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https://openalex.org/W3124113836 | Do Associations Support Authoritarian Rule? Tentative Answers from Algeria, Mozambique, and Vietnam | [
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"Algeria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3124113836 | Whether associations help to democratise authoritarian rule or support those in power is a contested issue that so far lacks a cross-regional perspective. Drawing on relational sociology, this paper explores the impact of state power in Algeria, Mozambique, and Vietnam on associations and vice versa. We focus on decision-making in associations and on three policy areas - welfare policy concerning HIV/AIDS, economic policy concerning small and mediumsized enterprises, policies concerning gender equality and the rights of women and sexual minorities - to assess the relations between associations and the state's infrastructural and discursive power. Most associations interviewed by us in the three countries accept or do not openly reject the state's and/or the state ruling party's various forms of interference in internal decision-making processes. Whereas associations in Algeria and Vietnam help to maintain the state's control through welfare provision, associations in Mozambique can weaken this form of infrastructural state power. Moreover, business and professionals' associations in all three countries help maintain the state's control through limited participation, i.e. another form of infrastructural state power. Finally, associations in all three countries support the state's discourse and policies in the area of gender equality and women's rights, though in all three countries at least some NGOs help weaken this form of state power. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2529668369 | Introduction: The Return of Class Struggle? | [
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"Algeria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2529668369 | Nowadays, on the wave of the economic crisis of 2008 and of increasing polarisation between rich and poor, there is much talk of ‘the return to class struggle’. Had it actually disappeared? After WWII, renowned thinkers have inferred the demise of class struggle from the advent of the Welfare State. They have not realized that the advent of the Welfare State was the precise result of class struggle. Moreover, they have not lent attention to the conflicts that have raged in countries like Algeria, Vietnam, or Cuba and to the struggles of the blacks in South Africa or in the USA. Has the revolt of colonial peoples or of peoples of colonial origins nothing to do with class struggle? Or rather, have these thinkers (Habermas, Dahrendorf) a limited vision of Marx’s class struggle? | [
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https://openalex.org/W2512470678 | <i>The Civilizing Mission in the Metropole: Algerian Families and the French Welfare State during Decolonization</i>. By Amelia H. Lyons.Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2013. Pp. xv+324. $65.00 (cloth); $65.00 (e-book). | [
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"Algeria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2512470678 | Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewsThe Civilizing Mission in the Metropole: Algerian Families and the French Welfare State during Decolonization. By Amelia H. Lyons.Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2013. Pp. xv+324. $65.00 (cloth); $65.00 (e-book).Joshua ColeJoshua ColeUniversity of Michigan Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 88, Number 1March 2016 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/684891 Views: 108Total views on this site For permission to reuse, please contact [email protected]PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2323972502 | Rentier welfare states in hydrocarbon-based economies: Brunei Darussalam and Islamic Republic of Iran in comparative context | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2323972502 | Welfare statism should not be a patent for the Western world. This article aims to grasp lessons learnt from two resource-abundant nations in Asia, that is Brunei Darussalam and Islamic Republic of Iran, regarding their ideologies of social policy formulation and welfare provision, in a forward-moving political and economic context. In the process of struggling over a non-Euro-centred typology of welfare state, calling for pluralism, civil society and democratic participation for the Islamic rentier welfare state with the history of absolute monarchy met heavy opposition from the conservative forces and groups with vested interests, even though in the post-revolutionary era. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3025116204 | A Gift of Compassion: Welfare, Housing, and Domesticity in Contemporary Iran | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3025116204 | Abstract This article examines the largest welfare housing project in the history of the Islamic Republic of Iran (1979–2020). It sets out to present a particular method of research that, borrowing from the discipline of anthropology, takes planning documents as a point of departure. I will inquire into the ways state-initiated architectural projects intersect with the demands and realities of domesticity and residents' everyday habits of living, giving particular attention to the gender roles and class identities in welfare housing projects and the position of female beneficiaries in relation to their family as well as the larger society. Using the example of the Mehr project in Iran, I demonstrate how housing operated for government officials as a means for re-organizing society along the axes of patronage and patriarchy. Moving to the field of everyday life, however, and building on the discourses of domesticity and women's struggle, I unpack how, starting from the intimate scale of the domestic, welfare can serve as the basis for a newly empowered beneficiary to conceive her rights and exercise them. The research that is presented in this paper challenges the negative conception of welfare housing as mere charitable aid devoid of any potential for supporting the social rights of a people. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2949033960 | Development and perspectives of ethical finance in Iran | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2949033960 | — Iran has a rich and old tradition of ethical finance and economics. Well before the Islamic Revolution, institutes and initiatives were active in encouraging an inclusive vision of economy. Although re-elaborated under a different light, these concepts survived in the current Constitution, which defines economy using a “social” approach (art.43). Under this light, the legality of capitalism and that of the use of private investment are one of the pillars of economy itself (art.44) only if subordinated to religiously inspired ethical principles of justice and equity and in a way that makes of them a mere complement to State or to the corporative actors. Religious guidance is therefore immanent even in the very own definition of economy as a mean, and not as an end, to get social purposes like, inter alia , welfare, elimination of poverty and abolition of deprivation of means of self-sustainment. State-driven economics was nevertheless a prominent concept in original Iranian constitutional thought. Starting from the Nineties, financial and economic reforms have been leading the system from a corporatist vision that characterised the first fifteen years of existence of the Islamic Republic to a more actual social market, putting in discussion and somewhat re-inventing the relationship between the public and the private. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4301599746 | The Transformation of a Revolution: Neoliberalisation of the Welfare State and the Need for Revolutionary Social Work in Iran | [
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https://openalex.org/W3190456570 | Financing the welfare state system in Saudi Arabia | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4366545226 | How do citizens understand state obligation in the provision of social welfare in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA)? Studies of citizen attitudes towards social welfare have focused almost exclusively on countries in the Global North, while scholarship on the social contract in the MENA region has approached the question from a top-down perspective, often viewing social welfare provision as a tool of authoritarian survival. This article examines Tunisians’ perceptions of state obligation in providing two essential socioeconomic needs—food and healthcare. We engage the possibility that two theoretically important predictors of welfare support – namely, education and labor market status – may shape support for different socioeconomic provisions, differently. Analyzing a nationally representative survey fielded in 2017, we find that Tunisians are more likely to blame the state for lack of access to adequate healthcare than lack of access to adequate food. Regression analyses show that education increases Tunisians’ propensity to blame the state for lack of healthcare but exerts no similar effect on their perceptions of state obligation towards ensuring access to adequate food. At the same time, labor market status significantly affects Tunisians’ propensity to blame the state for lack of food (with unemployed individuals and housewives expressing highest levels of blame) but exerts no effect on their perceptions of state obligation toward healthcare provision. We draw on interviews with Tunisian economic and social rights advocates to contextualize and interpret these findings within a broader discussion of the social and political environment surrounding food and healthcare provision in Tunisia. Theoretically, our paper demonstrates the importance of disaggregating citizens’ attitudes towards different forms of welfare provision, and challenges the predominant expectation in welfare opinion studies that the self-interest mechanism will drive support for state provision across diverse socioeconomic concerns. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2609643302 | Transitions in Late-Life Living Arrangements and Socio-economic Conditions of the Elderly in Egypt, Jordan and Tunisia | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2609643302 | Middle East and North Africas demographic trends reveal together a growing ageing population and an exceptional growth of the youth population. Increasing elderly population leads to significant consequences for the cost and organization of health systems. The rise in life expectancy has changed the arrangement of multigenerational families; relationships in ageing families have become more unstable and less predictable. In this paper, we investigate - in a gender and geographic perspective differences in the socio-economic situation of the elderly and the determinants of late-life living arrangements in Egypt, Jordan and Tunisia starting from Labor Market Panel Surveys. Results are in line with both the different countries stages of the demographic transition and welfare state coverages. The family continues to be the basis for support to older people, as in general in the Arab area. A relevant socio-political group, calling for policy interventions, is represented by the elderly living alone. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2807629256 | Social Dictatorships: The Political Economy of the Welfare State in the Middle East and North Africa | [
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"Tunisia",
"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2807629256 | This dissertation explores the diverging social spending patterns in labour-abundant regimes in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). It is motivated by two main research questions: 1. Why have social spending levels and social policy trajectories writ large diverged so drastically across labour-abundant MENA regimes? 2. How can we explain the market persistence of spending levels after divergence? To answer the first question, this study develops a theory about the emergence of authoritarian welfare states. It argues that autocratic leaders need both the incentives and the abilities to distribute welfare for authoritarian welfare states to emerge. The former are shaped by coalition building dynamics at the onset of regime formation while the latter are conditioned by the external environment. At the level of incentives, broad coalitions emerge in the presence of intra-elite conflict and the absence of salient communal cleavages and, if present jointly, provide a strong incentive for welfare provision. Conversely, a cohesive elite or salient communal division entail small coalitions with few incentives to distribute welfare broadly. At the level of abilities, a strong external threat to regime survival is expected to undermine the ability to provide social welfare in broad coalitions. Facing a 'butter or guns' trade-off, elites shift priority to security expenditures and the population accepts that because no alternative regime could credibly commit to neglecting external defence in the presence of external threats. Only an abundant resource endowment can provide the necessary resources to avert this trade-off. To answer the second question, I rely on two important mechanisms in the welfare state literature to explain path dependance. The first one can broadly be summarised as 'constituency politics' in that beneficiaries of social policies succesfully avert deviations from the spending path in the form of systemic reforms or large-scale spending cuts. Mobilisation of these constituencies should be particularly vigourous if initial advantages conferred to these groups habe been reinforced over time, for instance, because these groups grew in size or got entrenched in the state administration. The second mechanisms are spill-over effects to unintended beneficiaries who can over time become important gatekeepers against path divergence. Methodologically, the study is characterised by a mixed-methods approach which combines quantitative tests with the analysis of qualitative evidence in the form of arhcival material, newspapers, and field interviews. Moreover, the study also follows a multi-level approach in that the viability of the argument is tested comparatively at the cross-country level and process-traced at the micro-level in two in-depth case studies of Tunisia and Egypt. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3177442552 | “Moving on” with gendered aspirations: Sudanese migrants navigating controlling welfare states, labour markets and migration regimes in the Netherlands and the UK | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3177442552 | The ongoing political unrest and severe economic hardships in Sudan have led many Sudanese to arrive in Europe as asylum seekers. Throughout the years, after obtaining refugee status and becoming European citizens, many settle in the host countries of which they are citizens, while others move onwards to other EU countries as European labour migrants. As the migrants’ legal statuses change during these different stages, so do their welfare and labour-market entitlements, as well as their aspirations and possibilities to achieve them. Drawing on 14 months of ethnographic fieldwork with Sudanese families across the Netherlands, the UK and Sudan, this article explores the strategies deployed by male and female migrants to navigate the current welfare states, labour-market and migration regimes according to their life-course-related needs and aspirations. The article evidences the existing expectations and contradictions in these regimes towards mobile populations and the consequent social and gender inequalities they perpetuate. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2794588962 | Who Undermines the Welfare State? Austerity-Dogmatism and the U-Turn in Swedish Asylum Policy | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2794588962 | Within the EU, the so-called “refugee crisis” has been predominantly dealt with as an ill-timed and untenable financial burden. Since the 2007–08 financial crisis, the overarching objective of policy initiatives by EU-governments has been to keep public expenditure firmly under control. Thus, Sweden’s decision to grant permanent residence to all Syrians seeking asylum in 2013 seemed to represent a paradigmatic exception, pointing to the possibility of combining a humanitarian approach in the “long summer of migration” with generous welfare provisions. At the end of 2015, however, Sweden reversed its asylum policy, reducing its intake of refugees to the EU-mandated minimum. The main political parties embraced the mainstream view that an open-door refugee policy is not only detrimental to the welfare state, but could possibly trigger a “system breakdown”. In this article, we challenge this widely accepted narrative by arguing that the sustainability of the Swedish welfare state has not been undermined by refugee migration but rather by the Swedish government’s unbending adherence to austerity politics. Austerity politics have weakened the Swedish welfare state’s socially integrative functions and prevented the implementation of a more ambitious growth agenda, harvesting a potentially dynamic interplay of expansionary economic policies and a humanitarian asylum policy. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2910332115 | Citizenship as a gift: how Syrian refugees in Belgium make sense of their social rights | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2910332115 | While citizenship scholars have documented the increasing moralisation of immigration and integration policies, relatively few have explored how immigrants themselves make sense of their (partial) membership of European welfare states. Drawing on semi-structured interviews and participant observation with Syrian refugees, this article documents how they interpret and act upon the partial and limited citizenship status they are given in Belgium. We focus on one dimension of their experiences: their stigmatic dependency upon the Belgian welfare state. While their accounts can be partly understood as reproducing neoliberal discourses, we argue that they are also a strategic reaction against the dependency that is inadvertently created by European welfare states. From our respondents’ perspectives, their social rights thus appear not so much as entitlements to be claimed, but as a continuation of the humanitarian logic of the (unreciprocated) gift. | [
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https://openalex.org/W650230470 | Civil society and the state in Syria : the outsourcing of social responsibility | [
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https://openalex.org/W2797198183 | Refugees from Syria as ‘guests’ in Germany: the moral economy of German refugee policy in 2014 | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2797198183 | Against the background of the Syrian refugee crisis, in 2014 the German government established special programmes that allowed Syrian residents of Germany to invite their relatives and friends to seek refuge in the country, thereby easing the procedure of visa application and flight. However, in some states of the Federal Republic of Germany this came at the price of privatizing costs for the stay, therefore excluding the invitees from the principles of the German welfare state. Syrian residents in Germany had to sign an agreement that they would cover all the expenses of their ‘guests’, who – unlike regular asylum seekers – were excluded from health insurance in some states (at least until they were officially granted asylum). In this case, the looming Syrian refugee crisis seems to have fostered a sort of renegotiation of the relationship between public and private space and accommodation, between individual and public responsibility. In another case, a special scholarship programme for Syrian students was established based on merit. Both programmes are discussed in this chapter as measures that treat refugees as ‘guests’ and therefore de-politicize and privatize their situation. This chapter first briefly outlines the historical development and current basic situation of asylum law in Germany in order to contextualize the subsequent description and analysis of these new programmes, highlighting how they reflect a broader strategy on the part of Europe’s largest economy and nation-state to deal with the current refugee crisis that is mostly affecting the countries on the margins of the European Union and Syria’s neighbours. The chapter then discusses the details of these programmes in the context of Hannah Arendt’s critique of human rights (1952) and Didier Fassin’s notion of a ‘moral economy of immigration policies’ (2005). | [
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https://openalex.org/W2997939194 | Questioning care: ambiguous relational ethics between a refugee child, her parents and the Danish welfare state | [
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https://openalex.org/W2911320494 | Nordic Nationalism and Penal Order: Walling the Welfare State | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2911320494 | In late summer 2015, Sweden embarked on one of the largest self-described humanitarian efforts in its history, opening its borders to 163,000 asylum seekers fleeing the war in Syria. Six months later this massive effort was over. On January 4, 2016, Sweden closed its border with Denmark. This closure makes a startling reversal of Sweden’s open borders to refugees and contravenes free movement in the Schengen Area, a founding principle of the European Union. What happened? This book sets out to explain this reversal.
In her new and compelling book, Vanessa Barker explores the Swedish case study to challenge several key paradigms for understanding penal order in the twenty-first century and makes an important contribution to our understanding of punishment and welfare states. She questions the dominance of neoliberalism and political economy as the main explanation for the penalization of others, migrants and foreign nationals, and develops an alternative theoretical framework based on the internal logic of the welfare state and democratic theory about citizenship, incorporation, and difference, paying particular attention to questions of belonging, worthiness, and ethnic and gender hierarchies. Her book develops the concept of penal nationalism as an important form of penal power in the twenty-first century, providing a bridge between border control and punishment studies. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W482291350 | Accidents Happen: François Ewald, the “Antirevolutionary” Foucault, and the Intellectual Politics of the French Welfare State | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W482291350 | Previous articleNext article No AccessArticlesAccidents Happen: François Ewald, the “Antirevolutionary” Foucault, and the Intellectual Politics of the French Welfare State*Michael C. BehrentMichael C. BehrentAppalachian State University Search for more articles by this author Appalachian State UniversityPDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 82, Number 3September 2010 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/653042 Views: 340Total views on this site Citations: 28Citations are reported from Crossref © 2010 by The University of Chicago. 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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4283020094 | This article examines the ways in which parenting practices of refugee parents are the object of concern for the Danish welfare state. Emphasis is placed on how interventions of daycare institutions and other welfare professionals have been experienced by refugee families who live in a context of radical uncertainty since they hold temporary residence permits in Denmark. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and in-depth interviews with families spanning several years, I analyze the experiences of a number of refugee families from Syria and Iran. Drawing on what has been called “the spectral turn” or “hauntology” in anthropology, I argue that welfare state belonging causes ambiguity for families who appreciate protection and sometimes family-like care from state agents but also fear its repercussions. As a result, I argue that relationships between refugee parents and agents of the welfare state are characterized not only by “fear of proximity” but also by “intimate distance”, since refugee parents experience “the system” as being nowhere in particular but potentially everywhere. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2615473089 | Effect of Welfare and Employment Policies on the Correlation between Migration and Unemployment | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2615473089 | IntroductionImmigration and its various aspects1 have been on the public and political agenda in most established countries for many years. Accelerated immigration is a result, among other things, of increased mobility stemming from cheaper and easier means of transportation, the widening wealth gap between industrialized and other countries that is leading many people to leave their country of origin in the hope of arriving at a country that seems to afford a better life, and local and regional conflicts2 creating tens of thousands of homeless and refugees. Incoming immigration has a considerable impact on a country's culture, demographics, politics, and religion, as well as on the local economy and labor market, as evident in many countries that have experienced such waves throughout history (Goldin et al., 2012; Lewis & Peri, 2014).This study has two interlinked goals: One is to detect and establish a correlation between the extent of immigration and changes in the rate of unemployment, by examining previous immigration trends in three prominent immigration destinations (Greece, Germany, and the United States) and analyzing their impact on the local employment market. The second is to locate an intervening variable associated with a country's welfare and employment policy that affects the structure of the domestic employment market and may be capable of influencing and even determining the direction of the correlation detected (or not) between these two indices. The research method will be based on a correlative analysis of immigration and unemployment data for the three immigration destinations mentioned above, while examining the welfare and employment policies in each of these countries.The growing stream of Syrian refugees across the borders of European Union (EU) countries in general3 and Greece and Germany in particular has earned the issue of immigration's impact on destination countries a renewed place on the public and research agenda (Ethan & Peri, 2015). Examination of previous immigration trends indicates that the economic effect of immigration on the host country is not clear-cut (Drinkwater, 2003; Waters et al., 2009). In some cases, immigrants contributed considerably to the local economy. One example is the mass immigration of Jews from the former Soviet Union to Israel upon the former's dissolution in the early 1990s (DellaPergola, 1998).Then again, there are many testaments to the negative and undesirable impact of immigration on the domestic economy. One example is the immigration of Mexicans, Cubans, and Asians to the United States in the previous century, whose impact on the local labor market and its pay levels have been studied extensively (Portes & Bach, 1980; Portes & Stepick, 1985; Wilson & Portes, 1980; Saiz, 2003).1.A review of immigration around the world throughout historyAs stated, immigration, both between countries and between continents, is a phenomenon that has recurred throughout human history in different periods, from and to different places, and for different reasons and causes. Conspicuous examples are the extensive and lengthy waves of immigration from Canada and China to the United States from the early 19th and until the mid-20th century (Ramirez, 2009; Ramirez & Otis, 2001), and later on also immigration from Latin American and Asian countries to the United States in the 1980s and 1990s, (Saiz, 2003; Waters et al., 2009). These periods of immigration, deriving from the US immigration policy, strongly affected the local society and economy (Borjas, 2011).In Europe as well, immigration has played a major role, particularly since the conclusion of World War II. Examples are illegal Italian immigration to France and Switzerland (Rinauro, 2014), as well as the migration of Italian citizens across the borders of West Germany (Rieder, 2004). Also notable is the official Dutch emigration program (during 1945-1960) that encouraged local farmers to leave its rural areas for Canada (Flora, 2012; Fallon, 2000; Schryer, 1998), as well as the movement of citizens from various European countries (such as Poland, Germany, and Italy) to Brazil (Bastos & Do Rosario, 2012). … | [
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https://openalex.org/W2899236700 | Fortress Europe Breached: Political And Economic Impact Of The Recent Refugee Crisis On European States | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2899236700 | The onset of the Syrian civil war, the expansion of the military influence of the Islamic State in the Middle and Near East and the ongoing conflicts in Africa has caused a significant number of refugees from the affected areas to flee towards Europe, generating a migrant crisis that has proven itself a contentious issue among European states as they struggle to find a solution to house the refugees and integrate them within the different host societies while also managing internal political debates and pacifying internal reluctance regarding the immigrants. The recent terrorist attacks in Brussels as well as various incidents associated with areas where refugees are concentrated have worsened the problem as European states fear security issues associated with the mostly Muslim population that seeks asylum within their borders. Beyond humanitarian, political and security concerns, the economic impact of the crisis upon European states has been varied. The immigrants have been seen both as blessings in disguise for the aging workforce of some European states and a potential financial burden on the economies of others in terms of social welfare costs and risks of increasing the local unemployment rates. Not only that, but the refugee problem has given way to a clash between two opposing viewpoints within the European Community: on the one hand, states who have sought to facilitate the accommodation of asylum-seekers on their territories, and on the other, states who have taken a tough approach to stem the flow of refugees within their borders and have rebuked the solutions thus far proposed by the EU. The present paper seeks to investigate the political and economic effects of refugees on host countries in Europe with a focus on the perceived division between countries that have welcomed immigrants versus those who have sought to restrict the number of refugees entering their countries. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4380681144 | Refusing the Gift of Welfare: Syrians’ Encounters with the Danish State | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4380681144 | This paper traces the colonial logics embedded within Western states’ welfare and workfare programs. The imperial and capitalist underpinnings of Western welfare states have been well elaborated. Less research has focused on the colonial logics and strategies at work in their administration of welfare and ‘integration’ programs targeting newly arrived refugees. Drawing on ethnographic work with Syrian refugees living in Denmark, I examine Syrians’ encounters with the Danish welfare state and the five-year mandatory ‘integration’ program. Through Syrians’ accounts, I argue that we can begin to re-narrate the nature and meaning of contemporary welfare states and the colonial and racialized policing logics that structure and sustain them. More specifically, Syrians’ accounts draw attention to the often-overlooked roles that welfare regimes perform in maintaining colonial, racialized hierarchies of humanity as well as extractive and dispositive processes typically understood as economic aid and sustenance. Moreover, Syrians’ experiences of the Danish welfare state help to unpack the centrality in un- and under-paid forms of labor that refugee communities are required to perform, thereby enabling capital to materially benefit from stigmatized Others living in Denmark. Thus, by centering racial capitalism, this article contributes to scholars’ emerging attention to the coloniality of ‘integration’ and how this imperative manifests in practice. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3013472614 | Taking a closer look at the Assisted Voluntary Return and Reintegration Work in German Independent Counseling Centers | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3013472614 | Assisted Voluntary Return and Reintegration (AVRR) is the preferred method of European States, to return those that do not have a residency status. Germany has one of the oldest voluntary return policies, during the recent influx of migrants, caused by the Syrian civil war, AVRR policies have been rediscovered by state actors. Welfare organizations and other wellbeing centers offer counseling towards potential returnees, in light of the growing restrictive asylum legislation and the underlying rationale to outsource migration handlings the research at hand sheds light onto the welfare counselors positioning agency and limitations of their work via-a-vis the immigration office and the migrants. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2229278486 | Migrants, Manpower and Math in the Coming Europe | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2229278486 | "A dead child" said stalin "is a tragedy. Two million are a statistic." A single photograph of a beach riveted world attention, converting syrian refugees from statistics to tragedy. But the statistics remain. Three Canadian columnists have offered contrasting interpretations. Eric Reguly argues that a static and aging Europe needs more manpower to sustain its economy. Margaret Wente, however, observes the failure of integration of migrants in Sweden. Migrants are drawn by open borders and a generous welfare state, but do not fit an advanced, high-skill economy. Gwynne Dyer notes that current inflows, IF evenly distributed, are a tiny proportion of the overall European Union. But economic migrants from Africa are a much larger issue. Their numbers are effectively inexhaustible. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2760857171 | Integration af flygtninge i Danmark - Venligboerne; Refugee and integration in Denmark - Venligboerne | [
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"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2760857171 | This project is focused on a highly discussed problem as the current refugee crisis. The thesis will examine how venligboer affect the integration of refugees in Denmark and what consequences it will have for the political institutions and the welfare system, when the civil society contribute to the integration process. The project wish to examine a newly occurred phenomenon which is venligboerne as well as the concept of integration and welfare state. In the extent of the crisis there has occurred a peoples movement whose concept is to meet refugees with kindness. The need of civil help causes examination throughout the political system to see if there is any change which might have started this and also which consequences it could have for the welfare system.
The thesis makes use of a social constructivism because of the fact that integration is considered a social historic notion. Also is it considered that there isn’t only one truth in a answer because it depends on each persons norms and values.
The project is characterized by an interdisciplinary sociologically and politically approach. Sociologically theories by Axel Honneth with his recognition notion is being used. Politically there is made use of institutional theories from Jacob Torfing and Michel Foucault, while to describe the change within the welfaresystem welfare theories is being used. To analyze we used a qualitative approach with interviews. Our informants are Juan Ebo from Syria, Susanne T Hildebrandt and Mads Nygaard whose active in the movement, Venligboer also political informants as Johanne Schmidt Nielsen from the party Enhedslisten and Peter Skaarup from DF. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W1580937471 | Lineages of the Iranian Welfare State: Dual Institutionalism and Social Policy in the Islamic Republic of Iran | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1580937471 | This article examines the relationship between welfare and state governance in Iran since the 1979 Revolution. It argues that the contemporary set of social welfare organizations in Iran arose as a corollary to post-revolutionary state formation, particularly during the 1980–8 war with Iraq. The Revolution itself resulted in a process of ‘dual institutionalization’ where new revolutionary organizations appeared in tandem with the inherited bureaucracies of the Pahlavi Monarchy, and both sets of institutions were directed by the new regime towards social welfare in areas relatively untouched by the ancien régime. These institutions were locked in place by the exigencies of the long war that followed, and most have continued to the present. This is followed by a discussion of the main developmental outcomes of the past three decades in Iran in literacy, health and poverty. The article concludes by discussing how the successes and shortcomings of the Islamic Republic's welfare system are consequential for understanding broader developments in Iran today. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2483567910 | Maternalist Policies versus Women’s Economic Citizenship? Gendered Social Policy in Iran | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2483567910 | That social policy is gendered is now a truism in the feminist literature. But what are the different patterns of (gendered) social policy formation and implementation across regions in the world economy? In the Middle East, for example, what are the state policies, practices and institutions that directly influence the welfare and security of various groups within a particular society, especially as far as women are concerned? And if social policy is partly about protecting against risks and contingencies while also providing social equity, do all social policies serve to expand women’s citizenship? In this chapter I examine the gendered nature of social policy in Iran, with a focus on the problems associated with women’s economic citizenship that have resulted from Iran’s economic structure and its cultural/ideological institutions. An oil-dependent economy and gender relations codified in Muslim family law have had implications for women’s access to employment and economic resources, as well as overall citizenship. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2132855269 | Beyond cultural stereotypes: Educated mothers’ experiences of work and welfare in Iran | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2132855269 | The tensions and pressures that mothers experience when they have to make decisions about combining the care of children with entry into the labour market are by now well established. Much of the research in this area, however, has focused on Europe or North America. In this article, the focus is on a society where women’s employment and its relationship to childcare has seldom been explored: Iran. Iran has often been presented as a state that is not particularly women-friendly and as distinctly different from the seemingly more pluralistic and egalitarian states of Western Europe. The argument here is that mothers’ employment in Iran should not be viewed through clichés of religion and patriarchy, rather that it is significantly affected, as in other countries, by care structures, the general acceptance of leaving one’s children to a caregiver, the availability of employment opportunities and the general policy environment. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2320543275 | Government, Civil Society and Welfare Policies in Modern Iran | [
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"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2320543275 | Government, Civil Society and Welfare Policies in Modern Iran Gholam Reza Ghaffary, Khayyam Azizimehr Abstract This article examines the welfare programs and policies in the modern Iran in relation to interaction between government and civil society fromemergence and development of the modern state in Iran (1925) to end of Iranian reformist government by administration of President Mohammad Khatami (2005). Modern Iran could be dividedinto two periods; before and after the1979 revolution. The article's argument is thatthe main target groups of welfare benefits in the period before the 1979 revolution were governmental bureaucrats and army forces but in the after 1979 revolution period the targeted groups changed and newly formed and redefined groups were became the main target groups of welfare programs. Also, the oil revenue has provided financial resource for government andit has been independent from society in procuring finance for its programs.As a result did not form appropriate interaction between government and society and welfare programs have been production of political structure. Subsequently, Welfare benefits have served to favor government ideology and political purposes; form patron-client relationships between government and society. This form of relation acted as one of the main obstacles for the full accomplishment of civil society in Iran. Full Text: PDF DOI: 10.15640/jsspi.v3n2a4 | [
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https://openalex.org/W603061329 | Basic income guarantee and politics : international experiences and perspectives on the viability of income guarantee | [
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"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W603061329 | Introduction: Hopes and Realities of Adopting Unconditional Basic Income Guarantee Schemes R.K.Caputo On the Political Feasibility of the Basic Income Guarantee: Theoretical Considerations J.D.Wispelaere & J.A.Noguera PART I: HOPES The Best Income Transfer Program for Modern Economies E.M.Suplicy An Anniversary Note - BIEN's 25th G.Standing PART II: REALITIES European Union Countries Finland: Institutional Resistance of the Welfare State against a Basic Income M.Ikkala Germany: Far, though Close: Problems and Prospects of BI in Germany S.Liebermann Ireland: Pathways to a Basic Income in Ireland S.Healy & B.Reynolds Netherlands: Final Piece of the Welfare State is Still to Come M.Hasslet Spain: Basic Income from Social Movements to Parliament and Back Again D.Raventos , J.Wark , & D.Casassas PART II: OTHER OECD COUNTRIES Australia: Will Basic Income Have a Second Coming? J.Tomlinson Canada: A Guaranteed Income Framework to Address Poverty and Inequality? J.P.Mulvale & Y.Vanderborght Japan: Political Change after the Economic Crisis Introduces Universalist Benefit T.Yamamori Mexico: The First Steps toward Basic Income P.Yanes United Kingdom: Only for Children? M.Torry United States of America R.K.Caputo PART III: OTHER COUNTRIES Iran: A Bumpy Road toward Basic Income H.Tabatabai | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W961854811 | States of Law and Sexuality in the Middle East | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W961854811 | States of Law and Sexuality in the Middle East Nancy Y. Reynolds (bio) Janet Afary. Sexual Politics in Modern Iran. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009. xv + 423 pp.; ill. ISBN 978-0-521-72708-2 (pb). Laura Bier. Revolutionary Womanhood: Feminisms, Modernity, and the State in Nasser’s Egypt. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2011. xi + 245 pp.; ill. ISBN 978-0-8047-7439-0 (pb). Noga Efrati. Women in Iraq: Past Meets Present. New York: Columbia University Press, 2012. xviii + 236 pp. ISBN 978-0-231-15814-5 (cl). Frances S. Hasso. Consuming Desires: Family Crisis and the State in the Middle East. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2011. xi + 256 pp. ISBN 978-0-8047-6156-7 (pb). Karen M. Kern. Imperial Citizen: Marriage and Citizenship in the Ottoman Frontier Provinces of Iraq. Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2011. xiv + 186 pp. ISBN 978-0-8156-3285-6 (cl). In a 1992 essay on the retrenchment in gender politics in 1970s Egypt, the political scientist Mervat Hatem introduced the concept of “state feminism” to describe mid-century reforms inaugurated under the charismatic but authoritarian Egyptian president Gamal `Abd al-Nasser: “state feminism . . . produced women who were economically independent of their families, but dependent on the state for employment, important social services like education, health, and day care, and political representation.”1 Originally developed to describe the efforts of Scandinavian welfare states “to remove the structural basis of gender inequality by making reproduction a public— not a private—concern and by employing increasing numbers of women in the state sector,” the concept became shorthand for understanding the paradox of Middle Eastern women’s movements, which often allied with repressive states. 2 In Egypt, a leading country in the Arab world, a vibrant women’s movement emerged in the liberal 1920s, along with substantive reforms to the Muslim personal status laws governing family relations (including marriage, divorce, child custody, and inheritance); a dramatic increase of the presence of women in public during the 1950s and 1960s under Nasserist state socialism was coupled, however, with an absence [End Page 182] of any significant family law reform. Hatem concluded, “the emerging patriarchal system relaxed public control of women (their seclusion, education, and work), while continuing to maintain private control through the personal status laws.”3 Since Hatem’s pioneering work, historians of Middle Eastern women have questioned implicit Western assumptions about “liberation” and secularism, without abandoning the analytical triumvirate of women, the state, and Islamic patriarchy (the latter often a code for “men”). All five books under review here share this thematic orientation, although several of them break new ground by documenting the variety and fluidity of legal and social systems before and after the consolidation of modern states. In Consuming Desires, Frances Hasso argues that this tendency represents more than analytical lag. What makes the region unique is “the state’s self-appointed role as the guardian of moral behavior, which Middle Eastern and North African (MENA) states more than others consider to be within their ambit, to some degree in lieu of political legitimacy and accountability” (169). She suggests that this is partly a result of Islamic legal systems, but also argues that “family patriarchy” acts to compensate men otherwise disenfranchised in undemocratic states (171). Most importantly, however, Hasso asserts quite unconventionally that “MENA states support women in their family policies and politics more often than is recognized by feminist scholarship, and women may disproportionately rely on these authoritarian states for their ability to control men and extract resources from them” (171). In other words, strong states are good for Middle Eastern women. I suspect that another explanation for the thematic persistence of states and personal status reform in Middle East women’s history written in English is a methodological reliance on laws, debates, state policies, and public activism due to archival imbalances in the region. Foreign researchers have found state archives and the press, including a robust women’s press, more accessible (and plentiful) than family or private papers, or archives from private institutions such as workplaces, unions, schools, or mosques. This problem, which affects the history of women and non-elites especially, has drawn many women’s studies scholars to... | [
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https://openalex.org/W4312202583 | Assessing the Situation of Subjective Well-being among Iranian Youth | [
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"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4312202583 | Introduction: Considering the failure of the objective approach in measuring youth well-being and the discourse turn of social policy towards subjective well-being, the present article, after conceptualizing subjective well-being, evaluates its situation among Iranian youth. Method: The present article is a quantitative secondary analysis of the data of the "National Survey of the Social, Cultural and Moral Status of Iranian Society" (2016) among young people aged 18 to 29 living throughout the country. Findings: Firstly, the subjective welfare of young people in many components is unfavorable. Second, the subjective welfare of young people is more unfavorable than other age groups; compared to others (30-49 years, 50 years and older), Iranian youth value higher preference, such as wealth, position, and fame; they have less belief in the existence of judicial and professional justice; they also have a more negative assessment of the welfare of society; they Evaluate the life situation in the past as more negative and the future situation as more positive; they feel less freedom, happiness, security, and national belonging; they have less belief in the prevalence of legalism and the realization of citizenship in society; finallu, they agree with a fundamental change in the current state of society. Discussion: The findings indicate that although the low level of subjective welfare among young people is a pervasive pattern with other age groups, but its lower level compared to others indicates an unfavorable state of subjective welfare in this group. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4237114186 | Introduction | [
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"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4237114186 | This chapter starts with a review of literature on the topic of the social solidarity economy (sometimes referred to as the third sector), the pros and cons of this safety net—particularly in the case of Iran—as well as the importance of recognizing its existence despite challenges. In this book the topic of the social economy focuses on women of low-income households and examines the role of religion. With a trend towards the decline of the welfare state and rise in economic hardship, partly due to government mismanagement of the economy, partly due to sanctions on Iran, the social economy among those from low-income households plays a significant role in the economic survival of the poor. This book is focused on Islamic women only, but this is not to overlook or undermine non-religious women’s efforts to reduce poverty. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4385688032 | The State and Its Riches | [] | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4385688032 | An important feature of Iran’s political economy is the variety of opportunities it provides, through which individuals and groups can accrue economic benefits from and through the state. At the broadest level, the Iranian economy cannot be said to be in a healthy state. The Iranian economy is structurally unhealthy. But the economy’s maladies are products of, and also contributing factors to, means of personal enrichment for those with the right political connections. There are a number of areas to focus on, including the strong connections between the state and bazaari merchants; the perverse consequences of resource curses such as overreliance on oil and rampant corruption; the state’s efforts at various welfare schemes and the impulse toward statist economics; and the processes and consequences of pulling back from statism through privatization. All of these developments have combined to undermine the economy’s developmental potential. They have also coalesced to provide multiple means of patronage and clientelism in which the state plays a critical facilitating role. As such, Iran’s economy, diseased and underperforming as it is, provides important sources of support and resilience for the state. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4239184511 | Book Reviews | [] | [
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"Jordan"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4239184511 | Books review: Daniel Cohen, The Wealth of the World and the Poverty of Nations Peter J. Taylor, The Way the Modern World Works: World Hegemony to World Impasse Anton Zijderveld, The Waning of the Welfare State: The End of Comprehensive State Succor Bill Jordan, The New Politics of Welfare: Social Justice in a Global Context Leonard E. Burman, The Labyrinth of Capital Gains Tax Policy TheConstitution of Iran , Asghar Schirazi. James C. Scott, Seeing Like a State Wolfgang Reinicke, Global Public Policy: Governing without Government? Peter Trubowitz, Emily O. Goldman, and Edward Rhodes, eds. The Politics of Strategic Adjustment: Ideas, Institutions, and Interests Frederick W. Mayer, Interpreting NAFTA: The Science and Art of Political Analysis J. Nicholas Ziegler, Governing Ideas: Strategies for Innovation in France and Germany Pietro S. Nivola, Laws of the Landscape: How Policies Shape Cities in Europe and America | [
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https://openalex.org/W2942635781 | <i>A Social Revolution: Politics and the Welfare State in Iran</i>. By Kevan Harris. Oakland: University of California Press, 2017. Pp. xiii+316. $85.00 (cloth); $29.95 (paper). | [
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"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2942635781 | Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewA Social Revolution: Politics and the Welfare State in Iran. By Kevan Harris. Oakland: University of California Press, 2017. Pp. xiii+316. $85.00 (cloth); $29.95 (paper).Erdem YörükErdem YörükKoc University Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by American Journal of Sociology Volume 124, Number 5March 2019 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/702537 Views: 143Total views on this site For permission to reuse a book review printed in the American Journal of Sociology, please contact [email protected]PDF download Crossref reports no articles citing this article. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2428859181 | Islam and Muslims in Guyana: Divisions, state welfare and links with the Muslim world | [
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"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2428859181 | With its total population of 7.3% of Muslims Guyana is the only country in the Western Hemisphere which is a permanent member of the International Islamic Conference. Apart from a brief historical overview of immigration of Muslims in Guyana from the Indian subcontinent, this paper presents certain aspects through which Muslims in Guyana assert themselves socially and what impact they make on society and the welfare of the Guyanese people as a whole. Particular attention is given to the problems that Guyanese Muslims face every day, such as Arabization, Sunnification and the conflict of traditionalist and reformist currents. Due to the connection of Guyana with Iran that is increasingly flourishing, this paper outlines the relationship between the two countries. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4284893189 | Unemployment In Iraq: Causes, Consequences, and Treatment | [
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] | [
"Iran",
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4284893189 | Unemployment is one of the primary problems that most contemporary economic systems suffer from in the world, which works to bring about negative consequences on the welfare and security of society. Therefore, governments are working hard to reduce their unemployment rates, mitigate its effects, and develop economic strategies that are happy in providing job opportunities. Unemployment means stopping a part of the labor force in the economy despite the availability of the ability and willingness to work. Unemployment usually results from an imbalance in the labor market due to demand and supply considerations. Unemployment wastes the workforces of a large part of society and may lead to social violence and political unrest outbreaks when it reaches high levels. In Iraq, unemployment has deep roots that go back to the 1980s. The government began to face the problem of providing adequate job opportunities for the nearly one million people who served in the Iran-Iraq war. Unemployment has had dire consequences for the economy, society, and the Iraqi state. These effects include the spread of poverty, deprivation, and the deterioration of development rates with all its indicators. | [
{
"display_name": "Akkad Journal Of Contemporary Economic Studies",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4387281657",
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W1557422219 | Il palcoscenico della guerra di Libia. Protagonisti, retorica, nazione, 1911-1912 | [
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"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Valentina Nocentini",
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C184386139"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C107993555"
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"Libya"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1557422219 | This dissertation explores the historical
representation of the Italian nation in regard to the narration of
the Libyan War and its causes and implications in the consolidation
of both state and society. The texts I examine were all published
in contemporary newspapers and magazines, which span from 1910 to
1912, as they refer to events throughout the war. The facts
involved in and that led to the war created the first important
organic affiliation between politics, finance, mass-society and
mass media. I will argue that through the literary narration of
this war, Italians came to terms with problematic and unresolved
issues of national identity while concurrently confirming the
embodied gender configurations along with the relation of the
state's power over citizens to their claims of national
participation. Chapter I frames the Libyan war from a political,
social and economic point of view. It investigates how war was used
to stimulate the Italian new capitalistic economy while balancing
the new industrial concentration of power and the mass demand of
welfare and participation. Chapter II elucidates the moralistic and
epistemological dimensions of the rhetoric of violence, which leads
to an understanding of how the war was used to regulate and produce
a collective national organism. Chapter III provides the foundation
for a reflection on how men and masculinity were 'constructed'
authorities and guarantor within the traditional patriarchal
society and the new capitalistic system. The final chapter, then,
focuses on how women reshaped their role (the crocerossina's
explicit sexuality subverted a superimposed homosocial order) while
still placing themselves under the hegemonic control of men. My
analysis traces the figure of the mother as the driving force in
the creation of this new nation. Italy's attempt to cultivate a
strong nation-state instead catalyzed the formation of the fascist
regime. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4250809836 | Health Care | [
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"display_name": "Peter Baldwin",
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C160735492"
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{
"display_name": "Welfare state",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C129603779"
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{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
"display_name": "Solidarity",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780641677"
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"display_name": "Politics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C50522688"
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] | [
"Libya"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4250809836 | The U.S. Economy does Differ from Europe’s: a less regulated labor market, but also an economy that is more hemmed in than might be expected. By European standards, America has hardish-working people, a state that collects fewer tax dollars, and workers who are paid well even if their holidays are short. In social policy, the contrasts are more moderate. Europeans commonly believe that the United States simply has no social policy—no social security, no unemployment benefits, no state pensions, and no assistance for the poor. As Jean-François Revel, the political philosopher and académicien, summed up French criticism, the United States shows “not the slightest bit of social solidarity.” Will Hutton similarly assures us that “The structures that support ordinary peoples’ lives—free health care, quality education, guarantees of reasonable living standards in old age, sickness or unemployment, housing for the disadvantaged— that Europeans take for granted are conspicuous by their absence.” And, in fact, the United States is the only developed nation, unless one counts South Africa, without some form of national health insurance, which is to say a system of requiring all its citizens to be insured in one way or another. This lack of universal health insurance is the one fact that every would-be comparativist working across the Atlantic knows, and the first one to be hoisted as the battle is engaged. One of the first attempts to quantify and rank health care performance, by the World Health Organization in 2000, gave the American system its due. Overall, it came in below any of our comparison countries, three notches under Denmark. In various specific aspects of health policy, it did better. For disability adjusted life expectancy, it came in above Ireland, Denmark, and Portugal; on the responsiveness of the health system, it ranked first; on a composite measure of various indicators summed up as “overall health system attainment,” it ranked above seven Western European countries. Even on the measure of “fairness of financial contribution to health systems,” where we might have expected an abysmal rating, the United States squeaked in above Portugal. That is, of course, damning with faint praise, especially given that in this particular aspect of the ranking—a well-meaning but other-worldly attempt by international bureaucrats to rake the entire globe over the teeth of one comb—Colombia came in first, outpacing its close rivals, Luxembourg and Belgium, while Libya beat out Sweden. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2165413906 | CREATING KIN: NEW FAMILY ASSOCIATIONS AS WELFARE PROVIDERS IN LIBERALIZING JORDAN | [
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"display_name": "Anne Marie Baylouny",
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] | [
"Jordan"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2165413906 | In the decade and a half since economic liberalization began in Jordan, a little noticed but large-scale organizing trend has taken over the formal provision of social welfare, redefining the institutional conception of familial identity in the process. For over one third of the population, kin solidarities have been reorganized, formalized, and registered as nongovernmental organizations in an attempt to cope with the removal of basic social provisioning by the state. Although kinship clearly has been a major element in Jordan's history, the present phenomena alter traditional familial institutions, change kin lineages, and institutionalize the economic salience of family relations. In turn, the relationship of the populace to the state has changed, marginalizing previously regime-supporting groups and facilitating the implementation of economic neoliberalism without significant protest. Repackaged as charitable elements of civil society, these family associations are sanctioned and encouraged by the state and international community. Although they are not regime creations, family associations reinforce the Jordanian regime's efforts at political deliberalization. The new elites who head the organizations have been placated through indirect incorporation into the regime; they now wield significant economic power over fellow kin and have enhanced social status backed by the new group. Furthermore, the trend mainly consists of families without immediate ambitions of entering national politics. These are not the traditional elite families. | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S87435064",
"type": "journal"
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|
https://openalex.org/W1969394614 | Reconstructing Social Democracy: New Labour and the Welfare State | [
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"display_name": "David O’Brien",
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2994507839"
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{
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"Jordan"
] | [
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"https://openalex.org/W2021550402",
"https://openalex.org/W2490225144",
"https://openalex.org/W4256393724"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1969394614 | Books reviewed in this article:
Driver, Stephen and Martell, Luke, New Labour: Politics afterThatcherism
Jordan, Bill, The New Politics of Welfare: Social Justice in a GlobalContext
Levitas, Ruth, The Inclusive Society? Social Exclusion and NewLabour
Powell, Martin (ed.), New Labour, New Welfare State? The ‘ThirdWay’ in British Social Policy | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S161552967",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2152325011 | New Approaches to Welfare Theory | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/A5067993576"
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{
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] | [
"Jordan"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2152325011 | Part 1 Framework: new approaches to welfare theory - foundations, Glenn Drover and Patrick Kerans. Part 2 Problems in justifying claims: free lunches don't nourish - reflections on entitlements and citizenship, Raymond Plant realizing equal life prospects - the case for a perfectionist theory of fair shares, Lesley A. Jacobs the thick and thin of human needing, Kate Soper. Part 3 Claims and institutions: economic institutions and human well-being, Ian Gough exchange-speak, social welfare claims and economic policy discourse, Derek Hum citizenship - a feminist analysis, Gillian Pascall de-constructing dualities - making rights claims in political institutions, Jane Jenson private pains in public places - the uses of criminal justice, Ronald Melchers. Part 4 Claimsmaking and collective action: social movements and social welfare - the political problem of needs, Henri Lustiger-Thaler and Eric Shragge new patterns of collective action in a Post-Welfare society - the Italian case, Ota de Leonardis welfare work - discursive conflicts and narrative possibilities, Michael Bach framing claims and the weapons of the weak, Bill Jordan the theory and politics of helping in feminist social service collectives, Janice L. Ristock. Part 5 Concluding comments: interdependence, difference and limited state capacity, Claus Offe what welfare theory hides, Dorothy E. Smith afterword - sorting claims. Part 6 Comments: on Drover and Derans, Tim Stainton on Soper, Len Doyal on Gough, Peter Penz on Hum, David Donaldson on Lustiger-Thaler and Shragge, Aloan Scott on Jordan, Allan Moscovitch on Ristock, Deborah Stienstra. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2491026805 | The State and the Private Sector in Jordan | [
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"display_name": "Taher H. Kanaan",
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] | [
"https://openalex.org/W4252528323",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2491026805 | This chapter reviews the role of the public sector in the Jordanian economy and the response of economic policy to the changing wisdom regarding the state’s role in sustainable development. The study advocates the principle that activities whose output and inputs are traded in open markets are plausible candidates for privatization. To the extent that output or input markets are imperfect, however, and market forces are unable to deliver the efficient resource use or optimal welfare benefits expected from privatization, commercialization is recommended. The study also relates the Jordanian case to the political economy of public governance, emphasizing the relevance of the new institutional economics to that case. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2102979927 | Citizenship, Social Rights, and the Ethnic State: The Case of Structural Discrimination against Arab Children in Israel | [
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"https://openalex.org/W4299298472",
"https://openalex.org/W4300047879"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2102979927 | In a world of nation states, citizenship, or full membership of the social and political community, has a three-fold relationship to the supply and demand of public welfare. First, in the liberal tradition that society exists to serve its members, citizenship offers moral justification for the state's concern for individual citizens (Harris, 1987; Jordan, 1989). Second, since citizenship confers a form of equality of status on members of the community (Marshall, 1963), it must be assumed that the state university applies to these members whatever distributive standards it adopts (Macedo, 1990). Finally, and as a consequence of the other two relationships, citizenship is one of the primary bases for claims on the economic resources of the state (King & Waldron, 1988; Barry, 1990, p. 4). | [
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https://openalex.org/W4242414104 | REVIEW ARTICLES | [] | [
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"Jordan"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4242414104 | Book review in this Article Hard Times: The Prospects for European Social Policy By Peter Townsend Can the Welfare State Compete? By Alfred Pfaller, Ian Gough, and Goran Therborn Social Welfare in Socialist Countries By John Dixon and David Macarov Trapped in Poverty? By Bill Jordan, Simon James, Helen Kay and Marcus Redley Routledge Introduction to Social Administration in Britain by Muriel Brown and Sarah Payne Unwin Hyman The Politics of Local Government by Gerry Stoker Macmillan Public Policy under Thatcher By Stephen P. Savage and Lynton Robins Whom God Hath Joined Together: the Work of Marriage Guidance By Jane Lewis, David Clarke and David Morgan Prisoners' Children: What Are The Issues? By Roger Shaw Maternity Rights in Britain: Report on the Experience of Women and Employers By Susan McRae Policy Evaluating Health Services' Effectiveness By Anthony St Leger, Harold Schneiden and Joanna Is British Food Bad for You? By Vincent Marks Structures of Control in Health Management By Rob Flynn Alternative Medicine in Britain By Mike Saks Science, Ideology and the Media By Ronald Fletcher | [
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https://openalex.org/W584779619 | The Welfare State and Social Work: Pursuing Social Justice | [
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"Jordan"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W584779619 | Introduction PART I. MAKING SENSE OF SOCIAL JUSTICE Ch 1: Justice as a Value in Social Work A Schizophrenic Profession? Rescuing a Profession That Betrayed Its Mission Gil on Social Determinism and Constructing a Just Society Piven and Cloward on Welfare, Control, and Disruption Gilbert on Balanced Reform From Within Jordan on Struggling for Justice and Social Work Wakefield on Justice as the Organizing Principle of Social Work Comparing Concepts of Social Work Ch 2: Understanding Social Justice in Liberal Democracies Liberal-Democratic Society and its Contradictions Theories of Social Justice for Liberal Democracies Freedom Versus Democracy: Priorities in the United States Ch 3: Evaluating Distributive Justice in the United States Expanding the Welfare State Concept Dimensions of Distributive Justice How does the United States Rate on Distributive Justice? PART II. INTERPRETING WELFARE IN THE UNITED STATES: BEYOND EXCEPTIONALISM Building an Analytic Framework Ch 4: The Fragile Roots of Welfare in the United States: From Colony to the Gilded Era The Legacy of the English Poor Laws and the Shaping of a National Ideology in the Eighteenth Century The Nineteenth Century: Seismic Changes and Moral Certainties Ch 5: The Ambiguous Ancestry of Welfare and Social Work in the First Half of the Twentieth Century The Progressive Era Social Work, 1900-1920 Social Regression, Disaster, and the Birth of the Welfare State During the Interwar Years Social Work in the Twenties and Thirties Ch 6: From the Aftermath of World War II to the Great Society Holding Back the New Deal Social Work in the Postwar Period The Promise of the Great Society Social Work in the Sixties Ch 7: The Weakening of the Welfare State Gains Speed The Seventies: Expansion and Stagnation Social Work in the Seventies Reagan and the Precipitous Undoing of Public Assistance Social Work in a Regressive Era Ch 8: The End of the Millennium and the Demise of Entitlement to Public Assistance A Centrist President in a Conservative Government Social Work at the End of the Millennium PART III. THE LESSER AMERICANS: HISTORICAL LEGACIES The Story of a Limited Democracy Ch 9: Women and the Welfare State The Preindustrial Period Economic and Social Restructuring The Place of Women in the New Deal Ch 10: Welfare Through the Color Lens African Americans Mexican Americans Native Americans Genocide, Manifest Destiny, and Contradictory Federal Policy PART IV. CONTEMPORARY DIRECTIONS OF THE LIBERAL WELFARE STATE Ch 11: Temporary Assistance for Needy Families - I Positive Outcomes, Concerns, and Questions Devolution: Unaccountability, Creativity, and State Budgets Crisis Promoting the Work Ethic and Self-Sufficiency Toward a Nuclear Family State Ch 12: Temporary Assistance for Needy Families - II Barriers and Exclusion TANF Reauthorization Ch 13: Social Security and the Push Toward Privatization The Medicare Prescription Drug Improvement and Modernization Act of 2003 Social Insurance Financing and Alternative Proposals Further Thoughts About Privatization PART V. CONTEMPORARY DIRECTIONS OF WELFARE STATES IN DEVELOPED NATIONS Ch 14: Types of Welfare States, Different Outcomes, and Future Needs Different Logics of Welfare States Alternative Institutional Designs Comparing Welfare Types Historical Synopses Achievements of the Welfare Regimes Ch 15: The Future of Welfare State in Postindustrial Societies Demographic and Economic Shifts The Three Pillars of Welfare PART VI. LOCATING AND COUNTERACTING SOURCES OF INJUSTICE Ch 16: Framing Policy Practice Social Work's Commitment to Justice for the Twenty-First Century How Do Professional Statements Fit With Social Work Theories of Justice? What Do Social Justice Theories Add? What Guidelines Can Be Derived From the Historical Analysis? Ideology Policy Decision Making Summary Ch 17: Policy Practice Building Influence From the Ground Up Influence in Policy Making Shaping Policy Implementation Judicial Policy Making Interdependence Among Types of Policy Practice Conclusion | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3158672552 | The Decline Of The Middle Class In Jordan | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3158672552 | Declining economic growth in Jordan, rising unemployment and the abolition of state support for certain segments of the population have led to a deterioration in the welfare of the middle class in Jordanian society. The importance of the middle class for the country is due to the fact that they act as a driving force in creating a market economy, as well as implement creative and intellectual work. The article considers the essential importance of the middle class and its role in building a democratic and legal state, as well as in ensuring a stable pace of economic development. The purpose of this article is to analyze the level of decline in the middle class in Jordanian society during 2010-2017. The following indicators were used to conduct this study: average annual income, double the national poverty line and the share of the population that receive an average of 60% of income. The source of statistical information was the data of the World Bank and the General Statistics Department of Jordan. The author of the article proposes to calculate a generalized indicator for the characteristics of the middle class in society – the average annual household income index. The study showed that during 2010-2017 there was a significant reduction in the size of the middle class in Jordan. The author suggests that such negative dynamics will persist in the coming years, especially given the decline in economic activity due to the coronavirus pandemic. It is proved that the inefficiency of state economic and social policy has led to an increase in the number of poor people, as well as rising unemployment in the country. According to the results of the study, it is proposed to adjust government programs to ensure the preservation of the middle class and enable it to realize its potential in stimulating economic growth, human capital development and supporting the development of civil society in Jordan. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4234597485 | Review Article | [] | [
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https://openalex.org/W4388381401 | Introduction | [
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"Jordan"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4388381401 | Abstract Around a decade ago the theme of citizenship suddenly sprang to prominence in academic debate in a number of Western countries. An initial pamphlet and article literature was consolidated into books (Jordan 1989; Kolberg 1992; Oldfield 1990; Turner 1993; Janoski 1998). T. H. Marshall, whose early post war contributions to the concept of social citizenship in the British welfare state had remained quietly in the background literature, leaped into prominence as a major figure (Bulmer and Rees 1996). Unusually for sociological and political science discourses, the theme was quickly taken up in public political debate. The British government even launched a Commission on Citizenship (UK 1990); and the European Union developed policies for a European citizenship (Commission of the European Communities 1997). | [
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https://openalex.org/W573072266 | Social Policy in Transition : Anglo-German Perspectives in the New European Community | [
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"Jordan"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W573072266 | Introduction - questions of transition, John Ferris and Robert Page social policy studies in Britain - retrospect and prospect, David Donnison changes and challenges facing the UK welfare state in the Europe of the 1990s, John Bebington and Matthew Taylor social integration or anomie? the welfare state challenged by individualism, Ulrich Mueckenberger welfare futures, Peter Taylor-Gooby a non-productivist design for social policies, Claus Offe efficiency, justice and the obligations of citizenship - the basic income approach, Bill Jordan housing problems and policy in the new Germany, Hartmut Haeusserman labour market regulation, social policy and European integration, Simon Deakin and Frank Wilkinson race, racism and social policy in Western Europe, Norman Ginsburg. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W4236133542 | BOOK REVIEWS | [] | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4236133542 | EXETER UNIVERSITY AND CITY: A STUDY OF THE ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL INTERACTIONS CAUSED BY UNIVERSITY GROWTH by F. M. M. Lewes and Ann Kirkness PUBLIC PARTICIPATION AND PLANNERS' BLIGHT by Norman Dennis CRIMINAL BEHAVIOUR SYSTEMS—A TYPOLOGY by M. B. Clinard and R. Quinney THE EVOLUTION OF THE BRITISH WELFARE STATE by Derek Fraser EXERCISES IN PERSONAL AND CAREER DEVELOPMENT by B. Hopson and P. Haigh TRADING IN CHILDREN by Robert Holman THE PUBLIC SECTOR IN THE MIXED ECONOMY by Merlyn Rees EFFICIENCY CRITERIA FOR NATIONALISED INDUSTRIES by A. Nove CAUSE AND MEANING IN THE SOCIAL SCIENCES by Ernest Gellner, Edited with a Preface by I. C. Jarvie and Joseph Agessi MARIHUANA USERS AND DRUG SUBCULTURES by Bruce D. Johnson PAUPERS—THE MAKING OF A NEW CLAIMING CLASS by Bill Jordan | [
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https://openalex.org/W348286219 | The search for equity | [
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https://openalex.org/W2914649857 | Economic and Social Rights in Authoritarian Regimes: Rights, Well-Being and Strategies of Authoritarian Rule in Singapore, Jordan and Belarus | [
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"Jordan"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2914649857 | This study aims to explore the relationship between economic and social rights (ESR) and authoritarian regimes through scrutinising the performance of three outlier autocracies, namely, Singapore, Jordan and Belarus. These states indicate relatively high levels of ESR fulfilment, which is puzzling in light of existing theories that point to a democratic advantage. The research framework is derived from literature on human rights, authoritarian research and welfare states and the study proceeds with in-depth case studies using the approach of historical institutionalism. It inquires how these regimes have attained valuable ESR outcomes; why they have opted to pursue socio-economic performance and whether the institutionalisation of ESR in the given contexts is compatible with the overarching human rights principles of universality, accountability and inalienability. This research illuminates the connection between rights, well-being and strategies of authoritarian governance specifically in their pursuit of legitimacy. It argues that the multifaceted role of domains associated with ESR cannot be reduced to a mere provision of goods in exchange for compliance or their social control potential, but is crucially intertwined with a strategic and intentional use of informal institutions, which, with the help of welfare institutions, become intrinsic features of authoritarian welfare provision. People’s access to ESR and their capabilities to improve well-being consequently fringes on their ‘voluntary’ approval of state-sanctioned formal and informal institutions. | [] |
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"Jordan",
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2499273883 | Over recent years, the concept of Social Capital (SC) has attracted great scholarly and academic awareness. Despite the rise in the prominence of SC analysis, ‘relatively little scholarly attention has been given to the role of religion in social capital formation’ (Smidt 2003 p.2). The upshot has been an insufficient and unconvincing explanation for the phenomenal, recent and rapid rise of political Islam in most Muslim societies. It seems that thirty years since Iran’s Ayatollah Khomeini brought to the modern world the idea that Islam might be a formula for governance, political Islam has gained vast momentum in almost every Muslim and Arab state. From Morocco through Jordan to the Gulf, Islamists’ voluntary charities and networks seem to have transformed themselves into successful political parties and congregations, winning parliamentary elections or registering important victories in local, municipalities and professional associations. For most scholars and observers in the West, the recent political elevation of Islamic charity organisations is seen as a ‘surprise’ (BBC News 2006), unexpected, and even ‘ambiguous’ (Abdel-Latif 2005). Muslim societies are going through a crisis; ‘The crisis of Islam’ is reflected in political Islam itself and the political rise and prominence of voluntary religious organisations demanding large sacrifices. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2157651297 | Economic and Political Liberation in Egypt and the Demise of State Feminism | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2157651297 | In the late 1950s and the 1960s, an Egyptian welfare state was developed to provide the economic basis of a new social contract between the Nasser regime and its key class allies. Its main beneficiaries were the men and women of both the middle class and the labor aristocracy, who were to staff and run its expanding state sector. For Egyptian women, who were scorned by the pre-1952 states, the new welfare state offered explicit commitment to public equality for women. It contributed to the development of state feminism as a legal, economic, and ideological strategy to introduce changes to Egyptian society and its gender relations. In its own turn, state feminism contributed to the political legitimacy of Gamal Abdel Nasser's regime and its progressive credentials. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2141269801 | When the state and your kidneys fail: Political etiologies in an Egyptian dialysis ward | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2141269801 | ABSTRACT In this article, I describe how poor Egyptian kidney‐disease patients understand and experience their illness in terms of Egypt's larger social, economic, and political ills. The suffering that patients in end‐stage renal failure endure, as they articulate it, extends beyond the pathological kidney and implicates corrupt institutions, polluted water, the mismanagement of toxic waste, and unsafe food. End‐stage kidney failure patients in Egypt depend on state‐provided medical services, which they deeply mistrust. In this context, they understand the breakdown of their kidneys, their dialysis machines, and their bodies as a direct outcome of the breakdown of the welfare state. I argue that patients' perceptions of their disease and their mistrust of medical treatment and state service provision should make us reconsider how all etiologies are political. Further, the “political etiologies” in this case inform ethical decisions about kidney transplantation and maintaining life on dialysis. [ bioethics, the body, kidney disease, organ transplantation, state welfare, neoliberalism, Egypt ] | [
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https://openalex.org/W3034539299 | The Economic Ideology of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood: The Changing Discourses and Practices | [
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"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3034539299 | This article aims to examine the transformation of the Muslim Brotherhood’s (MB) economic ideology since Nasser’s rule in Egypt. It argues that the MB”s economic policies were shaped by the complex nature of statesociety relations in the changing political context in Egypt. As an oppositional strategy in the bi-polar political system in Egypt, the MB deviated from its liberal stance dates back to 1970s, and adopted a higly critical position against the regime’s market transformation polices by prioritizing welfare activities during the Mubarak era. The MB”s contstnat inertia in fixing its ideological inconsistencies, which was in favor of a strong state intervention in the economy, and a limited state power in politics diminished its capacity to formulate an interpretation of Islam which could be compatible with the entrepreneurial spirit and market forces during the Mubarak era in Egypt. | [
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"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4388152140 | Abstract Public service has several meanings. First, ‘the public service’ refers to people employed by governments to carry out the administrative functions of the state; second, a public service refers to a service authorized and funded by government. Third, a public service can also refer to any service provided to the public. Finally, public service can refer to the motivation of people who feel a sense of duty or responsibility for contributing to the welfare of others and to the common good of the community or society. Public service, in the first sense, can be traced back to the ancient Egyptian, Persian, Chinese, and Roman civilizations (B. Chapman, 1959), but these are normally distinguished from the public services or bureaucracies which emerged with the creation of ‘states’ in sixteenth-century Europe. As the role and functions of these states and their governments grew, so did the public services they provided and the size and powers of their bureaucracies. Services to the public, however, have always been provided by nongovernmental organizations including voluntary organizations (free) and private businesses (for profit). | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2338038115 | Employment informality, or employment without access to work contracts and social insurance, is the norm for Egypt’s working youth, including educated youth. Despite the policy focus on youth as a demographic group, particularly after the country’s recent political developments, informality and precariousness remain largely absent from the policy discourse in Egypt. Youth unemployment rates continue to be the main yardstick for youth welfare in the country. Drawing on Bacchi’s ‘What is the Problem Represented to be?’ (WPR) approach, the analysis in this article seeks to elucidate the implicit assumptions in this policy approach. The article juxtaposes the policy discourse on youth unemployment and informality to that of interviewed educated youth working informally. The two discourses overlap in assigning the state a central role in providing jobs in the public service for youth and in marginalizing the potential to address issues of employment precariousness outside such jobs. They are in discord, however, when young people articulate strong feelings of injustice when these prized jobs are not made available. | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2993829022 | This article explores how notions of citizenship are negotiated in encounters between parents and youth care professionals in Amsterdam in the context of heated debates over citizenship and belonging. We draw on ethnographic research on Egyptian migrant parents’ interactions with the welfare state, and on the work of youth care professionals. We found that both parents and professionals were invested in universal forms of citizenship. Parents wanted to be treated like their fellow citizens regardless of their background, while professionals wanted to care for all children. While parents feared and suspected that their children were subject to unfair treatment, professional practices left little space for disagreement or a consideration of racialized aspects of their encounters with clients. We conclude that notions of equal citizenship provide a primary, but uncertain ground for the elaboration of citizenship and belonging in parenting encounters, which is haunted by the spectre of difference and inequality. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2514882988 | <i>Victims and Heroines: Women, Welfare, and the Egyptian State</i>. By Iman Bibars. New York: Palgrave, 2001. Pp. x+206. $69.95 (cloth); $25.00 (paper). | [
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"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2514882988 | Previous articleNext article No AccessBook ReviewVictims and Heroines: Women, Welfare, and the Egyptian State. By Iman Bibars. New York: Palgrave, 2001. Pp. x+206. $69.95 (cloth); $25.00 (paper).Rita S. GallinRita S. GallinMichigan State University Search for more articles by this author Michigan State UniversityPDFPDF PLUSFull Text Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by American Journal of Sociology Volume 108, Number 1July 2002 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/376276 Views: 17Total views on this site Citations: 1Citations are reported from Crossref Permission to reprint a book review printed in this section may be obtained only from the author.PDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Shobhit Srivastava, Mala Ramanathan, Preeti Dhillon, Chanda Maurya, S. K. Singh Gender Differentials in Prevalence of Loneliness among Older Adults in India: an Analysis from WHO Study on Global AGEing and Adult Health, Ageing International 46, no.44 (Sep 2020): 395–421.https://doi.org/10.1007/s12126-020-09394-7 | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4366825976 | Zakat, Non-State Welfare Provision and Redistribution in Times of Crisis: Evidence from the Covid-19 Pandemic | [
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"Egypt",
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4366825976 | Around the world, pandemic relief efforts saw renewed attention to state social protection and its limitations. Less attention has been paid to alternative forms of welfare provision, including zakat in Muslim countries. We ask how states and citizens engage with zakat during a crisis through a case study of the Covid-19 pandemic in Pakistan, Egypt and Morocco, drawing on novel and nationally representative survey data from 5,484 respondents. While we might expect citizens to be less motivated to pay zakat at times of personal economic hardship, we find that a large majority of the general population and of zakat contributors perceive zakat as particularly important in the Covid context, and were also more likely to make other charitable contributions. We argue that zakat may play an important role in supplementing state social protection and redistribution in times of crisis. While we find evidence for zakat’s redistributive nature, the diversity of practice and common reliance on social relations need to be considered when looking at its redistributive impact and function in times of crisis. | [
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https://openalex.org/W384967760 | From Religious Charity to the Welfare State and Back. The Case of Islamic Endowments (waqfs) Revival in Egypt | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W384967760 | One of the major changes in the Middle East during the past three decades has been state retreat from welfare programmes. Parallel to this phenomenon, religious charitable institutions have started to emerge and have in many cases filled the gap left by the state in providing social services to the population. These mushrooming Islamic charitable institutions have been described as the social basis for Islamic political opposition or, by optimists, as the emergence of a timid but increasingly independent civil society. Advocates of both explanations, however, agree on portraying them as a serious challenge to the regimes’ control on society. This paper intends to contribute to the study of this broad topic by taking as case study the recent revival of the institution of waqf (Islamic charitable endowment) in Egypt. As one of the main sources of income for religious charitable institutions prior to the emergence of the modern national state, waqf was nationalised by Nasser, yet it has recently re-appeared as a symbol of ‘civil society independence’ and as an efficient way to finance development activities, somehow in agreement with global liberalisation and privatisation trends. The paper argues that, far from being a challenge to the regime (whether from Islamic opposition or ‘liberal’ civil society), this revival is part of a broader regime policy, which aims at delegating some important functions of the state (i.e. in welfare and redistribution) without loosing control on society. The paper contributes to the ‘post-democratisation’ discussion by providing some examples of regime ‘management of change’ strategies and by giving a critical perspective on state-society dichotomous approaches. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W4390770976 | Welfare after Empire: Italy, Egypt, and the politics of assistance after 1945 | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4390770976 | How could a state’s distanced approach to the welfare of its national subjects shape experiences at the end of empire? In this article, I consider this question by looking at the relationship between the Italian state and the departure of Italians from Egypt after 1945. The article presents a sociopolitical history of how experiences and expectations of welfare have shaped relations between the state and its migrant subjects at the end of empire. I argue that the regional strategies of the postwar Italian state turned away from institutional support of Italian residents in Egypt as a means of positioning itself closer to Nasser’s government after 1954 and, in doing so, marginalised the interests of migrant Italians even while it relied on interwar narratives about their importance for Mediterranean political kinships. The article begins by using oral history to understand how the memories of repatriated Italians from Egypt framed the historical context of experiences and expectations of welfare support in relation to the state. It then looks back to the political conjuncture of the early 1950s and its reverberations among Italians in Egypt seeking to re‑establish their lives after the Second World War, the collapse of fascist imperialism, and decolonisation. It examines how, at the very moment the two new republics moved closer together one another, Italian residents in Egypt were kept at a strategic distance by the Italian state and its diplomatic actors in Egypt. With the so‑called unmixing of the colonial sea, then, it looks at how Italians sought – and failed to acquire – aid and assistance from the Italian state when departing from Egypt and how this contoured the perspectives of Italian repatriates. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W3096758843 | The economic ideology of the Egyptian muslimbrotherhood: the changing discourses and practices / Evrim Görmüş. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4210969511 | Conclusion | [] | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4210969511 | The preceding chapters demonstrated the negative effects of liberalization and neoliberal restructuring on the social, economic and political order of Egypt over the past three and a half decades. The post-war order institutionalized a populist authoritarian bargain, in which workers and peasants accepted the authoritarianism of Nasser’s one-party state in return for job guarantees, employment protection, health care, pensions and tenure security. The Egyptian state assumed a leading role in the economy, first through import substitution industrialization and later through wide-ranging nationalizations and economic planning under the rubric of “Arab socialism.” In this context, the public sector grew dramatically because of an expanding (albeit patchy) welfare state and the need to fill the gaps left by Egyptian capital’s unwillingness to invest in the economy. Political Islam, in the form of the Muslim Brotherhood, was repressed and reduced to insignificance as key aspects of its Islamic “moral economy” were pre-empted – and surpassed – by the Nasserist regime. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3159719012 | The Welfare State in Egypt, 1995-2005: A Comparative Approach | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2804488352 | This article applies the typology of welfare state regimes developed by Esping-Andersen in 1990 to the welfare state in Egypt as an example of developing countries. The study surveys the relations between the state, the market, and society from 1995 to 2005, a period characterized by a shift towards a market-oriented economy, challenging the historical legacy of the state’s social role. The methodology employs a combination of quantitative and qualitative analysis while examining the characteristics of seven main welfare schemes and social safety nets in Egypt. The findings suggest that the Egyptian current welfare state can be best described as “conservative/informal,” where social benefits are tied to employment in the formal sector, leading to the family, religious institutions, and clientelistic networks taking on important roles to meet the social needs of the larger informal sector. In addition, the study proposes amendments to the Esping-Andersen typology in order to better understand the welfare programs of developing countries. Mismanagement, quality considerations, the gap between stated goals and implementation, disparities created by gender and urbanization differences, and the role of informal sector should be systematically considered when analyzing welfare regimes in general, and those of developing countries in particular. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3124070293 | When the State and Your Kidneys Fail: Political Etiologies in an Egyptian Dialysis Ward | [
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] | [
"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3124070293 | In this article, I describe how poor Egyptian kidney-disease patients understand and experience their illness in terms of Egypt’s larger social, economic, and political ills. The suffering that patients in end-stage renal failure endure, as they articulate it, extends beyond the pathological kidney and implicates corrupt institutions, polluted water, the mismanagement of toxic waste, and unsafe food. End-stage kidney failure patients in Egypt depend on state-provided medical services, which they deeply mistrust. In this context, they understand the breakdown of their kidneys, their dialysis machines, and their bodies as a direct outcome of the breakdown of the welfare state. I argue that patients’ perceptions of their disease and their mistrust of medical treatment and state service provision should make us reconsider how all etiologies are political. Further, the “political etiologies” in this case inform ethical decisions about kidney transplantation and maintaining life on dialysis. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W75791570 | Redrawing state-society boundaries : Egypt's dynamic social contract | [
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"display_name": "Maggie Samir Kamel",
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] | [
"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W75791570 | Most LDC regimes, especially those with a colonial past, suffer from a deficit in legitimacy. Basing their rule on the personality and achievements of one person, these regimes have failed to pass on their legitimacy to their successors, or sometimes even secure legitimacy for the state. They have drawn up a social contract with their populations that entailed obligations to achieve objectives such as industrialisation, national and economic independence, and welfare of their societies. In return, their populations were expected to support their regimes, and surrender their political rights and liberties. In this research, we focus on the social contract in Egypt, as an example of an LDC state where the regime has suffered from a lack of legitimacy since the country gained its independence in 1952. Over the last five decades, Egyptian regimes have forged a social contract with their populations in order to legitimise their rule. The social contract encompassed achieving objectives adopted by the regime on the domestic and international level according to their visions. The formula of the social contract has been modified by the regime in response to changes in domestic and international factors. One of the main obligations that the regime has committed itself to since 1952 has been welfare provision by the state. The commitment of the regime to provide welfare for the population has been an effective tool to generate legitimacy. Thus, the maintenance of a 'welfare state' has constituted a central component of the social contract since 1952. However, a social contract based on welfare provision has not been durable; this type of contract has secured the regime legitimacy only as long as it has been able to deliver welfare products. As industrialisation failed to take off, Egyptian regimes found it difficult to sustain the welfare state. Their attempts to withdraw from welfare provision, without compromising their legitimacy, have been unsuccessful. This is because the regime has marketed welfare provision by the state as a right of the public based on citizenship; the populace has proved resilient in defending this right. Hence, the regime had to rely upon aid and or external borrowing to postpone the crisis; and modify the social contract by introducing some measures of political liberalisation. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4241538696 | Egypt | [
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"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4241538696 | At the start of the mid-1980s, reforms in the telecommunications industry had a positive influence on the economic progress and social welfare of Egypt. During the 1990s, this progress continued. Studies to prove this were conducted since there was insufficient documentation and empirical evidence prior to 1989. This chapter discusses the following: Egypt's early development in telecommunications during and following the colonial period; the importance and structure of the state-governed institutions involved in this sector in terms of planning and executing of modern policies; and the essential steps and challenges of the modernization of Egypt's telecommunications during the 19th century and onwards. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2147168063 | Percorsi migratori femminili ed integrazione socio-economica delle donne immigrate a Milano | [
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"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2147168063 | Women’s migration paths and socio-economic integration of immigrated women to Milano The aim of this article is to put forward a hypothesis on feminine migration paths. By relying on the literature on citizenship regimes and on welfare states we aim to outline a hypothesis on the role of women migrants in the countries of migration. We assume that patterns of migration in which women follow their male working partners and trends in feminine migration in which women play a more autonomous role in taking the decision to migrate, tend both to segregate women in peripheral socio-economic positions thus reproducing gender asymmetries. Women tend in fact to occupy either peripheral positions in the labour structure of the countries of arrival or the private sphere as housewives. By using 1991, 2001 census data and 2005 Ismu data, we present empirical data on patterns of social and economical integration of three major migrant groups in Milan: Filipinos, Egyptians and Ecuadorians. These data provide us with evidence on the peripheral role of migrants women deriving from an ethnic conception of citizenship and a corporatist welfare state system due to which ethnic and gender based inequalities overlap. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2085107916 | Claiming Society for God: Religious Movements and Social Welfare | [
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"Egypt",
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2085107916 | In their book, Claiming Society for God, Nancy Davis and Robert Robinson claim that conservative religious movements tend to be conceptualized under relatively narrow frameworks. For example, they bring people together to create a violent or terrorist-like state, or they seek to limit the rights of women and others, especially in terms of sex. Davis and Robinson argue instead that these movements have a “caring side” that is often neglected. This caring side leads “them to build medical clinics, employment agencies, social welfare programs, hospices, and businesses paying better-than-average wages” (144), efforts that often are not acknowledged. Through creating these various public services, conservative religious movements in a variety of political and cultural settings are then able to indirectly, or in some cases directly, challenge the dominant political and cultural systems. To understand how and why conservative religious movements were able to build enduring groups of supporters through this caring side, the authors examine four conservative religious movements: the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, the Shas in Israel, the Communion and Liberation in Italy, and the Salvation Army in the United States. Their findings lead Davis and Robinson to challenge much of the research in social movements and sociology of religion. Social movements theory would see these movements as having three strikes against them: a “rigid ideology, extraordinarily broad and multipronged agendas, and a strong reluctance to compromise” (3), which should, under some scholars' conceptions, make them more likely to fail. Instead, Davis and Robinson show that by “bypassing the state and setting up networks of largely autonomous alternative institutions,” they are able to overcome many of the challenges social movements scholars would predict. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2062490365 | Distrust of the Police in a Nordic Welfare State: Victimization, Discrimination, and Trust in the Police by Russian and Somali Minorities in Helsinki | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2062490365 | This study focuses on trust in the police among Russian and Somali minorities living in Finland. Three hypotheses are tested: First, we study whether the level of trust can be explained by experienced insecurity, fear, and victimization. Second, we analyze whether trust can be explained by immigrants’ personal experiences with police behavior. Third, we analyze the connection between trust and experienced discrimination. In this case, the reasons behind distrust are sought not from police activities alone but also from the position of the minorities in society and from individual experiences that reflect this position. The article is based on Finnish data from the European Union Minorities and Discrimination Survey. According to our results, the Russians’ trust in the police can be explained primarily with the instrumental approach. In contrast, all 3 aforementioned approaches can be applied to the Somali minority. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2517999900 | Clans, Coalitions, and Civilian Welfare after State Failure | [
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https://openalex.org/W2904616071 | Myten om alenemødrene og velferdsstaten | [
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"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2974917157 | The New Labour government under Prime Minister Blair came to power asserting that a modern nation valued diversity and recognised the inequalities facing minorities. The government initially claimed it could join market competion with social democracy and a reformed welfare state, claiming education as a priority. It continued the market driven legislation and central policy initiatives that had characterised Conservative rule, the academies programme initiated in 2002 eventually leading to a breakdown of a national democratic system. But it attempted to take on social and racial grievances. Thus, included setting up an inquiry into the Stephen Lawrence murder, offering Muslim schools state-funding on a par with other religions and creating an ethnic minority achievement grant. Rioting in northern towns in 2001 led to further claims that multiculturalism had failed and a commissioned report on the future of Multi-Ethnic Britain disowned. Blair supported seven wars during his tenure, the invasion of Afghanistan and Iraq helped to radicalise a small number of Muslims but led to a further scape - goating of all Muslims. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2175647277 | Searching for a Different Future: The Rise of a Global Middle Class in Morocco | [
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"Morocco"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2175647277 | By examining how neoliberal economic reform policies have affected educated young adults in contemporary Morocco, Searching for a Different Future posits a new socioeconomic formation: the global middle class. During Morocco’s postcolonial period, from the 1950s through the 1970s, development policy and nationalist ideology supported the formation of a middle class based on the pursuit of education, employment, and material security. Neoliberal reforms adopted by Morocco since the early 1980s have significantly eroded the capacity of the state to nurture the middle class, and unemployment and temporary employment among educated adults has grown. There is no longer an obvious correlation between the best interests of the state and those of the middle-class worker. As Shana Cohen demonstrates, educated young adults in Morocco do not look toward the state for economic security and fulfillment but toward the diffuse, amorphous global market.
Cohen delves into the rupture that has occurred between the middle class, the individual, and the nation in Morocco and elsewhere around the world. Combining institutional economic analysis with cultural theory and ethnographic observation including interviews with seventy young adults in Casablanca and Rabat, she reveals how young, urban, educated Moroccans conceive of their material, social, and political conditions. She finds that, for the most part, they perceive improvement in their economic and social welfare apart from the types of civic participation commonly connected with nationalism and national identity. In answering classic sociological questions about how the evolution of capitalism influences identity, Cohen sheds new light on the measurable social and economic consequences of globalization and on its less tangible effects on individuals’ perception of their place in society and prospects in life. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W560394446 | The Mediterranean in the Age of Globalization: Migration, Welfare, and Borders | [
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"Morocco"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W560394446 | The Mediterranean in the Age of Globalization is a welcome corrective to the tendency to present globalization as a homogenous concept, and the failure to describe how it operates in specific regions. Ribas-Mateos examines globalization and migration across the Mediterranean, using an innovative, integrated framework so as to map social places by describing how social, political, cultural, and economic forces are embedded within a globalizing environment. The author articulates an original and compelling narrative, mapping the Mediterranean as a global place where international and regional forces are intertwined in multiple threads. In doing so, she identifies two key components of globalization - affecting specifically forms of welfare and issues of mobility - in the context of a weakening European welfare state and the relocation and reinforcement of Mediterranean borders. Nine Mediterranean cities are investigated as gateway cities, which shape two major effects of globalization: welfare and mobility. The book challenges conventional North-South perspectives, and focuses and systematizes the way international migration should be conceptualized. The originality of the book results from the author's fieldwork, which is rich in descriptive detail, and from a theory centered around global perspectives. Seven case studies in Southern Europe - Algeciras, Athens, Barcelona, Lisbon, Naples, Turin, and Thrace - deal with issues related to migration and the welfare state. She also includes two ethnographies that represent two Mediterranean gateways in the North-South Mediterranean division: Tangiers (in Morocco) and Durres (in Albania), which are mapped as border-cities in the global Mediterranean context. Because of its intrinsically multidisciplinary nature, this superb volume will be of particular interest to academics and social science researchers as well as policymakers and international agencies. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W1989498255 | Research and Policy with regard to Ethnic Minorities in the Netherlands; an historical Outline and the State of Affairs | [
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"Morocco"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1989498255 | This article presents an historical analysis of policy in postwar Netherlands concerning ethnic minorities. Between 1946-62, 250,000-300,000 repatriates, largely of Indonesian-Dutch descent, settled in the Netherlands. By 1983, 326,000 people were living in the Netherlands who were nationals of the 9 Mediterranean countries, with the largest groupings comprised by Turks (152,000) and Moroccans (100,500). Between 1960-83, the number of non-Dutch residents increased from 117,600 (1% of the population) to 542,600 (3.8%). It became apparent that government policy in this area was inadequate and that immigration was contributing to social problems. Members of minority groups who have immigrated to the Netherlands are staying in the country permanently and are at risk of sociocultural isolation. Since 1980, policy in this area has sought to create the conditions necessary to enable minority groups to participate in society, decrease their social and economic deprivation, and prevent discrimination through legal remedies. The Dutch minorities policy is not an immigrants policy, but rather a policy aimed at particular deprived groups with a separate culture who are at risk of stigmatization. Research has played an important role in the formulation of minorities policy and has focused on the supply side of the labor market process, housing, education, medical care, and social welfare. Research has aimed to contribute a solid theoretical foundation for the absorption process. Current government policies aimed at promoting the emancipation of minorities include stimulation of minorities' organizations, creation of opportunities to practice minority religions, mass media programs by and for minorities, the provision of education in the native language, and stimulation of minority representation of government bodies. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2109572555 | Becoming Europe: Immigration, Integration, and the Welfare State | [
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"Morocco"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2109572555 | Becoming Europe: Immigration, Integration, and the Welfare State. By Patrick Ireland. Pittsburgh: Pittsburgh University Press, 2004. 288p. $27.95.Patrick Ireland begins this detailed and clearly presented discussion about belonging in relation to patterns of European Union migration by raising a critical issue with the concept of ethnicity, defined as a “collective group consciousness that imparts a sense of belonging derived from membership in a community bound putatively by common descent and culture” (pp. 2–3). Ireland's study finds that belonging is context specific, rather than derived from common descent. This finding implies that there is by definition no readily available general policy applicable to one type of immigrants, say, Turks or Moroccans across all EU member states. Instead, each country's possibilities for integration differ. To Ireland, ethnicity “is not so much a category as a dynamic, elastic entity. Its value as a social, economic, and political resource varies; the appraisal depends considerably on institutions and policies.” (pp. 4–5). | [
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https://openalex.org/W3108761609 | Welfare and Migration: Unfulfilled Aspirations to “Have Rights” in the South- Moroccan Todgha Valley | [
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"Morocco"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3108761609 | This paper examines how migration is influenced by changing ideas about welfare provisions and how communities envision the role of the state as welfare provider. It does so through a case study of the Todgha Valley, an oasis in South Morocco where, after 60 years of migration history, a culture of migration emerged. The paper explores the meso- and macrolevel political and cultural transformations that shaped the valley’s welfare-related cultural repertoires and explain the changing ways in which welfare provisions drive migration over time in a particular place. To probe such transformations, the paper combines three theoretical components: Inglehart’s postmaterialism theory, the social transformations framework, and Zelinsky’s mobility transition theory. The paper draws on a literature review, empirical qualitative and quantitative data collected over 22 years, and secondary data. It shows that the meaning of migration has changed over time and is currently understood as a possible remedy to persistently unfulfilled aspirations to have rights. The paper contributes to debates on the links between welfare and migration in two ways. First, it broadens the scope of analysis of welfare as a driver of migration. Second, it highlights how migration feedbacks and changes in welfare policies shape perceptions and expectations of how much the state should provide. Migration tends to be a more individualistic and longer-term project than in the past, and intrinsic aspirations to access social rights have become more explicit. The paper also shows that once cultures of migration emerge, they are not fixed even if they persist; the underlying forces sustaining migration aspirations might shift with other social transformations and more cyclical changes. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2129951807 | ‘Lost solidarity’ or ‘changed solidarity’: a comparative European view of normative family solidarity | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2129951807 | This paper discusses filial norms, personal preferences for care, and policy opinions about the proper role of the family and the welfare state in elder care, by drawing from a comparative study of urban populations in Norway, England, Germany, Spain and Israel. Support for filial norms has a north-south dimension in Europe, and is highest in Spain and Israel and lowest – but still substantial – in Norway, England and Germany. National differences in preferences and policy opinions are more substantial, and more or less congruent with national family and social policy traditions. Filial solidarity is, however, not incompatible with generous welfare state arrangements, nor do filial obligations necessarily imply that the family is seen as the ‘natural’ care provider. In fact, many in the countries with the highest scores for filial responsibility still find the welfare state to be the main source of care provision. Normative familism is correlated with expressed familism in individuals' preferences and in policy opinions, but the correlations are weak, implying that while filial solidarity may be resilient, as circumstances alter its expressions change. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2016310527 | Perceived threat and exclusionary attitudes towards foreign workers in Israel | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2016310527 | The present article focuses on determinants of attitudes towards granting social rights to overseas labour migrants in Israeli society. The analysis is based on a national representative sample of the adult population in Israel. The findings reveal that a substantial number of respondents (both Jews and Arabs) oppose granting equal social rights (i.e. education, welfare, health, housing) to foreign workers. These attitudes can partially be explained as resulting from perceived threat to social and economic well-being of individuals as well as threat to national identity and Jewish character of the state. Part of the exclusionary attitudes that cannot be attributed to threats, are explained by individuals’ socio-economic characteristics, ethnicity and political orientation. The findings are discussed within the context of Israel as an ethno-national state. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2126237092 | Welfare states do not crowd out the family: evidence for mixed responsibility from comparative analyses | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2126237092 | This paper discusses the informal and formal provision of help and support to older people from a comparative welfare state perspective, with particular reference to the relationships between inter-generational family help and welfare state support. While the ‘substitution’ hypothesis states that the generous provision of welfare state services in support of older people ‘crowds out’ family help, the ‘encouragement’ hypothesis predicts a stimulation of family help, and the ‘mixed responsibility’ hypothesis predicts a combination of family and formal help and support. The paper reports findings from the Old Age and Autonomy: The Role of Service Systems and Inter-generational Family Solidarity (OASIS) research project. This created a unique age-stratified sample of 6,106 people aged 25–102 years from the urban populations of Norway, England, Germany, Spain and Israel. The analyses show that the total quantity of help received by older people is greater in welfare states with a strong infrastructure of formal services. Moreover, when measures of the social structure, support preferences and familial opportunity structures were controlled, no evidence of a substantial ‘crowding out’ of family help was found. The results support the hypothesis of ‘mixed responsibility’, and suggest that in societies with well-developed service infrastructures, help from families and welfare state services act accumulatively, but that in familistic welfare regimes, similar combinations do not occur. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2117510917 | The impact of wealth on subjective well-being: A comparison of three welfare-state regimes | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2117510917 | This paper provides new insights into the association between economic standing and subjective well-being (SWB) among aging individuals in three industrialized countries: Germany, Israel, and Sweden. Specifically, we compare the effects of wealth, in line with the growing consensus that wealth is an important determinant of economic standing alongside income, on SWB across three welfare-state regimes: conservative (Germany), liberal (Israel), and social-democratic (Sweden). Drawing on needs theory, we hypothesize that individuals of poor wealth would report lower levels of SWB in all countries. We expect, however, the association between poor wealth and SWB to be stronger in the liberal system (Israel) and weaker in the conservative system (Germany) with the weakest effect found in the social-democratic system (Sweden) due to differences in the extent of social benefits each welfare-state regime provides its residents. To test our hypotheses, we utilize data from the Survey of Health, Aging and Retirement in Europe (SHARE1). Results indicate that income and wealth explain a greater part of the variance in SWB when taken together. We find a ‘poor penalty’ on SWB in Germany and Israel while in Sweden wealth has no impact on SWB. Finally, when controlling for subjective economic hardship (needs), the negative effect of poor wealth on SWB disappears in Germany, but maintains significance in Israel, suggesting that needs theory alone cannot explain the poor penalty in Israel. In conclusion, our findings suggest that the welfare-state has an impact on the wealth–SWB relation and that the mechanisms that underlie this relation operate differently in Germany and Israel. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2096233744 | Work-family policies and the effects of children on women's employment hours and wages | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2096233744 | Welfare state generosity around work-family policies appears to have somewhat contradictory effects, at least for some measures of gender equality. Work-family policies, in encouraging higher levels of women's labor market participation, may have also contributed to lower wage-levels for women relative to men, for instance. We consider the relationship between particular work-family policies and mothers’ employment outcomes. Analyses use data on employed women aged 25–45 from the Luxembourg Income Study for 21 countries across Eastern and Western Europe, North America, Israel, and Australia. We estimate within each country differences in employment hours and wages for women based on their number of children. Then, we examine the association of estimated per child penalties in wage and employment hours with country-level data on leaves and childcare. Work-family policies are generally associated with positive employment outcomes for mothers, relative to childless women. Work-facilitating policies such as childcare for young children have decisively positive effects on mothers’ employment hours and wages. Work-reducing policies, such as parental leave, however, can have positive effects if the leaves are moderate in length, but tradeoffs if the leaves are long. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2075793003 | Critical Junctures, Labor Movements and the Development of Occupational Welfare in Israel | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2075793003 | The role of occupational welfare, and in particular that of occupational pensions, has gained growing attention in the study of welfare states in recent years. This article draws on a variety of primary and secondary data and two theoretical models, power resources and path dependency, in order to analyze the emergence of occupational welfare in the Israeli welfare state. In particular, it explores the notion of "critical junctures" and their role in path dependent policies. The article seeks to understand why the role of occupational welfare in Israel is so formidable and to examine the implications of this. Its focus is upon the crucial role that the labor movement played in the formation of this system during a critical juncture in the evolution of the Israeli welfare state. During the 1950s, the Israeli labor movement brought about the establishment of an extensive system of occupational welfare and a social security system for the elderly based primarily upon low universal state benefits and generous voluntary occupational benefits. The legacy of these systems is still very prevalent in the contemporary welfare state and has marked implications both for spending on social spending and the welfare of the elderly. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2113655560 | Betwixt and between the market and the state: Israeli students’ welfare attitudes in comparative perspective | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2113655560 | Analysing comparable samples of students from the Cross‐Cultural Variations in Distributive Justice Perception (CVDJP) project, we explore the multidimensionality of attitudes towards the welfare state in Israel compared with countries from liberal and social‐democratic welfare regimes (the USA, Canada‐Ontario, Sweden, Norway and The Netherlands). We derive six different attitudinal dimensions that constitute two distinct sets of opposing welfare ideological frames. The first set, market‐based ideology, entails three coexisting criteria: individualism, internal attribution of inequality, and work ethic. The second set, welfare‐statist ideology, entails three additional coexisting criteria: egalitarian redistribution, external attribution of inequality, and broad scope of welfare. Along with structural similarities, we find considerable variation in levels of aggregate attitudes across the different types of welfare regimes. Israeli respondents stand out because of their strongly ambivalent welfare attitudes. While scoring higher than respondents from the liberal regimes on market‐based measures, they paradoxically record similarly high scores (comparable to social‐democratic regimes) on state‐based measures. On one criterion – attribution of inequality to external causes – Israeli respondents even score higher than respondents from both liberal and social‐democratic regimes. We consider potential explanations for this ambivalence and suggest possible directions for further research. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1608570238 | Regulating-for-Welfare: A Comparative Study of “Regulatory Welfare Regimes” in the Israeli, British, and Swedish Electricity Sectors | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1608570238 | The regulatory state and the welfare state are two institutions that are central to the analysis of the characteristics of capitalist democracies. The regulatory state is seen as focused on market failures and trust-busting, while the welfare state is said to shield citizens from the negative redistributive effects and externalities of the market. This article explores the relations and boundaries between the welfare state and the regulatory state in the electricity sectors in the United Kingdom, Sweden, and Israel. It demonstrates the emergence of social policy within the context of liberalized, privatized, and (de)regulated electricity sectors. This article finds that the boundaries between the regulatory state and the welfare state are blurred in Israel and the United Kingdom but not in Sweden. These findings may imply a connection between the welfare state and the regulatory state, suggesting that a strong welfare state is needed in order to maintain regulation-for-competition. | [
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