinsurgency field manual. Soldiers and Marines in Afghanistan made many mistakes; they also employed many sound practices learned through hard experience. This book captures some of those practices and the unique conditions under which they were developed. Military units that deployed to remote areas of Afghanistan learned to operate in an unfamiliar environment: a desperately poor, war-torn agricultural society with no functioning central government or modern economy, its population dispersed across thousands of tiny villages cut off from one another by unforgiving terrain with virtually no infrastructure. Coalition troops found themselves fighting a politically astute rural insurgency tied closely to the population. The political problems driving the violence were exceedingly opaque, complex, and localized. Small units*operating in extremely remote regions of Afghanistan, often completely isolated from their higher headquarters, had to navigate the treacherous waters of internecine tribal politics. They had to identify potential supporters and detractors while retaining some semblance of neutrality; empower local leaders without being manipulated by deceitful power brokers and corrupt officials; and fight off large numbers of proficient enemy fighters without harming civilians or making enemies of powerful tribes, some of whose members were involved in attacks on Coalition troops all in an environment of persistent insurgent intimidation. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W52084832 | The Opaque Glass Ceiling: How Will Gender Neutrality in Combat Affect Military Sexual Assault Prevalence, Prevention, and Prosecution? | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W52084832 | From 1994 until 2013, 237,000 combat arms positions in the military remained closed to women. In theory, however, that all changed on January 24, 2013, when military officials announced their intention to formally lift the ban on women serving in combat positions. Although thousands of women have distinguished themselves over the past thirteen years of war in Iraq and Afghanistan, their successes in battle have frequently been overshadowed by their inability to seek the same career progressing opportunities as their male counterparts.On the other hand, while the number of women participating in front-line combat has increased, so too have sexual assaults. An alarming number of recent studies suggest a far higher prevalence of sexual misconduct against women in war zones than is reflected by complaints otherwise gathered by the various service branches. Thus, although the eradication of the combat ban sounds historic and progressive, the less popular view is that the policy will prove far less revolutionary in practice due to the prevalence of the sexual assault crisis. This article explores the seemingly paradoxical relationship between the two phenomena. Part I details the nature of the ongoing sexual assault crisis, including past and present attempts at reform; Part II describes the nature of the proposed inclusion policy, including challenges associated with integration; Part III considers the relationship between sexual assaults and the proposed inclusion policy; and Part IV advocates for a change in deep-rooted military culture to reduce sexual assaults and facilitate the transition from a gender-restrictive to a gender-neutral force. In essence, this article argues that because the policy of opening historically male-only combat positions to women will cause an increase in the frequency of service-member on service-member sexual assaults, nothing short of a drastic change in military culture will ensure the long-term success of such a policy. | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1584788492 | Abstract: Law schools strive to teach students to be practice That noble goal, however, is not enough. Because of the powerful role that lawyers play in society, educators must also teach students to be ready. Justice graduates are able to recognize injustice and appropriately evaluate the consequences of their actions in a way that mere practice readiness does not teach. The traditional law school curriculum fails to teach justice readiness, instead inculcating in students a penchant for the status quo-an unjust and unchanging social order. Clinical education is the solution for creating justice graduates. Its use of Transformative Learning Theory allows students to learn about justice through experience and creates a long-lasting understanding of the lawyer's role in society.IntroductionWhat is the purpose of clinical legal education? Should clinics aim to teach students awareness of injustice and the role that lawyers play in fighting it? Or is that not an essential component of clinical legal education? At one point, the debate over the purpose of clinics was whether to provide teaching or service.1 Educators, however, struck a balance between the two, and the debate switched to contemplating what to teach: skills or justice.2 This shiftindicates the progress in the debate, as clinical faculty members have embraced their role as teachers. Throughout these debates, however, one thing has stayed the same in the legal profession: justice and injustice are the backdrop. There is no such thing as neutrality; everything has just or unjust effects. Therefore, clinical legal education cannot avoid dealing with justice. The only question is whether to ignore justice issues that constantly emerge or prepare students to identify injustice when they see it and develop the skills and strategic thinking to remedy it. Clinics must move students beyond being just practice ready.Law school graduates enter a troubled world. The September 11 attacks still reverberate and the U.S. economy sinks as the greed born in the 1970s and fueled in the 1980s and '90s comes home to roost.3 This is a time of drone attacks on American citizens, roving wiretaps, secret tribunals issuing search warrants, and incarceration rates higher in the United States than in any other nation.4 The rich are sheltered from higher taxes and lobbyists try to convince the rest that this policy is for their benefit.5 The U.S. government enacts draconian immigration laws and fortifies the borders.6 Banks fail and people lose their homes because they received mortgages they could not afford.7 The wealthy enjoy comprehensive health insurance as millions of Americans remain one health problem away from economic crisis.8Law school faculty certify to practice and evaluate lawyers-the very people who introduced the torture memo, the war on terror, the resistance to the Kyoto Protocol, the invasion of Iraq, and the tax structure that rewards greed and avarice and abandons the poor. But law schools also educate and certify lawyers who work tirelessly for civil rights, try to create solutions for global poverty, and struggle for peace. Where does the difference between the two groups lie? Lawyers in the latter group feel a sense of responsibility to the world and resist invitations to act out of fear and self-indulgence.Part I of this Article argues that law school clinics ought to teach students not just to be practice but ready -to be aware of injustice and commit to fighting it in their legal careers. It then lays out some of the questions clinical faculty should ask in figuring out how to achieve that goal. Part II identifies the ways in which traditional law school courses work against inculcating justice readiness and instead teach students to reproduce an unjust social order. Part III explains that clinical legal education can teach justice readiness by encouraging students to reflect on their own experiences in a social justice context. … | [
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https://openalex.org/W4387970217 | The tracks evolution of the Iraqi diplomacy with the Arab Gulf states | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4387970217 | The new Iraqi diplomacy after 2003 was characterized by a policy of openness to the countries of the regional and international surroundings, following the principle of neutrality, non-interference, and rejection of violence and polarization, emphasizing dialogue and peace to resolve disputes by peaceful means, and avoiding wars and conflicts. Realizing the extent of the importance of cooperation and peace and the urgent need for it at the present time, especially with the Arab Gulf countries, due to the strategic and economic importance enjoyed by those countries that Iraq cannot dispense with, if Iraq wanted to achieve economic development, and to open a new page with the Arab Gulf countries to develop cooperation ties and rapprochement , away from the tension and anxiety that tainted the relationship between them in the past decades . | [
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https://openalex.org/W4381746723 | IRAQI CONSTITUTION: ADVANCING THE DIALOGUE OF RELIGIOUS FREEDOM | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4381746723 | The Iraqi constitution of 2005 grants freedom of religious thought, belief and practice for all religions. This study was also based on the premise that the constitutional rights are not adhered to in Iraq, even by government officials, which could be due to the absence of suitable legislations subsequent to the framing of the constitutional provisions. An analytical and descriptive research design was adopted for this study. Data was collected from primary and secondary sources through documentation research and evaluation of historical sources. The primary data comprised Articles of the Iraqi constitution, and a few national and international legal instruments related to religious freedom. Secondary data included empirical research studies, books, articles and other published sources. This study therefore took the form of an empirical legal research as it involved the issues of constitutional reforms in the field of religious freedom. A comparative approach was adopted in analyzing the documents about religion and politics related to both the Arab region and the West. The focus was on the measures that should be adopted to advance the dialogues of religious freedom and maintain religious neutrality in all government policies. The study found out that there were apparent contradictions between the constitutional provisions and the State Laws. Similarly, the Iraqi civil and penal codes remain silent regarding legal remedies for the violation of constitutional provisions. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3172619273 | Civil Evidence | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3172619273 | Select the iraqs legislature evidence .and brought to same authorative full proof so that if there was the case judjr to end the rivalry and building rule them . and brought to some authoritative incomplete the therefor could not be realied upon and build a sentences . ie is not enough alone to prove the truth and complete conviction of the judje. But need to be supplemented by further evidence supporting its complement. The licenses of the Iraqi lrgislature judje in order to complete his conviction realied on the right complement upon the availability of controls, through direct to discount the evidence ,closer to the conviction of the judje or as required by the reality of the case and it is up to the discretion of the trial judje. With out depariting ftom the principle of neutrality, because the role of the judje begins following the submission of evidence and not before. Hence, we see the importance of the right complementary. And the importance of the text of the laws of evidence and the rest of the Iraqi and theother arab laws where the lead to end the conflict . and thus the lack of accumulation of the case to the court,as well as lead to the stability of the transactions and bring the truth of the factual truth and the return of the judicial the right of its owner. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3016597132 | Our universities away from partisan Altsarat | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3016597132 | In order to codify the political and partisan activity in Iraq, after a difficult labor, the Political Parties Law No. (36) for the year 2015 started and this is positive because it is not normal for the political parties and forces in Iraq to continue without a legal framework. Article (24) / paragraph (5) of the law requires that the party and its members commit themselves to the following: (To preserve the neutrality of the public office and public institutions and not to exploit it for the gains of a party or political organization). This is considered because it is illegal to exploit State institutions for partisan purposes . It is a moral duty before the politician not to exploit the political parties or some of its members or those who try to speak on their behalf directly or indirectly to achieve partisan gains. Or personality against other personalities and parties at the expense of the university entity. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2604663374 | Horgan v. An Taoiseach (OUP Case Note) | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2604663374 | Whether the use of an Irish airport for United States aircraft engaged in a military attack in the State of Iraq violated Irish neutrality and was contrary to provisions of the Irish Constitution and/or international law? | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2172171958 | “Are we shooting?”- Strategic Communications Campaign in a Population-Centric Counterinsurgency. | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2172171958 | Come 2004, progress in pacifying Iraq following the American-led invasion was not as advanced as hoped. Despite the Iraqi army’s swift defeat, pockets of resistance remained within the country, which served as home-base to suspected Al-Qaeda members and ultimately contributed to prolonging the opening stages of the occupation. For eight months, the city of Al‐Fallujah in the strategic Sunni Triangle of Iraq, stymied progress in pacifying the country. It harbored the most sought-after insurgents and enabled the logistical operations needed to keep the insurgency afloat during the crucial stages of resistance. Two attempts were needed by American-led coalition forces, to seize the city. Between OP VIGILANT RESOLVE in April 2004 and OP PHANTOM FURY in November 2004 the U.S. Department of Defense was forced to modify its approach in the wake of a disastrous first attempt, enabling a more robust strategic communications plan. The inclusion of embedded journalists as a component of a Strategic Communications plan during OP PHANTOM FURY proved crucial to American victory, and heralded the arrival of fifth generation warfare. However, in order to do so, the Pentagon was brought to resolve its long-standing and complicated relationship with the mass media, and new media, by addressing issues of bias, and neutrality in war-time reporting and the faults inherent in their communications plan. The battles for Fallujah illustrate the role and effect of Strategic Communications and DoD media policy as part of Information Operations in a population‐centric counterinsurgency. By shaping perception end‐states - the dimension encompassing the target audiences’ opinions- through embedded journalists enhanced by new media in a Strategic Communications campaign, the U.S. provided the counter-narrative to that of the Iraqi insurgency, allowing the U.S. to maintain the credibility of its actions, and mission. Normal 0 false false false EN-US JA X-NONE /* Style Definitions */
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https://openalex.org/W1581519879 | United States Foreign Policy and United Nations | [
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"display_name": "Changok Soh",
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"display_name": "Quantum mechanics",
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"Iraq"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W2160801372",
"https://openalex.org/W2165751148"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1581519879 | This paper deals with the unilateralism and inconsistencies in United States foreign policy and its impact on the functions and independence of United Nations. The overall background of the UN and its limitations from its inception are analyzed in relation to the US decisions to arbitrarily intervene or undermine its neutrality, which are exemplified most conspicuously by the war in Iraq. Criticism amounts as the US continues to bypass the mediatory multilateral functions of UN in a narrow pursuit of economic and political interest. It is also important to note how the lack of coherence in US foreign policy has adversely affected the operation of UN. Thus, this study examines the history of the US-UN relations, and how inconsistency in US foreign policies, from multilateral to unilateral and vice versa, has affected the UN as well as the global society. In addition, the war in Iraq and the chronological story of the battle between the US and the UN is analyzed as the up-most power struggle between the world's sole super power and the world governing body. Finally, this paper discusses the measures for enhancing the independence of the UN. | [
{
"display_name": "국제정치논총",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4306494919",
"type": "journal"
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|
https://openalex.org/W2338928073 | The Confederate States of America and the British Empire: Neutral Territory and Civil Wars | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2338928073 | The United States is locked in a war with insurgents, and struggles to stamp them out. The insurgents sustain their effort in no small part because they receive arms and supplies from supposedly neutral powers abroad, and can seek shelter in - and attack from - neutral territory. The United States threatens action against neutral power, or against insurgents on their territory, if situation is not redressed, risking escalation of war. This scenario, in modified form, could be applied to any of half a dozen American wars, from Iraq or Afghanistan, to Vietnam or Seminole wars. My own anecdotal experience in Iraq and Afghanistan was deeply shaped by availability, to our opponents, of adjacent, theoretically neutral territory in which to shelter or receive support. Rather than rehashing seemingly endless literature on conduct of counterinsurgency warfare, which has exploded in volume in past decade, I will look to another example, American Civil War, as a case study of how a supposedly domestic insurrection, as Union diplomats often referred to Confederate States used adjacent neutral territory, and how international forces shaped that conflict. In interest of focus, I will limit analysis to British neutral territory, although I think there is merit in further study to include Mexico, Cuba, and contested regions of American West. By broadening our scope of examination to include neutral territory it becomes clear that Confederacy (or the rebellion) was more than just Confederate States of America: it was a transnational rebellion against United States, fueled by arms from abroad, that exploited British neutrality out of military weakness and opportunism in interest of its war effort. | [
{
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|
https://openalex.org/W4320147964 | Operation RUBICON: An Assessment With Regard to Switzerland's Duties Under the Law of Neutrality | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C11413529"
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] | [
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4320147964 | Abstract Under the guise of Swiss neutrality, the Swiss-based company Crypto AG for decades manufactured and supplied manipulated cipher machines to governments in over 120 States. The company was controlled by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the German Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND). The Swiss intelligence services had known about this intelligence operation since 1993 at the latest, had access to relevant information, and allowed the foreign intelligence services to continue their operation until 2018. For the permanently neutral State of Switzerland, this raises the question of how Operation RUBICON is to be assessed with regard to Switzerland's duties under the law of neutrality. This author finds that it was unlikely that Switzerland, in its complicity in Operation RUBICON, violated its duties under the law of neutrality. However, if—and this is unlikely but cannot be completely ruled out—Crypto AG exported rigged cipher machines or offered maintenance services during (or immediately before) the Kosovo War in 1999 to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, or during (or immediately before) the Iraq invasion in 2003 to the Republic of Iraq, Switzerland would have violated its duties under the law of neutrality. At the very least, Switzerland's complicity in Operation RUBICON plays into its image as a Western neutral and is therefore relevant in terms of Swiss neutrality policy. In any case, it is crucial for Switzerland to refrain from complying with intelligence operations such as Operation RUBICON and to preserve (guided by equidistance, international law, and Switzerland's humanitarian tradition) its permanent neutrality, even during today's challenging circumstances. | [
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"display_name": "International Journal of Legal Information",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S2764881527",
"type": "journal"
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|
https://openalex.org/W1485559617 | Horgan v Ireland | [
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"display_name": "Liam Thornton",
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{
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{
"display_name": "Municipal law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C8705443"
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{
"display_name": "Linguistics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41895202"
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] | [
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1485559617 | Whether the use of an Irish airport for United States aircraft engaged in a military attack in the State of Iraq violated Irish neutrality and was contrary to provisions of the Irish Constitution and/or international law.The OUP project International Law in Domestic Courts (ILDC) reports on domestic cases with international legal dimensions from over sixty-five different jurisdictions. As well as providing a summary of the most salient points of international legal concern, the case note provides commentary on the quality of legal reasoning utilised in the decision and the judgements compatibility with decided points of international law. Access to decisions is by subscription only. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3114303927 | The Swedish Role in the Disarmament of Iraq, 1991-2003 | [
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] | [
"Iraq"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W2045240333",
"https://openalex.org/W2504814477",
"https://openalex.org/W3044728706",
"https://openalex.org/W4230195801"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3114303927 | Following the end of the Gulf War in 1991, the United Nations’ effort at disarming Iraq came to be defined by a notable Swedish influence through the appointment of Swedish nationals in key positions. This work explores their unique contribution and the impact of their nationality on their efficacy. The article argues that the country’s history of neutrality combined with significant diplomatic clout and technical know-how enabled Swedish inspectors to make substantial contributions based on the factors explored albeit at times limited due to absence of large scale weapons of mass destruction programmes at home. By examining their conduct, it is demonstrated how a small state can play an active and outsi role in an active case of disarmament. | [
{
"display_name": "Scandinavian Journal of History",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S94074959",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2915616865 | Les mandéens selon les voyageurs français du XVIIe siècle | [
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"display_name": "Magali Amandine Bossi",
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] | [
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2915616865 | Several religious minorities are threatened in contemporary Iraq as a result of the exactions of the lslamic State -including Mandeans. A monotheist religion founded on baptismal rituals, Mandaeism has a long been known to Westerners. ln the seventeenth century, it fascinated Western missionaries and travellers passing through Basra. Examining the works of four French travellers -François de La Boullaye-Le-Gouz, Jean de Thévenot, Jean-Baptiste Tavernier and Jean Chardin-, this article investigates the perspective through which these looked at Mandaeism, a perspective shaped by a Christian prism. As a starting point, we will consider the names used by these travellers to describe the Mandeans. A close reading of their texts will also lead us to survey three distinct descriptive methods used in these sources, here termed axiological neutrality, normative approach, and heuristic approach. | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210192065",
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|
https://openalex.org/W3008961440 | La representación del intérprete de conflictos en obras de ficción. Un estudio de caso a partir de la miniserie Generation Kill | [
{
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"display_name": "Elena Sanchez Orta",
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] | [
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3008961440 | The study of interpreting in conflict zones, on the one hand, and the study of fictional representations of interpreters, on the other, are two very popular lines of study in contemporary Interpreting Studies. This project lies halfway between both lines of study and within the framework of the Cultural Studies paradigm. The aim of this project is to analyse the fictional representation of conflict interpreters, more specifically, civilian interpreters hired by the US military during the invasion in the Iraq war, through an analytical-descriptive and interpretative corpus-based analysis, our corpus being the American miniseries Generation Kill (HBO, 2008). The show's seven constituent episodes will allow us to reflect upon the work of the interpreter in conflict zones, as well as the underlying meaning behind their representation, by studying concepts such as the interpreter's credentials, working conditions, usefulness, ethics, fidelity, neutrality, trustworthiness, realism and function. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2963308972 | Knowing Is Half the Battle | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C166957645"
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] | [
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2963308972 | Grounded in the exploration of the conflict between the United States and Iraq which led to war in 2003, this dissertation considers the role that television journalism plays in international conflicts in which the United States is involved. Using quantitative and qualitative research methods, this analysis critically engages with CNN's coverage of the conflict, seeking to combine the insights of conflict studies and mass communication research, towards an understanding of television news as both constrained by and influencing international conflicts. Focusing on the processes through which news about the conflict was created and presented as well on the news content itself, the data demonstrates that CNN endorsed war through its presentations of the issues, strategies and parties involved in the conflict. Finding no deliberate plot on the part of CNN to bias its coverage, the research suggests that CNN's adherence to standard journalistic practices undermined the neutrality of its coverage. Instead, powerful sources were afforded considerable influence to direct the coverage in particular directions, and ultimately toward war. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2807727336 | Drawing upon a Comparative Case Study of Iraq and Afghanistan Critically Assess the Success and Failures in the Negotiation Process to Get Personnel and/or Humanitarian Aid to Populations in Need | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Francesco Bruno",
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2807727336 | This paper critically assesses and compares the successes and failures of Non-Governmental Organizations(NGOs) in negotiating access to humanitarian spaces in two case studies, namely Afghanistan and Iraq. The case studies have been selected due to the nature of the two wars, namely the link to the “War on Terror” declared by President George W. Bush in 2001. As a consequence, the selected cases highlight highly politicized and insecure environments for the NGOs to work in. In terms of successes, the NGOs became more flexible in their organizational structure while solving cases on a day-to-day basis negotiating access with local as well as international actors. However, the nature of the conflicts completely shuttered any opportunity to uphold the principles of impartiality, neutrality and independence. In terms of failures, the case studies point out one of the main and most recurrent dilemmas for the NGOs, namely the lack of legitimacy and independency. As a consequence, many international NGOs engaged in remote projects using local personnel in insecure and dangerous areas lacking tools for monitoring the progresses and successes. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3166140019 | Medical Diplomacy and the Battle for Hearts and Minds | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3166140019 | Medical diplomacy leverages health care to win hearts and minds, pacify war-torn communities, and gather intelligence. Charging that medical diplomacy exploits vulnerable patients, critics chastise military medicine for repudiating the neutrality it requires to deliver good care. Military medicine, however, is not neutral. But it must be effective and looking at the wars in Vietnam, Iraq, and Afghanistan, medical diplomacy does not usually offer good care. MEDCAPs (Medical Civic Action Programs) and PRTs (Provincial Reconstruction Teams) fail to provide civilians with quality treatment. Suggestions for improvements abound and if medical diplomacy proves effective, then humanitarian force may utilize medicine for military advantage, pacification, and stabilization during armed conflict. At the same time, humanitarian war requires close cooperation between military forces and civilian-relief NGOs (nongovernmental organizations). Ideally, the former provides security and funding, while the latter work with local officials and stakeholders to build health care infrastructures and restore confidence in the government. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4243530796 | “In Iraq, We Were Never Neutral”: Exploring the Effectiveness of “Gender-Neutral” Standards in a Gendered War | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4243530796 | This article begins with a brief review of the literature on the expansion of military occupational opportunities for women in the United States (US) Armed Forces. To date, cognitive-institutional reinforcement and the relationship between warfighting and policy making has allowed the military to staunchly maintain its masculinized character. Women have been expected to conform to these gender norms in a masculinized environment. However, the Iraq War presented an interestingly juxtaposed case due to the gendered nature of the insurgency. Women in uniform were increasingly called upon and required to act “as women” to meet tactical and strategic objectives. Their actions call into question the overall masculine character of warfighting. Data from focus groups and interviews further advance the position that women in the military are put into increasingly contradictory positions. This is a byproduct of the informal gendered realities of war and the formal focus on gender-neutrality in training and standards. For many women serving, this confusion of gendered expectations can be distracting from the accomplishment of primary duties, which adversely impacts women’s recruitment, retention, and reintegration into civilian life. This article provides a discussion on what this lack of gender clarity means for military recruitment, retention, and integration of women. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3185395507 | “In Iraq, We Were Never Neutral”: Exploring the Effectiveness of “Gender-Neutral” Standards in a Gendered War | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3185395507 | This article begins with a brief review of the literature on the expansion of military occupational opportunities for women in the United States (US) Armed Forces. To date, cognitive-institutional reinforcement and the relationship between warfighting and policy making has allowed the military to staunchly maintain its masculinized character. Women have been expected to conform to these gender norms in a masculinized environment. However, the Iraq War presented an interestingly juxtaposed case due to the gendered nature of the insurgency. Women in uniform were increasingly called upon and required to act “as women” to meet tactical and strategic objectives. Their actions call into question the overall masculine character of warfighting. Data from focus groups and interviews further advance the position that women in the military are put into increasingly contradictory positions. This is a byproduct of the informal gendered realities of war and the formal focus on gender-neutrality in training and standards. For many women serving, this confusion of gendered expectations can be distracting from the accomplishment of primary duties, which adversely impacts women’s recruitment, retention, and reintegration into civilian life. This article provides a discussion on what this lack of gender clarity means for military recruitment, retention, and integration of women. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W1517948778 | The Safety Humanitarian Aid Workers in Time of Armed Conflict: A Critical Legal Analysis | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1517948778 | This research explains the meaning of humanitarian workers and the conflict zone in which they carry out their duties to the needy. It also points out that members of independent humanitarian organizations have less protection, legally speaking, than most of them probably think. Two key features of their work neutrality and independence as well as practical steps they take to implement these principles, actually place them outside much of the protection afforded to either civilians or authorized medical staff. Through this research, the international legal protection currently available to independent humanitarian organizations is examined, and
consideration on whether there is scope for improvement of both the content of this framework and respect for the same. Beyond the lack of willingness of states to do so for political reasons, some more technical aspects should be emphasized. The implementation of sanctions is too often seen solely through the prism of international law, without enough attention being paid to the complexity and diversity of municipal legal systems. The analysis and discussion also on nature, types and aim of each aid workers as different types of aid workers need different type of protections and the aid workers at the armed conflict areas such as in Afghanistan, Iraq has been highlighted. This research's objective is to analyze the instruments applied to the personnel security in the humanitarian field of armed
conflict under or through the international humanitarian law, and to reflect the need to take measures in order to ensure the security of the staff, so that they can indeed
reach those civilian people and act on their behalf. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3035613251 | The role of external control in improving the quality of accounting information for financial statements | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3035613251 | Information represents an obsession that leads all users of information because of the challenges it presents in choosing different economic decisions. Here comes the role of the quality of this information because it has evidence of the efficiency of its preparers. The research aims to study and analyze the availability of qualitative characteristics of information in the financial statements and the extent to which this is confirmed by external oversight in its reports Through an application on the Iraqi company for production and marketing of mixed agricultural products The research also reached several conclusions, the most prominent of which was the lack of inclusion in the management report of the annual planning budgets that are appropriate for its activity and an indication of the implementation percentages for these budgets and the reasons for deviations. A number of recommendations were presented, the most important of which should be prepared by the financial statements, taking into consideration the culture of the users of the financial statements. Abbreviation and inclusivity and to be understood by them. The qualitative characteristics of accounting information and its repercussions on the financial statements represent the characteristics that the accounting information should have in the financial statements in order to be the basic building block upon which to make decisions for beneficiaries. The information performs several functions, including the prediction function and the confirmation function in addition to adding the characteristic of honest representation to neutrality and freedom from error. The responsibility for preparing financial statements falls on the management of the company and is committed to achieving the best level of qualitative characteristics of accounting information and you should not prefer one feature over another as it may lead to a result Negative information, and here comes the role of financial supervision in ensuring the availability of qualitative characteristics of information for financial statements in the audit process, as the information users depend on the auditor to check on the continuation of the company's business and their taking of future decisions. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2625382777 | Law of naval warfare | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2625382777 | The law of naval warfare (LONW) is a specialised component of international humanitarian law
(IHL), focused upon the application of fundamental IHL principles to maritime operational
conduct. Contextually, this encompasses both the unique nature of the maritime environment and
a long history of mediated resolutions to tensions between trade, maritime communications and
maritime security, common heritage and sovereignty, and armed conflict and neutrality. Perhaps
because of this mediating function, LONW has rarely kept pace with either tactical or technological developments in maritime operations,1 although it has (at least since the 1990s) responded
efficiently to norm crystallisation in terms of the general management and regulation of the
maritime domain. This tendency to lag tactics and technology defines what is perhaps the core
thematic challenge faced by the LONW: the scant likelihood of naval armed conflict occurring in
the ‘classic’ way envisaged when much of the black letter law was crafted. This is not to say that
situations do not arise where traditional LONW clearly applies – the maritime aspects of the 2003
Iraq War (such as visit and search, albeit with the complicating overlay of a UN Security Council
(UNSC) sanctions regime in parallel operation), and the 2006 blockade with respect to the IsraelLebanon conflict, provide two recent examples of relatively traditional applications of LONW.
The form and nature of challenges to the utility and interpretation of traditional LONW vary
widely, but are illustrated in four discrete, but indicative, issues: (1) non-international armed
conflict (NIAC) at sea (and in particular some of the as-yet unresolved issues that surround the
application of LONW to Sri Lankan maritime operations against the LTTE (the Tamil Tigers),21 D P O’Connell, The Influence of Law on Seapower (Naval Institute Press 1975) xiii.
2 For background on the maritime dimensions of the final years of the NIAC in Sri Lanka, see Justin OSmith, Maritime Interdiction in Counterinsurgency: The Role of the Sri Lankan Navy in the Defeat of the Tamil
Tigers (thesis, US Naval Postgraduate School 2010) 46-58, www.dtic.mil/dtic/tr/fulltext/u2/a524725.
pdf; see also Martin N Murphy, ‘Maritime Threat: Tactics and Technology of the Sea Tigers’ Jane’s
Intelligence Review (1 June 2006). | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2923694829 | A proven principle in writing and the role of the civil judge in completing his thesis (comparative analytical study) | [
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"display_name": "Hadi Mohammed Abdullah",
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"display_name": "Soran University",
"id": "https://openalex.org/I32706565",
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"display_name": "Tahseen Hamad Smail",
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] | [
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2923694829 | A proof the civilian suit is regarded as a pivot of the case , which is connected with the community since penetrating ages in mankind life . The right which can not be proved is not existing and is an non-existence,Therefore the modern legislations intended to set up a special legislation of proof and later on showing the evidences and organization them .Since the existence of right is relaying on the proof which maintaining the right , facilitating the owner’s right to prove the person's right that claiming it. Although this evidences are not in the same degrees , there is some evidences which is sufficient for prove the right and there is no need for providing more reinforcement or support by other evidences and without the judge's intervention ,because it contains power of credibility and the source of rising. If individuals became afraid of their acquired rights to face removal ,they attend to support maintaining it by preparing previous evidence for proving their right . But in some times they can not prepare previous evidence or present the proof within a proper time duration for whatever reason . Which prevent the availability of complete evidence , thus the evidence will become incomplete evidence, hence the role of judge become prominent to complete such incomplete proof by using positive power in direction of the case and protecting the case parties in such situations in order to be under the mercy of their rivals , without violation of neutrality principle of the court case . Because it is not justice and fairness for the judge to neglect the obvious right and losing it for the reason of incomplete evidence . Although the judges, consent about the truthfulness of the right but there is not entire consent to depend on it in his sentence , then it needs another proof to fulfill such content.Therefore the importance of the subject rises and become significant factor and supporting necessary element for civil prove regulation , since it has a wide framwork and its severity . This will be possible to avoid clear depression condition and the judge has a positive role and prominent personal movement in doing his best to sentence fairly and his obligation is to seek for reality to complete his content in evidences to realize the actual reality . we titled our research as (incomplete evidences and the role of civil judge in completion its legal admissibility).We selected this subject for the the importance of it , because it is an important subject in judgment prove , since it is the objective of fairness and judgment. For taking the most important aspect of this subject , we divided our research into two sections , in order to be suitable and balanced with the title of the research .The first section deals with some samples of incomplete evidences , in order to be aware with types of incompleted evidences ,the terms /conditions and the elements .The second section is dealing with the manner of proving the in ompleted evidences and the civil judge's role in completing such incompleteness , then the end of the study includes the most important conclusions realized by the researcher,then presented the suggestions .We hope that the Iraqi legislator will take it in to consideration . | [
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https://openalex.org/W2096286333 | The Non-Neutrality of Technology: Pitfalls of Network-Enabled Operations | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C77805123"
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] | [
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2096286333 | Light'em all up! was the headline on the front page of a prestigious Dutch newspaper. A still from leaked video footage taken from a U.S. attack helicopter in Iraq accompanied the story.1 These sorts of newspaper headlines appear after tragic incidents, particularly those involving civilian victims.In another illustrative case, a commander is quoted as saying, Yes, those pax are an imminent threat. The chief of a provincial reconstruction team (PRT) camp in Kunduz, Afghanistan, made the judgment after he saw black dots (thermal images of persons) on his computer screen.2 He turned out to be tragically wrong.These newspaper quotations emphasize what can go wrong with imagery interpretation during military operations, and they are not isolated cases.3 The first quotation is about an incident that took place in 2007, involving a group of journalists with their cameras mistaken for insurgents with weapons. Two of the news reporters did not survive the air strike that followed. The second quotation is about an air strike on two hijacked fuel trucks in Kunduz, Afghanistan, in September 2009. After the incident several reports came out deciphering the strike in terms of who was to blame for the scores of victims.4A common factor in such incidents is the use of technological assets that allow several military officers to see the objective simultaneously, i.e., a network of observers and decision makers observing the same incident with the intention of gaining a military advantage.In earlier issues of Military Review, several authors focused on the difficulties in decision making, accountability, and responsibilities in these complex military missions.5 In this article, I take these difficulties very seriously to elucidate an often overlooked factor, the role of technology in decision making. I will discuss the pitfalls that can occur when making decisions in a network environment, specifically the sharing of live video images originating from manned or unmanned systems. This article's central theme relates to the interaction between man and technology during operations.TerminologyThe term network-enabled requires some explanation. The term means the use of network technologies and information technology assets to facilitate cooperation and information sharing. This can lead to a build-up of complex and ad hoc multinational environments, referred to as capabilities or network enabled operations. Network enabled capabilities have the potential for increasing military effects through improved use of information technology systems.The underlying vision for establishing these complex, ad hoc multinational environments is the linking up of decision makers via information technology and communication networks to enable improved, synchronized decision making. The idea is that people with authorized access to the network, wherever they may be in physical or hierarchal terms, can log in, coordinate operations, and retrieve and submit relevant information. 6 Frans Osinga has already added a critical note to the high expectations of capabilities.7 In Netwerkend de oorlog in? (Militaire Spectator), he addresses the practical and moral complexities of high technology from a philosophical perspective.8In this contribution, I discuss the routine practice of the networking soldier and examine a number of problems inherently connected to the use of technology. I present these problems as possible pitfalls and use the case of the Kunduz airstrike to illustrate these pitfalls in daily military practice.Three PitfallsAlthough I could discuss several other pitfalls, I will limit myself to three:* The danger of developing a so-called Predator view.* The misinterpretation of visual data.* The prevention of streamlined communication.The use of a technological network is not a neutral activity but a hidden dimension that is almost completely ignored and may lie at the heart of many problems that rise to the surface. … | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W198009314 | Social representations of Irish neutrality | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Emma O’Dwyer",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5042207782"
}
] | [
{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
},
{
"display_name": "Irish",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780623531"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C77805123"
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{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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{
"display_name": "Psychology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C15744967"
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{
"display_name": "Philosophy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138885662"
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{
"display_name": "Linguistics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41895202"
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] | [
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W198009314 | Neutrality is a foreign policy orientation which denotes non-aggression and impartiality in war and the inviolability of neutral territory (Salmon, 1989). Despite its enduring popularity among Irish citizens, it occupies a unique position, variously perceived as an expression of sovereignty or pacifism, or as a symptom of moral ambivalence and self-interest. This thesis provides a mixed-methods examination of the meanings which Irish citizens, pro-neutrality activists and the media attach to neutrality, drawing on social representations theory (Moscovici, 1961/76), identity process theory (Breakwell, 1993; Breakwell, 1986) and rhetorical approaches to social psychology (Billig, Condor, Edwards, Gane, Middleton, & Radley, 1988; Billig, 1993). It examines neutrality’s relationship with national identity, often posited as a reason for its endurance (e.g. Devine, 2008b). It explores social representational change from two angles – in terms of change in social representational content and the consideration of how social representational change might be achieved in terms of resisting dominant representations. Four empirical enquiries were conducted to investigate Irish neutrality.
Study 1 examines the change in social representations of neutrality using an ALCESTE analysis (Reinert, 1990) of media data from four events considered key for understanding Irish neutrality –WorldWar II (1939-45), Ireland’s membership of the European Union (1973), the invasion of Iraq (2003) and the Lisbon Treaty referenda (2008,2009). This study shows that the social representational field is context-dependent and marked by stability and flux; Irish neutrality during World War II has assumed an iconic and enduring quality, while representations have more recently begun to encompass Irish involvement in peace-keeping. This study also reveals the value tensions which neutrality signifies and its potential to problematise the relationship between national identity and neutrality, specifically in terms of the Northern Ireland conflict.
Study 2 presents a quantitative analysis of the 2001/02 Irish Social and Political Attitudes data (Garry, Hardiman, & Payne, 2006). This study examines the content of representations of neutrality, how such representations were anchored in values, and the importance of group differences for how such representations were objectified. It reveals four dominant definitions of neutrality – independence, non-aggression, impartiality and peace-keeping - and shows that older people were more likely to use the definition of independence over any other, indicating possible intergenerational differences in objectification. Social representational content was found to moderate the relationship between values and support for neutrality.
Study 3 examines the content of social representations of neutrality and its relationship with national identity. Four focus groups were conducted with Irish citizens of different ages and levels of educational attainment. From discussions of vignettes detailing hypothetical conflict events, a thematic analysis (Braun & Clark, 2006) of the relationship between social representations of neutrality and Irish
national identity was undertaken.
Study 4 comprises of a thematic analysis of focus group data with three groups of pro-neutrality activists; two included Sinn Fein members and one Green Party members. The anchoring of social representations of neutrality in ideology and the strategies of resisting dominant social representations were investigated.
Overall, the findings show that social representations of neutrality are dilemmatic and polyphasic; they are characterised by competing arguments, tensions, ambiguity and ambivalence, which need to be negotiated. The thesis also posits that the relationship between neutrality and national identity is dynamic and that representations are functional for identity. In terms of process, social representations of neutrality may be anchored in values and ideology and age seems relevant to the process of objectification. Implications for research on
foreign policy orientations as well as the benefits of using a social representations approach are advanced. Taken as a whole, this thesis underscores the need to study foreign policy orientations using a theoretical framework which prioritises the issues of content, context, conflict and identity, that is, what foreign policy orientations mean to people, if and how these meanings change and are contested, and how they are related to identity. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2156932734 | 구한말 미국의 대조선 정책 | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C62520636"
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"display_name": "Acoustics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C24890656"
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{
"display_name": "Physical medicine and rehabilitation",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C99508421"
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{
"display_name": "Aerospace engineering",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C146978453"
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2156932734 | This study focuses on the early period of Korea-U.S. relations. Reexamining forty four years of relationship would provide readers some clues that both can utilize in building a mutually beneficial alliance relationship for the future. There were missed opportunities and lost moments that might have prevented the Pacific War with the U.S. and enormous sufferings done to Koreans throughout the harsh colonial period of 1910~1945. There were also critical moment when both Russia and Japan compete each other without enjoying fully dominant positions on the Korean peninsula. Yet, in this critical period of 1898~1904, the Mckinley administration did not pay much attention to the idea of neutralizing Korea, initiated firstly by the Russia and the special request of King Kojong in which he wished to be acknowledged by the U.S. of her sovereign right if the China would be allowed when John Hay pronounced its Open Door Policy in 1900. In both cases, the U.S. turned down the requests by maintaining principle of non-involvement and neutrality. Perhaps the war with Spain, beginning in 1898 failed the American leadership to see the value of the Korean and Russian requests. Obsessed mainly with the principles of balance of power, American governments did not try a more creative approach that might save not only the regional balance but also the moral principles of American interests, that are clearly exemplified in Manifest Destiny. There are at least five reasons that make the U.S. to shy away from saving Korea: First, Korea's economic value was too small to be reckoned with for the U.S. while the Japan had become the crucial market for American key industrial export goods: steel and oil. About 15 percent of steel must be consumed aborad and Japan was the only Asian market that the U.S. could rely on at the time. U.S. needed foreign policy that can serve the interests of industrializing corporate America, rapidly rising in the post-Civil War period. Second, strategic consideration to balance off the Russian influence, emerging in China and Manchuria made Theodore Roosevelt to keep supporting Japanese position to annex Korea. After Japan shocked the world by defeating the Russian army and navy, TR also needed to contain Japan not to expand her influence toward Manchuria and the Pacific. Korea is the only reasonable prize he can persuade Japan to constrain itself. Third, prejudice and misperception on Korea was prevalent among Americans at the time. TR and his advisors did not believe that Korea was capable of governing itself. Perhaps Roosevelt did not understand fully the Japanese psychology toward the Koreans. As a racist and practical strategist, he supported Tokyo to colonize Korea since it had a strength and civilization to rule over those who cannot even defend themselves. Fourth, the problem of insurgencies in the Philippines was a serious challenge to both the Mckinley administration as well as the Roosevelt administration. It was inconceivable that the U.S. expands its influences to the Korean peninsula against wishes of the Japanese at the time. Like Iraq today, the Philippines was an trauma for the Roosevelt administration. TR prefers to obtain Japan's acknowledgement on the America's interests on the Pacific by exchanging Japan's sphere of influence over Korea. Fifth, the immigration was a big issue in domestic politics, particularly for those who hated to see the coolies and Japanese took their jobs because of their cheap labor. San Francisco's Education Board passed the new law that prohibited Japanese children to go to school with the white children. Roosevelt was infuriated and concerned about potential negative effects. He was afraid that the Yellow Peril in the West would stir anti-American feelings in the Japan. He believe that Korea would be an ideal place that takes a bulk of new immigrants from Japan and therefore reduce the potential tension between the Tokyo and Washington. This study also identifies five major historical lessons and concludes with five policy implications. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4379420101 | The Balkans after the Cold War: From Tyranny to Tragedy by Tom s> Gallagher (review) | [
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{
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4379420101 | REVIEWS 38I their neutrality.But in the early seventies the high point of Finnish ingenuity was reached when those brightfellowsbroughtinto the Finnishforeign office, Risto Hyvarinen and Keijo Korhonen, concocted a 'German package deal'. Both Germanies were to be recognized in return for compensation for the devastation wrought by the Germany military in Lapland in I944 and in returnfor a guarantee of recognition of Finnishneutrality,a guaranteewhich would have made the I948 security treaty with the Soviet Union look redundant. It did not work out very well, though the GDR was interested. But the writing was already on the wall the wall in Bonn. The Hallstein doctrine was hoist by its own petard. Exceptions to it were alreadybeing made and the CSCE conferences, with the firstbig venue in Helsinkiin I973, made change imperative. Willy Brandt and his Ostpolitikwere doing the trickbetween the two Germanies and all the Finns had to do now was to slot into diplomatic relationswith both sides.No problem any more. Hentila's promised second workwill deal with the influence of the GDR in Finland, in respectof which he has alreadyestablisheda certainstarting-point in the Finnish press. As far as his present work on the recognition of the two Germanies is concerned, it is pleasurable to recount that it contains an excellent Englishsummarytranslatedby RoderickFletcher. Universiy ofTurku GEORGE MAUDE Finland Gallagher,Tom. 7heBalkans after theColdWar.: FromTyranny toTragedy. Outcast Europe, 3. Routledge, London and New York, 2003. 256 pp. Notes. Bibliography.Index. $95.00: ?6o.oo. THE short twentieth century in Europe (I9I4-9I) ended, as it began, with a conflagration in the Balkans, one involving a complex interplay of regional and Great Powerpolitics. German, Austro-Hungarianand Russian competition for control of the Balkansand Near East brought about WorldWar I sparkedby an act of terrorismin Sarajevo which resulted in the downfall of the nineteenth-century European order. In turn, the crisis in the former Yugoslavia of 199I-95 marked the end of the Cold War framework of Europeanpolitics. The i990S were an interregnum, between the end of the Cold War and the startof the 'Waron Terror',in which the Yugoslavconflict was the key internationalevent. Although the US's policy towardthis conflictwas weak and vacillating,some of the characteristicsof internationalpoliticsin the 20005 were alreadyapparent:above all, a sharpdifferenceof opinion between Washingtonand itsEuropeanalliesoverhow to dealwith a regionalaggressor. The Yugoslavconflict saw Anglo- and Franco-Americanrelationsreach their coldest since Suez; in turn, the discrediting of the anti-American policy pursued by John Major's Conservative government over Bosnia paved the way for Tony Blair'sreaffirmationof the Atlantic alliance, firstin Kosovo and subsequentlyin Afghanistanand Iraq. Tom Gallagher'swell written account of the Yugoslavcrisisskilfullyweaves together its domestic and international aspects to provide a compelling 382 SEER, 82, 2, 2004 explanationforthe tragedy.Gallagherdescribeshow the expansionistagendas of the Milosevic and Tudjman regimes dovetailed with the callous and shortsighted policies of Westernleaders, above all in Britainand France,resulting in the West's collusion in the destruction of Bosnia. Racist perceptions of the former Yugoslavs,ignorance of their history, resentment of Germany and of the US and simple cynicismled British,French,UN and otherpoliticiansand diplomats down this path. Gallagher points out the irony of the Dayton Accord of I995, whereby Milo'sevicand Tudjman, the dictators responsible for the tragedy, were expected to act as 'guarantors' of the peace. The Americanscome outsomewhatbetterfromGallagher'saccount:US statesmen such as Richard Holbrooke and Peter Galbraith had a more sophisticated understanding of the region than their British and French counterpartsand more human sympathy for its peoples. Yet they went along with the farce of Dayton on account of theirnaivety and pressurefromtheirEuropean allies. Although this is familiar ground, Gallagher has provided an admirable synthesis of the existing literature,filled with juicy quotations from Western statesmenthatmakethe internationalcatalystsof the tragedyall too apparent. Thus BritishForeign Office minister Mark Lennox-Boyd is quoted as saying on 27 June i99I, the day war broke out in Slovenia: 'the government would deplore the use of force. .. I must add however that the Yugoslavfederalarmy might have a role in restoring order' (p. 47). Although Gallagher's own alignment is clear, he provides a wealth of quotations from a wide range of American, West European, formerYugoslavand other sourcesto illustrateall sidesin the debate over the... | [
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https://openalex.org/W2049266188 | Diplomatic Historians and the Return to Theory | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Fraser J. Harbutt",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2049266188 | 18 Historically Speaking November/December 2006 Politics and psychology often conspire to make people believe what they need to believe in order for them to have faith in their policies. This is necessary to give them the confidence to move forward and to persuade others to join them. My theory suggests that the main reason why the Bush administration relied on the expectation diat Ahmad Chalabi could quickly stabilize Iraq and permit U.S. forces to withdraw was that this belief allowed them to proceed widi the war with relatively little psychological conflict or political opposition. To take another example, John Coogan argues quite convincingly that at the start of World War I Woodrow Wilson was able to— indeed, had to—delude himself into believing that he was upholding American neutrality against the British blockade. To have seen clearly would have forced him to make an unpalatable choice between threatening Great Britain, whose defeat he believed would have been very much against the American interest, and openly rejecting the defense of neutral rights that was deeply embedded in international law and American history. Better, both politically and psychologically, to convince himself that he was not making such a choice.2 There is a high cost to such behavior. Many choices are made implicitly rather than explicitly. Courses of action that might appear attractive upon hard and prolonged thought are never contemplated. It is often very difficult to understand which beliefs in fact drive behavior. Mediocre scholars often imagine they are smarter than decision makers, but good ones have to grapple with the fact that it is hard to reconstruct the pressures that leaders feel and must adapt to. Trachtenberg is of course correct that we are not without weapons in this struggle for understanding . We can often see which beliefs form first and which seem to be dragged along in their wake, and we can look for consistency between beliefs and actions. Silences in the documents also are diagnostic : it is telling when questions that are not only obvious in retrospect but that normally would be addressed go unexamined. In the endeavor to understand beliefs and how they fit with behavior, political scientists are more inclined than historians to make explicit use of the comparative and hypothetico-deductive methods. There is no magic in either of them, and they are not unfamiliar to historians, although the latter often forego the labels. In its essence, the comparative method simply means seeking to establish causation by comparing several cases to see if the effect changes when the possible cause has changed. Trachtenberg often does this, and so does Ernest May in his study of American expansionism and the Spanish -American War.· The hypothetico-deductive method is less familiar, especially in its explicit form. The basic point is the importance of taking one's theory or causal argument seriously and probing it by asking what one would expect to find if die argument is correct. In other words, in addition to moving from facts to explanations, the scholar asks herself what evidence she would expect to see (aside from that which produced the hypothesis) if the hypothesis is in fact correct. This is difficult to do because it not only requires drawing out the implications of one's argument, but, even more important , putting aside what one knows happened in order to figure out what should have happened if the hypothesis is correct. Even though the method rarely works out neady or without dispute, it can be powerful for pointing scholars toward important evidence and, perhaps even more, for leading them to understand the implications of the arguments they and others are making. It may seem unhistorical because it moves away from direcdy examining what happened, but this method is central to how we can understand the past. A final issue combines both method and substance . This is how much consistency we expect to find in the behavior of leaders and states. In his book more than in the piece under discussion,' Trachtenberg 's analysis rests on the idea that there is a high degree of consistency in state behavior both over time and across related issues. I do not mean to exaggerate... | [
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https://openalex.org/W2156377746 | The Foundations of Civil War: Revolution, Social Conflict and Reaction in Liberal Spain, 1916–1923 | [
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"Morocco"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2156377746 | Preface. Acknowledgements. List of Abbreviations. Maps 1. La Espana Invertebrada, 1874-1914 2. The Gathering Storm 3. A Fatal Neutrality 4. The Artlessness of Insurrection: The Spanish Revolution of 1917 (A Drama in Three Acts) 5. The Catalanist Offensive 6. The Hour of the CNT 7. The Red Tide 8. Reaction on the March 9. Si Vis Pacem Para Bellum 10. The Moroccan Nightmare 11. The Death of the Liberal Patient. Notes. Bibliography. Index | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2290345953 | Money neutrality: Rethinking the myth | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2290345953 | Considered as an axiomatic basis of classical, neoclassical, and monetarist theories, the long-run money neutrality assumption does not always seem to be verified. Indeed, in our view, the money, in the sense of M2, can constitute a long-run channel of growth transmission. Thus, this paper examines the long-term relationship among money supply (M2), income (GDP), and prices (CPI). The subprime crisis in 2007 has shown that the demand for money does not only meet motives of transaction, precaution, and speculation but also of fictional or quasi-fictional future demands due to the fact that they are created without real counterparts. The capacity of production systems in developed countries to respond to increases in money supply by creating more wealth, involves the assumption of money neutrality in the long-run. However, in developing countries, the excess of money supply may lead to inflation trends. The present study has confirmed the long-term non-neutrality of money supply in the USA, and its neutrality in Gabon and Morocco. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2161904212 | Spain and the Axis During World War II | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2161904212 | In March, 1939, less than two weeks after Hitler marched into Prague, betraying the desperate hope of Munich and crushing the forlorn Czech republic, Franco marched into Madrid, concluding the grim Civil War and extinguishing the last faint hope for the survival of the Spanish Republic. With war clouds gathering over Europe, it seemed only too clear that Nationalist Spain was little more than an Axis satellite, for as Hitler himself a year later observed, without German and Italian aid during the Civil War, “there would today be no Franco.” Yet there was far less gratitude in Spain than there might have been, had the Germans not so avidly sought economic and political returns on their investment in goods and manpower. By the end of the Civil War, German economic interests had penetrated Spain and Spanish Morocco as never before, thanks to a ruthless policy of exacting contractual concessions from the Nationalists as the price of continued support. Moreover, there had been bitter dissension between Hitler and Franco over the latter's declaration of neutrality during the Sudeten Crisis, and an acrimonious discussion over his reluctance to publicize Spain's accession to the Anti-Comintern Pact, which was only brought to an end when the matter was leaked to the press without Spanish approval. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4244267547 | Committee of Control of the International Zone of Tangier | [] | [
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https://openalex.org/W2945554736 | Illusory Neutrality, 1914–1918 | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2945554736 | This chapter looks at the contradictory set of international legal and political requirements prevailing on Spain and Morocco during World War I. There was little will on the part of Spain to enter the conflict, yet it was unclear how to adhere to the requirements of wartime neutrality while also meeting the obligation to administer a portion of the Moroccan Sultanate, a belligerent state by virtue of association with France. German agents, such as the Mannesmann mining firm, exploited this legal and political grey zone to infiltrate the pro-Entente sultanate via the many maritime smuggling networks, brigands, and safe havens of Spanish Morocco. Although this had little bearing on the war’s outcome, it convinced the leader of the French colonial army, Hubert Lyautey, that the Spanish officer corps was an unreliable partner. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3198084899 | Evolution of the tax framework of participatory products in Morocco [L'évolution du cadre fiscal des produits participatifs au Maroc] | [
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"Morocco"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3198084899 | Morocco has finally joined the trajectory of participatory finance. However, despite the efforts made to promote this nascent industry, this is still very insufficient to encourage it. In addition, the tax variable is a determining factor in the financing decision because it weighs heavily on the cost of participatory banking products. In the absence of tax regulations that take into account the nature of these products and put in place an incentive and encouraging tax framework that guarantees better tax neutrality, this industry risks being less competitive compared to their conventional counterparts. The scarcity of studies dealing with this tax evolution, prompted us to study and analyze this question, while basing ourselves on the evolution of the tax framework of these products in Morocco and also on the various tax novelties brought by the succession of the laws of finances. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2946374774 | The Blighted Republic | [
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"Morocco"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2946374774 | This chapter centers on Gibraltar and Tangier during the tumultuous 1930s. One a British colony and the other an international exclave, both towns were imperial strongholds that depended on Spanish and Moroccan labor. Economic crisis, along with the advent of the Spanish Republic of 1931, stirred working-class politics in both cities, pitting the predominantly working-class Spanish communities against European colonial elites over major municipal issues such as casino gambling and cross-border commerce. The resulting divide continued after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in July 1936. Despite official neutrality, European elites in both cities tended to favor groups associated with Francisco Franco’s rebellion against the Republic. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4381136928 | UAE-Japanese Relations 1973-1990 Historical Study | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4381136928 | This study examines the historical relations between the Emirates and Japan (1973-1990). Which was based on economic interests (oil) to a large extent. The historical links indicate the existence of Japanese relations with the coastal emirates, which seem to have been Japan's gateway to the Persian Gulf. It seems clear that the great competition that Japan witnessed with the British government, which controlled the political and economic decisions of the emirates of the coast.This study shows the nature of relations between the UAE and Japan. Those relations that were proceeding according to two factors: First: Oil and the need to obtain it from the Emirates, which was the largest source of oil for Japan. Secondly: taking a position of neutrality in political issues and not angering the United States of America, which has deep relations with Japan, but the year 1973 and the accompanying cutting off of oil supplies to countries supporting Israel, America and Japan was one of the countries covered by the oil embargo. Therefore, the Japanese government hastened to issue a decision rejecting the Israeli aggression against the Arabs. And the necessity of resolving differences through peaceful means and referring to Security Council Resolution No. 242, which stipulates the withdrawal of Israeli forces from all occupied Arab lands after the June 1967 war. This is a position that is calculated for Japan, but from the context of the relations between the two parties, we find that this position is to ensure the continuation of the flow of oil and the preservation of economic interests between them. both parties. | [
{
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|
https://openalex.org/W3125886531 | R&D Policy in Israel: An Overview and Reassessment | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3125886531 | The goal of this paper is to provide an overview of R&D policy in Israel, and critically examine the policies currently in place as well as proposals to change them. We review in Part I the various programs of the Office of the Chief Scientist (OCS) of the Ministry of Industry and Trade in Israel, followed by a discussion of studies on the impact of OCS support, and an overview of the rise of the High-Tech sector in Israel with the aid patent data. Part II examines outstanding policy issues and suggestions for reform. It opens with a discussion of allocation schemes for the OCS Grants Program in view of a rigid budget constraint, and an assessment of possible departures from neutrality.' We then examine the payback system, the conditionality of production in Israel, the Magnet' program for the support of generic R&D, and related issues. Next we review the difficulties in setting a policy target for R&D spending, and lastly we ask whether government policy should perhaps be aimed also at the supply side (of the market for R&D personnel), rather than just keep subsidizing the demand side. Clearly, these policy issues are of relevance not just for Israel but for any economy contemplating active government involvement in R&D. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W1986488079 | Government Support for Commercial R&D: Lessons from the Israeli Experience | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1986488079 | Israel constitutes an interesting "laboratory case" of government intervention in the realm of R&D policy. The recognized scientific and technological prowess of the country was leveraged by extensive government support for commercial R&D projects. R&D policies proved to be highly responsive to changing circumstances, instituting innovative programs such as a government-sponsored fund that jump-started the venture capital market, the technological Incubators program, a program for the support of generic projects conducted by consortia of firms and academia, etc. The Israeli high-tech sector has grown remarkably fast since the mid-1980s, and it is quite likely that government policies significantly contributed to its success. In this paper we review in detail these policies as well as the challenges that confront them: the design of alternative allocation schemes for R&D grants in view of a rigid budget constraint, possible ways of departing from neutrality, the conditionality of production in Israel, the difficulties in setting a policy target for R&D spending, etc. We also lay out the more general issues and possible lessons for other countries that arise from the Israeli case: what should be the policy goal in terms of total resources devoted to R&D, to what extent these policies should target supply vs. demand in the market for R&D inputs, which types of support one can envision in the context of R&D policies, and how these may be affected by international spillovers. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2034003049 | Jewish Secularism and Ethno-National Identity in Israel: The Traditionist Critique | [
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] | [
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] | [
"https://openalex.org/W2089443206",
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"https://openalex.org/W4229554142",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2034003049 | This article examines traditionist (masorti) Israeli Jews’ critique of the dominant secular Israeli culture and identity. Based upon 102 in-depth personal interviews with Jewish Israelis who identify as traditionists, the article suggests that the traditionist ability to transcend the ‘secular vs. religious’ dichotomy offers an alternative view of the complex relationship between modernity, religion, ethnicity, and national identity. Crucially, the traditionist critique of secular Israeli culture and identity offers a unique perspective—intimately familiar yet resolutely critical—which portrays secularity as appealingly liberated yet significantly lacking in some vital aspects of ethno-national Jewish identity. This critique highlights secular Israelis’ dependence on the State for the maintenance and preservation of their Jewish identity. Further, the traditionist perspective suggests that the secular malady is closely related to the supposed ‘ethnic neutrality’ or ‘whiteness’ of Israeli secularism. | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S102250854",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2018006490 | PROFESSIONAL FEELINGS AS EMOTIONAL LABOR | [
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{
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"https://openalex.org/W4240671868",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2018006490 | Emotional labor is what workers do with their feelings to comply with organizational role requirements. This article explores the concept in professional organizations, examining the psychotherapeutic discourse of objectivity, neutrality, and care as feeling rules. Based on a study in a residential psychiatric facility in Israel, the authors found that counselors labored to display aspired professional feelings despite the absence of memos, protocols, or training sessions. Who told them to do so? How did they know what to feel? The authors claim that therapeutic discourse constitutes professional feelings through the use of specific concepts and techniques. However, the term professional feelings disguises a complicated process of negotiation between different ideologies. The difference between two groups of counselors indicates that both scientific and intersubjective knowledge represent modes of emotional control. The authors claim, thus, that emotional labor in professional service organizations is the product of contested professional discourse. | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S17740374",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2038018473 | Exploring Possible Correlates of Journalists' Perceptions of Audience Trust | [
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2038018473 | A sample of Israeli journalists (n = 209) were asked whether they feel Israeli audiences trust the Israeli media in general, and whether their audience trusts the work of their news media outlet in particular. The correlates of these survey items are examined. Results show that perceived audience trust was correlated with journalists' own trust in the Israeli media and with journalists' evaluation of the audience. Perceived trust was also positively correlated with journalists' identification with professional standards such as neutrality, verification, and factualness. In contrast, perceived audience trust was not correlated with most demographic and professional status variables. | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S20010350",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2041959718 | The Silence of Psychologists | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2041959718 | Unlike certain Israeli historians or sociologists who have developed a critical “post‐Zionist” approach, Israeli psychologists display few signs of this critical trend. This is especially disquieting in light of the latest back and forth movement between warfare to the peace process—a movement that created many new social and individual dilemmas that would benefit from an open debate within social and clinical psychology. This paper tries to account for this deficiency by looking at its possible historical, political, and cultural roots. The historical aspects relate to the influence of European and American psychological traditions. Two political aspects are presented: (1) Israeli psychologists, through their involvement in the military and their acceptance of the Zionist claim for security, tend to belong to the political mainstream (Gergen, 1973, 1989); and (2) a hyper‐political atmosphere scared Israeli psychologists into neutrality and objectivism. This provided a convenient rationale for apoliticism, especially when Israeli political polarization in the 1980s and 1990s was perceived as threatening psychologists' professional authority. Culturally, the psychologists, like the European social strata from which most of them originated, tended to adopt the American tradition of individualism as a reaction to the strong collectivist trend that dominated Israeli society during its early years. This may account for their weak and delayed social response of humanism, feminism, and constructivism. Exceptions to this general trend are highlighted, and the question of how Israeli psychology might become more politically sensitive and critical is explored. This discussion may have relevance for the development of political psychology in other societies, especially those going through transition of values or suffering from long, violent conflicts. | [
{
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|
https://openalex.org/W2021326932 | Israel As a Multicultural Democracy: Challenges and Obstacles | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2021326932 | The purpose of this paper is to examine possible implications should Israel incorporate multicultural principles in its ‘basic structure’. The paper divides into two main sections. In the first section I will embark on a short theoretical discussion concerning the relationship between claims of recognition and claims of distribution. In the second section I will assess the implications of this discussion for Israeli society, focusing on the main schisms characterizing Israeli society (Israeli Palestinian and Israeli Jews, Mizrahi and Ashkenazi Jews, religious and non-religious Jews, veterans and immigrants, and gender relations). One of the main arguments of the paper is that the separation of claims of recognition from claims of distribution presents insurmountable difficulties. These claims are very often inextricable. The fusion of these claims, however, underscores the utmost importance of the multicultural project. It shows that claims of distribution cannot be accommodated by a social system purporting to secure equality for all members of society irrespective of race, gender and cultural differences. This conclusion is valid either for societies whose basic political principles claim cultural neutrality or for societies whose principles forfeit such neutrality but promise universal inclusion of all members of society. | [
{
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|
https://openalex.org/W1992957673 | The determinants of success of R&D projects: evidence from American–Israeli research alliances | [
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"Israel"
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1992957673 | Until 1997, a basic premise of Israeli R&D support programs had been the principle of neutrality—all eligible projects were funded. With a binding budget constraint, the government had to select the projects it funded and thus to depart from neutrality. An optimal departure would favor those projects that have less of a chance to succeed without support. In this paper, I examine the performance of government supported collaborative research projects. I find that size and organizational form affect the probability of technical success and duration to commercialization in a way that suggests departing from neutrality by preferring less established firms. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3121804137 | Government Support for Commercial R&D: Lessons from the Israeli Experience | [
{
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3121804137 | Israel constitutes an interesting laboratory case of government intervention in the realm of RD possible ways of departing from neutrality, the conditionality of production in Israel; the difficulties in setting a policy target for R&D spending, etc. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W1976757960 | Power, Distance and Solidarity: Models of Professional-Client Interaction in an Israeli Legal Aid Setting | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1976757960 | It has been suggested that professional-client relationships have changed from the traditional authoritarian model, marked by professional dominance, neutrality and distance, to a participatory, client-centered model that is responsive to the lifeworld of the client. In addition to the effects of the proletarianization and deprofessionalization processes that have been said to diminish professional control, it was expected that the participatory model would prevail in Israel because of ideological commitment to egalitarian, solidary and informal relationships even between strangers. Nineteen lawyer-client conversations in an Israeli legal aid office were analyzed, focusing on five features that reflect the power, distance and solidarity dimensions of these models: (1) conversational openings; (2) professional register; (3) topic control; (4) the expression of emotion; (5) forms of address. Results showed that lawyer-client behavior in Israel resembled the authoritarian model rather than the participatory one. Strategies that were often associated with positive politeness were used by the lawyer for distancing and resulted in interactionally threatening moves. In addition, the sex of the participants and the constraints of bureaucratic practice also affected the model of professional behavior evidenced by these lawyers and clients. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2000252542 | Testing Ricardian Neutrality with an Intertemporal Stochastic Model | [
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C111472728"
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2000252542 | The purpose of this paper is to develop and estimate a stochastic-intertemporal model of consumption behavior and to use it for testing a version of the Ricardian-equivalence proposition with time series data. Two channels that may give rise to deviations from this proposition are specified: Finite horizons and liquidity constraints. In addition, the model incorporates explicitly the roles of taxes, substitution between public , and private consumption, and different degrees of consumer goods' durability. The evidence, based on data for Israel in the first half of the 1980s, supports the Ricardian neutrality specification, yielding plausible estimates for the behavioral parameters of the aggregate consumption function. | [
{
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https://openalex.org/W2566021644 | Neutrality in medicine and health professionals from ethnic minority groups: The case of Arab health professionals in Israel | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2566021644 | The ethos of neutrality dominates biomedicine. It has, however, been criticized for leading to a disregard for diversity in medicine. In this article we employ the ‘inclusion and difference’ approach to gain an understanding of why the ethos of neutrality, on the one hand, and tensions associated with race/ethnicity, on the other, are relevant to the work of ethnic minority health professionals. We sought to explore tensions associated with neutrality in medicine from the point of view of ethnic minority professionals who work in a context of political conflict. We conducted 33 in-depth interviews with Arab health professionals – physicians, nurses and pharmacists – working in Israeli health organizations. The Arab health professionals perceive medical knowledge as being politically neutral; and medical practice as being impartial, universal and humanitarian. They regard the healthcare sector as a relatively egalitarian workplace, into which they can integrate and gain promotion. Nevertheless, the interviewees experienced various instances of treatment refusal, discrimination and racism. In line with the ethos of neutrality, the Israeli medical code of ethics does not relate specifically to Arab professionals and takes their inclusion and integration in healthcare organizations for granted. The ethos of neutrality in medicine underlies the ambivalence inherent in the approach of 'inclusion and difference'. While perceptions of neutrality, alongside values such as equality, cultural competency, impartiality and humanitarian healthcare, do indeed promote the inclusion of minority professionals in health organizations, these same perceptions mask the need to address political events that impinge on the medical milieu and may present an obstacle to designing specific policies to deal with such events. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3122264878 | Testing Ricardian Neutrality with an Intertemporal Stochastic Model | [
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https://openalex.org/W2748965327 | The Effect of Paramilitary Protest Policing on Protestors' Trust in the Police: The Case of the “Occupy Israel” Movement | [
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https://openalex.org/W2786944626 | The Secret Drama at the Patient’s Bedside—Refusal of Treatment Because of the Practitioner’s Ethnic Identity: The Medical Staff ’s Point of View | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2786944626 | Patients' refusal of treatment based on the practitioner's ethnic identity reveals a clash of values: neutrality in medicine versus patient-centered care. Taking the Israeli-Palestinian conflict into account, this article aims at examining Israeli health care professionals' points of view concerning patients' refusal of treatment because of a practitioner's ethnic identity. Fifty in-depth interviews were conducted with 10 managers and 40 health care professionals, Jewish and Arab, employed at 11 public hospitals. Most refusal incidents recorded are unidirectional: Jewish patients refusing to be treated by Arab practitioners. Refusals are usually directed toward nurses and junior medical staff members, especially if recognizable as religious Muslims. Refusals are often initiated by the patients' relatives and occur more frequently during periods of escalation in the conflict. The structural competency approach can be applied to increase awareness of the role of social determinants in shaping patients' ethnic-based treatment refusals and to improve the handling of such incidents. | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1977722180 | This research explores the impact of a year studying in Israel on Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion (HUC-JIR) rabbinical students’ emotional connection toward and knowledge about the State of Israel and the Jewish People. We want to better understand the students’ beliefs, ideas, and behaviors that emerge from their experience including “ideological dilemmas” that they confront and negotiate. The study is based on a series of three interviews conducted with 10 students at the start and end of their year in Israel, and again in their third or fourth year of school. Findings are presented along a continuum of belonging and connection and suggest that understanding how these future rabbis relate to Israel and the Jewish People is strongly tied to how they negotiate their American and Jewish identities and to their different perceptions of Judaism: as a religion or as a civilization. | [
{
"display_name": "Journal of Jewish Education",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S206105757",
"type": "journal"
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|
https://openalex.org/W2020807433 | The Israeli and United States Supreme Courts: A Comparative Reflection on Their Symbols, Images, and Functions | [
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"display_name": "Barbara Perry",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5066570110"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C166957645"
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"Israel"
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"https://openalex.org/W1963945299",
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"https://openalex.org/W3124579704",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2020807433 | Judicial architecture and iconography play important roles in the symbolic lives of courts. Political scientists have noted that symbols of justice, judicial objectivity, and neutrality convey to the public “legitimizing messages” about the judiciary. In the United States these legitimizing symbols frequently expressed themselves through the temple-like attributes of courthouses. Modern architects, however, have rejected this classic paradigm and replaced it with dignified, yet open, edifices. The Israeli Supreme Court building, dedicated in 1992, is an outstanding example of such innovative design. Its emblems of legitimacy include historical, religious, and judicial symbolism. Within a comparative framework, this article explores the unique architectural images of Israel's high court and argues that they may help it to survive the fractious Israeli political milieu into which the tribunal has inserted itself. The symbolism of judicial structures can convey voluminous messages about classic themes in the study of law, history, and politics. Judicial images reflected in court architecture and art may reveal the importance of the rule of law, judicial independence, and judicial power in a political and legal culture. The physical manifestations of a court structure, and how they are transmitted to the public, may also influence media and other public perceptions of tribunals, judges, and their decisions. The architecture of the Israeli Supreme Court building, which opened to rave reviews in 1992, adds two other facets to this mix, namely, religion and historic location. | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S123309644",
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|
https://openalex.org/W3183475464 | Policy for the public without the public: Net neutrality in Israel | [
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"display_name": "Max Stern Academic College of Emek Yezreel",
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"Israel"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W81763506",
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"https://openalex.org/W4247646161",
"https://openalex.org/W4251947685"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3183475464 | Abstract This study investigates the policy process through which net neutrality (NN) policy in Israel has been shaped. The analysis employs a framework based on the Internet Governance concept and the multi‐stakeholder approach. Based on the analysis of formal documents, debates in parliamentary committees and the Parliament plenum, and position papers of various actors, the findings show that NN policy in Israel is one more layer of the neo‐liberal policy in the telecommunication sector. It is demonstrated how experts and bureaucrats, influenced by industry interests, have been dominant during the policy process while civil society groups representing the public interests have been only marginal actors. The paper concludes with a call for a more proactive attitude of all stakeholder groups in order to enable a more balanced governance of central internet issues, such as NN. | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S54913114",
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|
https://openalex.org/W3111482179 | Human Rights Watch’s anti-Israel Agenda | [
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"display_name": "Gerald M. Steinberg",
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C62520636"
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"https://openalex.org/W2769483357",
"https://openalex.org/W3125980323",
"https://openalex.org/W4236615423"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3111482179 | The influence of Human Rights Watch (HRW) is reflected in the organisation’s intense involvement in institutions that emphasise human rights, including the United Nations and the International Criminal Court. However, HRW and its leaders have been strongly criticised for intense political and ideological bias against Israel and for proliferating unsubstantiated accusations to fit this bias. This article documents the role of Kenneth Roth, Executive Director since 1993, in this politicisation. Roth’s direct involvement with Israel-focused activities is fundamentally different from his role on other topics and countries on HRW’s agenda, and contrasts strongly with norms of universality and political neutrality. | [
{
"display_name": "Israel Affairs",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S106532728",
"type": "journal"
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|
https://openalex.org/W1499261636 | Competing Narratives about Competing Narratives: Psychology and Palestinian-Israeli Conflict | [
{
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{
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] | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1499261636 | Abstract In their professional and academic roles as well as their personal and political efforts, many psychologists seek to understand, and ultimately help resolve, the conflict between Palestinians and Israelis. Too often, however, they overemphasize the centrality of competing narratives, partly in response to depoliticizing academic norms that demand the appearance of objectivity and neutrality. As a result, conflict‐resolution approaches such as dialog and mediation and common suggestions based on split‐the‐difference compromise favor a status quo in which the side with more power, Israel, remains dominant. In contrast, a critical psychology perspective consistent with justice‐based conflict transformation understands that even‐handed empathy‐seeking and negotiations prioritizing procedural minutiae can achieve neither justice nor reconciliation. | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S146984626",
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|
https://openalex.org/W4283400044 | Neutrality, conflict, and structural determinants of health in a Jerusalem emergency department | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4283400044 | Medical neutrality is a normative arrangement that differentiates a zone of medical treatment disconnected from the field of politics. While medical neutrality aims to ensure impartial healthcare for all and to shield the healthcare personnel from political demands, it can also divert attention away from conflicts and their effects on health inequity. This article analyzes how healthcare professionals understand and negotiate the depoliticized space of the emergency department (ED) through their views on neutrality. It also examines how medical staff use depoliticized concepts of culture to account for differences in the health status of patients from disadvantaged groups. These questions are examined in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.Twenty-four in-depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with healthcare personnel in a Jerusalem hospital's ED. All but one of the participants were Jewish. The interviews were analyzed using qualitative content analysis and Grounded Theory.The ED staff endorsed the perspective of medical neutrality as a nondiscriminatory approach to care. At the same time, some medical staff recognized the limits of medical neutrality in the context of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and negotiated and challenged this concept. While participants identified unique health risks for Arab patients, they usually did not associate these risks with the effects of conflict and instead explained them in depoliticized terms of cultural and behavioral differences. Culture served as a non-controversial way of acknowledging and managing problems that have their roots in politics.The normative demand for neutrality works to exclude discussion of the conflict from clinical spaces. The normative exclusion of politics is a vital but under-appreciated aspect of how political conflict operates as a structural determinant of health. Healthcare personnel, especially in the ED, should be trained in structural competency. This training may challenge the neglect of issues that need to be solved at the political level and enhance health equity, social justice, and solidarity. | [
{
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{
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{
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|
https://openalex.org/W2736136236 | Secret Wires Across the Mediterranean: The <i>Club de Berne</i>, Euro-Israeli Counterterrorism, and Swiss ‘Neutrality’ | [
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"Israel"
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https://openalex.org/W2184228044 | Politics and Israeli psychologists: is it time to take a stand? | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2184228044 | In Israel, it is quite rare for psychologists to relate to political and social issues. This remarkable tendency of psychologists to avoid dealing with such matters seems to supersede the common indifference or obtuseness of other groups in the Israeli public and similar groups in particular (e.g., physicians or social workers). Within this context, this paper focuses on the qualities and forms of reaction of the psychotherapeutic community in Israel to the national conflict that has been present intermittently since the late 1980s - namely, the two Intifadas. More specifically, as opposed to the current situation (the second Al-Aksa Intifada), in the course of the first Intifada (1987-1996), the voice of Israeli psychologists was clearly heard. Until now, this is the only exception to the rule of neutrality and passivity, in which psychologists in Israel became politically active. Specific elements of involvement of the therapeutic community is presented and discussed. Also, an attempt is made to suggest possible reasons to the very puzzling questions: Why then? Or what factors allowed for this change in position to occur? And more importantly, why did the protest of the psychologists in Israel vanish and their clear voices turn into silence? | [
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https://openalex.org/W4281745305 | “I was born a man - I'm close to myself”: Israeli film directors and cinema in the MeToo era | [
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https://openalex.org/W2979108771 | Global public opinion toward Israel: mapping and assessing the determinants of public attitudes in 45 countries | [
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https://openalex.org/W3122560368 | Testing Ricardian Neutrality with an Intertemporal Stochastic Model | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3122560368 | The purpose of this paper is to develop and estimate a stochastic-intertemporal model of consumption behavior and to use it for testing a version of the Ricardian-equivalence proposition with time series data. Two channels that may give rise to deviations from this proposition are specified: Finite horizons and liquidity constraints. In addition, the model incorporates explicitly the roles of taxes, substitution between public , and private consumption, and different degrees of consumer goods' durability. The evidence, based on data for Israel in the first half of the 1980s, supports the Ricardian neutrality specification, yielding plausible estimates for the behavioral parameters of the aggregate consumption function. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2906283697 | The Baha’i minority in the State of Israel, 1948<i>–</i>1957 | [
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https://openalex.org/W2323762268 | Medical Neutrality | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C3116431"
},
{
"display_name": "Political economy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138921699"
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{
"display_name": "Politics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
},
{
"display_name": "Algorithm",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C11413529"
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{
"display_name": "Computer science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
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{
"display_name": "Medicine",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C71924100"
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{
"display_name": "Philosophy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138885662"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C41895202"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C99508421"
}
] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4210673694 | The state is legally required to be neutral towards religion, but in many countries it is increasingly anything but. This book conducts a comparative legal analysis of the church–state relationship within and between western countries – including the USA, France and Israel – that are key players in international and domestic dynamics in which religion and religious conflict take centre stage. It analyses how government accommodates diversity, how policies of multiculturalism and pluralism translate into legislation, the extent to which they address matters of religion and belief and what pattern of related issues then come before the courts. Finally, it considers how civil society and democracy in general can maintain a balance between the interests of those of different religions and beliefs and those of none. In this illuminating study, Kerry O'Halloran shows how the relationship between religion and government affects civil society and the functioning of democracy in North America and Europe. | [] |
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