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https://openalex.org/W2086897164 | El cómic de no-ficción como fuente para el estudio de los conflictos bélicos: Crónicas de Jerusalén | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2086897164 | This paper questions which contributions can have a comic, as an hybrid genre, on the historical research of the Arab-Israeli conflict. Specifically, we analyze the discourse and the historical content of the comic book Jerusalem: Chronicles from the Holy City, by Guy Delisle, in relation to three topics: first, the configuration of the context of reference and the pretense of neutrality; second, the use of sources and the construction of the story; and third, the prospective of the conflict. The main conclusion we have reached is that this non-fiction comic is a very useful complementary source for historical research and comprehension of this conflict that still no have solution. | [
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https://openalex.org/W564195897 | Attack on maritime trade | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W564195897 | Part 1 Development of strategic purposes for attack on maritime trade: reprisal and the laws of war at sea low-budget navies - prize money and privateers bullionism - the Anglo-Spanish wars interdiction of contraband the shadow of mercantilism the Spanish-Dutch war the Anglo-Dutch wars the Anglo-French 100-year mercantilist trade war the problem of lateral escalation, the league of armed neutrality the continental system and British orders-in-council free trade, the Crimean war and the declaration of Paris trade war as a strategy of containment the American Civil War the Jeune Ecole and the Mahan School Pacific blockade the Hague conferences and the declaration of London. Part 2 The twentieth century: World War One - the blockade of the central powers, the 1917 U-boat campaign, assessment of the utility of the Entente blockade the Belligerent's rights dispute and the New Mercantilism trade control and blockade between the wars - the Ethiopian crisis, the Spanish Civil War, sanctions against Japan Second World War - the British blockade of Germany the Allied blockade of Japan the German U-boat Guerre je Course naval blockade and attack on shipping since 1945 - Korea, Cuba, Vietnam, Rhodesia, Arab-Israeli incidents, Indo-Pakistan war, October war. The Gulf War, Russian attitudes. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W78267872 | LA EDUCACIÓN RELIGIOSA DESDE EL PUNTO DE VISTA DE LAS COMUNIDADES JUDÍAS | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W78267872 | The religious education from the point of view of the Jewish Communities. Jacobo Israel Garzon, President of the Federation of Jewish Communities of Spain, thinks that it is necessary to guarantee and to maintain ideological neutrality in public schools, unlike the private and the state subsidy schools. «No confession will have state character» (Carta Magna), within the framework of the constitutional intentions of the no confessional —but not lay— Spanish State. It would be necessary to guarantee there is no religious education in the public centres and on the other hand to guarantee and to support the religious education of the members of the different religions at private centres, state subsidy centres, and at the religious centres, without any differences between the religions of the State. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4239638186 | Military Prosecutor v. Mohammad Samikh Amin Ibrahim Al Nassar | [] | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4239638186 | War and neutrality — Warfare on land — Occupation of enemy territory — Legislative, judicial and administrative functions of Occupant — Geneva Convention relative to Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 1949 (Article 64) — Repeal or suspension of penal laws in occupied territory — Discretion of Occupying Power regarding investigations, rules of procedure and evidence before military courts-Operation of dual legal system in occupied territory — Position of new Government as new sovereign — Function of military courts — Nature of military legislation — Defence (Emergency) Regulations — The law of Israel | [
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https://openalex.org/W4297788596 | Israel’s Integration in the BRI Framework in a New Era of Great Power Competition | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4297788596 | This chapter analyzes the integration of Israel in the BRI in the era of great power competition. It explores how Israel’s integration in the BRI framework is influenced by the new era of great power competition. For Israel, an escalation in competition between the USA and China could lead to reshaping alliances and strategies in the Middle East, reducing its diplomatic maneuvers to the lowest levels and abandoning neutrality, and joining one of the two camps against the other. Israel will face a complex and delicate challenge to manage its relations with Washington while integrating into the BRI framework, especially in infrastructure and technology transfers. A choice between the USA and China would be costly for the Israeli government-Chinese BRI projects, and the economic opportunities accompanying it are large and growing. Nevertheless, for Israel, more than for other regional countries, the choice is clear. The USA is Israel’s most essential and strongest ally in the world. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2887591920 | The Soviet Union and Israel | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2887591920 | Communist ideology negated Zionism's legitimacy, which did not bode well for lomg-term Soviet-Israeli relations. Even in short-term policies the relations were bound to explode because of Israel's pressure for Jewish emigration. Under Stalin's order the the Soviet-Jewish writer Ilya Ehrenburg repudiated the existence of Jewish nation. Soviet realpolitik granted greater credence to the strategic assets of the Arab world. Israel's 'non-identification' policy of neutrality counted very little with Soviet Middle Eastern policy. The turning-point was the Korean war, in which Israel identified itself with the US policy of military intervention. Relations exploded in 1953 after Israeli extremists blew up the Soviet embassyand the Kremlin severed relations. Moreover, American economic aid to Israel in 1949 was interpreted by Moscow as evidence of Israel's western orientation. Stalin's anti-Semitism reached its peak in the Prague and Doctors trials. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3210671712 | The silence of the psychologists. Why isn't there a “post-Zionist” Israeli psychology? | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3210671712 | Unlike certain Israeli historians or sociologists who have developed a post-Zionist critical approach, only a few signs of a comparable critical trend are to be found among Israeli psychologists. This is particularly worrying in light of the recent transition from war to the peace process. This transition has been the source of many new social and individual dilemmas which would benefit from an open debate within social and clinical psychology. This essay tries to report on this lack by linking it to its historical, political, and cultural roots. The historical aspects concern the influence of the European and American psychological traditions. Two observations of a political kind are made: Israeli psychologists, because of their involvement in the military field and their acceptance of Zionist security claims, tend to belong to the dominant political trend (Gergen 1973; 1989). A hyper-politicized atmosphere has forced Israeli psychologists to adopt a position of neutrality and objectivity. This has provided a convenient rationalization of an apolitical position, in particular in so far as Israeli political polarization during the 1980s and 1990s was perceived as a threat to the professional authority of psychologists. Culturally, psychologists, like the European social milieux from which most of them stem, have tended to adopt the North American individualist tradition as a reaction to the powerful collectivist trend that dominated Israeli society in its early years. This may explain the weakness and the slowness of Israeli psychologists’ social reaction, in terms of humanism, feminism, and constructivism. Exceptions to this general tendency are revealed and we will explore the question of how to achieve change in Israeli psychology such that it becomes more politically sensitive and critical. These reflections are also relevant to the development of a political psychology in other societies, particularly those that have experienced a period of transition of values, or which suffer from violent and lasting social conflicts. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2891279160 | Rabin and the Nixon Jews | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2891279160 | Last summer in Israel Yitzhak Rabin, Israeli I Ambassador to Washington, suggested that Richard Nixon was the best friend Israel ever had in the White House. Upon his return to Washington before the November election the Ambassador explained that he had not endorsed Richard Nixon's candidacy, and he reaffirmed his country's neutrality in the Presidential election. Despite such assertions, many Americans, both Jews and non-Jews, interpreted Rabin's earlier statement as a Nixon endorsement by Israel. Six months later it is possible to assess the controversy with greater care. | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2280381615 | From an international perspective, Israel presents an iconic view of women soldiers. Images abound of the young female soldier dressed in her navy green uniform and wielding an Uzi that is half her size. Yet, the image of Israel at the forefront of empowering women through military service personified in its girl soldiers is very misleading. Although permitted, Israeli women very rarely engage in even combat support roles, are completely absent as infantry and have advanced very insignificantly in military leadership. In fact, as I will demonstrate in this paper, the more parochial U.S., with its regulations that are clearly classificatory by sex - with a male only draft and women excluded from direct combat units - is actually more advanced in the quest for gender equality in the military. The comparison I present between the role of women in the Israeli military and the U.S. military will demonstrate how feminism has taken hold differently across cultures with contrasting results. In Israel, where gender differences and inequalities are still deeply ingrained, facial attempts at gender neutrality provide little relief in the face of a legal and cultural background in which the role of mothering and gender difference has not been sufficiently unpacked and analyzed. Indeed, it is the significant sex-linked benefits provided to mothers and women in Israel in their military service (exemption from reserve duty, shortened draft) that prove to make women’s inequality resistant to facially neutral laws. By contrast, in the U.S., the military has carved out a special island of differentiation, but underlying advances in the treatment of women and alleviation of workplace inequalities, as well as changes in the very nature of warfare, have made women more equal in the military than draft or combat laws make apparent. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4244481926 | The Soviet Union and Israel: from the Gromyko declaration to the death of Stalin (1947–53) | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4244481926 | Communist ideology negated Zionism’s legitimacy, which did not bode well for lomg-term Soviet-Israeli relations. Even in short-term policies the relations were bound to explode because of Israel’s pressure for Jewish emigration. Under Stalin’s order the the Soviet-Jewish writer Ilya Ehrenburg repudiated the existence of Jewish nation. Soviet realpolitik granted greater credence to the strategic assets of the Arab world. Israel’s ‘non-identification’ policy of neutrality counted very little with Soviet Middle Eastern policy. The turning-point was the Korean war, in which Israel identified itself with the US policy of military intervention. Relations exploded in 1953 after Israeli extremists blew up the Soviet embassy and the Kremlin severed relations. Moreover, American economic aid to Israel in 1949 was interpreted by Moscow as evidence of Israel’s western orientation. Stalin’s anti-Semitism reached its peak in the Prague and Doctors trials. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2511734078 | Procedural Liberalism in the Service of Ethnocracy and as a Space for Resistance: The Case of Dahmash | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2511734078 | Dahmash is an informal village of Israeli Arabs in the heart of Israel. Based on discourse analysis of legal sources, this paper argues that the state’s democratic procedural discourse is used in court to deny and cover over an ethnocratic discriminatory reality. In this setting, the Israeli court can hardly be a helpful space of contestation, but at the same time the very pretence for impartiality provides a ‘crack’ through which the residents continue their resistance. In contrast to the Liberal impartial approach (or pretence) which is implied in the state’s legal texts, this paper employs Nancy Fraser’s theory of justice to explore three aspects of injustice in the case of Dahmash: distribution, recognition and representation, demonstrating how ethnocracy and capitalism work together in a process of dispossession. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4312052658 | Religion and Nigeria-Israeli diplomatic strains and rapprochement, 1973-1992 | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4312052658 | A long-surviving tradition in Nigeria’s foreign policy has to do with observing neutrality in the Arab-Israeli conflict. This neutrality, however, was tested between 1973 and 1992 when Nigeria had a sustained break in diplomatic ties with Israel. At no point did successive Nigerian governments use religion to justify either the sustained severance or eventual restoration of ties. However, religion is a non-material factor in international relations that can play out in multidimensional ways without being seen as a catalyst for an action or inaction. It is against this background that within the analytical purview of Rosenau’s linkage politics theory and the bottom up theoretical approach to public opinion in foreign policy, the essay investigates the extent to which religion determined Nigeria’s severed relations with Israel and its eventual restoration of ties with the Jewish nation. The essay is historical and employs the use of primary sources including materials sourced from Nigeria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. There were also personal communications with veteran diplomats, including two of the foreign affair ministers who served during the period. The essay concludes that while religion was neither the justification for the severance of relations with Israel nor the restoration of ties with the Jewish nation, religion played a role in the manner successive governments dealt with the matter. | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4230794552 | Transnational trade in human eggs has led to many moral and ethical debates around the mode of these exchanges and their definitions. The experiences and process of becoming an egg recipient, personal histories of migration, race, borders and ‘repro-migrations’ are the focus of this chapter. The desire for discretion in the pursuit of egg donation is well documented.1 But the plea of the woman quoted above, to be invisible, was also about not having to go through the egg donation at all. The Israeli women whom I interviewed did not want to have to go through what they often referred to euphemistically as ‘this thing’. The technological availability meant that, eyn berira (‘there’s no choice’, which in Israel is often used with reference to military and security measures; Handelman, 2004). In Israel I got the sense that one is impelled to use technology if it is available. And because of a lack of available ova ‘back home’, women felt compelled to travel or buy eggs imported transnationally. Their own personal histories of migration to Israel and the racial politics of their settlement and ‘inclusion’ into the collectivity are enmeshed with the desire for a child and the contemporary narratives of border defence. Border defence and egg recipient narratives are not always or necessarily linked, this connection is an ethnographic interference. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4283783979 | The Political Economy of Local Governments’ Requests for Permission to Override Central Fiscal Limitations: Insights from Israel | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4283783979 | Abstract Central governments often restrict municipalities’ ability to raise or reduce taxes, but, in many jurisdictions, municipalities can ask the central government’s permission to set aside these limitations. Using an Israeli dataset, we explore this prevalent, yet unexplored, mechanism we call Permission to Override (PtO). We find that in Israel, at least, the central government’s approval and rejection of these permission requests seem to be equitable and non-political. However, despite the central neutrality, municipalities with lower socio-economic status and fewer political connections tend not to submit requests. Municipalities are also reluctant to submit requests before elections and tend to submit them only afterwards. These socio-economic and political biases may create inequalities and hinder a successful use of the PtO mechanism. We discuss the limited use of this mechanism (requests amount to approximately 0.6 percent of the total property tax income) and its shortcomings and draw conclusions from the Israeli case study. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2945249784 | “We Are Not Trying to Make a Political Piece” | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2945249784 | Steve Reich and Beryl Korot’s 1993 video opera, <italic>The Cave</italic>, addresses a potent political subject: the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Yet shortly after its premiere, they publicly disavowed art’s capacity to effect political or social change. This disavowal belies the explicitly political genesis of <italic>The Cave</italic>, the development of which throughout the 1980s coincided with rising Arab-Israeli tensions and the First Intifada. Early sketches, outlines, and descriptions of <italic>The Cave</italic> reveal that the pair initially viewed their quasi-opera as a step toward “reconciling the family of man.” By 1993, however, they instead adopted a seemingly apolitical stance, shying away from answering the fundamental question they had set out to answer: How can Jews and Muslims live together peacefully? This chapter argues that traces of this bid for peace remain in the opera’s music, text, and narrative structure, and that despite its purported neutrality, <italic>The Cave</italic> espouses an Americanized vision of Arab-Israeli reconciliation. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4386718923 | Executive summary | [] | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4386718923 | Israel has raised its climate ambitions in recent years. It has set an 85% greenhouse gas (GHG) reduction target for 2050, as well as sectoral targets for GHG emissions from electricity generation, solid waste, transport and industry. It has also declared the overall ambition of carbon neutrality by the same year. However, Israel is not on track to reaching these targets with existing measures and will need to introduce additional ones across all sectors. Adopting the government-approved draft Climate Law with its binding targets would be an important step in this direction. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3124756072 | Cultural Bias in Judicial Decision Making | [
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"https://openalex.org/W1750882734"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3124756072 | Abstract: This Essay describes the phenomenon of cultural bias in judicial decision making, and examines the use of testimonies and opinions of cultural experts as a way to diminish this bias. The Essay compares the legal regimes of the United States and Israel. Whereas in the United States, the general practice of using cultural experts in courts is well developed and regulated, the Israeli legal procedure has no formal method for admitting cultural expert testimony, and examples of opinions or testimonies of cultural experts in the Israeli legal system are sporadic. The Essay further argues that social science evidence is an essential but insufficient means of reducing the cultural bias of judges. Judges' reliance on cultural experts can also be fueled by a preexisting cultural agenda disguised as an informed judgment. The Essay concludes with a suggestion of measures that can be implemented alongside the use of cultural experts in order to increase judges' awareness of the cultural bias and mitigate its consequences.INTRODUCTIONThe tension between the legal procedure's goals of neutrality, equality, and impartiality, and the fact that judges are human beings that are influenced by their life experiences, has been vastly debated in legal and psychological literature. This Essay focuses on one among many existing biases in judicial decision making: cultural bias.When judges adjudicate cases, they use not only legal knowledge, but also knowledge about the world. The source of the judges' knowledge about the world is their common sense, which is the intangible cultural system that contains people's informal knowledge about the world from their social group's point of view. Insomuch as the judges' interpretation about the world is limited to their social group's interpretation, the proceedings regarding parties who do not share the judges' group's cultural perspective may be unjust.One way to mitigate the cultural bias of judges is by using social science evidence in courts, particularly by way of testimonies and opinions of cultural experts (for example, anthropologists or sociologists). In the United States, judges frequently rely upon the testimony and opinions of cultural experts and the general practice of using cultural experts in courts is well developed and regulated, even if reliance upon these experts' findings is inconsistent among different courts. In contrast, Israeli legal procedure has no formal method for admitting expert testimony on cultural questions, and examples of opinions or testimonies of cultural experts in the Israeli legal system are sporadic, despite its diverse and divided cultural nature.The use of cultural experts in courts, however, is an essential but insufficient means of reducing the cultural bias of judges. Moreover, the belief that use of cultural experts adequately diminishes cultural bias is dangerous, as the use of such experts can disguise judicial decisions based on a preexisting cultural agenda as informed judgments. Additional safeguards are needed, therefore, to ensure that judicial decisions are made independently of cultural biases of the judges themselves.Part I of this Essay will introduce cultural bias in culture-related judicial decision making and clarify the meaning and role of cultural experts in such procedures. Parts II and III will demonstrate the use of cultural experts in American courts and their general absence from Israeli legal proceedings, respectively. In view of the American and Israeli arrangements, Part IV will then discuss the practice's vulnerability to preexisting cultural agendas of judges, and Part V will suggest measures that can be implemented alongside the use of cultural experts in order to increase judges' awareness of their own cultural biases and mitigate its consequences.I. CULTURAL BIAS AND CULTURAL EXPERTSThere is in each of us a stream of tendency whether you choose to call it philosophy or not, which gives coherence and direction to thought and action. … | [
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https://openalex.org/W1783124238 | Neutral News? A study of the neutrality in BBC’s and Al Jazeera’s reporting on the Israeli military operation “Pillar of defense” | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1783124238 | The purpose of this study is to question the neutrality in the reports from Al Jazeera and BBC about the Israeli military operation “Pillar of Defense” that took place in November 2012. The study is conducted through different linguistic and structural analyses that aim to find ideological patterns in the way the agencies report about the events. Since both agencies claim to be neutral and not politically biased, the study also examines the truth in these statements. Thus, a part of the study will be to question the trustworthiness of the news media.
The results of the analyses show that none of the agencies are honest in their claims of neutrality. There are various examples that show that BBC is favoring the Israeli view of the operation while Al Jazeera clearly promotes the Palestinian. This is probably not surprising for those versed in the subject. For a majority of people, however, what is said in the news is considered to be true, hence opinions about different events are built upon the information presented by the news media. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W3160232482 | Judicial Agency and Legal Means in Judicialization of Politics | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3160232482 | Law’s autonomy from politics has been in decline. Theories have been formulated to provide explanations for the development. However, these debates have overlooked the role of judicial agency in the construction of the Court’s own fate. Judicial agency has a lot to determine when courts embark on their mission of embracing political circumstances surrounding them. The present paper argues that insistence on neutral principles by Legal Process School can be guiding for courts to devise judicial techniques that enable warranted appearance of neutrality. Two cases decided by the Israeli Supreme Court will be discussed to elaborate on the argument defended in the paper. In these cases, the Israeli Supreme Court constructs its institutional security by engaging in a principled line of reasoning across its evolving jurisprudence on the same political issue, namely by first exhausting more solid legal arguments and imposing conclusive constitutional resolutions once these less controversial decisions are implemented. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2118796466 | Dieter Fleck (ed.), The Handbook of International Humanitarian Law | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2118796466 | The second edition of The Handbook of International Humanitarian Law was eagerly anticipated. This new edition confirms the positive reception the earlier edition had among scholars and professionals alike. The first strength of the book is the authors. Being written by scholars and practitioners (or both), it comes as no surprise that a remarkable balance between theory and practice is struck throughout the book. The second strength is the thoroughness of the analysis combined with the user-friendly format and the accessible style. The authoritativeness of the previous edition of the book has been certified, for instance, by the German Federal Administrative Court (Bundesverwaltungsgericht) with respect to a topic as notoriously complex and controversial as the law on neutrality (see p. 575, footnote 17), and by the Israeli Supreme Court (sitting as the High Court of Justice) in The Public Committee against Torture in Israel et al. v. The Government of... | [
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https://openalex.org/W2901679242 | Ethnic-based separation in maternity Departments in Israel – a balanced practical view | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2901679242 | Ethnic-based separation in public hospitals in Israel is a sensitive issue that was recently brought forward by the media and was recently discussed in the Israel Journal of Health Policy Research. The above paper maintains that ethnic separation in inpatient rooms does take place some of the time and this runs contrary to the ethos of neutrality in medicine. The authors recommend implementing a national policy that prohibits ethnic-based separation in hospital inpatient rooms. In this commentary I point to the fact that the authors’ research indicates that often times ethnic separation is not based on racism, and while the call for unequivocal prohibition of discriminatory ethnic-based separation is of course morally justified, such an across-the-board prohibition is actually an imposition of mixed rooms under all circumstances. I recommend a more balanced and still ethically acceptable approach: any request by patients for a separate room that is overtly based on ethnic discrimination should be immediately rejected and that hospital directors should be called upon by the Ministry of Health not to take a back seat on this issue, to be proactive in explaining to the staff the importance of absolute avoidance of any discriminatory considerations in the placement of patients, and to monitor the extent of ethnic separation expecting to see in every department ethnically mixed rooms. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2475000419 | Mystical Unification or Ethnic Domination? American Biblical Archeologists’ Responses to the Six-Day War | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2475000419 | Abstract After the Six-Day War, members of the American Schools of Oriental Research experienced conflict over how and whether to maintain the organization’s policy on political neutrality. This article argues that ASOR members who supported Israel framed their views as theological, lauding the war for achieving a mystical unification of Jerusalem, while members who opposed the war’s outcome responded that appeals to theology and neutrality were being deployed to justify one ethnic group’s domination over another. I present two main examples, George Ernest Wright and Paul Lapp, and connect their scholarly views on objectivity versus relativism to their political views on the conflict. Wright, a biblical theologian, argued the Old Testament was an objective record of a religion revealed by God to the Israelites and defended the slaughter of Canaanites in terms that echoed justifications for Palestinian displacement. Conversely Lapp, who read the Old Testament as a polemical text, overtly connected his perspectivalism to his pro-Palestinian politics. In 1968 Wright clashed with ASOR residents, including Lapp, who protested Israeli plans to reroute a parade through recently captured areas of East Jerusalem. A reading of the correspondence record created after the protest analyzes the political implications of these differing scholarly positions. | [
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https://openalex.org/W155448562 | The Effect of the Statist - Political Approach to International Jurisdiction of the Income Tax Regime | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W155448562 | A significant variable of every tax regime, whatever tax is concerned, is its international jurisdiction. Currently, the importance of this jurisdiction is constantly increasing because of the gradual dismantling of the political, social, and economic barriers between nations resulting from international upheavals. This phenomenon is getting stronger in Israel since 1992 as a consequence of implementing an economic and trade policies based on free international trade. Whereas the prevailing approach holds that classical “rational” factors (efficiency based on various concepts of neutrality and equity) influence international jurisdiction, the article focuses on an additional, not rational factor, in the ordinary sense of that term, which determines international jurisdiction and is derived from that particular society's political philosophy regarding its statist conception. The article presents this new proposition by analyzing the basic rules governing international jurisdiction of the Israeli income tax regime, and showing the significant influence of the statist perspective on the international tax discourse. | [
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https://openalex.org/W774650130 | Принцип политического нейтралитета на примере управления в зарубежных государствах | [
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https://openalex.org/W2724522669 | Raymond Aron as an Analyst of the Arab-Israeli Conflict | [
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https://openalex.org/W4236187851 | Military Prosecutor v. Akrash Nazimi Bakir | [] | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4236187851 | War and neutrality — Warfare on land — Occupation of enemy territory — Judicial functions of Occupant — Jurisdiction of military court — Offences committed outside jurisdiction having no effect within jurisdiction — Whether military legislation sufficiently explicit — Geneva Convention relative to Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 1949 (Article 64) — Limitation of extraterritorial jurisdiction to security offences — The law of Israel | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3083524741 | Japanese–Israeli Relations and their Impact on thePeace Process in the Middle East | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3122448165 | The state is legally required to be neutral towards religion, but in many countries it is increasingly anything but. This book conducts a comparative legal analysis of the church–state relationship within and between western countries – including the USA, France and Israel – that are key players in international and domestic dynamics in which religion and religious conflict take centre stage. It analyses how government accommodates diversity, how policies of multiculturalism and pluralism translate into legislation, the extent to which they address matters of religion and belief and what pattern of related issues then come before the courts. Finally, it considers how civil society and democracy in general can maintain a balance between the interests of those of different religions and beliefs and those of none. In this illuminating study, Kerry O'Halloran shows how the relationship between religion and government affects civil society and the functioning of democracy in North America and Europe. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2263481119 | מדיניות חברתית באצטלה כלכלית: מטרותיה של מערכת המס בישראל (Contemplating the Meaning & Attainment of the Three Goals of Taxation) | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3001425534 | In her essay Ilana Feldman investigates the relations between the private and the political in the autobiographical work of Israeli-born Brazilian filmmaker David Perlov (1930–2003). Problematizing her position as researcher, she points out that she was also affectively and intellectually deeply implicated in this research. In questioning self-reflexively her supposed neutrality as researcher, she is following, among others, Georges Devereux in <italic>De l’angoisse à la méthode</italic> (2012) where he argues for a dialectics between the subject and the object of the investigation in a prolonged process ‘of becoming aware’. Applying Marcio Seligmann-Silva’s notion of the ‘testimonial content of culture’ (2003) to her research methodology, Feldman writes that there is no knowledge of the ‘other’ without recognition of the ‘self’. She argues for the significance of her own personal archives and the transformative power they had in the construction of this research. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4238719164 | Military Prosecutor <i>v</i>. Mohammad Samikh Amin Ibrahim al Nassar | [] | [
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https://openalex.org/W4241712635 | Christian Society for the Holy Places <i>v</i>. Minister of Defence and Others | [] | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4241712635 | War and neutrality — Warfare on land — Occupation of enemy territory — Legislative, judicial and administrative functions of the occupant — Military administration of occupied territory — Geneva Convention Relative to Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, 1949, Article 65 — Hague Regulations, 1907, Article 43 — Obligation of occupying power to respect law in force in occupied area unless absolutely prevented — Duty to restore and ensure as far as possible public order and safety — Right of occupant to amend local law for the well being of civil population — The law of Israel | [
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https://openalex.org/W2911034214 | Expectation and Variation in Long Run Decisions | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2911034214 | The purpose of this paper is to develop and estimate a stochastic-intertemporal model of consumption behavior and to use it for testing a version of the Ricardian-equivalence proposition with time series data. Two channels that may give rise to deviations from this proposition are specified: Finite horizons and liquidity constraints. In addition, the model incorporates explicitly the roles of taxes, substitution between public and private consumption, and different degrees of consumer goods' durability The evidence, based on data for Israel in the first half of the 1980s supports the Ricardian neutrality specification, yielding plausible estimates for the behavioral parameters of the aggregate consumption function. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4236542963 | Introduction | [] | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4236542963 | The ethos of neutrality dominates biomedicine. It has, however, been criticized for leading to a disregard for diversity in medicine. In this article we employ the ‘inclusion and difference’ approach to gain an understanding of why the ethos of neutrality, on the one hand, and tensions associated with race/ethnicity, on the other, are relevant to the work of ethnic minority health professionals. We sought to explore tensions associated with neutrality in medicine from the point of view of ethnic minority professionals who work in a context of political conflict. We conducted 33 in-depth interviews with Arab health professionals – physicians, nurses and pharmacists – working in Israeli health organizations. The Arab health professionals perceive medical knowledge as being politically neutral; and medical practice as being impartial, universal and humanitarian. They regard the healthcare sector as a relatively egalitarian workplace, into which they can integrate and gain promotion. Nevertheless, the interviewees experienced various instances of treatment refusal, discrimination and racism. In line with the ethos of neutrality, the Israeli medical code of ethics does not relate specifically to Arab professionals and takes their inclusion and integration in healthcare organizations for granted. The ethos of neutrality in medicine underlies the ambivalence inherent in the approach of 'inclusion and difference'. While perceptions of neutrality, alongside values such as equality, cultural competency, impartiality and humanitarian healthcare, do indeed promote the inclusion of minority professionals in health organizations, these same perceptions mask the need to address political events that impinge on the medical milieu and may present an obstacle to designing specific policies to deal with such events. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3126136465 | Multi-Product Pricing: Theory and Evidence from Large Retailers in Israel | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3126136465 | Standard theories of price adjustment are based on the problem of a single-product firm, and therefore they may not be well suited to analyze price dynamics in the economy with multiproduct firms. To guide new theory, we study a unique dataset with comprehensive coverage of daily prices in large multi-product food retailers in Israel. We find that a typical retail store synchronizes its regular price changes around occasional “peak days when, once or twice a month, it reprices around 10% of its products. To assess the implications of partial price synchronization for inflation dynamics, we develop a new price-setting model in which a firm sells a continuum of products and faces economies of scope in price adjustment. The model generates the partial synchronization pattern with peaks of re-pricing activity observed in the data. We show analytically and numerically that synchronization of price changes attenuates the average price response to a monetary shock; however, only high degrees of synchronization can materially strengthen monetary non-neutrality. Hence, the synchronization of price changes observed in the data is consistent with considerable aggregate price flexibility. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2270039398 | An Argument from Democracy Against School Choice: A Critique of Zelman v. Simmons-Harris | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2270039398 | The article is comprised of two parts: a theoretical part and a legal part. The first part addresses two questions: 1. Should a democracy act so as to ensure its continued existence? 2. What should a democracy do so as to ensure it continued existence? In this part we shall claim, firstly, that a democratic state has a right and even a duty to act to conserve the democratic form of government. Next we will argue that the most effective way of ensuring the existence of democracy is not the creation of legal or constitutional prohibitions against anti-democratic associations, but ensuring that amongst citizens there is widespread commitment to the values of equal liberty, tolerance and respect, as well as a capacity for critical thought. The most effective means of obtaining this goal is to develop such commitment and capacity in schools. At the end of the theoretical part we will discuss and refute four objections to our position that the state should educate for democratic values. In the second, legal part, we will present the Court's ruling in Zelman v. Simmons-Harris and a critique thereof. We will argue that the Court was mistaken in ignoring the detrimental effects which the permit it gave for the adoption of vouchers programs might have on the commitment of future citizens to democratic values. In contrast to the majority ruling, which assumes that the establishment clause permits neutrality between religious and secular outlooks, we argue, with Sullivan, that the establishment clause should be understood as taking a non-neutral stand in favor of the 'establishment' of a civil order for the resolution of public moral disputes. Therefore the state is forbidden to fund the activities of religious institutions even while it funds the activities of non-religious institutions. In order to illustrate the dangers which the funding of education in religious schools poses for democracy, we shall later describe the Israeli experience in breadth. In Israel funding was granted to religious education and this led to substantial erosion in education for democratic values. At the end of this part we will examine three possible courses of action that might be taken in an attempt to ensure education for democracy after Zelman: non-funding of private schools, funding of private schools conditioned on the fulfillment of a requirement to educate for democratic values, and the positing of a legal obligation requiring private schools to educate for democratic values (with or without a decision to fund such schools). We will evaluate each of these courses of action for its effectiveness in promoting democratic education and with regard to its constitutional merits. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3136506939 | Swiss Defence Industry in the Global Arms Trade – Successes and Challenges | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3136506939 | When we talk about the Defence Industry (DI), arms transfers, and military expenditures we mostly refer to data accumulated by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI). In the SIPRI Top 20 list of largest exporters of major arms for 2019, small states hold consecutive positions: Israel takes 8th place, Switzerland is 13th, and Sweden, Norway, and Belarus place 15th, 17th, and 20th respectively. The author analyses the Swiss DI case due to several reasons; its place in SIPRI Top, its sharp rise of Swiss arms exports in the recent year, its Swiss neutrality strategy, the country&rsquo;s multilingual society, and its all-government approach to the arms industry, though still contributing to the limited scholarly studies on contemporary Swiss DI. This paper aims to explore Swiss DI and its strategies, to identify the country&rsquo;s defence and security policy influence towards DI, and to discuss the Swiss DI stance and future perspectives in the context of the global arms trade. At the same time, this paper also highlights Swiss DI successes and failures that could be of significant use to other small states aiming to develop or enhance their relevant DIs. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3125801050 | An Argument from Democracy against School Choice: A Critique of Zelman v. Simmons-Harris | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3125801050 | The article is comprised of two parts: a theoretical part and a legal part. The first part addresses two questions: 1. Should a democracy act so as to ensure its continued existence? 2. What should a democracy do so as to ensure it continued existence? In this part we shall claim, firstly, that a democratic state has a right and even a duty to act to conserve the democratic form of government. Next we will argue that the most effective way of ensuring the existence of democracy is not the creation of legal or constitutional prohibitions against anti-democratic associations, but ensuring that amongst citizens there is widespread commitment to the values of equal liberty, tolerance and respect, as well as a capacity for critical thought. The most effective means of obtaining this goal is to develop such commitment and capacity in schools. At the end of the theoretical part we will discuss and refute four objections to our position that the state should educate for democratic values. In the second, legal part, we will present the Court's ruling in Zelman v. Simmons-Harris and a critique thereof. We will argue that the Court was mistaken in ignoring the detrimental effects which the permit it gave for the adoption of vouchers programs might have on the commitment of future citizens to democratic values. In contrast to the majority ruling, which assumes that the establishment clause permits neutrality between religious and secular outlooks, we argue, with Sullivan, that the establishment clause should be understood as taking a non-neutral stand in favor of the 'establishment' of a civil order for the resolution of public moral disputes. Therefore the state is forbidden to fund the activities of religious institutions even while it funds the activities of non-religious institutions. In order to illustrate the dangers which the funding of education in religious schools poses for democracy, we shall later describe the Israeli experience in breadth. In Israel funding was granted to religious education and this led to substantial erosion in education for democratic values. At the end of this part we will examine three possible courses of action that might be taken in an attempt to ensure education for democracy after Zelman: non-funding of private schools, funding of private schools conditioned on the fulfillment of a requirement to educate for democratic values, and the positing of a legal obligation requiring private schools to educate for democratic values (with or without a decision to fund such schools). We will evaluate each of these courses of action for its effectiveness in promoting democratic education and with regard to its constitutional merits. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3001389819 | Keep Calm and Fight on: A Comparative Study of Network Neutrality in the United States, South Korea and Israel | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3001389819 | Historical, political and ideological frameworks of different countries create the context for telecommunications policy, context that is required in order to understand its reasoning and logic. One method that helps uncover these frameworks is comparative research. Indeed, comparing policy initiatives undertaken by others in order to learn from them is commonly seen as a justification for conducting comparative research (Livingstone, 2003) and national policy makers not only study reforms in other countries, but they also often adopt similar policies as a result (Bauer 2003). One recent policy issue that has been the focus of public attention but has not been fully studied in a comparative form, is that of regulating network neutrality. There are different approaches to the regulation of network neutrality in different countries as they are deeply rooted in conceptually distinctive ideological, political assumptions regarding the role of government in telecommunications. Differences in institutional frameworks need to be taken into account so that our understanding of policy will be more systematic than anecdotal. While it may be easy to downplay the significance of comparisons and argue that certain things defy comparison. In the case of policies geared toward liberalizing telecommunications markets these comparisons can and should be undertaken, because of the very basic similarities that stem from the common elements that characterize telecommunication networks. The debate over net neutrality picked up most recently in the United States, when the Federal Communications Commission voted on December 14, 2017 to repeal the rules established as recently as 2015 that prohibited broadband service providers from discriminating among different types of services and traffic over the Internet As such, network neutrality, emerged as one of the most discussed topics of telecommunications policy by the public in the United States. At the same time, in South Korea, where government has been playing a key role in shaping the structure of the telecommunications environment, the network neutrality debate has not been as heated, but rather the opposite. The South Korean government has been deeply involved in facilitating broadband deployment, promoting competition and fostering innovation. To ensure competition and innovation in telecommunications, South Korea has promoted a policy actively protecting network neutrality (Shin and Han, 2012). The Ministry of Science and ICT of South Korea confirmed that it is unlikely to alter the network neutrality policy even in light the repeal of the rules in the United States. Meanwhile, Israel enacted a network neutrality law in 2011 for mobile broadband and the requirements have been extended to fixed broadband in 2014 . This law was passed with no public debate whatsoever. Recent revelations that had led to a police investigation involving the prime minister, senior bureaucrats and the top brass of the national telco, Bezeq, indicated that the main concern of the telco was not network neutrality, but rather unbundling rules, in particular in the wholesale market. This study will compare and contrast network neutrality rules in the United States, Israel and South Korea in order to utilize comparison, similarities and differences (Shin, 2014) as the tool serving a better understanding of the rules in each national context. References Bauer, J. (2003). ‘Prospects and Limits of Comparative Research in Communications Policy-Making’, paper presented at the 31st Telecommunications Policy Research Conference (Arlington, VA), September 2003. Livingstone, S. (2003). On the challenges of cross national comparative research. European Journal of Communication, 18, 477–500. Shin, D. (2014). A Comparative analysis of net neutrality: Insights gained by juxtaposing the U.S. and Korea. Telecommunications Policy, 38, 1117-1133. Shin, D., Han, E. (2012). How will net neutrality be played out in Korea? Government Information Quarterly, 29, 243-251. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4385986957 | Perpetrators’ trauma and implicated witnessing: Between the psychoanalytic and the political | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4385986957 | How—and why at all—should we listen to voices of perpetrators of political violence, lend an ear to their stories and hear their (self-inflicted) pain? In this paper I try to show how the psychoanalytic concept of “witnessing”, which came forth in the context of the treatment of trauma victims, gets problematized when applied to testimonies relating to perpetrators’ trauma. While initially the idea of witnessing marked an increased affinity between the psychoanalytic and the political/ethical, current literature on witnessing and trauma in the context of perpetrators reveals a re-growing gap between these two spheres. I examine these complexities through the case of Israeli soldiers and the testimonies they recite, both within clinical settings and in the public realm. I use the concepts “implicated witnessing” and “failed witnessing” in order to relate to possible ethical perils, especially in the context of ongoing, socially sanctioned violence. I point to the potential proximity between notions of the therapist qua witness and the therapist qua bystander. However, I also insist on the potential gain of applying psychoanalytic ideas (such as working-through) to processes in the public sphere and on the importance of thinking politically about clinical processes. In this spirit, I aim to find a way to go beyond two binary positions towards perpetrators’ narratives which are lacking in their account of the witness’ own involvement and responsibility: on the one hand, a resolute critical denunciation, and on the other, an alleged neutrality. In the case of testimonies of perpetrators and their trauma, I assert, this may be an important step in a social process of shifting from defensive splitting to assuming responsibility, and thus in diminishing political violence. | [
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"https://openalex.org/W323765287",
"https://openalex.org/W1547196045"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2189425540 | As I sat at my desk in Connecticut to consider what I could contribute to this volume as a cultural historian of American law, I recalled a remarkable visit I took recently to Cincinnati, Ohio. My wife and I had visited Cincinnati immediately following a three-week stay in Germany, and because I hope it will shed light on how many Americans understand the relation between church and state, I wish to begin this essay by describing why I was in Ohio and painting a picture of some of the men and women I met there — a kind of American portrait in thick description. Before I do, however, I wish at the outset to state my basic view of the subject of religion and state neutrality. My view is that state neutrality toward religion can and should remain a guiding aspiration of American constitutionalism, but that the ideal has been complicated in practice by an old and continuing American tradition — one that I believe contrasts with socio-legal life in post-war Germany and, perhaps, Israel, in which universalistic liberal ideals and institutions are grounded in and viewed as inseparable from particularistic religious commitments. The U.S. Supreme Court, furthermore, has played an important institutional role in coping with the cultural tension to which this popular belief system has given rise, using the concept of neutrality as a tool of constitutional cultural management for a society that is at once highly religious, liberal, and increasingly pluralistic. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2077466644 | A Postmodern Reading of Paul’s Letter to the Romans and Its Disclosure of a New Image of God and a New Understanding of Salvation | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2077466644 | Under a hermeneutics of disclosure that prioritizes a subjective “ready-to-hand” relationship with the biblical text and, concomitantly, the ontological realities of solicitude and the knowing of a priori understanding, this article interprets Rom 1:17 and Gal 3:15–19 utilizing the literary-critical principles of a close reading of the text and consistency building. Paul’s perspective in Rom 1:17 is that the gospel, not the law, discloses God’s justice and its movement, “out of trust into trust,” is interpreted in relation to Gal 3:15–19 and the testament of inheritance that God established with Abraham and his seed, Christ. The law is relegated to a codicil, constituted by angels and added to the testament of inheritance through Moses’ mediation between God and Israel at Sinai. Its function is to raise to consciousness the infection of sin ( hamartia) and to serve as the guide to Christ, the end of the law. Christ, the testamentary heir, fulfilled its conditions by eradicating sin and making the benefits of the testament universally available. Accordingly, the phrase, “out of trust into trust,” implies the movement “from the trust of Abraham into the trust of Christ” and establishes the possibility of actualizing the justice of God and delivering the creation from its corruption. Luther and Calvin’s formulation of a law-oriented gospel, combined with their adoption of Augustine’s doctrine of original sin—that continues to dominate the interpretation of Romans—limited salvation to God’s accreditation of dikaiosynê (usually translated as “righteousness”) to those who receive Christ into their lives. Their theology of atonement, determined by their law-oriented gospel, presupposed a punitive God who was compelled to inflict the punishment of law-transgressing humanity upon God’s Son in order to satisfy God’s law-directed retribution. The result: a gospel of individual salvation without commitment to the actualization of God’s justice. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3213296993 | Kardinale aspekte van nasionale Diensplig met spesifieke verwysing Na suid-afrika | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3213296993 | This article reviews the cardinal aspects of universal military service (conscription) with specific reference to the South African situation, and against the backdrop of military service in what the author terms as the 'international community'. In his introduction he discusses the evolution of compulsory military service in the briefest terms, and then proceeds to a comparative overview of the subject within the international framework. It is averred that military service in most Western countries (and especially those in NATO) compares most unfavourably with induction in the forces of Warsaw and the Peoples' Republic of China. There are a few notable exceptions, however, viz Switzerland (which pursues an effective policy of armed neutrality), Israel and the Republic of South Africa. Comparing the 'average' Soviet and South African soldier, he concludes that while the Russian counterpart is the submissive product of an austere system, the South African soldier is a more balanced combination of self-discipline and initiative. This implies that even the military system is only fractional, and to a large extent reflects the rules of society. On this premise he takes a closer look at National Service as a system influenced by the community. In this respect attention is given to four cardinal aspects, viz economy, age groups, military dissenters and volunteers. Although accepting the notion of critics that the national economy in South Africa could be adversely affected by (any) system of extended service, he claims - with historical inference - that the new system will alleviate the individual's obligations. The part dealing with the induction of older men is a brief study in comparative history and carries the notion that not only young men can play the game called 'war'. The author views the growing phenomenon of military dissent (or resistance to military service) in the Western countries with concern, and comments that this pacifist attitude can and will be exploited by radical movements with political objectives. This is the case with organizations such as the South African Liberation Support Committee (SALSCOM) which aims to undermine the South African Defence Force, thereby paving the way for a communist take-over in the Republic of South Africa. As to the final aspect, viz volunteers, the view is expounded that in the face of an external threat (or in actual conflict) no country can rely on a system of voluntary military service. In his final analysis the author concludes that as the calibre of men produced by a particular military system is always an indication of the efficiency of such a system, National Service in South Africa should be judged in positive terms: the South African soldier, being a product 0: an effective military system, ranks among the best in the world. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2523726559 | KARDINALE ASPEKTE VAN NASIONALE DIENSPLIG MET SPESIFIEKE VERWYSING NA SUID-AFRIKA | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2523726559 | This article reviews the cardinal aspects of universal military service (conscription) with specific reference to the South African situation, and against the backdrop of military service in what the author terms as the 'international community'. In his introduction he discusses the evolution of compulsory military service in the briefest terms, and then proceeds to a comparative overview of the subject within the international framework. It is averred that military service in most Western countries (and especially those in NATO) compares most unfavourably with induction in the forces of Warsaw and the Peoples' Republic of China. There are a few notable exceptions, however, viz Switzerland (which pursues an effective policy of armed neutrality), Israel and the Republic of South Africa. Comparing the 'average' Soviet and South African soldier, he concludes that while the Russian counterpart is the submissive product of an austere system, the South African soldier is a more balanced combination of self-discipline and initiative. This implies that even the military system is only fractional, and to a large extent reflects the rules of society. On this premise he takes a closer look at National Service as a system influenced by the community. In this respect attention is given to four cardinal aspects, viz economy, age groups, military dissenters and volunteers. Although accepting the notion of critics that the national economy in South Africa could be adversely affected by (any) system of extended service, he claims - with historical inference - that the new system will alleviate the individual's obligations. The part dealing with the induction of older men is a brief study in comparative history and carries the notion that not only young men can play the game called 'war'. The author views the growing phenomenon of military dissent (or resistance to military service) in the Western countries with concern, and comments that this pacifist attitude can and will be exploited by radical movements with political objectives. This is the case with organizations such as the South African Liberation Support Committee (SALSCOM) which aims to undermine the South African Defence Force, thereby paving the way for a communist take-over in the Republic of South Africa. As to the final aspect, viz volunteers, the view is expounded that in the face of an external threat (or in actual conflict) no country can rely on a system of voluntary military service. In his final analysis the author concludes that as the calibre of men produced by a particular military system is always an indication of the efficiency of such a system, National Service in South Africa should be judged in positive terms: the South African soldier, being a product 0: an effective military system, ranks among the best in the world. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3112620073 | AFSC and the Holocaust: Pathways of Conscience in Vichy France | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3112620073 | AFSC and the Holocaust:Pathways of Conscience in Vichy France Paul Moke (bio) In 1947 the Chair of the Nobel Committee, Gunnar Jahn, presented the Nobel Peace Prize to the American Friends Service Committee (AFSC) and the (British) Friends Relief Service for their work with refugees during World War II. He praised their efforts as "silent help from the nameless to the nameless, which is their contribution to the promotion of brotherhood among the nations." For many, the award represented an endorsement of peace-making, political neutrality, and humanitarian service in a war-torn world. Ostensibly, the AFSC-led project in Marseille, France exhibited all these Quaker ideals. The project delivered food and clothing to thousands of stateless Jewish children and other refugees who fled to southern France in the late 1930s and early 1940s. The operation continued until the fall of 1942, when the Nazis occupied southern France and arrested 156 American journalists, diplomats, and relief workers, including nine Quakers affiliated with the project. Following an eighteen-month detention in a hotel in Baden-Baden, Germany, the hostages, together with a group of other detainees, were released in exchange for a group of German nationals and POWs held in the United States and other countries. The directors in charge of the AFSC project maintained a strict posture of neutrality and compliance with the laws and policies of the Vichy government and its Nazi superiors. The rationale for this policy was to facilitate the importation of supplies across the war zone. The Quaker peace testimony, which emphasizes seeing the light of God in everyone, including perpetrators, informed the Friends' approach in other European contexts during and after World War I. Quaker Herbert Hoover's [End Page 1] successful food relief efforts (1914–1920) reinforced the theme of neutrality and mutual cooperation in the administration of humanitarian programs, and the leaders of the Marseille project followed in his footsteps. In administering the Quakerspeisung child-feeding program between 1918 and 1922 Quakers worked with officials from wartime adversaries, providing relief to all children in need regardless of political affiliation, nationality, or ethnic background. Recently published memoirs and monographs written by and about non-Quaker case workers from AFSC projects in Spain and France during World War II depart from the narrative of neutrality in the work of Quaker-related organizations of that era. Three of these individuals, Helga Holbek, Alice Resch (Synnestvedt), and Mary Elmes, worked for the AFSC in internment camps near Toulouse and Perpignan, France. They disobeyed the direct orders of both their supervisors and Vichy officials by collaborating with the French underground to hide refugees and help them escape. After decades of silence, Holbek and Resch shared their stories in speeches and memoirs.1 The dramatic story of Mary Elmes, detailed below, came to light posthumously as a result of inquiries from Jews rescued as children from the camps.2 By 2013, the State of Israel honored Holbek, Resch, and Elmes as Righteous Among the Nations for risking their lives to save Jews from Nazi extermination. Thus, two recognized institutions, the Nobel Committee and Yad Vashem, the Holocaust Martyrs' and Heroes' Remembrance Authority, using separate and incompatible criteria, issued awards for the wartime work of Quaker organizations and their non-Quaker employees. The divergent worldviews of the AFSC leadership and their fieldworkers reflect the demands of individual conscience in the face of the brutality imposed upon helpless refugees in the camps. Instead of a single, dominant narrative of the meaning of the Quaker peace testimony in the work of the AFSC during the Holocaust, their stories suggest a deeper message of pluralism as organizations and individuals responded in different ways to the magnitude of evil around them. The story of the AFSC relief program in Vichy France contains two primary sets of actors: Howard E. Kershner, director of relief programs for the AFSC in France; and fieldworkers Helga Holbek, Mary Elmes, and Alice Resch, who worked directly with refugees and internees in concentration camps. In telling their story, I hope to respond to calls from Holocaust scholars for the creation of "mega-narratives" that synthesize individual experiences to frame a broader set of sociological, political, [End Page 2] and... | [
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https://openalex.org/W1540541652 | Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and the Modern Russo-Jewish Question | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1540541652 | Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and the Modern Russo-Jewish Question, by Nathan D. Larson. Stuttgart: ibidem Verlag, 2005. 164 pp. euro15.20. The author of this volume has undertaken a task as complex as it is controversial. He seeks to present an understanding of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's attitude toward in the context of the in contemporary Russia. This is a subject of considerable prominence in current intellectual discourse, least of all because of Solzhenitsyn's involvement. It is therefore to be regretted that he hedges his position, stating his aim as not to answer but to illuminate the present-day Jewish Question... (p. 12). This emerges as a weakness of Mr. Larson's methodology, an even-handed neutrality in which all narratives are equally valid. In addition he appears enamored of a metaphysical, even mystical view of Russia and its literature, designating almost every aspect of the discussion as enigmatic, mysterious, a riddle, etc., rather than seeking intellectually consistent interpretations. The egregious example of this is his treatment of the Protocols of the Eiders of Zion, a subject on which he dwells only because in his essay Jews in the Soviet Union and in Future Russia, Solzhenitsyn is cited as referring to them as a crude, near parodie rendering of a demonically subtle and well thought out plan (p. 126). As to their provenance, Larson writes that most scholars simply steer clear of the question... (p. 123). He declines to take a stand, despite demonstrating full knowledge of the research dealing with the forged origins and uses made of the Protocols, and describes them as a palimpsest, leaving the implication that beneath the superimposed layers, there must have been an original set of conspirators' notes. In addition there are a number of other faults in Mr. Larson's presentation. He conflates nation, race, and religion, interchanging them as though they were synonymous. His knowledge of Russia's Jews, past and present, appears insufficient, allowing errors to appear in his text (p. 23, p. 32, p. Ill) . He is careful in his sources; neither Stanley Mann (p. 23) nor Israel Shamir (p. 113) is a historian or scholar, and the introduction of opinions by Noam Chomsky and by Shimon Peres is gratuitous. Larson appears to have some difficulties with English language usage, at times distorting or obscuring the meaning of his text, (p. 41, p. 78, p. 128) which in any case could use more careful editing and proofreading (p. 16, p. 39, pp. 40-41). As to the content of the book, the author begins with Solzhenitsyn's biography and an attempt to locate Solzhenitsyn on the maps of Russian nationalism and of Judeophobia. This is followed by a historical survey of the in the modern world and a sample survey of Russian literature, which he finds to be ambivalent regarding and Jewishness. The author then returns to the debate on Solzhenitsyn's characterizations of Jews, before veering onto another tangent with half a chapter on the Jewish Question in post-Soviet Russia devoted to the Jewish oligarchs. The author then returns to Solzhenitsyn with two chapters on his 1960s essay Evrei SSSR i v budushchei Rossii and his recent two volumeDvesti let vmeste before a lengthy digression on the Protocols of the Elders ofZion and finally, Solzhenitsyn's ambivalence, leading to the conclusion that Solzhenitsyn is an important figure in modern literature-an indisputable conclusion, but with little relevance to the subject of this book-and that he embodies the Russian people's collective views on the contemporary Jewish Question- a doubtful assertion in our opinion. … | [
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https://openalex.org/W1970501167 | <i>Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and the Modern Russo-Jewish Question</i> (review) | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1970501167 | Reviewed by: Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and the Modern Russo-Jewish Question Theodore H. Friedgut Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and the Modern Russo-Jewish Question, by Nathan D. Larson. Stuttgart: ibidem Verlag, 2005. 164 pp. €15.20. The author of this volume has undertaken a task as complex as it is controversial. He seeks to present an understanding of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn's attitude toward Jews in the context of the "Jewish Question" in contemporary Russia. This is a subject of considerable prominence in current intellectual discourse, not least of all because of Solzhenitsyn's involvement. It is therefore to be regretted that he hedges his position, stating his aim as "not to answer but to illuminate the present-day Jewish Question . . ." (p. 12). This emerges as a weakness of Mr. Larson's methodology, an even-handed neutrality in which all narratives are equally valid. In addition he appears enamored of a metaphysical, even mystical view of Russia and its literature, designating almost every aspect of the discussion as enigmatic, mysterious, a riddle, etc., rather [End Page 205] than seeking intellectually consistent interpretations. The most egregious example of this is his treatment of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, a subject on which he dwells only because in his essay "Jews in the Soviet Union and in Future Russia," Solzhenitsyn is cited as referring to them as a "crude, near parodic rendering of a demonically subtle and well thought out plan" (p. 126). As to their provenance, Larson writes that "most scholars simply steer clear of the question. . ." (p. 123). He declines to take a stand, despite demonstrating full knowledge of the research dealing with the forged origins and uses made of the Protocols, and describes them as a palimpsest, leaving the implication that beneath the superimposed layers, there must have been an original set of conspirators' notes. In addition there are a number of other faults in Mr. Larson's presentation. He conflates nation, race, and religion, interchanging them as though they were synonymous. His knowledge of Russia's Jews, past and present, appears insufficient, allowing errors to appear in his text (p. 23, p. 32, p. 111) . He is not careful in his sources; neither Stanley Mann (p. 23) nor Israel Shamir (p. 113) is a historian or scholar, and the introduction of opinions by Noam Chomsky and by Shimon Peres is gratuitous. Larson appears to have some difficulties with English language usage, at times distorting or obscuring the meaning of his text, (p. 41, p. 78, p. 128) which in any case could use more careful editing and proofreading (p. 16, p. 39, pp. 40–41). As to the content of the book, the author begins with Solzhenitsyn's biography and an attempt to locate Solzhenitsyn on the maps of Russian nationalism and of Judeophobia. This is followed by a historical survey of the "Jewish Question" in the modern world and a sample survey of Russian literature, which he finds to be ambivalent regarding Jews and Jewishness. The author then returns to the debate on Solzhenitsyn's characterizations of Jews, before veering onto another tangent with half a chapter on the Jewish Question in post-Soviet Russia devoted to the Jewish oligarchs. The author then returns to Solzhenitsyn with two chapters on his 1960s essay "Evrei SSSR i v budushchei Rossii" and his recent two volume "Dvesti let vmeste" before a lengthy digression on the Protocols of the Elders of Zion and finally, Solzhenitsyn's "ambivalence," leading to the conclusion that Solzhenitsyn is an important figure in modern literature—an indisputable conclusion, but with little relevance to the subject of this book—and that he embodies the Russian people's collective views on the contemporary Jewish Question—a doubtful assertion in our opinion. Is there evidence to warrant a conclusion one way or another? Solzhenitsyn's use of anti-Jewish stereotypes is one such category. The character of Parvus, gross and satanic, is mentioned by Larson—though he omits several "Jewish" traits: Lenin's assertion of Parvus's "undying faith in the omnipotence [End Page 206] of money," Parvus's uncanny facility for manipulating behind the scenes and slipping away in moments of crisis, leaving others to be arrested, and finally... | [
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https://openalex.org/W2029080149 | Three Scandinavian Counterfactual Scenarios from the Napoleonic Wars | [
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"Israel"
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2029080149 | Abstract The article focuses on the possibilities of counterfactual history through three showcases from the Scandinavian theatre of the Napoleonic Wars. The scenarios are based on clearly described and plausible points of divergence, i.e. single, identifiable historical events that could have resulted in a different outcome. The counterfactuals are explored by means of systematic extrapolation. The first scenario presents the possibility of a Danish victory against the British naval expedition in the Battle of Copenhagen Roads in 1801. The scenario seeks to answer the question whether the Danish victory could have maintained the League of Armed Neutrality intact in some form, keeping Scandinavia out of the Napoleonic Wars altogether. The second scenario describes the Abborfors border dispute of 1803, which historically nearly triggered a war between Sweden and Russia. The extrapolation focuses on the hypothetical consequences of a premature Swedish-Russian conflict in 1803, and its impact on the War of the Third Coalition. The third scenario explores the hypothetical French invasion of Jutland in 1807, and the potential of Scandinavia as a strategic quagmire of the Napoleonic Wars, comparable to what Spain became in our timeline. Keywords: alternate historyNapoleonic Wars19th century Notes 1 Livy, Book IX, 24–30, 255–8. 2 Haapala, ‘Robert Fogel ja “tieteellinen historiankirjoitus”’, 320; Tamminen, ‘Robert Fogelko myyttien murtaja?’, 141–2. 3 For one survey, see Winter, The Great War and the British People, 2. 4 Ferguson, ‘Virtual History’, 1–90. 5 Niemi and Pernaa, Entäs jos – vaihtoehtoinen Suomen historia; Jokisipilä and Niemi, Entäs jos – lisää vaihtoehtoista Suomen historiaa. 6 Osica and Sowa, Co by było, gdyby, 6–8; Staliūnas, ‘Alternatives to Lithuanian ethnonationalism’, 417–28. 7 Barton, Scandinavia in the Revolutionary Era, 126. 8 van Creveld, Supplying War, 68. 9 Ferguson, ‘Virtual History’, 86–7. 10 For a classic example on the use of psychology in the study of history, see Renvall, Nykyajan historiantutkimus, 107, 113–6. 11 Jelavich, History of the Balkans, 101. 12 Häikiö, Historia ja väärät profeetat, 33–41. 13 For this same counterfactual conclusion, see also Karonen, Pohjoinen Suurvalta, 430. 14 Barton, Scandinavia in the Revolutionary Era, 252. The Danes had lost 375 dead and 670 wounded; the British had lost 350 dead and 850 wounded. 15 Alanen, Suomen historia kustavilaisella ajalla, 597–8. 16 Wihtol, ‘The Naval Battles of Ruotsinsalmi’, 69. 17 Meri, Maassa taivaan saranat, 235–6. 18 Barton, Scandinavia in the Revolutionary Era, 251–2. 19 Ibid. 20 Ingram, ‘Illusions of Victory’, 140–3. 21 For details on the embryonic pan-Scandinavian sentiments of the 1790s, see Barton, Scandinavia in the Revolutionary Era, 227–8. 22 Lambert, ‘Great Britain and the Baltic, 1809–1890’, 299–300. 23 Alanen, Suomen historia kustavilaisella ajalla, 607–10; Barton, Scandinavia in the Revolutionary Era, 265. 24 Ramel, Kustaa Mauri Armfelt, 252. 25 Duffy, Russia's Military Way to the West, 56–7. 26 van Creveld, Supplying War, 44. 27 Koch, A History of Prussia, 156–7. 28 Greenfeld, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity, 280, 353, 358. 29 Davies, God's Playground, 84, 218. 30 Walicki, Philosophy and Romantic Nationalism, 253, 259, 263–5. 31 Lindqvist, Napoleon, 330–5, 377–8. 32 Tyynilä, Senaatti; tutkimus hallituskonselji-senaatista, 48–51. 33 Ramel, Kustaa Mauri Armfelt, 242–8. 34 Ramel, Yrjö Maunu Sprengtporten, 221–2. 35 For a similar counterfactual argument, see Jussila, ‘Valtiokehityksen vaihtoehtoja’, 15–17. 36 Of the historical exploits of Gustav, the ‘Prince of Vasa’, who also used the title ‘Count von Itterburg’, see, for example, The Journal of Sir Walter Scott, vol I, 26 April 1827. 37 Andersen, ‘1807 – Napoleon besætter Jylland’, 136–9; Barton, Scandinavia in the Revolutionary Era, 275–6. 38 Feldbæk, ‘Denmark and the Baltic, 1720–1864’, 257–95. 39 Ryan, ‘The Causes of the British Attack on Copenhagen in 1807’, 45, 50, 55. 40 Ibid., 49. 41 Ibid., 53. 42 Finley, ‘Prelude to Spain: The Calabrian Insurrection, 1806–1807’, 84–7. 43 van Creveld, Supplying War, 41–2, 74. 44 Israel, Dutch Republic, 1120. 45 Brázdil et al., ‘Historical Climatology in Europe’, 379, 384. 46 Andersen, Orlogsskibet Prinds Christian Frederik, 98–117. 47 Barton, Scandinavia in the Revolutionary Era, 281. 48 Carr, Spain 1808–1975, 84–5. 49 Zamoyski, 1812: Napoleon's Fatal March on Moscow, 38. 50 Robertson, ‘The Juntas of 1809 and the Spanish Colonies’, 578–9. 51 Pocock, Battle for Empire, 233–42; SarDesai, Southeast Asia, 89–90. 52 Eckel, ‘Challenges to Dutch Monopoly of Japanese Trade’, 175. 53 For the most famous example of a reference to the ‘ruins of blazing Moscow’, see Pushkin, Клеветникам России, 499–500. As late as during the Kosovo Crisis of 1999, the Russian foreign minister Igor Ivanov still publicly cited Pushkin's poem as a stern warning to the NATO countries, and in 2007, the same poem once again saw propaganda use during the ‘Bronze Warrior’ crisis between Estonia and Russia. 54 See, for example, Osmo Jussila's comments in his article ‘Valtiokehityksen vaihtoehtoja’, 14–19; likewise, some time ago similar interpretations were voiced by Marja Jalava and Petri Karonen in the allohistorical episode of Jukka Relander's talk-show ‘T-klubi’ in the ‘YLE Teema’ channel in the Finnish public television. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3086294701 | British-French Competition in Oman 1749-1798 | [
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"Oman"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3086294701 | Oman was one of the most important commercial centeres in the Arabian Gulf and enjoys a distinct strategic location, and it contains important ports, including: the port of Muscat, Sohar and Qalhat, which made it vulnerable to the ambitions of European countries, especially France and Britain. Oman was ruled by the Al-Busaid family, especially during the era of its founder Ahmed bin Saeed, It was characterized during his era of economic prosperity and was able to achieve national unity, and at the same time was keen to stick to the position of neutrality in relation to the British-French competition, but it was difficult to maintain a position of neutrality, which pushed Oman to be an arena for maritime clash between British ships and a thousand Forgotten, that the reason for our choice for 1749 is the beginning of the family took the Po Said rule in Amman, headed by Ahmed bin Said, the 1798 is an agreement Muscat, which is the first political agreement between Oman and other European countries. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4240332717 | Oman’s new sultan will maintain neutrality in the Gulf | [] | [
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https://openalex.org/W4318996654 | Economic needs could weaken Omani neutrality | [] | [
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https://openalex.org/W2951618677 | The nature of the Omani foreign policy in shadow of the new regional crises | [
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"Oman"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2951618677 | The nature of Oman's foreign policy came as a result of some factors , foremost of which is the geographical factor that placed the Sultanate in an important and sensitive region in the world. This factor played a positive role through the importance of the region and its advantages and a negative role through its regional neighborhood and its coexistence with this neighborhood, and its Western allies in ensuring the Sultanate of Oman safe and stable, as well as the psychological factor of decision-maker, which is characterized by wisdom, moderation and foresight. Therefore, the Omani policy was characterized by political realism and the isolation of wars and conflicts and positive neutrality towards all new regional crises which appeared after the so-called revolutions of the Arab Spring. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2598747550 | Divorce: A Structural Problem not just a Personal Crisis | [
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"Kuwait"
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2598747550 | Social Change has transformed societies globally through the spread of education, the evolution of formal labor markets and the new roles individuals now play in the development of their societies. Just as economic institutions have been affected so have social institutions like the family, been transformed. Urbanization has led to the disintegration of the joint family to the independent, small, nuclear family. With residential autonomy and lack of control from the joint family elders, divorce rates have been rising universally. This paper studies the trend of Divorce in Kuwaiti Society. Kuwait is an oil rich Gulf state where rapid economic development has been witnessed for over four decades. Urbanization and the Governments’ Welfare policies have helped young married couples to move to new areas and establish their homes. While social allowances for wife, children, etc were intended to help the Kuwaiti family, cope with the rising cost of living, divorce rates did not decline. Through Vital Statistics, data from the court of Justice and past research, the paper tries to examine the characteristics of those getting divorced. What factors have had an effect on this trend - education, age at marriage, women’s labor force participation? How has the State attempted to help divorced women to readjust? Modernization has led to contradictions and challenges - weakening of the family support systems, legal reforms and a new awareness of rights and duties among the two sexes. How can these changes shed light on the problem of divorce? This study attempts to explain why divorce is a problem in Kuwait and some possible solutions to reduce the negative impact of divorce on future generations. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2624198006 | Negotiating the Politics of Exclusion: Georges Candilis, Housing and the Kuwaiti Welfare State | [
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"Kuwait"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W1531372010",
"https://openalex.org/W1555665263",
"https://openalex.org/W1969440474",
"https://openalex.org/W1971903779",
"https://openalex.org/W2018435559",
"https://openalex.org/W2032592749",
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"https://openalex.org/W2063711411",
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"https://openalex.org/W4247935645",
"https://openalex.org/W4254510593",
"https://openalex.org/W4302186023"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2624198006 | Abstract In the early stages of welfare planning, the Kuwaiti state restricted equal access to its housing programs in neighborhoods outside the city. The subsequent demographic shift, caused by a Kuwaiti exodus to the ‘suburbs' and non‐Kuwaiti urban labor migration, prompted calls for housing schemes to encourage city living for citizens. Georges Candilis's proposal for a residential neighborhood in Kuwait City emerged from this context. This article examining Candilis's unrealized project also offers a critical perspective on Kuwait's unbalanced housing policies. From this analysis, it draws observations on the role of architects and their limited impact on policies established by decision‐making networks within the welfare state. Seen from this perspective, the Candilis project bears witness to broader socio‐economic agendas that privileged some groups while marginalizing or excluding others. | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S118082279",
"type": "journal"
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|
https://openalex.org/W2416485284 | Female Citizenship and Family Law in Kuwait and Qatar: Globalization and Pressures for Reform in Two Rentier States | [
{
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"display_name": "Rania Maktabi",
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] | [
"Kuwait",
"Qatar"
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"https://openalex.org/W380444535",
"https://openalex.org/W582508139",
"https://openalex.org/W639904162",
"https://openalex.org/W657817727",
"https://openalex.org/W1493519823",
"https://openalex.org/W1520452759",
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"https://openalex.org/W2106550737",
"https://openalex.org/W2135864843",
"https://openalex.org/W2140236206"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2416485284 | In Kuwait and Qatar, we find tensions between a focus on female education that encourages women to participate in the labor market, alongside policies that support women’s role as primary caretakers and homemakers. Lavish, non-taxed rentierist welfare has given rise to a globally unparalleled reliance on domestic workers and the development of a two-tier employment structure where most female citizens work in the public sector, while an overwhelmingly large segment of the noncitizen female labor force is employed as domestic workers. While the two states share cultural and socio-economic characteristics, Kuwait and Qatar differ with regards to how women’s issues are organized and addressed politically. The historical experiences of political pluralism shed light on variances in social pressures for expanded female citizenship. In Kuwait, there exist autonomous – though variably weak – pressures that have strengthened female citizenship by buttressing civil and economic rights where women have seen their autonomy expanded. In Qatar, female citizens are part of wider state-building strategies primarily initiated and defined by the ruling al-Thani dynasty. While women’s legal autonomy in both states is mediated through the principle of male guardianship, orthodox interpretation of shari’a permeate family law and thereby restrain female citizenship to a greater extent in Qatar than Kuwait, where the adjudication of family law tenets is more lenient towards women. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W170809221 | The Impact of Private Sector Competition on Public Schooling in Kuwait: Some Socio-Educational Implications | [
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"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Ali Jasem Al-Shehab",
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C78519656"
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"display_name": "Ecology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C18903297"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C86803240"
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"Kuwait"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W170809221 | Introduction With Kuwait being a welfare state, full, unconditional employment for natives has been a common practice, which has badly affected education and employment policies in the country. Gradually, this has been conducive to a gap between the private sector and the public sector in both education and employment (Salama & Al-Enezy, 1999). The adoption of the welfare state model was to the detriment of the Kuwaiti society as native labor shifted to the civil service and clerical work sector, whereas menial, technical and professional work has been the biggest share of foreign labor. Researchers (Al-Awady, 2005; Al-Shehab, 2007; Bowles & Gintis, 2002) have indicated that the real problem lies in the mismatch between the educational agenda and the labor market real needs. Further, researchers indicated that public, governmental schools perform lower than private schools do, and therefore, they suggested that the public educational system should respond to labor market needs and the requirements of economic and human development plans (Haigan and Al-Qarny, 2004; Al-Shehab, 2007). One way to respond to these requirements is to enhance the efficiency of public schooling systems and to ameliorate their performance compared to private schools. The purpose of this study, therefore, is to recognize the impact of the competition generated by private schools in comparison with public schools in terms of their educational outputs. As well, this study hoists on pertinent research to draw implications for private schooling in the Arab Gulf region, given the similarities between the educational system in Kuwait and other systems in the region. Drives for Competition Public schools, which face less competition and are controlled by central bureaucracies and school boards, mainly run by departments or ministries of education, are less likely to possess the organizational traits associated with successful private schools (Maranto, Milliman, & Scott, 2000; Chubb & Moe, 1988). Furthermore, advocates of public education fear attempts that education be privatized to the detriment of the poor and low caste population, while the private educational sector has always strived against the monopolistic power of the public schools that educates almost 95% of all K-12 students in the Arab Gulf countries, and 80.1% in Kuwait. Furthermore, the dominance of public schools and state-based funding for education has long ensured the monopolistic conditions in most Gulf nations, including Kuwait. This situation is reinforced by burdens of tuitions and state regulations * that restrict enrollment in private schools in some countries. It was also supported by access to public schools that creates free, unrestricted and elite educational opportunities for natives as well as for resident labor. Despite these advantages, governmental public schooling has been described as a monopoly due to the system's unresponsiveness to its customers--a characteristic of monopolies (Savas, 2000; Sanders, 2002). Scholars and policy-makers think that one effective way to provide the most responsive educational system is to eradicate public schools and provide families with the freedom to choose from among private schools that are competing in a market. Further, researchers have argued that public schools attain low performance levels comparatively with private schools, presumably because they do not have the powerful incentives to compete in the global market (Chubb & Moe, 1990; Friedman, 1955; Lieberman, 1989). As Coulson (1996) explained, Although private schooling exists in most industrialized countries, there is only limited competition at the primary and secondary levels. The comparatively heavy burden of tuition, when compared to the free status of tax-supported schools, greatly limits the clientele for private education. This in turn keeps the density of private institutions to a much lower level than if government did not provide schools. … | [
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https://openalex.org/W607876294 | The 1991 Budget and Tertiary Education: Promises, Promises... | [
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C175444787"
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] | [
"Kuwait"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W607876294 | The 1991 Budget, described by Ruth Richardson in the news media as “the Mother of all Budgets”, in effect represents the most brutal assault on the welfare state we have witnessed in New Zealand. Its provisions have been even more far-reaching than the Treasury ideologues and other members of the New Right might have dreamed possible in the heady days of the 1980s. In terms of social policy we have seen a disestablishment of the foundations of the welfare state: the move from universalistic premises to targeting social assistance; the privatisation of the health system; the commercialisation of the Housing Corporation; a reneging on promises in superannuation and education; the emergence of greater state surveillance in the form of “information sharing” between government agencies. All this as part of devising “a strategy for enterprise and growth” based on three objectives – the reform of the labour market (completed under the Employment Contracts Act, 1991), “redesigning” the welfare state, and managing fiscal problems. Ironically, like Saddam’s conquest of Kuwait, Ruth Richardson’s strategy has turned out to be full of empty promises and U-turns. The “Mother of all Budgets” gave birth to a puny child which has needed all the life support systems that modern neo-liberal politics demand: expert PR to obfuscate the real issues; sheer repetition of claims; the stifling of internal dissent; and the stubborn ideological refusal to admit that many policies have been the product of haste, compromise and collusion. The tertiary education “reforms” put in place as a result of the 1991 July Budget are a perfect illustration – a case in point. The Minister of Finance’s speech as the preamble to the Budget reveals in general technocratic terms the place of education: A key element of the Government’s strategy is to boost skills and technological knowledge throughout society. In an increasingly competitive world, the quality of our education, science and technology will play a big role in our future prosperity (Budget 1991, p. 7). In practical policy terms for education what does this mean? The document, Education Policy (1991, p. 3) lays out the four key elements of the new policy: Parents as First Teachers; The Achievement Initiative; The National Certificate; and Study Right. Only the last of these is in the area of tertiary education. This paper, accordingly, will concentrate mainly on examining the changes brought about by the introduction of Study Right. It will also outline briefly and make some comment on the new capital charging regime to be introduced for all tertiary institutions in 1993. The paper concludes with a discussion of the notion of competitive neutrality... | [
{
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|
https://openalex.org/W2158440326 | The Turkish welfare regime in transformation | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2158440326 | This article discusses the current transformation of Turkey’s welfare regime in the context of contemporary developments in social policy processes, particularly in Europe. It is argued that the transformation, under constraints of gobalization and neo-liberalism, involves a change from an inegalitarian corporatism where both the rural population and urban informal sector employees were excluded from the formal social security system. Variables influencing the direction of change include the historical legacy of state-society relations in the country, the conservative liberalism of the current government, the influence of international financial institutions that emphasize budgetary discipline, as well as the need for more universalist approaches to combat new forms of poverty and social exclusion. The relations of Turkey with the EU also affect the balance between conservative-liberal trends and universalist, rights-based approaches to social policy. | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S187013691",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2046964232 | Is there an extended family of Mediterranean welfare states? | [
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https://openalex.org/W2143429729 | Equality, Protection or Discrimination: Gender Equality Policies in Turkey | [
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https://openalex.org/W1977899438 | The welfare use of immigrants and natives in Germany: the case of Turkish immigrants | [
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"Turkey"
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"https://openalex.org/W1529142278",
"https://openalex.org/W1560629225",
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"https://openalex.org/W1974827832",
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"https://openalex.org/W3124271479",
"https://openalex.org/W3125838880",
"https://openalex.org/W4229615680"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1977899438 | Purpose – This paper aims to analyze the welfare use of Turkish immigrants and natives in Germany. The authors ask whether the immigrant‐native gap in welfare use can be explained by observable characteristics, whether the mechanisms behind welfare dependence differ for Turkish immigrants and natives, and, finally, they compare the situation before and after the 2005 reform of the German welfare system. | [
{
"display_name": "International Journal of Manpower",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S201037040",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2010343214 | Work in the kebab economy | [
{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
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"Turkey"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W1966869086",
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"https://openalex.org/W4231837216",
"https://openalex.org/W4246056912",
"https://openalex.org/W4252510267"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2010343214 | Immigrants from Turkey often end up as self-employed or employees in the fast-food and restaurant sector in Finland. The concept of ethnic economy describes the employment pattern in this particular economic sector. The article suggests that substantial state involvement is not necessarily in conflict with the existence of ethnic economies, and in some instances welfare state policies may even support the creation of ethnic economies. The article discusses both positive and negative consequences of an ethnic economy for the employees in the `kebab economy'. Since the Finnish general labour market is, for the most part, closed to immigrants, Turkish employees end up in a situation where they work under bad working conditions in kebab shops, hoping one day to be able to start their own business. The results of the study highlight the importance of the wider economic, institutional and social contexts in which immigrant businesses operate. | [
{
"display_name": "Ethnicities",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S189112142",
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S4306401996",
"type": "repository"
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|
https://openalex.org/W2011537869 | Veiled Europeanisation of welfare state in Turkey: Gender and social policy in the 2000s | [
{
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{
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"display_name": "Saniye Dedeoğlu",
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{
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"Turkey"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W1967559904",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2011537869 | The foundation of the Turkish Republic and its modernisation project rested upon changing women's secondary role within society and providing them with equality through development and education. These reforms had an impact on changing the status of upper and middle class women, but its impacts remained limited for women in the lower societal segments. A further major change in regards to gender equality is the attempt of Turkey to be an EU member, which resulted in a major legislative shift through EU directives being inserted into national legislation. The result was a move towards the Europeanisation of its welfare regime in the last two decades. The current in progressive reforms has also given rise to a counter trend, namely the Islamist and conservative political party took office in 2002. The Justice and Development Party (AKP) actually supports the rights and public visibility of women with headscarves and championed women's roles as mothers and wives. Therefore, it based its discourse on those women's issues that were enmeshed with family and religious affairs. In this way, the status of women and the relationship between gender and social policy in the Turkish welfare system offer an ample example of the veiled Europeanisation of the welfare model in Turkey, in which women's issues are seen as a pendulum between EU legal regulations and the conservative discourse of the AKP government. | [
{
"display_name": "Women's Studies International Forum",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S18053921",
"type": "journal"
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|
https://openalex.org/W2053281586 | Retreating State? Political Economy of Welfare Regime Change in Turkey | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2053281586 | Abstract Informed by the debates on the transformation of welfare states in advanced industrial economies, this article evaluates the changing role of the state in welfare provision in Turkey. Turkey's welfare state has long been limited and inegalitarian. Strong family ties coupled with indirect and informal channels of welfare (ranging from agricultural subsidies to informal housing—both costly but politically expedient) have compensated for the welfare vacuum. At first glance, Turkey's welfare reform that emerged from the 2000-2001 fiscal crisis appears like a classic case of moving towards a minimalist, 'neoliberal' welfare regime—with increasingly privatized health care and private social insurance. The state retreats via the subcontracting of welfare provision to private actors, growing involvement of charity organizations, and increasing public-private cooperation in education, health, and anti-poverty schemes. Yet, there is also evidence of the expansion of state power. The newly empowered 'General Directorate of Social Assistance and Solidarity (SYDGM)' manages an ever-increasing budget for social assistance, the number of mean-tested health insurance (Green Card) holders explodes, health care expenditures rise substantially, and municipalities become important liaisons for channeling private money and donations for antipoverty purposes. The cumulative effect is an 'institutional welfare-mix' that has actually mutated so as to compensate for the absence of the earlier, politically attractive but fiscally unsustainable welfare conduits. The result has so far been the creation of immense room for political patronage, the expansion of state power, and no significant improvement of welfare governance. | [
{
"display_name": "Middle East Law and Governance",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S152704329",
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|
https://openalex.org/W3034855627 | Making the Indebted Citizen: An Inquiry into State Benevolence in Turkey | [
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{
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{
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] | [
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"https://openalex.org/W1542784850",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3034855627 | Abstract This article concerns the making of the indebted citizen in Turkey through state benevolence. It focuses on the materialization of a debt relationship between state and citizen in everyday workings of state‐sponsored welfare programs in the Kurdish region, in the shadow of a protracted armed conflict between the Turkish military forces and the Partiya Karkerên Kurdistan (Kurdistan Workers’ Party). In Turkey, as in many other places, welfare benefits are promoted as a state benevolence rather than a citizenship right, and many officials seek to ensure that beneficiaries are credible enough to honor their debts to the state in the form of loyalty and obedience. Examining bureaucratic processes of beneficiary selection, I demonstrate how a dialectic of generous giving and forceful taking congeals in welfare distribution, compelling compliant behavior among the beneficiaries through the power of debt. I argue that what seems to be a free provision by the Turkish state—social assistance—often operates as a mechanism of debt production in practice—another form of political and economic dispossession for the Kurds in Turkey. | [
{
"display_name": "PoLAR: Political and Legal Anthropology Review",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210169922",
"type": "journal"
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|
https://openalex.org/W1507685672 | Becoming Europe: Immigration, Integration, and the Welfare State | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Patrick R. Ireland",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5029155836"
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] | [
{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C100243477"
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{
"display_name": "Development economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C47768531"
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C11413529"
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{
"display_name": "Computer science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
}
] | [
"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1507685672 | Across Europe, millions of immigrants, refugees, and asylum-seekers have often had difficulties fitting into their new societies. Most analysts have laid the blame on a clash of cultures. Becoming Europe provides evidence that institutions matter more than culture in determining the shape of ethnic relations. Patrick Ireland argues that it is incorrect blithely to anticipate unavoidable conflict between Muslim immigrants and European host societies. Noting similarities in the structure of the welfare states in Germany, the Netherlands, and Belgium - as well as in their respective North African and Turkish immigrant communities - he compares national- and city-level developments to show how approaches toward immigrant settlement have diverged widely and evolved over time. Becoming Europe demonstrates how policymakers have worked hard to balance immigrants' claims to distinct traditions with demands for equal treatment. Ultimately, it reveals a picture of people learning by doing, in the day-to-day activities that shape how communities come together and break apart. | [
{
"display_name": "Foreign Affairs",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S7015929",
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W1968086321 | Incongruent Modernities: A Comparative Study of Higher Educated Women from Urban Turkey and Norway | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Sevil Sümer",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5000564624"
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C110888244"
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{
"display_name": "Social psychology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C77805123"
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{
"display_name": "Psychology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C15744967"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C36289849"
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"display_name": "Philosophy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138885662"
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{
"display_name": "Linguistics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41895202"
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{
"display_name": "Politics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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"Turkey"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W90807560",
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"https://openalex.org/W2044318211",
"https://openalex.org/W2073353052",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1968086321 | In this article, main findings of a comparative study on the social positions, attitudes and identities of younger Turkish and Norwegian women with higher education will be presented. The findings are based on interpretations of twenty in-depth interviews. Turkish and Norwegian interviewees differ considerably in terms of their social identities: they use dissimilar reference groups while evaluating their societal positions. The two groups also conceive gender and its social reflections in diverse terms. Such differences are analysed in light of differing class structures and modernization histories of the two countries. At the same time, Turkish and Norwegian interviewees share similar worries related to the expected difficulties of combining marriage, motherhood and employment. These accounts give support to arguments about an inherent incongruity in the design of modernity. The Norwegian welfare state and the Turkish family, with their enabling and constraining properties, are the key institutions in the lives of the informants of this study. | [
{
"display_name": "Acta Sociologica",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S135297974",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2526552938 | Youth welfare policy in Turkey in comparative perspective: a case of ‘Denied Youth Citizenship’ | [
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{
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{
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2526552938 | This article explores the main characteristics of social and economic policies for young people in Turkey. Inspired by Tom Chevalier’s typology of youth welfare citizenship designed for Western European countries, the article situates Turkey’s youth welfare citizenship model within a comparative perspective and contributes to the extension of Chevalier’s typology to a non-Western European country context. Relying upon the systematic analysis of findings of a nationwide survey on young people that was conducted in 2013, comparative youth statistics, official youth statistics, public expenditures data and existing policy frameworks, the article suggests that Turkey fits well with the denied youth citizenship type in Chevalier’s typology. Two conclusions are drawn with respect to Turkey’s youth welfare citizenship model. First, with respect to the social citizenship dimension, the article finds that social and youth policy structure in Turkey has a familialization effect on young people’s access to income. In terms of economic citizenship, the article suggests that Turkey implements a selective strategy that results in unequal distribution of labour market skills among young people. | [
{
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|
https://openalex.org/W2014592078 | Current state of poultry welfare: Progress, problems and strategies | [
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"Turkey"
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"https://openalex.org/W2291848554",
"https://openalex.org/W2773264053",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2014592078 | Abstract This article supplements the published Proceedings of the 4th European Symposium on Poultry Welfare. It presents an overview of the conclusions of the Symposium and of the workshops and plenary discussions of the papers. The four main topics reviewed were: Basic Biology and Welfare, Welfare Criteria in Alternative Systems, Welfare of Turkeys, Waterfowl and Other Species, Welfare of Broilers. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2085188827 | ‘My state is my father’: youth unemployment experiences under the weak state welfare provisions of Turkey | [
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"https://openalex.org/W2021797998",
"https://openalex.org/W2502118553",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2085188827 | Young people are expected to establish a sense of personal identity and become progressively more independent of their parents, maturing into adults and citizens. Paid work is the key to this transition. Without this, youth would not be able to shift from childhood to adulthood and from dependence to independence. Among the other conditions that influence this transition, two are particularly important: the family and the welfare system. This study focuses on the unemployment experiences of youth in Turkey. Who gives support to the unemployed youth, and by what means is this support provided? The possible divisions of responsibility between the welfare system and family have both positive and negative outcomes. If the state assumes more responsibility than families do as the primary provider, this would create a ‘dependence culture’. On the other hand, if the family becomes the sole supporter of unemployed youth, would this lead to other unexpected consequences? This paper will focus on the answer to this question. | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S44090634",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2147258471 | Negotiating State Provision: State–Citizen Encounters in the Aftermath of the İzmit Earthquake | [
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"https://openalex.org/W3121849962",
"https://openalex.org/W4230080307",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2147258471 | The İzmit Earthquake (August 17, 1999) was the most destructive disaster in the history of the Turkish Republic and a major trial for the Turkish state. This article draws on the sociological literature on social citizenship and welfare states to examine the state provision process that followed the disaster. On the basis of ethnographic data collected in the aftermath of the earthquake, I describe how state provision was shaped by the everyday encounters between state agents and survivors, and uncover the cultural repertoire employed in these encounters. I argue that state provision in Turkey is governed by the paternalistic state discourse. I then discuss the historical roots and implications of this finding. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3198672045 | Syrian Refugees between Turkish Nationalism and Citizenship | [
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C41895202"
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{
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"Turkey",
"Syria"
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"https://openalex.org/W2033907673",
"https://openalex.org/W2043750457",
"https://openalex.org/W2091919114",
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"https://openalex.org/W3083973241",
"https://openalex.org/W4206919599",
"https://openalex.org/W4253929146"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3198672045 | This article explores local people’s attitudes toward the naturalization of the Syrian refugees in Turkey. Based upon fieldwork data, I explored the way the people of Bolu construct Syrian refugees as the “Other” on the grounds of citizenship and the way these narratives reproduce a nationalistic discourse in Turkey. The results indicated that the people reject granting citizenship for ideological reasons and on the grounds of a subjective nationalistic understanding of nation-state membership. Simultaneously, extending such citizenship rights as state welfare (healthcare and education) was seen as a social right or courtesy toward their Muslim neighbors. | [
{
"display_name": "Journal of Immigrant & Refugee Studies",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S87646409",
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|
https://openalex.org/W1535641456 | Autonomy and Dependence in the Family | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Rita Liljeström",
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{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Elisabeth Özdalga",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5070679781"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C65414064"
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3123843861 | Abstract Reforming care regimes to cover the care deficit and enhancing the marketization of care to promote individualism and gender equality have been on the European agenda since the 1990s. However, both implementation and results have been path-dependent. This study first underlines some specificities in the Turkish case—namely, the limited welfare state, a large shadow economy, gender roles, patriarchal backlash, Islamization, and neoliberalism, all of which receive little treatment in the welfare state literature. It then analyzes how these specificities interact in the construction of the care regime in Turkey, conceptualizing the outcome as distorted commodification of care —namely, the continuing ambiguity of care services despite these activities producing precarity and positional suffering for caregivers and recipients. Finally, the study provides concrete examples from the less studied topic of long-term disability care. It presents a perspective on Turkey that foregrounds the connections between gendered care imagery and case-specific qualities of the commodification of care shaped by the long-standing shadow economy, the outsourcing of disability services to for-profit private companies, and the introduction of the cash-for-care policy. The study analyzes the outcomes of distorted commodification of care under these conditions in Turkey vis-à-vis visibility, valuation of work, working conditions, and gender inequality. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3196555469 | The Politics of the Welfare State in Turkey | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3196555469 | In The Politics of the Welfare State in Turkey, author Erdem Yörük provides a politics-based explanation for the post-1980 transformation of the Turkish welfare system, in which poor relief policies have replaced employment-based social security. This book is one of the results of Yörük’s European Research Council-funded project, which compares the political dynamics in several emerging markets in order to develop a new political theory of welfare in the global south. As such, this book is an ambitious analytical and empirical contribution to understanding the causes of a sweeping shift in the nature of state welfare provision in Turkey during the recent decades—part of a global trend that extends far beyond Turkey. Most scholarship about Turkey and similar countries has explained this shift toward poor relief as a response to demographic and structural changes including aging populations, the decline in the economic weight of industry, and the informalization of labor, while ignoring the effect of grassroots politics. In order to overcome these theoretical shortages in the literature, the book revisits concepts of political containment and political mobilization from the earlier literature on the mid-twentieth-century welfare state development and incorporates the effects of grassroots politics in order to understand the recent welfare system shift as it materialized in Turkey, where a new matrix of political dynamics has produced new large-scale social assistance programs. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2791935909 | Women at Work and in the Family: A Discussion on Reconciliation Policy Practices | [
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https://openalex.org/W1583658964 | Turks in European cities : housing and urban segregation | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1583658964 | Explaining housing conditions and housing market positions Turkey, Turks and housing in Turkey Turks in Austria - backgrounds, geographical distribution and housing conditions Turks and housing in Belgium, with special reference to Brussels, Ghent and Vise Turksih housing conditions in France - from tenant to owner housing and segregation of Turks in Germany Turks in the Netherlands - housing conditions and segregation in a developed welfare state housing conditions of Turks in Sweden housing conditions of Turks in Switzerland. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2503789754 | Ageing in Turkey: the Peter Pan syndrome? | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2503789754 | Abstract This paper investigates the following issues relating to population ageing in Turkey. What is the course of ageing in its barest form and basic meaning in Turkey? What are the conditions of older adults based on sociological factors such as daily life, gender, marital status, urbanization, education, work and income, health, religion and ethnicity? What is the perspective of the state in Turkey towards ageing in the realm of social policy? This paper compares social change processes in Turkey with those in Europe by way of utilising eight sub-themes determined as urbanization, gender, marital status, education, work and income, health, religion and ethnicity. The position of the Turkish state will be discussed in the context of those services which should be developed and implemented by a modern welfare state such as social security, retirement rights and health policies. In conclusion, a range of objectives and expectations regarding Turkey’s future gerontological agenda is discussed in light of the issues and challenges identified as a consequence of population ageing. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1546831130 | SECURITIZATION OF MIGRATION: THE CASE OF TURKEY-EU RELATIONS | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1546831130 | This article aims at analyzing “securitization of migration” in Turkey-European Union (EU) relations. The Copenhagen School’s theory of securitization, multisectoral security approach and speech act are given special emphasis in this regard. The major argument of this article is that the EU has securitized migration from Turkey mainly for political reasons; thus, securitization of migration in Turkey-EU relations is a political choice. Firstly, it is aimed to set theoretical foundation of the article and the special reference is given to the Copenhagen School’s securitization theory. Then, securitization of migration in Turkey-EU relations is examined by special emphasis on internal security, cultural identity and welfare state. Accordingly, conclusion of this article is that the securitization of migration in Turkey-EU relations does not depend on real existential threats and the EU has securitized migration from Turkey for political reasons. Keywords: Turkey-EU relations, migration, securitization, internal security, cultural identity, welfare state | [
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https://openalex.org/W2408399288 | Earned Citizenship: Labour Migrants’ Views on the Welfare State | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2408399288 | Abstract In policy and research, migration and the welfare state are often seen as being at odds. When ‘strangers’ enter the welfare state, the financial and social foundations of solidarity are said to crumble. A prominent question, therefore, is whether immigrants should have the same rights as the autochthonous population. Within this frame, migrants are often ‘objects’. This paper reports on qualitative research exploring what different types of labour migrants themselves think about the Dutch welfare state in general, and about giving social rights to immigrants, in particular. The differences in national backgrounds and levels of education in labour migrants’ views are striking: lower-educated Turkish and Polish migrants show little interest in the welfare state, whereas higher-educated Western Europeans seek welfare state security. Higher-educated Indian migrants find the welfare state a totally new concept, although after a while some come to appreciate it. A significant proportion of the questioned migrants, moreover, believe that people should not be entitled to welfare state rights immediately upon arrival. They favour ‘earned citizenship’, with the welfare state being a ‘contribution state’, but stress that migrants should not have to wait too long before being entitled to such rights. The paper also suggests new topics for further research in the increasingly important field of migration, diversity and the welfare state. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2090176772 | ‘Working with vulnerable children’: Listening to the views of the service providers working with street children in Istanbul | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2090176772 | As in other developing countries with major metropolises, ‘street children’ have constituted one of the most important problems in Turkey, particularly in Istanbul, over the last two decades. The General Directorate of Social Services and the Child Protection Agency (SHÇEK) is the state agency responsible for street children and their protection. The purpose of the study is to explore the nature and organisation of state welfare service provision for street children in Istanbul and to develop a conceptual framework of state welfare service provision for street children in Istanbul from the service providers' point of view. While the street children phenomenon is well documented in other national contexts, and has been approached as a socio-economic problem on both the micro and macro levels in the local literature, the field of service provision for street children in Turkey has been little investigated up to now. For this study, narrative interviews were utilised to collect qualitative data on the services for street children. The research sought the participation of all service providers, ranging from senior management and front-line workers through to the support staff employed by the SHÇEK centres. The approach taken has been richly rewarded by the data amassed on the organisational culture and shortcomings of these units. This not only supports the results of similar research globally, but also provides a useful alternative explanation of the persistence of the street children problems of Istanbul. The most important result of the research is the demonstration that service provision cannot be assessed without the direct investigation of service providers because the service providers themselves determine the scope and the quality of the service provision. The research demonstrates that SHÇEK reproduces its own marginalisation in society, and consequently that of its employees, in a way that ultimately ensures the re-marginalisation of the service users. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3125256056 | At the Lower End of the Table: Determinants of Poverty among Immigrants to Denmark and Sweden | [
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"Turkey"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W1985144576",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3125256056 | Abstract In this paper we study determinants of relative poverty among immigrants and natives in Denmark and Sweden during the 1980s and 1990s. Denmark and Sweden share the same properties in a range of labour-market and welfare-state characteristics. At the same time, they differ very much in cyclical profiles and immigration experiences during recent decades. Both countries have followed the same principles regarding immigration policy, i.e. immigration from low-income countries has been restricted to tied movers and refugees. We use 60 percent of the median in the distribution of equivalent disposable income as the poverty line. Data comes from two large panels based on administrative data. We find that immigrants have higher poverty rates than natives in both countries and that this difference has clearly increased in both countries. The paper reports results based on running probability models of poverty incidence. Explanatory variables include years since immigration, demographic characteristics and country of origin. We conclude that a significant part of the difference in aggregate immigrant poverty rates reflects differences in composition by country of origin and differences in the structure of benefits to families with children. Keywords: PovertyImmigrantsPanel DataDenmarkSweden David Skovmand and Anette K. Jensen have been very efficient research assistants. An earlier version of the paper was presented at a workshop in R⊘rvig, April 2004. Comments from the workshop discussant, Jens Clausen, and other participants, from participants at a seminar at the Department of Economics, University of Aarhus, and from two JEMS referees are gratefully acknowledged. Notes 1. The group of more-developed countries consists of all European countries excluding Turkey, Cyprus and a number of former Soviet republics, plus the United States, Canada, Japan, Australia and New Zealand. See Poulsen and Lange (1998). 2. The classification defines non-Western countries as being those outside the small group of rich OECD countries consisting of the EU countries prior to the 2004 enlargement, USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and Japan. This classification is also used in Schultz-Nielsen et al. (Citation2001) and in Wadensjö and Orrje (Citation2002). 3. Country categories may differ slightly between Sweden and Denmark. Immigrants are defined as being born abroad with parents who are foreign citizens. 4. In the present study we restrict the analyses of Swedish data to the period ending in 1997 which was the last year available when the study was made. We start the analysis from 1984 as, from that year, disposable income is measured more accurately than before. 5. The absolute level of the low-income line in nominal terms is 60,100 SEK (6,421 euro), and 72,144 DKK (9,669 euro) in 1997. Additional informationNotes on contributorsKræn Blume Kræn Blume is a Researcher at the Institute for Local Government Studies, Copenhagen Björn Gustafsson Björn Gustafsson is Professor and Research Fellow in the Department of Social Work, University of Gothenburg Peder J. Pedersen Peder J. Pedersen is Professor of Economics at the University of Aarhus Mette Verner Mette Verner is Professor of Economics at the Aarhus School of Business | [
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https://openalex.org/W1541526435 | Responsible pragmatism in Turkish social policy making in the face of Islamic egalitarianism and neoliberal austerity | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1541526435 | Akan T. Responsible pragmatism in Turkish social policy making in the face of Islamic egalitarianism and neoliberal austerity Int J Soc Welfare 2011: 20: 367–380 © 2011 The Author(s), International Journal of Social Welfare © 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd and the International Journal of Social Welfare. Founded in August 2001, the Justice and Development Party of Turkey (JDP) has forged a brand new identity, the Conservative Democracy, and initiated challenging politico-economic reforms since November 2002 when it came to power. Among these reforms, the social policies of the Conservative Democrats have intriguingly yielded mixed blessings of a strategic settlement between equality of outcome and opportunity. This article argues that such a result originated from the commodification by the Conservative Democrats of the Islamic egalitarianism of ‘the Just Order’, the politico-economic programme to which the JDP's leaders were strictly committed before becoming the Conservative Democrats. Entitling the social policy strategy of JDP as ‘Responsible Pragmatism’, this article concludes that it was an unsustainable but flexible social policy strategy that has gone as far as it can, now, on the eve of the 2011 general elections. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2896892373 | Does Poverty Among Immigrants Adapt to Country of Residence? Turks in Germany and Denmark | [
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"Turkey"
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2896892373 | Abstract We use data on Turkish immigrants in two European welfare states, Denmark and Germany, and data on Turks at home. Unlike in most studies of immigrant poverty, we thus control for the differences in immigrant composition. Denmark and Germany have different welfare state types, labour market structure and institutions. We find that in both countries Turkish immigrants have much higher poverty rates than natives. We perform Fairlie decompositions to find that in Denmark, compared to Germany, a larger part of the native‐immigrant poverty difference is explained by market valuation of characteristics and by unobservables. Finally, we decompose poverty by subgroups and find that certain immigrant subgroups (such as families with children and the elderly) are especially vulnerable in both countries and that not much has changed in the two countries between 2008 and 2013 in terms of the vulnerability of these sub‐groups to poverty risk. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2970322769 | Between welfare state and (state-organised) charity | [
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] | [
"Turkey"
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"https://openalex.org/W2753820344",
"https://openalex.org/W4254379314"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2970322769 | Purpose Over the last four decades, Turkey has built an elaborate social assistance regime, which provides extensive coverage of the poor but lacks some of the key characteristics of European minimum income protection systems. The purpose of this paper is to explore what ideational roots underlie the regime and how these ideas and paradigms historically shaped the structure of the regime. The paper focuses on two central social assistance legislations: the social pensions law of 1976 and the Law that established the Fund for the Encouragement of Social Cooperation and Solidarity in 1986. Design/methodology/approach Based on a discursive institutionalist approach, the paper combines a qualitative content analysis of parliamentary debates and official reports with a policy analysis of social assistance legislations in Turkey. Findings The paper shows that two competing policy paradigms shaped the ambivalent structure and design of Turkey social assistance regime: a welfare state paradigm and a state-organised charity paradigm. The welfare state paradigm, which perceives social assistance as a social right, was dominant in the 1970s and is embodied in the social pension programme. The state-organised charity paradigm, which aims to reinvigorate the Islamic tradition of charitable foundations ( waqf ), was dominant in the 1980s and is embodied in the Fund for the Encouragement of Social Cooperation and Solidarity. Today’s social assistance regime combines both elements in a curious synthesis. Originality/value The paper contributes to comparative social policy research and discursive institutionalism by uncovering the historical and ideational foundations of a largely neglected case, social assistance in Turkey. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W1561324983 | Workers Displaced Due to Privatization in Turkey:Before Versus After Displacement | [
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The comparison between Turkey and the four western European countries demonstrates that in countries with immature welfare states the rise of RMAs has more serious implications for social rights and democratic citizenship. In contrast to low level of change in France and Germany, and medium level of change in Britain and Sweden, Turkey is defined as a case of high level of change because both the state-society and state-religion relationships have undergone major transformations in the post-1980s. The presence of long-standing institutional arrangements in either the state-society or state-religion area is the main reason that Britain, France, Germany and Sweden have enjoyed relative stability by comparison.
The thesis, in addition to the historical-institutionalist analysis of the four European cases, includes a comprehensive study of the Turkish case. The historical analysis of the state-society and state-religion relations in Turkey since the early twentieth century shows that the specific secularization history of this country, coupled with the relatively immature characteristics of its welfare state, created a larger space for the rise of RMAs. The empirical research, on the aims, motivations and organizational structures of the RMAs and their connections to state, business and civil society networks, shed light on how social policy arena transforms with the increasing presence of these associations in the welfare mix. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2484237751 | Securing “Security” amid Neoliberal Restructuring | [
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https://openalex.org/W4210242273 | Migrant Women’s Employment: International Turkish Migrants in Europe, Their Descendants, and Their Non-Migrant Counterparts in Turkey | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4210242273 | Abstract When compared with native-born women, migrant women have lower employment likelihoods. However, to reveal the relationship between migration and employment, migrant women need to be compared to those remaining in the origin regions and across generations. This study is the first to fill this gap by employing a dissimilation-from-origins and across-generations perspective. We test the hypothesis that migration to more welfare-state based and liberal contexts increase women’s employment likelihood among migrants and the second generation. The 2000 Families data enable a unique comparison of Turkish international migrants, including Turkish-origin women born in Europe, and their non-migrant counterparts from the same regions in Turkey. Furthermore, we theorize and test whether differences in employment are explained by differences in family composition, education, and culture (religiosity and gender attitudes). We find migration leads to a higher likelihood of paid employment for the second generation and international migrant women, in that order. Education and religiosity are the main explanatory factors for differences between non-migrants and the international migrants, including the second generation. Parenthood, while explaining differences between migrant and destination ‘native’ women, hardly explains differences between migrant women and their non-migrant counterparts. Overall, we find strong support for the hypothesis that migration increases women’s employment. | [
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https://openalex.org/W426291702 | Getting Globalization Right: The Dilemmas of Inequality | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W426291702 | Introduction: Getting Globalization Right - J. S. Tulchin and G. Bland. South Africa: Globalization and the Politics of Redistribution - S. Friedman. Turkey: Globalization, Democratic Governance, and Inequality - E. Fuat Keyman. South Korea: Globalization, Neoliberal Labor Reform, and the Trilemma of the Welfare State - C. Moon and J. Yang. The Philippines: Poor and Unequal but Free - A.A. Laquian. Brazil: Globalization, Poverty, and Social Inequality - S. Schwartzman. Mexico: Globalization and Democracy - I. Bizberg. Globalization's Impact on Democracy and Inequality: The Lessons of the Spanish Experience - J. Oliver-Alonso and J. M. Valles. Inequalities and the Globalization Debate - J. S. Tulchin and G. Bland | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W592328151 | Converging Europe: Transformation of Social Policy in the Enlarged European Union and in Turkey | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W592328151 | Contents: Lisbon strategy and social policy in the enlarged European Union and in Turkey, Ipek Eren Vural Part I Lisbon Strategy and European Integration: European integration and social policy reform, Hans-JA rgen Bieling Socio-economic convergence in the European Union: conceptualization and measurement issues, Julia S. O'Connor Lisbon agenda, new structural policy and social cohesion in times of economic crisis, Otto Holman. Part II Reform Dynamics in Old Europe: Pension reforms in Europe: directions and consequences, Karl Hinrichs Ideas, institutions and interest in European and national reforms of employment and social policy: the case of flexicurity, Marcel Fink. Part III Eastern Enlargement and European Social Model: The politics of welfare restructuring in transition countries and the crisis of 2008, Jan Drahokoupil and Martin Myant EU integration and post-Communist welfare: catch-up convergence before and after the economic crisis, NoAmi Lendvai. Part IV European Integration and Social Policy Transformation in Turkey: Domestic social policy change due to the pressures of European integration: equality between men and women at work and women's employment policies in Turkey, Asuman GA ksel Discourse and practice of poverty reduction strategies: reflections on the Turkish case in the 2000s, Galip L. Yalman. Part V European Integration, Social Policy and the Lisbon Strategy: Social outcomes of the Lisbon strategy and beyond, Ipek Eren Vural Index. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3119084407 | Who receives occupational welfare? The importance of skills across Europe’s diverse industrial relations regimes | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3119084407 | This study investigates the association between eligibility for occupational welfare and employees’ skill levels. In particular, building on Visser’s classification, we explore (i) the extent to which this relationship is moderated by industrial relations regimes and (ii) whether the moderating effect of industrial relations regimes has changed over time. Analyses draw on the latest three waves (2005, 2010, 2015) of the European Working Conditions Survey, and consider a nationally representative sample (N = 64,122) of employees in 30 European countries (the then 28 EU Member States plus Norway and Turkey). Findings indicate a significant, persistent, skill-biased disparity in access to occupational welfare in any industrial relations regime, with the only exception of the organised corporatism regime (that is, the Nordic countries). | [
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