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https://openalex.org/W3005873124 | The Geopolitical Origins of the Crimean War (1853-1856) and the Secret Russian-Iranian Negotiations | [
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"Iran"
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3005873124 | The Crimean War of 1853-1856 is regarded as one of the bloodiest wars in the history of XIX century. Many authors dedicated their research for studying the military and political backgrounds of the Crimean War. It is notable that according to the Western (mainly, the British) historical tradition, as well as to the Soviet historiography, based on the Marxist ideology, the only person who was solely responsible for the origin of the Crimean War was the Russian Emperor Nicolai I. Nevertheless, as it becomes clear from the short analyses of the political situation in Europe in the prewar period, the clash of geopolitical interests of the leading European Empires, including France, and Ottoman Empire from one side, with the Russian Empire from another, eventually laid down the grounds for war. For the purpose to guarantee safety on the Russian-Iranian border and at the same time to avoid rendering any possible military support to Ottoman Empire by Qajar Iran, Russia offered the Iranian authorities to conclude a military alliance. The Russian-Iranian diplomatic negotiations, started in May 1853, led to the signing in Tehran, in September 1854 of the secret “Convention of Neutrality”, according to which Iran declared the non-interference policy in the Crimean War. As a reward for the signing of that convention Russia promised Iran not to recover the last payment of the known contribution, equal to a half million tumans, which Iran had to pay to Russia. Keywords: The Crimean War of 1853-1856, the Status of the Black Sea, the Straits of Bosphorus and Dardanelles, the Paris Treaty of 1856, the Russian-Iranian Secret Negotiations in 1853-1854, the Iranian Convention of Neutrality of 1854. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2272144060 | Versailles Peace Conference and Iranian Irredentist Claims: The Case of Trans-Araxes Regions | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2272144060 | By finishing World War I, and on the eve of Versailles peace conference, some countries, such as Iran which despite their formal declaration of neutrality, suffered a compulsory occupation by both the Ententes and the Central Powers, were hopeful to claim their own litigations and demands in this conference. Prince Nosrat-o Dowleh-ye Firouz, an Iranian prominent political figure of that time who was in charge of Iran’s office of foreign affairs, illustrates the Iranian irredentist claims and demands comprehensively as a dispatch note in this conference. Among those, there were in particular some articles called for a legal restoration of trans-Araxes Iranian lands which Qajar dynasty at the beginning of 19th century had lost to Russia. However, Lord Curzon, the English foreign secretary of that time did not agree with this policy. This paper aims to give a brief survey of Iran’s foreign policy during this historical situation and present its results. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4297317431 | The Anglo-Iranian oil crisis revisited: <i>Iran</i>’s rejection of the World Bank intervention and the 1953 coup | [
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"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4297317431 | The 1953 coup in Iran was not inevitable. It would not have happened if at least two opportunities had been seized to settle the Anglo-Iranian oil dispute. The first was the World Bank proposal of February 1952 to act as a neutral intermediary between the two sides by running Iran’s oil industry for 2 years on a non-profit basis. It was accepted by Britain but rejected by Iran, because it insisted on the Bank acting solely on its behalf, a condition which would have compromised the Bank’s neutrality, and would not have been accepted by Britain. Deprived of its oil revenues, Iran ended up printing money, which eventually led to the dissolution of the parliament, playing right into the hands of the coup makers. The second opportunity arose a year later when Britain and America proposed to refer the case to the International Court’s arbitration. Iran rejected this proposal as well, leaving the two Western powers to implement their coup a few months later. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4385479566 | From Culture Wars to a World War | [] | [
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"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4385479566 | In 1941, Iran watched its neutrality violated as Allied forces launched an amphibious attack on its borders. The invasion was described as a justified and necessary incursion on a country accused of harboring a German fifth column and of accommodating a small community of Italian and Japanese nationals. The offensive also proved the most efficient way of opening and controlling supply lines to the Soviet Union. America also deployed a large contingent of troops and several advisers. While Iran remained a hub of espionage during the war, the impact of the occupation had a serious impact on the daily lives of Iranians, who grappled with food shortages, imposing foreign soldiers in their communities, and a typhus epidemic. Iran emerged as a relatively small, but vital, player in the international conflict. However, it suffered tremendously, as the war generated domestic instability and unrest. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2246100566 | Shadows from a distant war | [
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"Iran",
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2246100566 | Australia's commitment to the United Nations Iran–Iraq Military Observer Group (uniimog) between 1988 and 1990 gave a small number of Australian officers a vicarious experience of the 20th century's longest conventional war, the Iran–Iraq War. In a century of long and savage wars, it was also one of the most brutal, bloody, expensive and pointless of conflicts. Yet unlike the two world wars, the Korean War and the other Cold War conflicts, the Iran–Iraq War had little direct effect on Australia. Indeed throughout the eight years of the war – 1980–88 – the Australian Government attempted to steer a diplomatic course of ‘strict neutrality’ and even-handedness, despite its major allies, the United States and Britain, tilting towards Iraq. This is not to suggest that Australia remained silent about perceived breaches of international conventions by either side, but the distant war was not a major focus of Australian diplomatic or military activity. Yet even before the last Australian observers departed from Iran in December 1990, Australia had deployed naval ships to the region, and within months was involved in the 1991 Gulf War. Australian naval vessels were to remain in the region (with short breaks) for the next two decades, while Australian forces went on to serve in the 2003 Iraq War and beyond. It is important therefore to understand how and why the Iran–Iraq War occurred, what happened during its course, and how the Australian Government responded. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3116777568 | The Position of Jimmy Carter's Administration about Iraq-Iran war in 1980 A Historical and Political Research | [
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"Iran",
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3116777568 | Following the demise of the Shah regime, Saddam Hussein capitalized on the deteriorating situation of Iran to attack the country in a bid to achieve a set of goals. He never thought that the war would last eight years. Before Iraq kicked off the conflict, Saddam and other Iraqi leaders had apparently gathered with American officials in Jordan. It is highly likely that Saddam declared war on Iran with the consent of the USA, though both sides categorically have rejected such accusations. Saddam seized the fallout of Iran-US relations to introduce himself as the guard protecting America's interests. Even if the US was not responsible for the ignition of the war, it liked it as Iran at the time had American hostages behind its bars, a crisis which emerged in November 1979. In the meantime, the new Iran emerged to portrait itself as a major foe of the US. Though Jimmy Carter chose neutrality amidst the conflict, it asked for an immediate pause. The equation, however, turned up side down soon after Washington started to assist Iraq. One indication is that, two months before the war started, Baghdad and the US had decided to normalize ties, but announcing it was delayed as the war had been looming in order to avoid miscalculations from other sides.
 Through the war, the US wanted to destroy the infrastructure of both sides in order to cripple them from emerging as two powerful regional states. Through third parties, Washington was selling arms to both sides. The US had even warned Iran of Iraq's military attack plan. The age of Carter's age came to an end shortly after the war began when he lost the elections to Ronald Reagan and that a new administration took office in January 1981. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3204656855 | Problems of Iran’s relations with the leading world Powers in the initial period of the Second World War (1939–1941) | [
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"Iran"
] | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3204656855 | The article examines the complex relations between Iran and the leading world powers at the initial stage of the Second World War. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that Iran’s foreign policy is considered in the context of active diplomatic maneuvers of the Reza Shah government aimed at distancing itself from the belligerent powers and preserving Iran’s neutrality. The novelty of the research consists in studying the features of the foreign policy actions of the government of the Ira, which allow us to reveal the reasons for the formation of conflict relations with Great Britain and the USSR in the initial period of the war. It is established that despite the predominant military-political rivalry at the beginning of the war between Germany and Great Britain, the Iranian authorities were afraid of an invasion of the country by Anglo-Soviet troops. At the same time, it is emphasized that such a danger was real, given the active underground activities of Nazi agents in this country directed against the USSR, as well as the growth of pro-German sentiments in the Iranian government. These circumstances caused the desire of the USSR leadership to secure the southern borders of the country; In turn, the government of Great Britain set a goal to prevent Nazi Germany from implementing its long-term plans to invade the territories of the Near and Middle East controlled by the British, as well as British India. As a result of the conducted research, it is concluded that the entry of Anglo-Soviet troops into the territory of Iran was the logical consequence of the failed foreign policy actions of the Shah’s government aimed at further rapprochement with Nazi Germany, with the expectation that after its victory over the Soviet Union, Iran will be able to expand its borders at the expense of the border territories of the Soviet Transcaucasia. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4254773135 | <i>Re</i> Judge N. Mangård | [] | [
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{
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] | [
"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4254773135 | Disputes — Arbitration — In general — Appointment and withdrawal of arbitrators — Challenge to appointment — Alleged lack of neutrality — Claim by State party unilaterally to disqualify arbitrator — Rights of State party to arbitration agreement unilaterally to disqualify arbitrator — Whether constituting a challenge under challenge procedure of UNCITRAL Rules — Iran–United States Claims Tribunal — Jurisdiction | [
{
"display_name": "International Law Reports",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210230597",
"type": "journal"
}
] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4254863127 | <i>Re</i> Judge N. Mangård | [] | [
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{
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{
"display_name": "Quantum mechanics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C62520636"
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] | [
"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4254863127 | Treaties — Interpretation — Consideration. of preparatory work — Evidence provided by proposal which is rejected — United Nations Conference on International Trade Law — Arbitration Rules 582 Arbitration — In general — Appointment of arbitrators — Challenge to appointment — Alleged lack of neutrality — Claim by State party unilaterally to disqualify arbitrator — Power of person appointed to determine challenge — Iran-United States Claims Tribunal | [
{
"display_name": "International Law Reports",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210230597",
"type": "journal"
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3039638602 | Testing the Long-Run Neutrality of Money In Stock Market of Iran | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Mohammad Reza Monjazeb",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5048052941"
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{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Meysam Rafei",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5057635612"
},
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Maryam Ahmadi",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5075636406"
}
] | [
{
"display_name": "Money supply",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779971977"
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{
"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
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{
"display_name": "Stock market",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780299701"
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{
"display_name": "Stock market index",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C88389905"
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{
"display_name": "Monetary economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C556758197"
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{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
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{
"display_name": "Stock (firearms)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C204036174"
},
{
"display_name": "Money market",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C23952128"
},
{
"display_name": "Stock exchange",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C200870193"
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{
"display_name": "Order (exchange)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C182306322"
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{
"display_name": "Financial economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C106159729"
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{
"display_name": "Monetary policy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C126285488"
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{
"display_name": "Finance",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C10138342"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C78519656"
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C111472728"
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{
"display_name": "Horse",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780762169"
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{
"display_name": "Biology",
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{
"display_name": "Engineering",
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] | [
"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3039638602 | In recent years, the role of stock market in the economy of Iran is growing. Therefore, it is important to recognize the factors affecting to this market. Changes in the money supply can be one of this factors, so this study investigates long run neutrality of money in the stock market of Iran. In this regard, quarterly data of monetary aggregates M1, M2 and the real stock indexes that is total index, industrial index and financial index has been employed in this study over the period ranging from the second quarter of 2001 to the second quarter of 2015. In this paper the order of integration of the series for money supply and real stock indexes has been identified by using Hegy test. The Fisher-Seater (FS) methodology has been used to test the neutrality of money in this research. The empirical results indicate that permanent changes in money supply (defined as M1) don’t affect the real stock indexes. Similar results were also obtained for money defined as M2. In general, the results support that money is neutral in the stock market of Iran | [
{
"display_name": "Quarterly Journal of Applied Theories of Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S2738794185",
"type": "journal"
}
] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4253138486 | Iran will tolerate Iraqi neutrality efforts | [] | [
{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
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{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
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{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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] | [
"Iran",
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4253138486 | Headline IRAQ/IRAN: Tehran will tolerate Baghdad’s ‘neutrality’ | [
{
"display_name": "Emerald expert briefings",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210217702",
"type": "journal"
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2037762672 | IRAN IN DIE INTERNASIONALE MAGSTRYD | [
{
"affiliations": [
{
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"display_name": "South Africa Development Fund",
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"type": "nonprofit"
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],
"display_name": "Marlène Gerber",
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C138921699"
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C6303427"
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C95457728"
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Quantum mechanics",
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{
"display_name": "Computer science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
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] | [
"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2037762672 | Iran, once the state which, in the midst of political turmoil and military conflict among its Arab neighbours, enjoyed an era of unprecedented economic prosperity and social stability under the administration of the Shah - was suddenly plunged in 1978 into a cultural crisis whose central theme was the common Islamic faith of otherwise diverse groups with disparate political and ideological aspirations. The Iranian revolution, however, was never a merely regional affair, although it started against the background of purely local political issues. The Persian state, in point of fact, became the focal point of centrifugal power struggle between the superpowers, which had already spread to the entire geopolitical area of the Persian Gulf. Meanwhile, it is apparent that the revolution in Iran has left a power vacuum in the region – the country had previously enjoyed close military ties with the US and has played an important security role for the West in acting as a bulwark against Communist domination of the region. With the Islamic state now wavering between a policy of uncommitted neutrality and closer association with the Arabic world, it is possible that continuing internal unrest will lead to the vacillating Bazargan Government giving way to the demands of Communist pressure groups, which enjoy significant support in the workforce of the manufacturing and oil industries. | [
{
"display_name": "Scientia Militaria: South African Journal of Military Studies",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S2764690424",
"type": "journal"
}
] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2159497510 | Comparative Study of Attorney's Intervention in Pre-Trial Stage and Its Influence on Fair Judgment in Iran and the United States of America | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "naser ghasemi",
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},
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Sirous Zarghami",
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},
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Mohammad Reza Mahmoodi",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5069002330"
}
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
"display_name": "Criminal justice",
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C10138342"
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{
"display_name": "Psychiatry",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C118552586"
}
] | [
"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2159497510 | In the legal system of Iran and United States of America Attorney possesses the most important position in the Criminal Procedure. This position in Iran and United States of Americaplays a key role in the pre-trial stage. Legal system in the United States of America is called “common law”, and Criminal Procedure in this system is “adversarial”. The court does not exist in this system. Iran's legal system which is almost similar to the French system, has the court body. Despite this difference, in the two criminal justice systems, there are similarities within the pre-trial arrangements (Yousefi, 2011). Therefore, in this study, the influence ofattorney’s intervention in pre-trial stage, on three elements of the most important principles of a fair trial, including the principle of neutrality, equality of arms, not giving judicative role to a pursued person have been reviewed. Finally, it was found that attorney's intervention in the preliminary investigation can have negative effects on the principles of fair trial. | [
{
"display_name": "European Online Journal of Natural and Social Sciences",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S2764998707",
"type": "journal"
}
] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4295165734 | "Keep It under Wraps": The Arms Deals of the Austrian State Industry and the Noricum Scandal | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Thomas Riegler",
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{
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"display_name": "Dona Geyer",
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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] | [
"Iran",
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4295165734 | The so-called Noricum scandal deeply unsettled the political system of the Austrian Second Republic between 1985 and 1993. So far, this case has not been the subject of historical research with the exception of journalistic or political science accounts. The affair was caused by illegal arms deals with Iran and Iraq, at a time when these countries were fighting against one another in the Iran-Iraq War (1980–88). The arms shipments were conducted by the Noricum Maschinenbau und Handel Gesellschaft m.b.H, a subsidiary firm of the Vereinigte Österreichische Eisen- und Stahlwerke-Alpine Montan AG (VOEST-Alpine AG), the heavyweight of Austrian nationalized industries. The sales encompassed 353 long-range howitzers (GHN-45), ammunition, and supplies. The deals constituted a clear violation of Austrian arms export laws, which forbade the sale of arms to belligerent states. After the affair gradually became public, political and criminal responsibility was clarified during several trials. This contribution explores the subject in regard to the overall context of postindustrial change in the 1970s and 1980s. The Noricum affair is interpreted as a continuation of problematic Austrian arms exports to Latin America and the Middle East. Furthermore, the circumstances of Austrian neutrality and the arms exports laws are highlighted, as well as the political-judicial consequences. | [
{
"display_name": "German yearbook of contemporary history",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210191186",
"type": "journal"
}
] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2920822774 | Testing for Neutrality and Super-neutrality of Money: Evidence from Iran’s Agricultural Sector | [
{
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{
"country": "Iran",
"display_name": "University of Tabriz",
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"display_name": "Esmaeil Pishbahar",
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{
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{
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],
"display_name": "Zahra Rasouli",
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] | [
{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C182306322"
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C145162277"
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{
"display_name": "Finance",
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{
"display_name": "Philosophy",
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},
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C111472728"
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] | [
"Iran"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W1545524728",
"https://openalex.org/W2003443077",
"https://openalex.org/W2009128829",
"https://openalex.org/W2025085163",
"https://openalex.org/W2039413482",
"https://openalex.org/W2087096517",
"https://openalex.org/W2090766058",
"https://openalex.org/W2137404364",
"https://openalex.org/W3123455712",
"https://openalex.org/W3123954714"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2920822774 | This study uses the Fisher–Seater (FS) approach to test long-run neutralityLong-run neutrality (LRN) and long-run super-neutrality of moneyLong-run super-neutrality of money (LRSN) in Iran. The data used is quarterly real and nominal GDPNominal GDP , real and nominal agricultural productReal and nominal agricultural product , and M2 for 1988–2008. The data was collected from the Central Bank of IranCentral Bank of Iran . To formulate LRN and LRSN and to extract the restrictions required by them, the study first introduces the long-run derivative. FS assumes a log-linear bivariate system of the stationary and invertible ARIMA models. To use the FS approach, the integration order of variables should be known. Hence, the study uses different unit root tests (DF-GLS, ADF, KPSS, and HEGY). In addition, it also does the Zivot-Andrews testZivot-Andrews test , which includes a structural breakStructural break in the data. The results show that M2 is neutral with respect to real GDP and real agricultural output. However, for nominal agricultural output, neutrality of M2 is rejected. The neutrality results for the nominal GDP vary depending on the unit root test’s results. The findings indicate that the super-neutrality of M2 is confirmed with respect to real GDP. | [
{
"display_name": "Perspectives on development in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210201780",
"type": "book series"
}
] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2417346538 | International Telecommunication Companies Versus Iranian Internet User An assessment of network neutrality | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Tahereh Miremadi",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5089907858"
}
] | [
{
"display_name": "Net neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C539553027"
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{
"display_name": "The Internet",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C110875604"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
},
{
"display_name": "Business",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144133560"
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{
"display_name": "Action (physics)",
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C116537"
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{
"display_name": "Internet service provider",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2986707884"
},
{
"display_name": "Internet privacy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C108827166"
},
{
"display_name": "Service (business)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780378061"
},
{
"display_name": "Public relations",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C39549134"
},
{
"display_name": "Telecommunications",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C76155785"
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{
"display_name": "Marketing",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162853370"
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{
"display_name": "Law and economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C190253527"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
},
{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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{
"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
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{
"display_name": "Computer science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
},
{
"display_name": "World Wide Web",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C136764020"
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{
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2417346538 | This paper aims to probe the nature of possible responses to the actions taken by certain foreign companies to unilaterally terminate their services to the Iranian public and private Internet service providers. The paper examines specifically the procedural aspects of the issue and concludes that due to the lack of the biased nature of relationship between sysops and Internet users and the absence of an effective international body, it is highly unlikely that any legal action could bring about desired results. The paper, in the end, suggests some other non legal strategies as topics for the future research. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3126955863 | “The Mukri Kurds” by O. L. Vilchevsky: What and Why Has Been Deleted Before Publication? | [
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"https://openalex.org/W4252023489",
"https://openalex.org/W4253462824"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3126955863 | The article deals with the problem of political influence on scholarship. It analyses the existing versions of an ethnographic essay by Oleg Vilchevsky, a prominent Soviet Orientalist. Alongside a published version the ethnographic essay “The Mukri Kurds” — an author’s typescript, “Mukri Kurdistan,” has been found in the Scientific Archive of Peter the Great Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography (the Kunstkamera) of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The first materials for this essay were collected by Vilchevsky during his journey to Iran in 1942 as he prepared a military-political description of the Kurdish regions. Before publication, the state-controlled structures removed or made the author remove from the essay a number of important thematic blocks, e. g., on interconfessional relations in Mukri Kurdistan of Iran (focusing on Mahabad), descriptions of various meetings Vilchevsky held with Kurdish activists. The paper analyses the content of this scholarly study and the problems related to the publication of the essay in the context of Vilchevsky’s participation as a Soviet military officer in the implementation of the Soviet Middle Eastern policies in 1942–1954. The author of the essay “The Mukri Kurds” apparently strived to maintain scholarly neutrality yet the facts and argumentation contained in the different variants of this study were consistently reviewed and added or omitted depending on the existing political situation. The paper raises the question about the subjectivity or autonomy of a scholar serving a government — something effectively dismissed and neglected in the work of Edward Said on the relationship between politics and scholarship in the field of Middle Eastern studies. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3175149088 | Derived International Responsibility the governments supporting Iraqi Ba'ath Regime in the imposed war against Iran | [
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"Iran",
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3175149088 | In principle, every country should be represented solely responsible for their wrongful acts are, however, in international law as well as civil rights, assistance and cooperation in the wrongful act of another country would be responsible for a country to have. Among the most important obligations of the State towards armed conflict, protection of neutrality and non-interference in their affairs. Derivative liability that it may be interpreted theory of collaboration and shared responsibility, Means the country where the act of wrongful country cooperate with him and in every way possible underlying offense facilitate, from the perspective of international law would be the responsibility. It should be acknowledged during the war, not only Iraqi Ba'ath Regime, but also a number of countries in the wrongful act of aggression against Iran that helped. The partnership includes the recruitment and deployment to a hostile nations, warring nations with military training, giving different weapons, opening borders, delegate part of its territory for the construction of military bases, Cash and in-kind contributions, including credit, technical and technological cooperation and assistance, including intelligence gathering news and information for the benefit of one of the warring nations (Iraqi Ba'ath Regime) and to the detriment of another country (Iran) All applicable international assistance in wrongful act and responsibility for repairing damage caused by it will bring. So it should be stated that the countries supporting Iraqi Ba'ath Regime in accordance with certain principles and rules of international law and documents available, Held responsible and will be bound to compensate for damages caused by their wrongful acts. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W162651087 | Uzbekistan: raising the status of public associations in society’s political life | [
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"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W162651087 | 138 T omy may help to promote the trend further. At the same time, the partially lifted ban on access to information will contribute to strengthening civil society and extend the competitive sphere in the country’s political expanse. Ashghabad is unlikely to abandon its neutrality: it is needed in the context of the fairly complicated interrelations among Russia, America, and Iran in the region. It looks as though the country will drift toward China and the SCO in a couple of years and later toward the EurAsEC and CSTO. On the whole, the situation remains suspended: the ruling elite might change its configuration to a great extent; the same applies to domestic policy, while the country’s foreign policy leaves too little room for maneuver. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W564544619 | PERMANENT PROTECTION FOR MERCHANT SHIPS | [
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"display_name": "Chibuzo S. A. Ogbuagu",
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"Iran",
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W564544619 | Between 1981 and 1988, more than 540 merchant vessels were attacked in the Persian Gulf by Iran and Iraq. The attacks are only a part of the overall picture of criminal and political acts of violence, worldwide, against shipping and marine structures, including raids on North Sea platforms and piracy off the West African and Indonesian Coasts. The author offers his observations on how such acts can be limited, if not altogether stopped. Proposed solutions upon which he comments have called for merchant ships to be fitted with defensive and offensive weaponry or, alternatively, for them to be escorted by national navies or a multinational force. The author regards both proposals as unsuitable. He feels that the answer lies in a means of protection that derives from universally accepted principles of neutrality or innocence. He stresses the need for there to be an international shipping body, shipping court, ship register and flag. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2768861595 | Neutrality of the Regulated Price Shock on Price Indices When All Primary Factors’ Endowments Are Adjusted | [
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"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2768861595 | The regulated price policy may be implemented for some products. It is generally implemented for some products such as electricity, natural gas, water and so on that are supplied as monopolist. The regulated price shock on these products may lead to an adjustment in the endowments of primary factors. The aim of this paper is to investigate the effects of a regulated price shock on price indices when all primary production factors adjust their endowment with respect to a price shock. To this end, in addition to a mathematical approach, the matter is demonstrated practically for Iran’s economy through an extended Standard Leontief Price (SLP) model. The Input-Output table of Iran for the year 2001 is employed as the database of the research. The result of the research indicates that in a similar case, the regulated price shock is neutral and has no benefit for the monopolists who brought it up. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3024089125 | ‘Personal Effects’ | [
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"https://openalex.org/W128107805",
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https://openalex.org/W2945629050 | The Reality of Dependence | [
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"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2945629050 | This chapter and the one that follows demonstrate how and why Britain’s strategy of energy independence failed. The initial threat came from anticolonial nationalism, initially in Iran and then in Mexico. Britain weathered both crises but emerged with a false sense of security. The second and most challenging threat came from the fascist states, particularly Italy following the Abyssinian crisis of 1935–6. Although Italian hostility would jeopardize Britain’s plan to achieve energy independence by exploiting the Middle East, British officials paid little or no attention to the Italian threat to their energy lifelines when considering whether to support League of Nations sanctions against Italy for its aggression against Abyssinia. Compounding the Italian problem was U.S. isolationism via the Neutrality Acts, which complicated British logistics by forcing Britain to import oil from the United States on British tankers and pay for it using scarce foreign exchange. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2611055233 | Challenging the Stereotype of Political Neutrality: The Representation of Parsi Community in Selected Fictional Works | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C121332964"
},
{
"display_name": "Quantum mechanics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C62520636"
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] | [
"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2611055233 | Throughout the monsoon there'll beBrave fisher folk battling the seaDefying each stormTo take a catch homeThey're a part ofthe rhythm ofthe sea.- Pestonji (2003)South Asia is marked by a great variety and diversity of ethnic groups, languages, and cultures. This plural culture has been under threat from the homogenizing pressures of the nation-state. And in any of the strife for identity assertion, there are always a few groups or the marginalized other which remain ostentatiously neutral. But often the role of the other is eliminated or downsized in the striving for power politics during the aftermath, especially whilst computing the loss occurred.This paper seeks to probe into the role and representation of the other, namely, the minority community, in the important political events of the nation like the Babri Masjid issue and the consequent Hindu-Muslim riots in Mumbai. The argument we would like to put forth here is, how despite the political projected in many of the trauma narratives of the nation, this neutrality has often become a conduit for negotiating with the hegemonic groups and rescuing the victims of terror.To begin with, we would discuss as to why the Parsis are designated as the marginal other in the social reality of India as well as why they have occupied the neutral slot of non-alliance and noninterference. Later in the paper, we attempt to probe as to how this usage of neutrality forges new bonds and solidarities as well as relinquishes old ties. An attempt has been made to outline the different ways in which the traumatic past has been remembered and represented in literature by two prominent writers, namely, Rohinton Mistry and Meher Pestonji.The word Parsi is derived from the word Pars, a province in southern Iran. Being a Parsi means being a follower of Zarathustra who preached one of the world's first monolithic religions. According to him, there is only one God, Ahura Mazda, Lord of Life and Wisdom, who is to be grasped in purest essence and vision. Zarathustra was against bloody sacrifices and senseless killing of cattle-the most precious possession of the tribesmen-and was also against drunkenness and filthy practices of black magic and sorcerers of his time. The history of the Parsis in India goes back to 785 CE or 600 BCE. After the fall of the Persian Empire, the Parsis fled Iran to escape the religious and economic oppression of their Arab conquerors. They landed on the western coast of the kingdom of Sanjan. Details of the arrival and settlement in Sanjan are given in Kaikobad Sanjana's foundational text Kissah-e-Sanjan written in Persian in 1600 CE. Apart from this, details of the arrival of the Parsis are also recorded in Rivayats or the religious tracts written during the period 1478-1766. Jhadhav Rana, the then ruler of Sanjan, after initial hesitation, overcome by their wittiness, gave them the permission to settle down in Sanjan on acceptance of certain terms and conditions. As a part of their vow to Jhadhav Rana, the Parsis gave up arms, the Persian language, and Iranian costumes.Historically, these promises, which have been self-imposed conditions, were a means of self-protection and self-definition. Along with it came the vow to assimilate peacefully into the existing culture, give up arms, and noninterference in the political matters concerning the state and its affairs. And till date, they have been able to keep, to a very large extent, their promises made to the then ruler of Sanjan. The Parsis, though very discreet, have been instrumental in many of the societal contributions that the Indian nation could ever have.The community has to its credit acclaimed writers like Behramji Malabari, Keki N Daruwalla, Rohinton Mistry, Bapsi Sidhwa, Meher Pestonji, Cyrus Mistry, Boman Desai, Dina Mehta, Firdaus Kanga, Ardashir Vakil, Gieve Patel, Farrukh Dhondy, Thrity Umrigar, and so on. … | [
{
"display_name": "IUP Journal of English Studies",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S2764995381",
"type": "journal"
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4293207262 | Արցախյան հակամարտության ընկալումն ԻԻՀ ներքին խոսույթում՝ քառօրյայից մինչև քառասունչորսօրյա պատերազմ (2016-2020 թթ.) | [
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"display_name": "Ահարոն Վարդանյան",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5002878278"
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{
"display_name": "Mediation",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C179420905"
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{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
"display_name": "Internal security",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779948991"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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{
"display_name": "Christian ministry",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C521751864"
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{
"display_name": "Internal conflict",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C13367683"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C138232368"
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{
"display_name": "Security policy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C154908896"
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Computer science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
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{
"display_name": "Computer security",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C38652104"
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{
"display_name": "Quantum mechanics",
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] | [
"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4293207262 | The examination of the views, analysis, and positions in the internal discourse of the IRI on the Artsakh conflict is important from the point of view of understanding the logic forming this country's approaches to the conflict. The approaches of policy-making institutions and various political parties are reflected in internal discourse through the views of individuals associated with them and through the main media resources. During the military operations in 2016, the elements of a "positive approach" to the Artsakh Republic prevailed in Iran’s internal discourse. These days, the Iranian discourse is also more homogeneous in terms of its approaches to the conflict. In terms of the opinions expressed and the publications made during the war in 2020, the differences in the approaches of the decision-making institutions were quite noticeable. Particularly, the Foreign Ministry was promoting a policy of "active neutrality" and "mediation" when in parallel the military power structures (especially ICRC) were more focused on activities aimed at security targets. The article discusses the above-mentioned peculiarities both in the context of the dynamics of changing the perception of the Artsakh conflict in the internal discourse, as well as in the context of its place in IRI's foreign policy and IRI-Armenia relations. | [
{
"display_name": "Armenia-Iran Historical past and present",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4387282825",
"type": "journal"
}
] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2735679407 | Russia’s policy on the Syria crisis: sources and implications | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Ekaterina Stepanova",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5014007416"
}
] | [
{
"display_name": "Middle East",
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
"display_name": "Political economy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138921699"
},
{
"display_name": "Leverage (statistics)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C153083717"
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{
"display_name": "Development economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C47768531"
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{
"display_name": "Ideology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C158071213"
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{
"display_name": "Economy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C136264566"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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{
"display_name": "Sociology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
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{
"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
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{
"display_name": "Machine learning",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C119857082"
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{
"display_name": "Computer science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
}
] | [
"Iran",
"Iraq",
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2735679407 | It may be hard to believe it now, but just a year ago Russia found itself enjoying a rather positive and balanced standing in the Middle East. This image could be traced despite, or thanks to, Russia’s reduced involvement and limited interest in the Middle East for much of the post-Soviet period. It was contrasted with the policies of the key external actors, particularly the two flawed US-led interventions in, and ignominious retreat from, Iraq and Afghanistan, and the 2011 ouster of the US main Arab ally outside the Gulf – the Mubarak regime. Against this background, Russia’s relatively low profile and its post-Soviet lack of ideological pressure, combined with historical record of support to the Arab countries and its remaining influence in the UN, until recently tended to affect its image in the Middle East in a rather positive way. It may be precisely the lack of major strategic interest or leverage that allowed Russia the luxury of relative neutrality – between Iran and the Arab Gulf states, the Sunni and the Shia, secular forces (such as Fatah) and reformist Islamists (such as Hamas), and even, to an extent, between the Arab world and Israel. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4294612883 | Britain's Position on Military and Logistical Arms Sales to Iraq during the First Year of the Iran-Iraq War 1980-1981 | [] | [
{
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{
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{
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] | [
"Iran",
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4294612883 | The position of the British government on the Iraqi-Iranian war 1980-1988, especially at its beginning, was of particular importance in drawing the lines of its various relations with the Iraqi government, which at the beginning of the war was in a race against time to provide weapons, ammunition and military equipment from the major industrial countries and their companies in this area. In view of Britain adopting a neutral stance towards the war, this is difficult from the position of the two sides. The British military industrial establishment and its companies were not able to obtain the possible economic benefit from Iraqi offers nor obtain huge deals to buy British weapons. This made Iraqi Ministry of Defense officials press in the negotiations for the signing of many deals with the British military industrial establishment, whether with the British Ministry of Defense or with British non-governmental companies. Despite that, there were many deals that took place between the Iraqi Ministry of Defense and the British government and British companies, as the economic and political factors and pressure groups from within Britain had a major role in concluding many of the deals. Here it appears clearly how serious the British government is in adopting a policy of neutrality towards the war, especially as the economic factors controlled its decision. In addition, the Iraqi Ministry of Defense is largely credited with breaking many obstacles in order to benefit from high-quality British military products compared to their French and European counterparts in general. | [
{
"display_name": "Journal of Humanity Sciences",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S2765048355",
"type": "journal"
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|
https://openalex.org/W31261593 | انگليس و انقلاب مشروطه | [
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"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "منصور بنکداریان",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5048331915"
}
] | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
"display_name": "Foreign policy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C93377909"
},
{
"display_name": "Economic history",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C6303427"
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{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
},
{
"display_name": "Ancient history",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C195244886"
},
{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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{
"display_name": "History",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C95457728"
},
{
"display_name": "Politics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
}
] | [
"Iran",
"Persia"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W31261593 | By the turn of the twentieth-century, Great Britain's apprehension over Germany's rising global ambitions resulted in an important shift in British imperial policy, especially vis-a-vis Russia. Traditional British fear of Russian designs in India and the continuation of the Great Game over influence in Central Asia gave way to a desire to form warm relations with Russia in order to counter Germany. One arena in which this transformation had noticeable consequences was Persia.
The 1905 Constitution Revolution in Persia was opposed by Russia and the Russian delegation increased its transparent support for the anti-revolutionary camp when Muhammad Ali Shah gained the throne in 1907. British acquiescence to Russia's continuing meddling in Persian affairs was contrary to its long-standing strategy and was vociferously attacked by groups both outside and inside Britain. British Foreign Secretary Grey, however, remained steadfast in his quest to avoid antagonizing a potential ally against Germany and his efforts culminated in the famous 1907 Anglo-Russian Convention. This agreement formalized Anglo-Russian cooperation and provided for a Russian zone of influence in the north of Iran, a British zone of influence in the south, and a narrow band of neutrality in the middle. Though 1918 saw a successful royalist coup d'etat, Revolutionary forces were able to take back the capital and force the abdication of Mohammad-Ali Shah on July 14, 1909. The legacy of the change in British foreign policy remained, however, with Russian military presence in the north continuing unabated. | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S4306536334",
"type": "journal"
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|
https://openalex.org/W4296418073 | 400.1: The “Global Kidney Exchange” Proposal Is Impractical And Not Financially Neutral | [
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{
"country": "United States",
"display_name": "University of Southern California",
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"display_name": "Alexander Morgan Capron",
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C126322002"
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] | [
"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4296418073 | This paper argues that, notwithstanding some recent claims by moral philosophers, the proposed Global Kidney Exchange (GKE) should be rejected as impractical and not ethical, as it does not accord with the principles of intergovernmental bodies (such as the World Health Organization) and professional societies (such as The Transplantation Society and the Declaration of Istanbul), and would violate national laws that forbid organ trafficking and that require financial neutrality in organ donation. Under the proposal, a kidney patient in a high-income country (HIC) who is biologically incompatible with his or her donor would be matched with a prospective donor from a low/medium-income country (LMIC) who is willing to donate to a patient there who cannot get a transplant for lack of the necessary funding or facilities. The GKE would bring the LMIC pair to the HIC, coordinate the two transplant operations (LMIC donor to HIC recipient and vice versa), and fund a US$50,000 escrow account for follow-up care of the LMIC pair, including the recipient’s post-transplant immunosuppression. A normal “kidney swap” meets ethical and legal requirements because only organs are exchanged, whereas in the GKE an LMIC patient who can supply a donor who meets the GKE’s requirements will receive not only a kidney but substantial financial benefits. Since the exchange is not financially neutral, the Council of Europe has rejected the GKE as a form of “organ trafficking” and an exploitation of financial inequality.In response, recent defenders of the GKE have made several arguments. First among these is the claim that saving recipients’ lives outweighs all the objections raised to the program. This proves too much, as it would justify all organ sales (including from poorer to richer countries) if lives are saved. Nor can the GKE be defended on grounds of autonomy, when the terms are entirely set by the GKE; the preferences of the LMIC donor, who might prefer something else in exchange—perhaps something that might make the commercial nature of the transaction more apparent—are ignored. Besides being unethical, the proposal is impractical. Some patients from LMICs will respond to the possibility of an organ transplant by recruiting paid donors and disguising them as an altruistic friend or relative, a ruse that experience shows transplant programs in HIC often fail to detect. Moreover, the assumption that financial inducements will yield a net increase in organs is contradicted by experience: donation rates are much higher in countries such as Spain and the US than in countries where payments occur such as Iran and Saudi Arabia.Finally, the GKE does not provide, as the philosophers claim, “an eminently fair solution” to the inequities that face LMIC patients, who would be better served if HIC organizations helped LMICs develop appropriate programs to prevent and treat kidney failure, including deceased donor programs. | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S11564597",
"type": "journal"
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4283361501 | Planning, operation, and trading mechanisms of transactive energy systems in the context of carbon neutrality | [
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"display_name": "Sahban W. Alnaser",
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4283361501 | In the context of carbon neutrality, the penetration ratio of renewable energy, flexible load, energy storage, and interactive equipment have been increasing, and the boundary between traditional energy producers and consumers has been getting more blurred. A new type of energy system, namely the transactive energy system (TES), has emerged. The TES uses the value (price) as a guide for market participants in optimizing decisions, realizing centralized/distributed coordination of large-scale energy systems, and developing these systems to improve energy efficiency, thus, reducing carbon emissions and improving the economy. However, the deep coupling between energy trading and physical energy flow complicates the planning, operation optimization, trading, and interaction of traditional energy systems. Based on the abovementioned background, this special issue, which focuses on the planning, operation, and trading mechanism of TES, has received considerable attention from the research community. The four papers selected for publication in this issue are briefly introduced below. In the article “Towards transactive energy: An analysis of information-related practical issues”, Chen et al. classified existing transactive energy market mechanisms according to the potential market structure and communication networks. Three potential practical problems related to information were proposed: asynchronous computing, real reporting, and privacy protection. Each practical problem was analyzed in detail through investigation and related research. Distributed algorithms for constrained optimizations, such as flexible and asynchronous alternating direction method of multipliers (ADMM), can help solve the problem of asynchronous computing. Mechanism design methods based on the principal-agent framework and Myerson's Lemma can provide some insights into the issue of real reporting. Two main approaches to addressing the challenge of privacy protection are homomorphic encryption and differential privacy. Based on these findings, several potential research directions were proposed to provide some insights for future research. In the article ‘Optimization of transactive energy systems with demand response: A cyber-physical-social system perspective’, Han et al. focused on the distribution system and analyzed the challenges of TES in optimal operation of demand response (DR) in the context of cyber-physical-social system. An optimized framework of TES, which integrates artificial systems, computational experiments, and parallel energy optimization for DR modelling, was proposed. A data-driven artificial DR system was constructed based on limited data. A complete information on the Stackelberg game model that describes the relationship between distribution network operators and an artificial DR system was established to simulate the response relationship between distribution network operators and power users under different price incentives. In parallel energy optimization, a multi-time scale energy optimization method with day-ahead and intraday optimizations was proposed. The proposed method can reduce the cost for distribution network operators and users and promote renewable energy consumption. In the article “Tuning of renewable energy bids based on energy risk management: Enhanced microgrids with pareto-optimal profits for the utility and prosumers”, Mohan et al. constructed a microgrid energy portfolio based on the TES. Considering the large amount of renewable energy access and the interaction between energy and financial risks in TES, the portfolio was based on the adjustment of financial and energy risks and had a reasonable trade-off between utility and consumer profits. Based on the relative energy risk level quantified by the conditional value-at-risk, the authors pre-adjusted, and prioritized the bidding prices of wind and solar energy. Non-dominated sorting particle swarm optimization was used to simultaneously optimize the conflicting profits of utilities and consumers to obtain the risk-adjusted price Pareto optimal energy portfolio. Power companies can predict real-time net power balance cost from the dispatching time range using this method to mitigate the adverse impact of renewable energy uncertainty on collective welfare. The microgrid energy portfolio obtained using this method is more realistic, welfare optimized, and cost-effective. In the article ‘Comparative study on distributed generation trading mechanisms in the UK and China’, Yao et al. discussed the trade mechanism of distributed generation (DG) in the context of TES through a comparative analysis between China and the UK. The policies and arrangements of DG trade in the UK and China, including market structure, connection classification, economic benefits, and practical problems, were comprehensively reviewed. The political, economic, social, and technical characteristics of the mechanisms of the two countries were qualitatively determined and compared based on strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats using the framework of the SWOT-PEST model. The authors made a quantitative comparison between the trade arrangements of the UK and China, analyzed the economic benefits, and revealed the impact. Based on a comparative analysis, a direction for developing and perfecting the DG trading mechanism was proposed. Both UK and China, as well as other countries, can learn from their practical experiences. The guest editors would like to thank all authors and reviewers for their excellent contributions to this special issue of Energy Conversion and Economics. The editors-in-chief and editorial office of the Energy Conversion and Economics are also recognized for their support throughout the editorial process. Dan Wang (M'15–SM'21) received his M.Sc. degree in electrical engineering from Hohai University, China in 2006 and his Ph.D. degree from Tianjin University, China in 2009. He worked as a postdoctoral fellow at the Institute for Integrated Energy Systems (IESVic), University of Victoria, Canada. He is currently an associate professor at the Department of Electrical Engineering, Tianjin University, China. His research interests include integrated energy systems, smart power distribution systems, distributed energy systems, and microgrids. He was a highly cited scholar in China in 2021, IEEE PES Outstanding Young Talent in 2021, and silver medalist in the 2022 Geneva International Exhibition of Inventions. He won the 2019 China Top 100 most influential domestic academic paper awards. Four of his articles won the top paper (F5000) award of China's top quality scientific and technological journals. He is an editorial board member of the Protection and Control of Modern Power Systems and a young editorial board member of the Electric Power Construction. Yue Zhou received his B.Sc., M.Sc., and Ph.D. degrees in electrical engineering from Tianjin University, China in 2011, 2016, and 2016, respectively. He is a lecturer in Cyber Physical Systems at the School of Engineering, Cardiff University, Wales, UK. His research interests include demand response, peer-to-peer energy trading, and cyber-physical systems. Dr. Zhou is a managing editor of Applied Energy and an associate editor of IET Energy Systems Integration, IET Renewable Power Generation, and Frontiers in Energy Research. He is the chair of the CIGRE UK Next Generation Network (NGN) Committee. He is also a committee member of the IEEE PES UK and Ireland Chapters. Nian Liu (S'06–M'11) received his B.Sc. and M.Sc. degrees in electrical engineering from Xiangtan University, Hunan, China in 2003 and 2006, respectively, and his Ph.D. degree in electrical engineering from North China Electric Power University, Beijing, China in 2009. He is currently a professor and the vice dean of the School of Electrical and Electronic Engineering, North China Electric Power University. He is the director of the Research Section for Multi-information Fusion and Integrated Energy System Optimization of the State Key Laboratory of Alternate Electrical Power Systems with Renewable Energy Sources. He is a member of the Standardization Committee of Power Supply and Consumption in the Power Industry of China. He was recognized by Elsevier as a highly cited Chinese researcher in 2020. He was a visiting research fellow at the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology University (RMIT), Melbourne, Australia from 2015 to 2016. His main research interests include multienergy system integration, microgrids, cyber-physical energy systems, and renewable energy integration. He has authored or co-authored more than 180 journal and conference publications, and has been granted more than 20 patents in China. He is an editor of IEEE Transactions on Smart Grid, IEEE Transactions on Sustainable Energy, IEEE Power Engineering Letters, and the Journal of Modern Power Systems and Clean Energy (MPCE). Meysam Qadrdan is an EPSRC-UKRI Innovation fellow and a reader (associate professor) in Energy Networks and Systems at Cardiff University. Prior to joining Cardiff as a lecturer in January 2015, he spent one year at Imperial College and two years at Cardiff University as a research associate. He obtained his Ph.D. from Cardiff University, UK in 2012, M.Sc. in Energy Systems Engineering from Sharif University of Technology, Iran in 2008, and B.Sc. in Physics from Ferdowsi University, Iran in 2005. He also worked as an energy consultant for two years prior to pursuing a Ph.D. degree in Cardiff. His research area covers the expansion and operational planning of interdependent energy networks at different scales, from the community to the national level. He developed modelling tools to investigate: (i) cross-sectoral flexibility to support the operation of low-carbon power systems, (ii) interactions between gas, electricity, and heat supply systems, (iii) expansion planning of energy infrastructure under uncertainty, and (iv) whole-system impacts of heat decarbonization pathways. He is an associate editor of the IET Energy Systems Integration Journal. Rohit Bhakar (SM, IEEE) received a B.E. degree in electrical engineering from M.B.M. Engineering College, Jodhpur, an M.Tech. degree in power system engineering from Malaviya National Institute of Technology, Jaipur, and a Ph.D. degree from Indian Institute of Technology, Roorkee. He currently holds a joint appointment as an associate professor of the Department of Electrical Engineering and the Centre for Energy and Environment at the Malaviya National Institute of Technology, Jaipur. His research interests include electricity markets, system operations, energy system planning, renewable forecasting, system flexibility, risk management, local energy market, cyber security, and uncertainty modelling. Sahban Alnaser received his Ph.D. degree in electrical energy and power systems from the University of Manchester, UK in 2015. Currently, he is an assistant professor of the Power System at the Department of Electrical Engineering, University of Jordan. Prior to joining the University of Jordan, he was a research associate at the University of Manchester focusing on network integration of PV and storage. Between 2005 and 2011, he worked at the Electricity Distribution Company (EDCO), Jordan, as the head of the Power System Studies. His main research interests include grid integration of renewable energy sources, demand response, and energy storage systems. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2090925858 | Revising the indexing hypothesis: Officials, media, and the Libya crisis | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2090925858 | This study revises the indexing hypothesis by specifying its predictions and testing them on a single event, the U.S.‐Libya crisis of 1985–1986. We consider not only whether journalists use “official debate” to guide their coverage of important policy issues, but also how they might construct and interpret this debate. Detailed content analysis of the New York Times demonstrates that, while indexing is a valuable theory in assessing media treatment of foreign policy, it needs further refinement. Different interpretations of indexing, particularly a proportional versus a parametric standard, predict very different results. Journalism norms such as objectivity and event‐centered reporting may support or counteract indexing. Journalists appear to seek out foreign sources to provide opinions contrary to the dominant policy position, and they marginalize some U.S. elite voices while overemphasizing others. This may be a sign of media autonomy, or of the relative power of sources over both policy outcomes and public debate. The ability of some elites to introduce policy options and shape debate needs to be considered, as does the effect of the physical placement of arguments in the news text. These findings also suggest the need to reconsider what features constitute an independent press and effective public debate. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2595137441 | The sea as humanitarian space: Non-governmental Search and Rescue dilemmas on the Central Mediterranean migratory route | [
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"Libya"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2595137441 | Abstract In 2016 only, more than 5000 migrants lost their lives while attempting to cross the Mediterranean. To mitigate this humanitarian emergency, ten different non-governmental organisations (NGOs) started conducting Search and Rescue (SAR) operations offshore Libya. While operating at sea ostensibly provides humanitarian relief organisations with the possibility to work free of political interference, non-governmental SAR entails operational and ethical dilemmas, forcing NGOs to accept uneasy compromises on the principles of neutrality, impartiality and independence that underlie humanitarian action. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1971908835 | Reaching a vanishing point? Reflections on the future of neutrality norms in Sweden and Finland | [
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https://openalex.org/W2937944584 | The Location of Truth: Bodies and Voices in the Italian Asylum Procedure | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2937944584 | Abstract This article analyzes the role increasingly played by oral testimony in asylum procedures in the years 2011–2013, when the “Arab spring” and the war on Libya caused a sudden increase in the number of migrants entering Italy, as well as a peak in rejections. Drawing from ethnographic cases, I suggest that in Italy this shift was based on assumptions about the scientific objectivity and neutrality of interviewing and translation techniques. I argue that such assumptions fall apart under scrutiny by revealing all assessment techniques (both of written evidence and oral testimony) as spaces of contestation. Furthermore, I suggest that they conceal the sharp hardening of European asylum politics under supposedly neutral technicalities. At times of a perceived “refugee crisis,” the mere assessment of the oral narrative allowed for easier and speedier rejections. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2810632994 | ‘Positive Neutrality’: Revisiting Libyan Support of the Provisional IRA in the 1980s | [
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"Libya"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2810632994 | The Provisional IRA’s campaign against the British state in Northern Ireland (1969–1998) attracted a wide range of attention from the Third World, especially from the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. Under the leadership of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi, the Libyan government sent enormous supplies of weapons to the Provisional IRA in the middle of the 1980s. This article examines the events surrounding the Libyan government’s support of the Provisional IRA and assesses its long-term impact on both the republican movement and the conflict itself. The changing power dynamic within the republican movement and the consequent ascendance of Sinn Fein in the late 1980s and early 1990s proved vital to the burgeoning peace process that followed. The injection of Libyan weapons into Northern Ireland was a crucial part of those developments. By focusing on Libya’s role in this particular phase of the conflict, this article emphasises its transformational consequences and argues that the Libyan dimension must be considered integral in order to properly assess the critical changes that occurred in Northern Ireland in the late 1980s and early 1990s. | [
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https://openalex.org/W388256507 | Principles of neutrality and impartiality of humanitarian action in the aftermath of the 2011 Libyan conflict | [
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"Libya",
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W388256507 | Have the principles of neutrality and impartiality of humanitarian action become a myth, a dead concept emptied of its contents due to the reality of modern asymmetrical armed conflicts? This chapter considers the events of the Libyan civil war of 2011 against the legal backdrop of international humanitarian law (IHL) to argue that although these two principles have been placed under severe strain in Libya, any reports of their death would nonetheless be greatly exaggerated. Although the trend of their weakening that has been observed in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan has in some ways continued, they still constitute, in law and in practice, the guiding principles of humanitarian action. The analysis provided in this chapter is divided into three main parts. Part I provides the legal framework applicable to the provision of humanitarian action during the Libyan conflict from the perspective of IHL. Part II analyses how principles of neutrality and impartiality of humanitarian action have been respected by the quantitative and qualitative nature of aid provided in Libya by external actors. Part III analyses to what extent the conflict posed a challenge to neutrality and impartiality with respect to agents of humanitarian action, contrasting the different problems faced by humanitarian agencies on the one hand and multi-purpose actors on the other. The conclusion draws lessons to be learned from the analysis presented and supports on its basis the central claim of this chapter that the two principles, even if badly battered during the war, are still alive and kicking. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3135885024 | United to rescue? Humanitarian role conceptions and NGO–NGO interactions in the Mediterranean Sea | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3135885024 | The large number of asylum seekers dying off the coast of Libya has turned the Southern Mediterranean Sea into a new humanitarian space, prompting 11 non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to launch maritime Search and Rescue (SAR) operations between 2014 and 2017. These NGOs engaged in a complex web of interactions, ranging from rare instances of hostility, competition and mistrust to coordination, cooperation and integration. Drawing on role theory, I argue that organisational role conceptions are key to shaping NGO–NGO interactions. The humanitarian principles of neutrality, impartiality and independence serve as action scripts that inform NGOs’ role in the humanitarian space. Sea rescue NGOs have upheld different interpretations of humanitarian principles, developing supportive, neutral, or confrontational approaches vis-à-vis European governments’ border control policies. By leveraging content analysis and semi-structured interviews, I show that organisations with matching role conceptions have engaged in tighter forms of cooperation; charities with divergent role conceptions, by contrast, have shown a tendency to develop mistrust and engage in more competitive interactions. These frictions inhibited NGOs from forming a united front vis-à-vis policy restrictions and criminalisation, hindering the legitimacy and viability of non-governmental sea rescue. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3109861431 | Neutrality and Shelter Seeking: The Case of Malta | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3109861431 | Historically, the Maltese were long accustomed to devising their foreign policy based on what they could offer others economically. This chapter, alternatively, demonstrates how the Nationalist Party believed that Malta could harness international institutions to liberate herself from the confines of a strategic calculus dependent upon the capricious needs of external actors. Hence, this chapter focuses predominantly on the strategies pursued by Maltese Prime Minister Edward Fenech Adami between 1987 and 2004 in order to see Malta formally accede to the European Union (EU). In order to safeguard the independent autonomy of the small state, pooling sovereignty would enable Malta to seek shelter within the EU, with access to markets as a lasting guarantor of economic security and access to a security community that would be more reliable than bilateral arrangements with Libya and Italy. Acceding to the EU meant more than simply the enjoining of an international institution: in material terms, it meant a lasting solution to the ‘survivalism’ challenge faced by the newly independent nation. This Western-oriented approach was dogged by the countervailing actions of the Labour Party, which did not want to risk compromising Malta’s neutrality. However, Malta ultimately acceded in 2004 and gained access to the markets, finances, and infrastructural assistance that would allow her to develop in another ecosystem, without the fear of ever succumbing once more to a foreign entity. In return, she played an invaluable role in the 2011 Libya crisis, demonstrating how a small state may be neutral but not neutralised in the maintenance of international security. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2797797348 | Sweden, military intervention and the loss of memory | [
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"Libya"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2797797348 | Within the space of roughly two decades, Sweden has changed from a neutral country to one that is currently engaged in a range of activities and practices that are far removed from the definition of neutrality. Its engagement with NATO, contribution of forces to Kosovo, Afghanistan and Libya, and its role as a leading framework nation in the emergent EU Battle Groups suggest at first glance the shifting demands of global security practices. The rationale of the move away from traditional state-centric security, however, obscures a more complex picture. In this chapter, we investigate specific aspects of these changes in relation to Swedish security policy, specifically robust forms of military intervention. We argue that rather than reflecting global security practices, deeper endogenous processes are at work. Significantly, such engagements are part of disembedding norms around neutrality and revising public and elite memory of Sweden as a neutral state. By focusing on identity and memory, we posit that Sweden’s current military engagements are concerned with rewriting identity and with a view to making new memories (or a ‘memory bank’) of wartime experiences. This has played a crucial part in not only justifying and naturalizing specific practices and actions, but also reconstituting identity in the process. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3131002150 | Interdependency and Economic (Ir)rationality: West German-Libyan Petro-relations in ‘Crisis’ | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4236700159 | Significance The 'NOC east' conference aims to discuss "legally signed agreements and contracts". This is the latest attempt by the eastern government to circumvent the Tripoli-based National Oil Corporation (NOC) and the Central Bank of Libya, which have both maintained neutrality in the conflict between the two parliaments, the Tripoli-based General National Congress (GNC) and the HoR. Impacts The central bank and Tripoli NOC will be the safest partner for companies while both institutions maintain their policies of neutrality. The HoR is unlikely to be able to enforce its threats of expropriation or forced divestiture on companies operating from western terminals. Companies operating from eastern terminals will face greater political risk and pressure from the HOR. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4233277533 | Sweden, military intervention and the loss of memory | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4233277533 | Within the space of roughly two decades, Sweden has changed from a neutral country to one that is currently engaged in a range of activities and practices that are far removed from the definition of neutrality. Its engagement with NATO, contribution of forces to Kosovo, Afghanistan and Libya, and its role as a leading framework nation in the emergent EU Battle Groups suggest at first glance the shifting demands of global security practices. The rationale of the move away from traditional state-centric security, however, obscures a more complex picture. In this chapter, we investigate specific aspects of these changes in relation to Swedish security policy, specifically robust forms of military intervention. We argue that rather than reflecting global security practices, deeper endogenous processes are at work. Significantly, such engagements are part of disembedding norms around neutrality and revising public and elite memory of Sweden as a neutral state. By focusing on identity and memory, we posit that Sweden’s current military engagements are concerned with rewriting identity and with a view to making new memories (or a ‘memory bank’) of wartime experiences. This has played a crucial part in not only justifying and naturalizing specific practices and actions, but also reconstituting identity in the process. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2917732712 | Republic in Peril: American Empire and the Liberal Tradition | [
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"Libya"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2795200832 | The history of the Italian diplomatic struggle for recognition of the Italian control over the Dodecanese Islands during the period of Italian neutrality during the First world war is considered. The archipelago, captured by Italy during the Libyan war of 1911-1912, was of great strategic importance as a natural centre for establishing a sphere of influence in the Eastern Mediterranean. Italy de facto refused to implement the provisions of international treaties providing for the evacuation of Italian occupation forces from the archipelago. The article proves that during the First world war, especially during the period of Italian neutrality (1914-1915), each of the opposing sides - the Entente (France, Great Britain, Russia) and the Central powers (Germany and Austria-Hungary) - sought Italy’s entry into the war on their side, using the issue of the Dodecanese Islands to strengthen Italy’s interest in participating in the war. At the same time, Greece, which the great powers also sought to bring to participate in the war, also sought to establish its own control over the Islands of the archipelago. In a situation where Germany and Austria-Hungary could not oppose the interests of their ally - the Ottoman Empire, for France and Britain the decisive question was which country they were more interested in attracting to participate in the war - Italy or Greece. As a result, Italy chose to go to war on the side of the Entente, because the territorial concessions offered by the Entente countries to Italy were much more significant than the proposals of Germany and Austria-Hungary. The Dodecanese Islands remained a bargaining chip in the great diplomatic game. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2036553838 | Testing the hypothesis of long‐run money neutrality in the Middle East | [
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"Egypt",
"Morocco"
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"https://openalex.org/W3124759295",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2036553838 | Purpose The purpose of this paper is to test the hypothesis of long‐run money neutrality for Egypt, Jordan and Morocco using seasonal cointegration techniques. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses seasonal integration and cointegration techniques to test the neutrality of money hypothesis for three Middle Eastern economies, using quarterly data on money, prices and real income. The benefit of using this technique lies in its ability to distinguish between cointegration at different frequencies. Findings The empirical results show that money is cointegrated with prices, but not with output at the zero frequency for Egypt, Jordan and Morocco. This suggests that money affects nominal but not real variables in the long run, implying that money is neutral in these three Middle Eastern economies. Practical implications The implication of this finding for policy analysis suggests that the anti‐inflationary policy prescription espoused by the monetarist school should be followed in these three Middle Eastern countries, in order to curb inflation. Originality/value The paper provides further evidence in support of money neutrality using an unconventional approach for three developing Middle Eastern economies. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2123817814 | Third-party intervention in intergroup reconciliation: The role of neutrality and common identity with the other conflict party | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2123817814 | Third parties, particularly if neutral, have been found to promote instrumental conflict resolution. Using the needs-based model’s theoretical framework, we investigated whether third parties can also promote socioemotional reconciliation. Study 1 ( N = 124) revealed that in the context of fraud between universities, conciliatory messages from either the other conflict party or a third party sharing common identity with it increased group members’ willingness to reconcile more than equivalent messages from a neutral third party. Replicating and extending this pattern, Study 2 ( N = 177) exposed Israeli Jewish participants to texts which reminded them of historical transgressions conducted by Palestinians or against them. We found that compared to a control condition, messages supposedly conveyed by either Palestinians or Jordanians, but not by the UN, increased Israeli Jews’ willingness to reconcile with Palestinians. These effects were mediated by the extent to which the official conveying these messages was perceived as representing the other conflict party. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2025451525 | Eigenvalue neutrality in block triangular matrices | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2025451525 | Let A ∊ Mn B ∊ Mm and λ ∊ C be given. We say that X ∊ Mn,m is λ-neutral for A and B if the Jordan structure of associated with λ is the same as that of We characterize λ-neutrality in terms of the bilinear form of X evaluated at elements of left Jordan chains of A and elements of right Jordan chains of B. This may be applied to convergence of powers of C. Other related matters are also discussed. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2070484487 | Covering the world‐class downtown: Seattle's local media and the politics of urban redevelopment | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2070484487 | Abstract Local disputes over land use and urban development generate some of the most heated struggles in American politics. Yet the role of local media organizations in covering debates over urban development has been woefully understudied by media scholars. To address this soft spot in the critical media literature, this article offers an investigation of how the local press covered a particularly bitter debate over one urban redevelopment proposal in Seattle during the mid‐1990s. Drawing on Hallin, who predicts that reporters will abandon professional codes of neutrality and balance when they perceive the political field to be unified around a single position, an examination of sourcing patterns in the Seattle case suggests that local reporters cover debates over urban development from a spurious assumption of “consensus”—an assumption that privileges the voices of downtown business leaders and pro‐development public officials. A concluding section offers suggestions for future investigation into the intersection of local media and urban development politics, drawing particularly on Bourdieu's notion of “symbolic capital” to explore how such presumptions of consensus are cultivated, maintained, and contested within the local public sphere. Notes Timothy A. Gibson is Assistant Professor in the Communication Department at George Mason University. Correspondence to: Communication Department, Mail Stop 3D6, George Mason University, Fairfax, VA 22030‐4444, U.S. Email: [email protected]. A previous version of this article was presented at the 2003 Annual Meeting of the Eastern Communication Association. The author would like to thank Richard Gruneau, Cindy Lont, the editors of CSMC, and the journal's anonymous reviewers for their feedback and support. An expanded version of this section (Case Description) was published first by the author in Gibson (2003). Keyword searches included: Westlake Park, Rhodes, Klutznick, Nordstrom, Downtown Seattle Association, Pine Street, Friends of Westlake Park, Aramburu, Daniel Norton, Peter Steinbrueck, John Fox, Jordan Brower, Seattle Displacement Coalition, and Frederick & Nelson. Rhodes and Klutznick were the primary developers of the project, while Aramburu, Norton, and Steinbrueck were the most prominent opponents of re‐opening Pine Street to traffic. John Fox and Jordan Brower are long‐time critics of publicly‐subsidized downtown development, and worked to derail the project prior to Nordstrom's demand to re‐open Pine to traffic. A chi‐square goodness‐of‐fit test confirmed that the differences between downtown business, public officials, advocacy/non‐profit, and academic/citizen sources were statistically significant (chi square=302.41, p<.01, df=3). The goodness‐of‐fit test assumed that one would expect an equal distribution of sources across the four categories. Four chi‐square goodness‐of‐fit tests confirmed that the differences between downtown business, public officials, advocacy/non‐profit, and academic/citizen sources were statistically significant in all eras of the debate except, importantly, Era 3 (election). The results were as follows. Era 1: chi square=295.58, p<.01, df=3; Era 2: chi square=52.54, p<.01, df=3; Era 3: chi square=3.03, p=ns, df=3; Era 4: chi square=61.19, p<.01, df=3. Again, the goodness‐of‐fit test assumed that one would expect an equal distribution of sources across the four categories. The administration was behind the Rhodes Project from the beginning, and pushed hard to have Pine Street opened (Downtown Task Force, personal communication, March 24, 1999). The city council voted 9‐0 in favor of the final agreement to publicly subsidize the Rhodes Project and voted 7‐2 to re‐open Pine Street to traffic (Erickson, Citation1995; Higgins, Citation1995b). There were also “official” sources waiting to be tapped as well, if reporters were willing to look beyond city hall. For example, federal housing officials in the Seattle office of the Department of Housing & Urban Development (HUD) were leery about using a HUD development loan to help developers purchase the vacant Frederick & Nelson building. This local resistance was overcome when Washington State Senator Patty Murray lobbied the national HUD office on behalf of the Rhodes Project and its supporters (Collins, Citation1995). Additional informationNotes on contributorsTimothy A. Gibson Footnote Timothy A. Gibson is Assistant Professor in the Communication Department at George Mason University. Correspondence to: Communication Department, Mail Stop 3D6, George Mason University, Fairfax, VA 22030‐4444, U.S. Email: [email protected]. A previous version of this article was presented at the 2003 Annual Meeting of the Eastern Communication Association. The author would like to thank Richard Gruneau, Cindy Lont, the editors of CSMC, and the journal's anonymous reviewers for their feedback and support. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2066611230 | Electric neutrality and the Jordan-Thiry scalar field | [
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"Jordan"
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"https://openalex.org/W2045279839"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2066611230 | Abstract We point out what is, in our opinion, a misunderstanding in the literature concerning the action of a Jordan-Thiry scalar field on electrically neutral large objects. This in turn raises the problem of what is meant by “test particle” as far as this field is concerned. We show that this raises a paradox related to the fact that the concept of overall electric neutrality regards only the electromagnetic field. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2144461640 | Budget Deficit and External Debt in Jordan: Causality and Co-Integration Analysis | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2144461640 | This paper examines the relationship between budget deficit and external public debt in Jordan during 1992–2012. After reviewing major fiscal and monetary developments, we test for stationarity and co-integration of budget deficit and external debt. In addition, we test for the existence and direction of causality between debt and deficit. The findings of this paper provide evidence of neutrality hypotheses suggesting that there is no causality running from budget deficit to external debt and there is no causality running the other way round. Co-integration test supports the absence of long-run relationship. Empirical findings also suggest that fiscal decision makers may disregard external debt when setting budget constrains including taxes and non-interest spending. They also imply that budget constraints must rely on more important factors other than external debt when drawing fiscal policies. These factors may include good governance, tax reforms and lowering government spending on certain economic activities that have little significance on total output. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4251535275 | Change and Decay | [] | [
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"Jordan"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4251535275 | Books reviewed: Tivey, Leonard (edited by Robert Hazell). Constitutional Futures: A History of the Next Ten Years Seyd, Ben (edited by Robert Blackburn and Raymond Plant). The Politics of the British Constitution; Constitutional Reform: The Labour Government's Constitutional Reform Agenda Klein, Rudolf (Bill Jordan). The New Politics of Welfare O'Brien, David (edited by Dick Leonard). Crosland and New Labour Parker, Noel (Maurice Keens‐Soper). Europe in the World: The Persistence of Power Politics Arnsel, Anja (Peter Gay). My German Question Archard, David (edited by Richard Bellamy and Martin Hollis). Pluralism and Liberal Neutrality Vosper, Susan Saunders (Robert Service). A History of Twentieth‐century Russia Garnett, Mark (Luisa Passerini). Europe in Love, Love in Europe: Imagination and Politics in Britain between the Wars Jenkinson, Sally L (Bruce Hoffman). Inside Terrorism | [
{
"display_name": "The Political Quarterly",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S12780936",
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https://openalex.org/W1989472562 | Gabriel García y Tassara and the American Civil War: A Spanish Perspective | [
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"display_name": "Kinley J. Brauer",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1989472562 | GABRIEL GARCIA Y TASSARA AND THE AMERICAN CIVIL WAR: A Spanish Perspective Kinley J. Brauer During the American Civil War, Spanish-American relations were remarkably harmonious. In June, 1861, the Spanish government issued its Proclamation of Neutrality, typically after England and France had issued theirs, and between 1861 and 1865, Spain never wavered in its official program of friendship with the government in Washington. By following England and France, the Spanish avoided the controversy over the "premature" recognition of Southern belligerency that embittered Anglo-American relations, and in adhering to a rigorous definition of neutrality, though not always satisfactory to the American government , Spain avoided a number of conflicts arising out of Confederate naval activities. With the exception of Spanish policies in Santo Domingo , the United States had relatively few complaints with Spain's course during the war years. Partly because there were no major crises in Spanish-American relations during the war and partly because Spain played a distinctlysecondary role in Europe's relations with the United States, little has been published in English on the relations between the two countries between 1861 and 1865. In addition to a short chapter in Donaldson Jordan and Edwin J. Pratt's study of Spanish "public opinion" in Europe and the American Civil War and a few articles based on American and British sources dealing with specific events, the only detailed considerations of Spanish-American relations in this period relate to the Spanish re-annexation of the Dominican Republic. Dexter Perkins has focused on the Spanish challenge to the Monroe Doctrine, and Charles Tansill and Rayford Logan have considered Spanish policies in their studies of the relations of the United States with the Dominican Republic and Haiti.1 Neither Ephraim D. Adams nor Lynn ' See Donaldson Jordan and Edwin J. Pratt, Europe and the American Civil War (Boston, 1931), pp. 245-56; Charles C. Hauch, "Attitudes of Foreign Governments Toward the Spanish Reoccupation of the Dominican Republic," Hispanic American Historical Review, XXVII (May, 1947), 247-68; Clifford L. Egan, "Friction in New Orleans: General Butler versus the Spanish Consul," Louisiana HLitory, IX (Winter, 1968), 43-52 and "A Note on Spanish-Peruvian Problems in American Diplomacy," Lincoln Herald, LXIX (Fall, 1967), 116-20; Barbara Donner, "Carl Schurz the Diplomat ," Wisconsin Magazine of Hiitory, XX (Mar., 1937), 291-309; Dexter Perkins, The Monroe Doctrine, 1826-1867 (Baltimore, 1933), pp. 253-317; Charles C. Tansill, The g CIVIL WAR HISTORY M. Case and Warren F. Spencer, in their definitive studies of AngloAmerican and Franco-American wartime relations, used Spanish materials or referred to Spain more than a few times; Glyndon G. Van Deusen mentions Spain twice in his biography of Seward.2 Yet, of these three Atlantic powers, Spain was as interested in American affairs, the most vulnerable to the United States, and at least equally concerned with the development and outcome of the American crisis. Spain's policy toward the United States during the Civil War was largely the product of indecision. Throughout the war, Leopoldo O'Donnell and his successors as Minister of State were buffeted by conflicting advice on how best to deal with the American situation, and Spain's coalition governments were comprised of individuals whose attitudes toward the United States, the Union and Confederate causes, and the portent of the American division covered a wide spectrum. Some advisors, such as Francisco Serrano y Domínguez, the captaingeneral of Cuba until 1863, urged active support for the slave South; others, such as Serrano's rival Juan Prim y Prats, expressed sympathy for the republican North. Some saw the LJnited States, divided or whole, as a continuing menace to Spain; others suggested that American power had been irreparably destroyed and even welcomed a SpanishAmerican war. Finally, there were a great many who vacillated between these extremes and regarded Spain's future role vis-a-vis the LJnited States with alternating moods of optimism and pessimism. Given the disparity of advice and evaluations received by the Spanish government, its logical program would have been to make no initiatives, to watch carefully the evolution of American affairs, and to adjust United States and Santo Domingo. 1798-1873: A Chapter in Caribbean Diplomacy (Baltimore... | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3093015453 | THE NEWS VALUES IN THE JORDANIAN PRESS: A CONTENT ANALYSIS OF AL RAI AND AL GHAD NEWSPAPERS | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C205649164"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C77805123"
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] | [
"Jordan"
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"https://openalex.org/W2144259309",
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"https://openalex.org/W2953681248",
"https://openalex.org/W3010651871",
"https://openalex.org/W4230930455"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3093015453 | Purpose: The study aims to identify the news values of the news published on the front pages of the Jordanian press. And also explore the news frameworks, trends, and the types of news that are published by the Jordanian press.
 Methodology: Data were collected by conducting à content analysis of the two major Jordanian newspapers namely Al Rai and Al Ghad.
 Main Findings: Results show that 64.3% of the contents of Al Rai newspaper reflects the attitudes of the individuals, coalitions and political parties of Jordan. On the contrary, only 35.7% of the content of Al Ghad newspaper reflects the same. The results further show that Al Ghad newspaper includes 60% of their news and reports on its front page compared to Al Rai’s 40%. Moreover, it is observed that Al Ghad newspaper enjoys more freedom with 60% neutrality in news publications than Al Rai newspaper which possesses 40% neutrality.
 Application of Study: The current study can help to realize the judgments that journalists make when they select news.
 Novelty/Originality: This examination attempts to investigate the most unmistakable news esteems on the front pages of Al Ghad and Al Rai papers just as recognize the contrasts between them as far as the kinds of the news, the sources, and the method for showing them. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2562034633 | Extent of Coordination and Cooperation between the Accounting Bureau and the Internal Auditors in the Jordanian Public Sector | [
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"Jordan"
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2562034633 | This study aimed at measuring extent of coordination and cooperation between Auditing Bureau and internal auditors in Jordanian public sector. The study prepared and developed a questionnaire to collect from population of study the Auditing Bureau. (114) questionnaires were distributed and among them (90) questionnaires were returned for statistical analysis. The study concluded that there is a coordination and cooperation between auditors of Bureau and internal auditors in Jordanian public sector which are based on commitment, communication, mutual understanding and trust. In addition, study showed that risks resulting from coordination and cooperation are unobserved ones. They might be due to fears of Bureau staff from some specific effects that may affect neutrality and fairness of auditing process. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3197609207 | THE NEAR AND DISTANT DISCOURSE TOWARDS DISASTERLE DISCOURS PROCHE ET LOINTAIN ENVERS LA CATASTROPHE | [
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"Jordan"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W1514476406",
"https://openalex.org/W1528113760",
"https://openalex.org/W2033773024",
"https://openalex.org/W2042440930",
"https://openalex.org/W2095738358",
"https://openalex.org/W2102998034",
"https://openalex.org/W2936817016"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3197609207 | : When it comes to talk about a disaster, it is not easy to maintain the objectivity and neutrality towards the event. Emotions can be very explicit, especially when the speaker is “related” to the people affected. “Related” with means kinship does not only mean being a member of one's family, but also of the same region, the same country, or even the same ethnic group. This research aims making a linguistic and discursive comparison between the discourse of two different cultures (Arab and Western) towards the catastrophe. We will take as an example, the disaster of the Jordanian school bus which was swept away by torrential rains in 2018 which caused the death of 20 people, mostly schoolchildren. We are going to do a discourse analysis of the texts which dealt with this catastrophe in the Western press on the one hand, and of the texts in the Arab press on the other hand | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S4220650839",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2923338499 | Legal principles of the rights of the tax holder in Jordanian and Egyptian law | [
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"Jordan",
"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2923338499 | Taxation and its assessment and collection procedures represent the sovereignty of the State over its population and its citizens, and the tax administration is the strongest party in the tax relationship with the taxpayer who is the weaker party, so a set of legal guarantees must be provided to ensure a kind of balance between the two sides of the relationship. Tax two: Tax administration on the one hand and tax-charged on the other. In this research, we discussed the legal principles of the rights of the tax taxpayer in Jordanian and Egyptian law, as a result of the presentation of these principles in five detectives, and at the end of the research we reached a series of conclusions and recommendations that we believe that the introduction will contribute to enhancing confidence in the relationship between the taxpayer and the administration Foremost among them is the introduction of a rule that is not prejudiced by stabbing and identifying travel bans and linking them to controls that prevent the use of this authority, as well as to ensure the neutrality of the committees of consideration with objections to tax estimation decisions. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3011998762 | THE LEGAL FRAMEWORK OF ARBITRATION IN FOREIGNINVESTMENT CONTRACTS AND ITS AUTONOMY | [
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"Jordan"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3011998762 | Arbitration is one of the most significant means of disputes settlement in general and the investment disputes particularly, because it is a strong guarantee to the contracting parties. It strengthens trade and investment relations and leads to increasing economic as well as commercial activity whether at local or international levels. Arbitration aimed at achieving fairness that is consistent with the nature of international trade. It has also become one of the most effective mechanisms in resolving disputes due to its most significant characteristics which are autonomy, neutrality, saving time and effort and its appropriateness to investment privacy which prompted most countries to include in their encouraging investment laws explicit provisions to accept the arbitration as a procedural means to resolve investment disputes. One of these States is Jordan which takes this procedure into its account to reassure the investor on his money because investors suppose that the judiciary in developing countries is not independent enough and most courts in these countries do not have enough knowledge of investment issues. Therefore, the investor is keen to manage the arbitration clause in the investment contracts. In response, the countries that attract the investment resorted to arbitration as a procedural guarantee to encourage foreign investments, including Jordan which realizes that any economic or investment growth must be accompanied by an evolution in the judicial organization, foremost of which is arbitration. This research has been divided into two major topics. The first topic: the nature of arbitration in foreign investment contracts, and in the second topic: the autonomy of the arbitration in foreign investments. The researcher has reached the conclusion that foreign investment is independent of other similar means in settling disputes in foreign investment contracts, despite its complex nature among economic and legal elements. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3039891363 | Legal, Social and Economical Grounds Leading to Challenge to Arbitrator in the Jordanian Arbitration Law NO.(31) a Year 2001 and Its Amendments a Year 2018 (Analytical Study) | [] | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C11413529"
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"Jordan"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3039891363 | In the arbitration law NO. (31) for a year 2001 and its new amendments for a year 2018 the Jordanian legislator didn’t give an adequate attention of challenge to arbitrator, it has generally studied , and this is contrary to the civil trails law which identified the grounds of the judge challenge and stepped him down in detail.Due to my believing in the importance of the grounds of arbitrator challenge that the legislator didn’t identified it in details , this is contrary to the grounds of judge to challenge , and in order to achieve the requested integrity from the arbitrator as the judge of state , therefore, This study aimed to know the concept of arbitrator and his appointment rules, and what are the serious grounds to challenge to arbitrator through comparative analytical study shows in studying the legal , social an economical grounds which are considered a ground for requesting a challenge to an arbitrator then re challenge it .This study concluded to a set of results and recommendations hoping this study to be achieved an enrichments to the specialized studies in this fields. Keywords : Arbitration, Arbitrator, Neutrality, Independence, Challenge to Arbitrator ,challenge to judge, Disclosure, legal grounds, Social grounds, Economical grounds, DOI: 10.7176/JLPG/98-17 Publication date: June 30th 2020 | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S2738780139",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2890596580 | Versions of Neutrality: Denis Johnston’s War Reports | [
{
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"display_name": "Ian Whittington",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5041319402"
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{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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] | [
"Jordan",
"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2890596580 | As his job with the BBC News Division took him from the deserts of Egypt, through Italy, to the gates of Buchenwald, Irish playwright Denis Johnston struggled with a multiply determined neutrality which inhered partly in his role of war correspondent, and partly in circumstances specific to his own life. In particular, Johnston sought to balance the ideal of journalistic objectivity with the need to convey the emotional horrors of the struggle, all while serving as a politically neutral Protestant Irishman within a semi-autonomous British broadcaster. Johnston’s position as a neutral mediator was intensified by the development of newly compact recording technologies which allowed him to record actuality broadcasts, commentary, and interviews in the field—in a sense, to allow the war to speak for itself. For all these traces of immediacy, after the war Johnston would frame his experience in a heavily embellished and fantastical memoir, <italic>Nine Rivers from Jordan</italic> (1953). By weaving together Johnston’s war broadcasts, his journals, and his memoir, this chapter illustrates how journalistic objectivity and literary experiment existed in productive tension during the war; at the same time, Johnston’s postwar response to the atrocities of the holocaust reveal a journalist shaken by the moral vacuum revealed in wartime Europe. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3123217458 | A Christian Vision of Freedom and Democracy: Neutrality as an Obstacle to Freedom | [
{
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"display_name": "Karen Jordan",
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{
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"Jordan"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3123217458 | This article presents the underlying vision for the argument that principles of liberal neutrality pose a genuine obstacle to freedom in democratic society. There is a growing concern that liberty and justice are unattainable in modern democratic societies that are grounded in neutrality, including the United States. Experience has demonstrated significant shortcomings of the modern freedom movements grounded in political theories, which—along with the theory of neutrality—reject the need for core substantive values to guide law and policy. The underlying basis of such theories is a particular modern conception of freedom. But a well-grounded and reasoned alternative vision of human freedom exists: a distinctively Christian vision of human freedom as understood in light of the philosophical and theological study of God’s revelation to man. A comprehensive treatment of the Christian vision of human freedom can be gleaned from the scholarly work of Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger, currently Pope Emeritus Benedict XVI. From this alternative perspective, freedom is promoted and safeguarded only when core substantive values and moral insights are respected as the point of reference for law and justice in society, a condition which posits a role for the State in prudently fostering respect for those values and insights. Because this alternative vision is often misunderstood, the purpose of this article is to present a concise but in-depth synthesis of the writings of 1 Jordan: A Christian Vision of Freedom and Democracy: Neutrality as an Obs Published by Trace: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange, 2014 Spring 2014| Volume 9 | Issue 3 Tennessee Journal of Law and Policy 359 Ratzinger bearing on human freedom and democracy and to thereby encourage dialogue leading to a more moderate use of neutrality principles. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W1991062827 | The theory and econometrics of reduced-form nominal income and price equations | [
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{
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"display_name": "James E. Glassman",
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"Jordan"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1991062827 | Reduced-form nominal income and price equations, often referred to as the St. Louis equations, have remained a source of active investigative interest in academic, government and business circles since the original results were published by Andersen and Jordan [1]. There are two major reasons for this continued interest. First, the approach is rather simple to implement; it does not require a large scale econometric model that is both difficult and expensive to develop. The second reason is that the equations address the relative effectiveness of monetary and fiscal policy, an issue of importance in both theory and policy. The St. Louis equations have been the subject of considerable controversy of varying intensity. Disagreements have ranged from differences in the interpretation of results to broader questions concerning the usefulness of the reduced-form approach. The objective of this paper is to impose some theoretical structure on the econometric debate. As is often the case with econometric work using nominal time series, it is possible for the data to fail to reject a large number of general and often conflicting hypotheses. Therefore, it becomes important for the participants and observers of this debate to recognize the theory implicit in their general econometric formulations. This paper delineates the extremely strong assumptions necessary to make the St. Louis equations consistent with a macroeconomic model that embodies long-run neutrality of money. The problems surrounding the reduced-form equations can be divided roughly into two overlapping areas, the choice of variables to be used in the equations and the proper set of econometric restrictions that must be imposed on the estimated parameters. With respect to the first area, a number of investigators have questioned the specific choice and limited nature of the variables included in the equations. DeLeeuw and Kalchbrenner [4] argued that the results were sensitive to the choice of monetary and fiscal variables. Modigliani and Ando [11] and Gordon [10] have asserted that the necessarily large number of omitted variables in the simple reduced-form equations limit the reliability of the econometric results. Along similar lines, Goldfeld and Blinder [9] and Stein [16] have shown that | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2487100680 | Spying on Ireland | [
{
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"display_name": "Eunan O’Halpin",
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
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] | [
"Persia"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2487100680 | Irish neutrality during the Second World War presented Britain with significant challenges to its security. Exploring how British agencies identified and addressed these problems, this book reveals how Britain simultaneously planned sabotage in and spied on Ireland, and at times sought to damage the neutral state's reputation internationally through black propaganda operations. It analyses the extent of British knowledge of Axis and other diplomatic missions in Ireland, and shows the crucial role of diplomatic code-breaking in shaping British policy. The book also underlines just how much Ireland both interested and irritated Churchill throughout the war. Rather than viewing this as a uniquely Anglo-Irish experience, the book argues that British activities concerning Ireland should be placed in the wider context of the intelligence and security problems that Britain faced in other neutral states, particularly Afghanistan and Persia. Taking a comparative approach, it illuminates how Britain dealt with challenges in these countries through a combination of diplomacy, covert gathering of intelligence, propaganda, and intimidation. The British perspective on issues in Ireland becomes far clearer when discussed in terms of similar problems Britain faced with neutral states worldwide. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W810628719 | Neutral Borders, Neutral Waters, Neutral Skies Protecting The Territorial Neutrality Of The Netherlands In The Great War, 1914-1918 | [
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"Persia"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W810628719 | For neutral states upholding the strict territorial integrity of their nation is fundamental. Neutrality is a legal concept that existed long before the arrival of the nation-state, dating as far back as the sixth century B.C. when Milesians refrained from interfering in the affairs of Ionean Greece and Persia. A full day before the Dutch government announced the general mobilization of the conscript army and navy, in the midst of the July crisis 1914, it ensured that the country's borders were protected by calling all border guards to military service. The Great War proved to be the first real test of Dutch neutrality since the end of the Napoleonic Wars. Although by international law, neutrality required strict territorial isolation of neutrals from belligerents, the relationship between the Netherlands' border, the country's territorial sovereignty and the maintenance of neutrality during the Great War was uncertain. Keywords: Dutch neutrality; Netherlands; the Great War | [
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https://openalex.org/W2619356037 | Egypt after the 2013 military coup | [
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"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2619356037 | The military coup was staged in the summer of 2013. In the intervening period, Egypt’s ruling generals have succeeded in handcuffing the public space and bringing back fear as an everyday feature of life in a country that is still in dire straits. By various repressive measures, civilians have learned to fear the consequences of free expression and peaceful opposition. To this end as well, Egypt’s ruling generals have also adapted legal and legislative tools to persecute political enemies and eradicate the existence of autonomous civil society organizations. However, far less attention has been paid to the details surrounding the legal and legislative tools utilized by Egypt’s generals, and even less to the concerning implications these tools carry regarding notions of justice and the populace’s faith in the neutrality of public institutions. A thorough explanation and analysis are necessary to understand fully the functioning of the new authoritarianism. It is also of paramount importance to highlight the fact it is impossible to search for ways to restore a democratic transition in Egypt without a structured thinking about how to dismantle the legal and legislative framework of the new authoritarianism. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4308994427 | Writing the Revolution | [
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"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4308994427 | A close reading of Wikipedia's article on the Egyptian Revolution reveals the complexity inherent in establishing the facts of events as they occur and are relayed to audiences near and far. Wikipedia bills itself as an encyclopedia built on neutrality, authority, and crowd-sourced consensus. Platforms like Google and digital assistants like Siri distribute Wikipedia's facts widely, further burnishing its veneer of impartiality. But as Heather Ford demonstrates in Writing the Revolution, the facts that appear on Wikipedia are often the result of protracted power struggles over how data are created and used, how history is written and by whom, and the very definition of facts in a digital age. In Writing the Revolution, Ford looks critically at how the Wikipedia article about the 2011 Egyptian Revolution evolved over the course of a decade, both shaping and being shaped by the Revolution as it happened. When data are published in real time, they are subject to an intense battle over their meaning across multiple fronts. Ford answers key questions about how Wikipedia's so-called consensus is arrived at; who has the power to write dominant histories and which knowledges are actively rejected; how these battles play out across the chains of circulation in which data travel; and whether history is now written by algorithms. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2811359874 | Beyond medical humanitarianism - Politics and humanitarianism in the figure of the Mīdānī physician | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2811359874 | This article explores the complex position of local physicians at times of political unrest or conflict, conceptualizing local medical voluntarism as a form of collective action. It analyzes the evolving interpretation of medical neutrality among Egyptian physicians who provided medical assistance to injured protesters in the Egyptian uprising (2011-2013). In-depth interviews with 24 medical and non-medical volunteers on their perception of medical neutrality were matched with their mobilization and participation history, showing the extent towards which political considerations influenced their voluntary medical engagement. The results firstly show that revolutionary political considerations played a central role in the physicians' mobilization into medical networks active in the protests, as well as in their interpretation of their medical and non-medical activities. Secondly, I argue that the interpretation of medical neutrality among Egyptian physicians evolved significantly over time. A special type of medical volunteer took shape, the mīdānī physician. This physician openly expresses his/her political convictions and adheres to (self-defined) humanitarian principles through a conscious reconciliation of the two. The article details the increasing difficulty of this task after the revolutionary movement splintered into competing factions and citizens ended up fighting each other instead of authoritarian rule. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1984431025 | The drift towards neutrality: Egyptian foreign policy during the early Nasserist Era, 1952–55 | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1984431025 | Egyptian foreign policy during the Nasserist era is a relatively wellresearched field. Yet, while most studies concentrate on Gamal Abdul Nasser's policy and ideology after 1955-56, the period in which he became the symbol of Arab nationalism and the recognized leader of the Arab world, the earlier formative period, 1952-55, has been somewhat neglected.' The rise of Abdul Nasser as the leader of the Arab world largely overshadowed his early political career, when he was still suffering from a pervasive sense of insecurity and searching for the right path to follow in international affairs. His unshaken image caused some retrospective fallacies among scholars concerning the positions of the Free Officers between 1952-55. In dealing with Egyptian-Western relations during these years, two schools of thought emerged. The first claims that Abdul Nasser was willing to cooperate with the West, but that American and British policies had been the cause of the deterioration of Egyptian-Western relations and subsequently of the shift in Egypt's foreign policy.2 The second views the emergence of Abdul Nasser's neutralist orientation as a culmination of an inevitable historical process. According to this interpretation, neutralism, whether a genuine expression of a generation under Western domination or a political tactic in a campaign against the West, was a natural choice for Abdul Nasser during the decolonization era.3 Recent publications have suggested that Abdul Nasser's was a deliberate and a well-calculated policy committed from the outset to oppose Western influence.4 A careful examination of recently released documents reveals a more complex reality. The underlying assumption of this article is that although Abdul Nasser was a product of the decolonization period, and as such he had a latent disposition towards neutrality, he was nevertheless a pragmatic leader willing to cooperate tacitly with the West so long as this cooperation was based on his own terms. In fact, Abdul Nasser thought of developing his own type of neutrality, adapted to Egypt's particular interests and circumstances, which did not in principle negate cooperation with the West. Although his terms remained consistent throughout the | [
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https://openalex.org/W1969747800 | Effect of Orientation on Indoor Thermal Neutrality in Winter Season in Hot Arid Climates Case Study: Residential Building in Greater Cairo | [
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https://openalex.org/W4245509050 | <i>Re</i> Guyot | [] | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1976394515 | Abstract The discursive tradition of referring to three identities, the Arab, the African, and the Islamic, as cohesive, concentric “circles” began with Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser, who invoked the trope in his 1955 revolutionary handbook. Nasser's project, which challenged Western hegemony through a politics of neutrality, inspired Malik Shabazz to understand U.S. domestic coloniality in terms of overlapping diasporas. In exploring Shabazz's invocation of this trope, I here sketch a sociohistorical and political portrait of Black, Arab, and Islamic leaders who befriended Malcolm X. Shabazz's relationships with Arab American Muslim community activists, African leaders, Arab Muslim leaders, and the African American Cairo expat community not only represent these circles but also reveal their malleability. Rejecting ossified nation-state boundaries, Shabazz created a vision of a Black Atlantic Islam. | [
{
"display_name": "Journal of Africana Religions",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S2764804481",
"type": "journal"
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2065407488 | Locating the sciences in eighteenth-century Egypt | [
{
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"display_name": "Jane H. Murphy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5026549017"
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"Egypt"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W1966968816",
"https://openalex.org/W3209018171"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2065407488 | In the last years of the eighteenth century, Egypt famously witnessed the practice of European sciences as embodied in the members of Bonaparte's Commission des sciences et des arts and the newly founded Institut d'Egypte. Less well known are the activities of local eighteenth-century Cairene religious scholars and military elites who were both patrons and practitioners of scientific expertise and producers of hundreds upon hundreds of manuscripts. Through the writings of the French naturalist Etienne Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire (1772-1844) and those of the Cairene scholar and chronicler Abd al-Rahmān al-Jabartī (1753-1825), I explore Egypt as a site for the practice of the sciences in the late eighteenth century, the palatial urban houses which the French made home to the Institut d'Egypte and their role before the French invasion, and the conception of the relationship between the sciences and social politics that each man sought. Ultimately, I argue that Geoffroy's struggle to create scientific neutrality in the midst of intensely tumultuous political realities came to a surprising head with his fixation on Paris as the site for the practice of natural history, while al-Jabartī's embrace of this entanglement of knowledge and power led to a vision of scientific expertise that was specifically located in his Cairene society, but which--as Geoffroy himself demonstrated--could be readily adapted almost anywhere. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3185223515 | Sable Seas: The Crimean War's Global Reach and 1850s Geopolitical Literariness | [
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"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3185223515 | Though the Crimean War's literary reverberations within Britain have been productively analyzed, the global response to the war, particularly in British-ruled settler colonies, still merits exploration. Starting from the anomaly of a frontier between British Columbia and Russian Alaska that remained neutral in global conflict, this essay looks first at reactions to the war by Anglo-Canadian and Québécois writers, and second at the metonymic role the Near East played in representations of the conflict, epitomized by the Egyptian and Palestinian settings in Anthony Trollope's early fiction. The essay concludes by examining the Pacific, particularly the role of Hawaiian neutrality and the way Australian literary responses to Crimea signaled both identification and misidentification with the British role in the war, underscoring the semi-global quality of 1850s geopolitical literariness. | [
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"display_name": "Victorian Studies",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S40751556",
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|
https://openalex.org/W1990593013 | La Costituzione egiziana del 1923: il rapporto tra Stato e Islam nella costruzione di un’identità nazionale | [
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"Egypt"
] | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1990593013 | The present paper aims at examining the role devoted to Islam in the 1923 Egyptian Constitution and argues that its original draft had far more ideological implications than the version that was ultimately octroyée by King Fuʾād I on 19 April 1923. The latter represented a retreat from the quite bold stances taken in the first draft, which was caused on one side by the complex relationship with Great Britain, and on the other by the pressures exerted by the king in shaping the constitutional text. A comparison between these two documents and the use of the available data on the discussions occurred during the constitutional debates (such as the contents of the memoirs and autobiographies of the most prominent nationalist leaders of the time) will show the several steps that led to the promulgation of this text and how it was progressively drained of ideological value and sharpness in favour of a major vagueness and neutrality that could meet the expectations of each involved party. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1994682032 | Creating typecasts: exhibiting eugenic ideas from the past today | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1994682032 | Abstract This paper reflects on the experience of curating the exhibition and events programme around Typecast: Flinders Petrie and Francis Galton at the Petrie Museum of Egyptian Archaeology, University College London during 2011. Typecast explored ideas around race and archaeology, heredity and eugenics in the early twentieth century. After independent consultation, I decided to write about the exhibition from my own perspective and publicly identify myself as curator. As part of my own response, I drew parallels with contemporary events and issues today. This paper incorporates a discussion of:•the implications of using my personal identity; how situations could have been handled differently,•the myth of neutrality, especially around contentious issues, within museum and media institutions,•anonymous responses from visitors and identified critical voices; ethical responsibility in dealing with provocative issues,•how wider discussion in a public realm was facilitated. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2548309086 | The Protection of British Interests in Egypt by Switzerland in 1959: A Strategy of Compensation | [
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] | [
"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2548309086 | The British mandate in Egypt from 1956 to 1959 was difficult to implement. The Egyptian government particularly complicated the work of Switzerland as a protecting power. Despite considerable effort, they could only partly fulfill their main tasks in protecting British civilians, diplomatic staff, and prisoners of war. The defense of British interests in Egypt in 1956 was also problematic from a perspective of political neutrality. It neither contributed to a change of the policy of good offices, but also typically revealed the problems inherent in the conception of Swiss foreign policy in the 1950s, where the absence of Switzerland within the UN should have been compensated by the good office. | [
{
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|
https://openalex.org/W1506467178 | Cultures of Neutrality—Nasserism and Its Discontents | [
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] | [
"Egypt",
"Israel"
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"https://openalex.org/W2001704056",
"https://openalex.org/W2002494044",
"https://openalex.org/W2796880763",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1506467178 | The 1996 film Nasser 56 is a nostalgic look backward to a time when Egypt held a place of stature in the developing world, when Egyptians were proud of their country, confident in their leaders, and looking toward a better future. The film chronicles the lead up to the decision to nationalize the Suez Canal Company in July 1956, the operation to secure control over the waterway and – in somewhat brisker narrative – the breakdown of international diplomacy that predated the Anglo-French-Israeli ‘tripartite aggression’ of the following October. (JG 2000) | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2901362403 | The Conflict between Journalists and the Constitution of 2014 in Egypt | [
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{
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] | [
"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2901362403 | The main topic of the study revolves around the revolution of the 25th January 2011, during the first transition phase and the second transition phase up to the 30th June 2013. Egyptian society committed to develop the Constitution to support the rights and freedoms of journalists. In addition, the methodological of the study included a survey research which was conducted over a sample of 150 subject unit. This study focused on the second Constitution Egypt in 2014 included in its provisions articles regarding freedom of expression, access to information, and the media. Article 65 guarantees freedom of thought, opinion, and the expression thereof. Article 68 declares that all official state documents and information are the property of the people who have the right to access such materials in a timely and transparent manner. Articles 70, 71, and 72 focuses on governing the press, providing for many of the rights that support a free media environment. They guarantee the freedom of the print, broadcast, and digital sectors enshrine the right to establish media outlets ban all forms of media censorship, including the suspension and closure of outlets, ban prison terms for press crimes, and declare the independence and neutrality of all state-owned media outlets. The Constitution also calls for the establishment of independent regulatory bodies tasked with supporting and developing both private and state-owned media and administering all relevant regulations. To sum up, and to answer the question about what the conflict between journalists and the Constitution are, we find that, whereas, there are laws in place for the protection of journalists, these laws are not being implemented. It seems the regime government is persecuting journalists in an unprecedented way, and is demolishing freedom of speech in Egypt. This conflict did not end until after the true democratization not by laws, but by modifying and repairing government corruption. | [
{
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|
https://openalex.org/W2942429104 | Unfolding the Paradoxes of a Modern Liberal ‘Secular’ State: Studying Egypt | [
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"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2942429104 | Saba Mahmood presents with an interesting analysis of how secularism and modern liberal state, contrary to their claims of maintaining religious harmony, have actually exacerbated “interfaith inequalities”. Moreover, their claim of “religious neutrality” is false. The reality is that the modern state interferes in religious life. Mahmood bases her study in Egypt where Coptic Orthodox Christians, the minorities, are treated as second-class citizens despite their contribution to Egypt’s past. She points out the reason behind this is what is perceived as the “inherent intolerance” of Islam but modern secular governance. The West and the East have shared models of secularism. The book explores modern state’s relationship to religion and how the state’s regulation of religion affects religious identities. It is a well-researched treatise for anyone who wishes to understand secularism as a universal concept. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W4238587780 | Downfall | [
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"Egypt"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W2163994775",
"https://openalex.org/W4245038057",
"https://openalex.org/W4298268383"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4238587780 | When Labour took office in January 1924, Beatrice Webb predicted that Ramsay MacDonald’s minority administration would not last out the year.1 However, G. D. H. Cole, who witnessed the vicissitudes of Labour in office as one of its first historians, believed that the Labour ministry was relatively secure — despite its precarious minority position. Nearly 25 years later, he recalled that ‘up to the summer recess the Government, in view of the great difficulties under it which it had to work in Parliament, was on the whole doing reasonably well, except in its handling of Indian and Egyptian affairs’. By the summer recess as the politicians left Westminster, there were three main concerns confronting the administration — the Irish boundary dispute, the negotiations over the Anglo-Soviet Treaty, and the prosecution of J. R. Campbell, the editor of the Workers’ Weekly. At the time, none seemed like gathering storms on the political horizon to sweep away the MacDonald administration. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2973436645 | الشعب يريد اسقاط النظام “The People Want to Overthrow the Regime” | [
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"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2973436645 | This chapter analyzes the first wave of the revolution against Hosni Mubarak. Refuting arguments that focus on the role of the social media, or divisions among the elite, and the alleged neutrality of the Egyptian military, the chapter illustrates that it was a revolutionary coalition of the middle and lower classes that created a breaking point for the regime. Key features of this mass mobilization included the refusal of protesters to be cowed by state violence, the creation of “liberated zones” occupied by the people, “popular security” organizations that replaced the repressive security apparatus of the state, and strikes that crippled the economy in the final days of the Mubarak era. Key moments during the 18 days are described with ethnographic detail, including the unfiltered reactions of protesters to the deployment of soldiers on January 28. The revolutionary nature of the uprising is that people demanded more than just the ouster of Mubarak—they wanted to topple “the regime” by naming the names of a slew of Mubarak’s cronies to remove them from power. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3093345505 | Britain's policy towards the Ottoman Empire since the assumption of the British Ambassador Louis Mellit until the entry into the First World War | [
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"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3093345505 | The prevailing view of many historians and researchers in Ottoman affairs were that the British government is pushing the Ottoman state to join the center countries, led by Germany, but this view is problematic, especially since Britain has already achieved its preference in the years before the First World War and its emphasis on her interested in Arabian Gulf , Mesopotamia, and no Exception Egypt, which has not wished to raise its subject since the federalists took power in the Ottoman Empire, and to enter into negotiations with the British side in order to ensure its interests in the Middle East. In 1913-1914, which resulted in a series of agreements in favor of the British government, which became the view that it is not necessary to engage with the Ottoman State in armed conflict. The research deals with diplomacy taken by Britain through the Foreign Office and its embassy in Astana and pursued two levels of policy, the first: to keep the Ottoman Empire on the neutrality. The second to delay the entry of the Ottoman Empire as much as possible. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2519778297 | Polyphony in Arabic Novels “Yousuf Al Qaeed as a model” | [
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"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2519778297 | This study emphasizes the importance of varying narrative methods in order to achieve the highest level of objectivity and technical neutrality by utilizing the polyphonic novel techniques which moves from a single voice to multiple ones, and from a single perspective to multiple ones in a manner that allows narrators to present changing perspectives reflecting the different non-harmonized stands of reality irrespective of narrators' multiplicity and their variant narration perspectives Yousuf Al Qaeed attempts in some of his works through utilizing polyphony: Alhidad(mourning),Alharb fe Barri misr(war in Egypt), Man yakaf Kamb David(who fears Camp David),wa qismat Al gurama (and the settlement of opponents) to emphasize the importance of going beyond familiar methods in determining the features of modern novel by enhancing of the forms of narrators' presence, defining the kinds of their functions according to their relation with others and their stands from the narrated , and marking the view, narration, perspective and reading of non closed structural patterns in manner that contributes to reproducing the narrative and customize it according the multiple perspectives. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1602708467 | Neutralism : its meaning and significance in contemporary international politics | [
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"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1602708467 | Neutralism - dissociation from the Cold War - can take many forms.
As a doctrine it is to be found in its most comprehensive
forms in Asia and Africa; and because its chief proponents
are leaders of their countries, it is a profoundly pragmatic
and eclectic doctrine. Yet it is deeply grounded in certain widespread hopes and fears, and is usually nourished
by nationalism. Neutralist foreign policies are shaped by, and yet have come to shape, the style and scope of Cold War rivalries. Six forms of policy neutralism may be distinguished. These are: new state neutralism; pioneer neutralism; neutralization; buffer status; traditional neutrality; and erstwhile isolationism. Each of these types of policy represents different ways in which a state can become neutralist, and it is suggested how many- states fall into each of these classes. Nearly three quarters of the neutralist states in early 1961 are new states which have become independent since 1945* Many of them practise policies which are in some respects like those of three pioneer neutralists - India, Yugoslavia and Egypt.
Since 1945 neutralism has been of growing significance
internationally. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2886243367 | French Revolutionaries in the Ottoman Empire: Diplomacy, Political Culture, and the Limiting of Universal Revolution, 1792–1798 | [
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"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2886243367 | The French Revolution completely changed the existing social, economic, political and diplomatic relations in Europe. The leading European powers such as Great Britain, Austria, Prussia and Russia stood against the revolutionary ideas and staged war against France. On the other hand, the Ottoman Empire preferred to remain neutral in this conflict until the French invasion of Egypt in 1798. Because of the Ottoman neutrality, its capital, Istanbul, immediately became a battleground between pro-revolutionary and anti-revolutionary diplomats. The main mission of the Ottoman foreign minister, Reis’ül-Küttab, was to sustain a careful balance between these rival groups without alienating any of them. As a consequence of French aggression in 1798, the French ambassador Ruffin was imprisoned in Yedikule and pro-French diplomats, the Spanish chargés d’affaires José Eliodoro de Bouligny, Swedish diplomat D’Ohhson and Dutch representative Van Dedem were deported. Pascal Firges’ French Revolutionaries in the Ottoman Empire is very valuable because it emphasizes a less studied aspect of the French Revolution, its effect on the Levant. Firges focuses on the effects of the Revolution and new revolutionary political culture on both the Franco-Ottoman diplomatic relations and the French subjects living in the Ottoman Empire. Firges says that although the French subjects in the Ottoman territories lived under the French law due to capitulations, they formed a different cultural environment in Levant and acted differently from their compatriots in France, even in the period of Terror. | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2734376735 | The subject is about the safeguardings of an accused person in the criminal action at the first stage of an elementary investigation. If is anoe of the most important procedural subjects that deserves discussion. Such discussion will give an enlightment to the public. The most gracious creature of the almighty god enj all legal safeguardings when he is accused of a crime. Our research involved the main chapters preceded by an introduction, which deals with historical aspects of these safeguardings. We will focus our attention in the mesopotamian, french and islamic laws. It clearly appeared to us that these safeguardings are very old and then their historical roots are very deeps. Chapter one of this research is set up for the indication of saveguardings that is enjoyed by the accused during the elementary stage of investigation. Previously, we have mentionned the important part played by the authority in france, ex-urss, egypt, iraq and islam. It appeared to us that legislation has enpowered this function to different source with contradictory jurisdiction, and then we have criticized this method. After that, we discussed about the problem of separation between the function of accusation and that of investigation. Such separation provides an important safeguarding for the accused person in particular and to justice in general. Such separation will certainly contribute to keep the independance and neutrality of the investigation. This second chapter is devoted to the safeguardings when the elementary investigation is going on at different levels : testimony, expertness, inspection, supervision, arresting seizing, and finnaly in the process of cross-examination. To conclude, we demanded to have a special authority -called juridical authority of indictment- and we expected that our legislature will respond to this demand because, as we can see, many other foreign countries have adopted this idea. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W4232320004 | Political and economic determinants of Romanian foreign policy in the Middle East | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4232320004 | Bucharest's mideast policy has been affected by the changing conditions in Romania's domestic and external environment and has been governed by the Romanian Communist Party's perceptions of the country's political and economic requirements during the three distinct stages of Romanian foreign policy: 1) the period 1945-67, when Romania was a loyal member of the socialist camp, 2) 1967-71, when Romania dramatically asserted its independence and 3) 1971-79, when Romania has restrained its defiant attitude toward the Soviet bloc.Since the 1960's, Romania has ceased to emulate Soviet foreign policy. Instead, it has developed an independent position within the bloc. In the Middle East, this policy has taken the form of a basic neutrality toward both sides in the Arab-Israeli conflict. The pursuit of this neutrality has been necessitated by the need to ensure Romania's national economic and political interests. Maintaining good relations with Israel, while the other bloc countries severed ties with the Jewish State, Bucharest has enhanced its image at home and abroad acquired sophisticated technology and equipment as well as other forms of economic support, and increased its export markets. At the same time, in developing its relations with the Arab world, Bucharest has been able to expand its export markets for Romanian manufactured goods and to procure needed supplies of oil and other raw materials as well as to obtain a place in the nonaligned movement. In other words, Romania's neutral posture 1) has enabled it to enhance its international image (the by-product of which was the success of Ceausescu's "good offices" in the establishment of the Egyptian-Israeli rapproachement), 2) has helped to consolidate domestic political support and 3) has facilitated the Romanian leadership's efforts to meet the needs of the country's economic development.Although Romania has started leaning toward the Arab position, since the world energy crisis in 1973-74, it has, nevertheless, been able to successfully preserve its fundamental neutrality in the Arab-Israeli conflict through skillful diplomacy. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W4298334718 | The Humanitarians | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4298334718 | The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) coordinates the world's largest private relief system for conflict situations. Its staff operates throughout the world, and in recent years the ICRC has mounted large operations in the Balkans and Somalia. Yet despite its very important role its internal workings are mysterious and often secretive. This book examines the ICRC from its origins in the mid-nineteenth century up to the present day, and provides a comprehensive overview of a unique private organisation, whose governing body remains all-Swiss, but which is recognized in international law as if it were an inter-governmental organization. David Forsythe focuses on the policy making and field work of the ICRC, while not ignoring international humanitarian law. He explores how it exercises its independence, impartiality, and neutrality to try to protect prisoners in Iraq, displaced and starving civilians in Somalia, and families separated by conflict in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. David Forsythe received the Distinguished Scholar Award for 2007 from the Human Rights Section of the American Political Science Association. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W1964921310 | Stabilisation and humanitarian access in a collapsed state: the Somali case | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1964921310 | Somalia today is the site of three major threats: the world's worst humanitarian crisis; the longest‐running instance of complete state collapse; and a robust jihadist movement with links to Al‐Qa'ida. External state‐building, counter‐terrorism and humanitarian policies responding to these threats have worked at cross‐purposes. State‐building efforts that insist humanitarian relief be channelled through the nascent state in order to build its legitimacy and capacity undermine humanitarian neutrality when the state is a party to a civil war. Counter‐terrorism policies that seek to ensure that no aid benefits terrorist groups have the net effect of criminalising relief operations in countries where poor security precludes effective accountability. This paper argues that tensions between stabilisation and humanitarian goals in contemporary Somalia reflect a long history of politicisation of humanitarian operations in the country. | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2548801081 | To what extent is making peace not a neutral or impartial exercise? By analysing the peace initiatives undertaken in Somalia and Somaliland (1991–95), this article questions the positionality and alignment of the actors involved, and claims that neither process has been an impartial exercise. To explore this argument the article first theoretically frames how supporters and critics of liberal peace elaborate on the dilemma of neutrality and impartiality. Departing from Lederach’s criticism of impartiality, I claim that the UN–US intervention in Somalia has been an instrument of division, as well as leverage for political and military advantage. External interveners have initially subverted the internal distribution of power, but they lacked the commitment and material capacity of sustaining the preferred ‘winning’ faction. By unpacking the category of ‘local’ I then map the protagonists of the Somaliland pacification, as well the mechanism of institution-building that enabled a multi-scale of stakeholders to sustain the conflict resolution. This analysis contributes to reconceptualise the political architecture of making peace. It also helps to disentangle the study of peace and violence from the myths of the liberal, neutral, intervention doctrine. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1965493511 | Is ethnicity a cause of war? | [
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"Somalia"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1965493511 | Since the end of the Cold War, the vocabulary of politics has changed. The violent decay of Yugoslavia, the separatist movements in Ethiopia, and the small wars in the Philippines indicate that an era of ethnic conflicts has replaced the former East‐West rivalry. Since the outbreak of violent conflicts in the former Soviet Union, the phrase “ethnic conflict” has ruled the titles of newspapers and magazines and has even found its way into the discourse of political science. “Ethnic nationalism,” mere “nationalism,” even such linguistic monsters as “ethno‐nationalism” have recently become central concerns. The emergence of so many violent clashes between ethnic groups in the last few years has perplexed the public, and even social scientists have had difficulty explaining nationalism and ethnic conflict. In trying to explain these conflicts, some authors point to cultural differences. In 1993, Samuel P. Huntington proclaimed the beginning of an era of clashes between cultural entities. But explaining these conflicts in terms of cultural differences is not quite satisfactory. Or, as the Austrian political scientist Alber F. Reiterer asks: “What is a cultural difference? Is it that the Slovenians sing ‘Gori, gori na planina’ while the Carinthia‐Germans sing a slightly different melody ‘In die Berg bin i gern'?” And, more important, are such differences sufficient causes for violence? Obviously they are not. The phrase “ethnic conflict” does not shed much light on the origins and causes of these wars. It cannot explain the case of Somalia; in the most ethnically homogeneous country on the African continent, a war broke out and could not even be ended by international intervention. As I shall argue, “cultural” differences, although often seen as the underlying structural causes of social conflicts, are not the root causes of contemporary wars. An analysis of three examples elucidates this claim: the ongoing war in Liberia, the conflict in the Casamance, and the so‐called Tuareg conflict. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1683249131 | Crossing Borders to Target Al-Qaeda and Its Affiliates: Defining Networks as Organized Armed Groups in Non-International Armed Conflicts | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1683249131 | Al-Qaeda’s dispersal and the rise of regional terrorist groups such as Al-Shabaab in Somalia have raised the stakes for defining an “organized armed group” (OAG). If an entity fails the OAG test, a state may use only traditional law enforcement methods in responding to the entity’s violence. Both case law and social science literature support a broadly pragmatic reading of the OAG definition. While the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) has cited factors such as existence of a headquarters and imposition of discipline, ICTY decisions have found organization when evidence was at best equivocal. Moreover, terrorist organizations reveal surprisingly robust indicia of organization. Illustrating this organizational turn, a transnational network like Al-Qaeda operates in a synergistic fashion with regional groups. Moreover, recent news reports have suggested that current Al-Qaeda leader Dr. Ayman al-Zawahiri has attempted to assert operational control over the specific targeting decisions of Al-Qaeda affiliates, although that effort has not been uniformly successful. Furthermore, while Al-Qaeda does not micromanage most individual operations, it exercises strategic influence, e.g., through a focus on targeting Western interests. When such strategic influence can be shown, the definition of OAG is sufficiently flexible to permit targeting across borders. In addition, the doctrine of co-belligerency, borrowed from neutrality law, provides a basis for targeting that is not confined by state boundaries. Even when these indicia are absent, individuals within non-Al-Qaeda groups may be targetable if they engage in coordinated activity with Al-Qaeda. | [
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https://openalex.org/W301187534 | The Path to Srebrenica: United Nations' Peacekeeping Missions of the 1990s: Failures of the Maxim of Neutrality, International Political Will, Legitimacy, and Unity of Report | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W301187534 | Abstract : In the post-Cold War environment of the 1990s, the United Nations (UN) found itself grappling with the means and mechanisms to resolve conflicts that had increasingly shifted from interstate to intrastate hostilities. The thesis examines four faults common to UN peacekeeping and peace enforcement operations in Somalia (UNOSOM), Rwanda (UNAMIR), and Bosnia-Herzegovina (UNPROFOR). During the 1990s, UN peacekeeping operations consistently acted with neutrality, versus impartiality, when confronting forces in grievous violation of the peace process. The UN failed to maintain international political will for its operations, thus leading to reduced force structures and reluctance to act decisively. The UN did not preserve the legitimacy for its missions, either in the eyes of the peacekeepers or the belligerent parties. Lastly, the UN failed to properly ensure unity of effort and unity of command, which had a profoundly negative impact on its operations. The result of these errors was the failed humanitarian effort in Somalia (1993), genocide in Rwanda that claimed 800,000 lives (1994), and the ethnic cleansing of eastern Bosnia-Herzegovina that climaxed at Srebrenica with the execution of 8,000 Muslim men and boys (1995). The final chapter makes several recommendations to prevent further UN failures of this magnitude in the future. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2329056165 | Humanitarian power has been hijacked and must regain its reputation for neutrality | [
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https://openalex.org/W4285049994 | Humanitarianism is Anti-Politics | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4285049994 | This chapter explains how humanitarianism is anti-politics. Relief workers and organizations are supposed to uphold the principle of acting without political bias or self-interest. However, critics imply that relief organizations' principle of neutrality acts as a strategic facade for the more controversial and political work of relief interventions. Relief operations in Ethiopia and elsewhere are thus integral to international, national, and local politics. The chapter notes the anti-political nature of neutrality, independence, and voluntary service. Acknowledging the legitimacy and necessity of Somalis' inherently political and principled forms of <italic>samafal</italic> to the success of global humanitarian interventions is required to localize humanitarian work. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3155264742 | The Way Forward for India's Nuclear Non-Proliferation Stand | [
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