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https://openalex.org/W2944039868 | Argentina, the Arab World, and the Partition of Palestine, 1946–1947 | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2944039868 | Argentine president Juan Perón's Third Position policy sought increased cooperation with Global South nations in the Middle East in the hope of counteracting Cold War alignment. The presence of Arab and Jewish immigrant communities in Argentina heightened the government's interest in the Arab World and attracted the attention of foreign political operatives who hoped to use those expatriate communities to garner support for their side of the upcoming vote on the partition of Palestine at the United Nations. As a result, Argentina became one of the few Latin American nations to affirm the Arab position in the UN partition debates by abstaining from the momentous vote—a strategy often misinterpreted as Argentine neutrality on the Palestine issue. President Perón's exercise in global autonomy began a legacy of sustained interaction between Argentina and the Arab World and served as a precursor to the future non-aligned movement, all amid the internationalization of the Arab-Israeli conflict and an escalation in Cold War competition. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4362710003 | Minority under Occupation: the Sociopolitics of the Samaritans in the Palestinian Occupied Territories | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4362710003 | The Samaritan community is one of the smallest minorities in the world. Most of them live in the City of Nablus in Palestine. As a small minority with a main interest to survive, and to reserve its identity and heritage, the Samaritans do their best to keep their neutrality and good relations with all powers and factions in the region. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1576049597 | Book Review: The Imperiled Red Cross and the Palestine-Eretz-Yisrael Conflict, 1945-1952: The Influence of Institutional Concerns on a Humanitarian Operation | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1576049597 | Reviewed by: The Imperiled Red Cross and the Palestine-Eretz-Yisrael Conflict, 1945–1952: The Influence of Institutional Concerns on a Humanitarian Operation John F. Hutchinson Dominique-D. Junod. The Imperiled Red Cross and the Palestine-Eretz-Yisrael Conflict, 1945–1952: The Influence of Institutional Concerns on a Humanitarian Operation. Publication of the Graduate Institute of International Studies, Geneva. London: Kegan Paul International, 1996. xvi + 344 pp. $76.50. This heavily footnoted and closely argued monograph is a revision of the author’s 1993 doctoral thesis at the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva. It is based mainly on research in the archives of the International Committee of [End Page 813] the Red Cross (ICRC), the all-Swiss, private body—international in scope, but not in membership—that since 1863 has been a uniquely important, if not essential, component of the Red Cross movement. For fifteen years, Junod was employed as a historical researcher at the ICRC, whose archives have only recently and selectively been opened to outside investigators; readers are informed that the ICRC “authorized [the book’s] publication,” albeit with a disclaimer about its content and “the opinions expressed therein” (p. vi). The “institutional concerns” of the subtitle are those of the ICRC, which in 1945–46 found itself under attack. Jewish, Christian, and humanitarian organizations claimed that the ICRC had done little or nothing to protect the myriad victims of Nazism, while from the Soviet Union came allegations that its neutrality masked pro-fascist sympathies. Some national Red Cross societies, led by that of Sweden, explained but did not excuse the ICRC’s timidity by pointing to Switzerland’s vulnerability as a tiny neutral island in the vast Axis ocean. To avoid a repetition of these problems, reformers—notably Count Folke Bernadotte of Sweden—advocated internationalizing the membership of the ICRC. The Soviet Union, however, proposed abolishing the ICRC altogether and replacing it with the League of Red Cross Societies (LRCS), while others sought to create a new governing body to which both the ICRC and the LRCS would be subordinated. Confronted with potentially drastic alterations to its composition, role, and influence, the ICRC decided that if its future was imperiled, then so was that of the Red Cross. What was needed, the author argues persuasively, was an opportunity to demonstrate to the international community that the ICRC could still play a unique and irreplaceable role as a neutral intermediary, and this opportunity was provided by the incipient conflict between Jews and Arabs in Palestine during the final months of the British mandate. Precisely how the ICRC and its delegates seized this opportunity (discussed here in lavish detail) will probably be of more interest to students of international law and politics than to historians of medicine. Nevertheless, one part of the story—the fate of health services for the Arab majority in Palestine—is both fascinating and instructive. To ensure the survival of hospitals and medical services for Arabs after partition, the departing British tried to pressure the ICRC to operate them until the Arabs were ready to take over, but the ICRC refused—partially because it had never been in the business of providing medical services to civilians in peace or war, and partially because it feared giving additional offense to the Jews, but mainly because it had bigger fish to fry in the fields of diplomacy and international law. Humanitarianism, we are reminded, has its own severe priorities. Despite its scholarly provenance, this is on two counts a profoundly partisan book. From the first page it is clear that in the Palestine conflict, the author’s sympathies lie with the Jews; while in the struggles within the Red Cross, they lie unswervingly with the ICRC. To be sure, this version of events can be judged against more balanced and judicious accounts of the Palestine conflict, but Red Cross historiography is neither so rich nor so fortunate. One can only hope that a scholar with a longer historical perspective on the workings of the ICRC and a [End Page 814] greater empathy for the aims of Bernadotte and other reformers will recover the story that this book leaves unexplored. John F. Hutchinson Simon Fraser University... | [
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https://openalex.org/W1869036518 | Ekumeniska Följeslagarprogrammet i Israel och Palestina | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1869036518 | This essay investigates the Swedish Ecumenical Programme in Israel-Palestine (SEAPPI) with the purpose of examining how an NGO, such as SEAPPI, can remain neutral or impartial in an asymmetrical conflict. This will be done with the support of Slim’s (1997) perspective on neutrality and impartiality. The primary material are the two books based on the accompaniers’ reports on the situation and their experiences in Israel-Palestine. The method of this essay is content analysis, as the purpose is to examine the contents of these reports. What the investigation shows is that SEAPPI, although having neutral ingredients taken from Slims perspective, is more of an impartial actor in the sense that they do not take sides towards the parties in the conflict, but do against violations on international law and human rights. Despite of this, it is, more often than not, the Palestinian voices that are heard in the reports, and not in the same extent the Israeli civil society. This presents an obvious problem.
Keywords: EAPPI, SEAPPI, Non Governmental Organisations (NGO), impartiality, neutrality, Israel-Palestine conflict, Accompanier, content analysis.
Denna uppsats undersoker det Svenska Ekumeniska Foljeslagarprogrammet i Israel-Palestina (SEAPPI) med syftet att undersoka hur en NGO, som SEAPPI, haller sig neutral eller opartisk i en asymmetrisk konflikt. Detta med hjalp av Slim (1997) perspektiv pa neutralitet och opartiskhet. Mitt primarmaterial ar tva bocker som ar baserad pa foljeslagarnas rapporter om situationen och deras erfarenheter i Israel-Palestina. Min metod ar innehallsanalys da jag vill undersoka innehallet i dessa rapporter. Vad min undersokning visar ar att SEAPPI, trots att de har neutrala ingredienser som tagits ifran Slims perspektiv, ar de oftare en opartisk aktor som inte tar stallning gentemot parterna i konflikten men tar stallning mot krankningar/brott mot folkratten och manskliga rattigheter. Dock ar det oftast de palestinska rosterna som kommer fram i rapporterna, och inte alls i samma utstrackning den israeliska civilsamhallet. Detta ar ett uppenbart problem da programmet ska vara opartiska i konflikten. | []
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https://openalex.org/W3146986280 | Soviet decision making in practice : the USSR and Israel, 1947-1954 | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3146986280 | The Soviet Union executed an apparent about-face in its traditional anti-Zionist position when the Palestine issue came before the United Nations in 1947. In addition to political support at the UN from May 1947 to May 1949, important military assistance was rendered to the Jewish Palestinian Yishuv throughout 1948 by the Eastern bloc. Toward the end of that year, however, indications of change became apparent, and the Soviet Union began criticizing Israel. This book studies the USSR's attitude toward the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine in the immediate post-World War II period and toward Israel in the first years of its existence, and it investigates the complex of considerations that caused the initial apparent reversal of traditional Soviet anti-Zionism. The author contends that this support for Israel contributed considerably to the evoking of Soviet Jewry's enthusiastic reaction to the establishment of the State. But this very reaction resulted in turn in Moscow changing its tactics again, since it could not allow its Jewish citizens to identify with a state outside the Soviet Union and the Communist orbit. During the few years after the Israeli War for Independence, in which the Arab-Israeli conflict was relatively low key, the USSR adopted a position of seeming neutrality between two sides--while quietly wooing the Arab nations. Ro'i examines how toward the end of the Stalin period the Jewish problem again intervened with the infamous' 'Doctor's Plot, and how early in 1953 the Soviet Union severed diplomatic relations with Israel. One year later the USSR cast its first two pro-Arab vetoes in the UN Security Council, and from this point on Soviet-Israeli relations openly became a function of the increasingly cordial Soviet friendship with the Arab world. | []
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https://openalex.org/W2513666121 | International Humanitarian Law As a Part of International Law with Special Reference to Its Implementation in the West and South Asian Region | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2513666121 | From the time immemorial in the history of mankind there have been some basic tenants governing warfare in every religion and culture but it would be pertinent to say that the contemporary sets of rules and norms have evolved since the mid of 19th century and have consolidated in the form of International Humanitarian Law. ICRC post the Battle of Solferino and the United Nations and some regional politico-security organisations like NATO post World War II have been involved actively in Humanitarian Relief and Intervention and have different perspectives for core principles and pillars of Humanitarian Law during the conduct of any warlike Distinction, Military Necessity, Proportionality, Neutrality, and R2P etc. In this context long drawn conflicts like Israel-Palestine and Sri Lanka-Ethnic Tamils of our times warrant a careful study by the exponent and proponents of International Law of various rules and regulations of IHL, Laws of War and Occupation to provide legal as well as humanitarian relief to both the combatants and civilians. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2498970666 | The American Jewish Press | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2498970666 | In the first two years of the war, the American Jewish press had a different public and political status than its counterparts in Britain and Palestine. During this time, the United States maintained neutrality in regard to the armed conflict in Europe. Its public opinion was dominated by an isolationist mindset that separated American interests from those of the European democracies that were fighting Fascist Germany. The political slogan “America First” held sway in the public domain. Given this state of affairs, the Jewish presence, which held anti-Fascist views generally and anti-Nazi views particularly, was isolated in American public opinion and often stood accused of urging America to join a war that clashed with its national interests. On top of these woes were pronouncedly antisemitic organizations that accused the Jews of treason; their anti-Jewish propaganda persisted even after the United States declared war on Nazi Germany in December 1941. | [
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https://openalex.org/W890051438 | 25. A Reinterpretation Of The Ottoman Neutrality During The War | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W890051438 | The Russo-Japanese War broke out at an important stage in modern Jewish history. At the beginning of the twentieth century, half of the world's Jewish population, or about five million Jews, resided in the Russian empire, constituting about four percent of the empire's population. When the war broke out, thousands of Jews were drafted, as part of the general mobilization. The most remembered Jewish soldier in that war was Joseph Trumpeldor. In 1912, he emigrated to Palestine, where he organized the first Jewish fighting unit, which saw action on the British side in the battle of Gallipoli in World War I. Although thousands of Jews fought and died on the Russian side, Jews all over the world were elated by Japan's victories. The Russo-Japanese War stirred an interest in the Jews among the Japanese. These events convinced many Jews that there was no future for them in Russia. Keywords: Japan's victories; Jews; Joseph Trumpeldor; Russian empire; Russo-Japanese War; World War I | [
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https://openalex.org/W4248406039 | Israel | [
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| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4248406039 | Even prior to World War II and the Holocaust, many Jews emigrated to Palestine. In the late nineteenth century, waves of anti-Semitism swept through Europe, reviving the Zionists’ quest to re-establish a Jewish homeland. An Israeli state was eventually declared in 1948. Even though Israel had not been a sovereign state during World War II, and no property expropriation laws had been passed, in 2005, the Israeli Parliament (Knesset) convened a commission to investigate the issue of property restitution in Israel—movable and immovable—for victims of the Holocaust. In 2006, Israel passed a restitution law addressing private property located in Israel where the owner had disappeared or died during World War II. The law also addressed what would happen if the properties had become heirless. A commission, the Company for Location and Restitution of Holocaust Victims’ Assets (known as “Hashava” in Hebrew), was created in 2006 to return assets of the Holocaust located in Israel (including land). Hashava ceased operations at the end of 2017. Israel endorsed the Terezin Declaration in 2009 and the Guidelines and Best Practices in 2010. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2300776114 | Does Nationality Influence Neutrality? The Ethical Standards and Expectations of International Mediators | [
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| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2300776114 | This Comment examines how a mediator’s nationality can influence the mediating parties’ and communities’ perceptions of his neutrality and how cultural differences play a role in the ethical expectations of a cross-cultural mediator. Part I discusses the role of neutrality in cross-cultural mediation and how neutrality is required and interpreted by codified ethical standards for mediators in the United States and in several international organizations. Part II discusses the role of culture in mediation, how culture influences ethical expectations, and the case studies of George Mitchell, a mediator in Ireland and Israel-Palestine, and Lakhdar Brahimi, a mediator in Syria. Mitchell and Brahimi are examples of mediators who worked with cultures that had different ethical expectations of the mediator’s role than they were accustomed to in their respective cultures. They both resigned in frustration and experienced great difficulty and public ridicule during their terms. Part III analyzes Mitchell and Brahimi’s trials and failures in their mediations, and provides suggestions for mediators involved in cross-cultural mediations. Through this analysis this Comment clarifies the role of neutrality in mediation and how a mediator’s nationality influences how mediating parties and their communities perceive his neutrality. | [
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https://openalex.org/W177274290 | Australia and the "Yom Kippur" War of 1973 | [
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| [
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"State of Palestine",
"Egypt",
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| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W177274290 | The profound hurt caused by the Whitlam Government's neutral and even handed Middle East policies still lingered on more than 30 years later among prominent Australian Jewish leaders such as Isi Leibler (1) and Sam Lipski. (2) In 2007 Leibler claimed that since the creation of Israel, Australia had been led by a succession of governments from both sides of the political spectrum that were supportive of Israel. With the solitary exception being Gough Whitlam, whose hostility against Israel during the Yom Kippur war is regarded as a historical aberration (Leibler 2007). Whitlam's Middle East policy has also earned the indignation of such outstanding Australian Jewish academics as Sol Encel (2004: 58), Suzanne Rutland, Bill Rubinstein, and Danny Ben-Moshe. Rutland maintained that during the preceding twenty-three years of conservative government, Australia had supported Israel but, with the election of Whitlam, in December 1972, the policy changed to one of neutrality, which at times leaned to the Arab position. This drawing back from Israel manifested itself in a range of decisions, including Australia's voting patterns at the United Nations (UN) and moves to establish an Arab League Office in Australia, as well as creating contacts with the Palestine Liberation Organization (hereafter PLO) and permitting its representatives to visit Australia (Rutland 2005: 9091). Rubinstein claimed that Whitlam's undisguised opposition to Israeli policy as Prime Minister, the fierce anti-Zionism of part of the Victorian socialist left, especially the wing around Bill Hartley, had cost the ALP many Jewish votes (Rubinstein 1991: 35, 541-545; 2004: 102). Similarly, Danny Ben-Moshe claimed that the centrality of Israel in Australian Jewish identity translated politically in 1975 to the Australian Jewish leadership taking the unprecedented step of calling for the community to vote for the Coalition and Malcolm Fraser. The 1975 Election saw the nadir of Jewish voting for the Labor Party. Jewish support for the ALP dropped from 75 per cent in the 1940s to 30 per cent (Ben-Moshe 2004: 132). Likewise, The Australian Jewish News editor, Dan Goldberg, accused Whitlam of having burned his bridges with the Australian Jewish community, and having earned the wrath of its leadership in 1973 when he had failed to condemn the surprise Arab attack on Israel during the Yom Kippur War (Goldberg 2003). Indeed, in contrast with the US and in line with most European countries, the Whitlam Government's Middle East policy had tilted in a more pro-Arab direction in its voting pattern at the UN Security Council before the outbreak of the War (Clark 1980: 155). This was strongly criticised in the Australian Jewish press which reported that the honeymoon between the Jewish community and the Whitlam Government was over. Jewish Community Director in Victoria, Sam Lipski, complained that the shift reflected a departure from the previous bipartisan policy of support for Israel (Lipski 1976: 20). The disappointment in the Australian Jewish community with the newly elected Labor Government must have been intensified by the great expectations emanating from fond memories of the Minister for Immigration in the Labor Government of Prime Minister Ben Chifley, Arthur Calwell (1945-1949), who supported the admission of Jewish refugees into Australia (Medding 1968: 151-153), and of the Minister for External Affairs, Doc Evatt, who, at the UN in 1947, actively supported the establishment of a Jewish State in Palestine. Labor's support in those days stood in marked contrast with the hostility of United Australia Party Prime Ministers, Joseph Lyons (1932-1939) and Robert Menzies (1939-1941), who opposed Jewish immigration to Palestine and the establishment of Israel. They did so because they regarded the aims of Zionism as incompatible with the interests of the British Empire in the Middle East (Reich 2002: Chapter 2). Evatt's support for Israel continued after he became Leader of the Opposition when, while objecting fiercely to the use of force by Britain and France against Egypt during the Suez Campaign, he maintained his whole hearted support for Israel (Reich 2002: 132). … | []
|
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https://openalex.org/W2500928367 | Istanbul Activities in Rescuing European Jews from the Nazis | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2500928367 | In evaluating Turkey’s role in rescuing European Jewry from the Holocaust, it is instructive to compare its position as a neutral country in relation to the Jewish Agency for Palestine and other such rescue organizations with those of neutral Switzerland and Rumania, whose situation and policies were quite different. Istanbul and Geneva were the leading cities of the most important neutral countries in Europe during World War II, a situation which enabled them to become the major rescue centers of the time. In the face of wartime pressures, however, each had to limit the rescue operations in different ways in accorance with their understanding of the dangers which might have to be faced if their neutrality was breached by these operations. Switzerland, never was under direct Nazi threat of invasion, so it was able to follow a policy of theoretical neutrality, enabling the Jewish Agency to operate with little restriction, though the Swiss did something that the Turks never did. They usually refused to accept Jewish refugees fleeing across the border from Germany if their passports had been marked ‘Jew’ by the Nazis. | [
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https://openalex.org/W608105038 | The MacMillan Dictionary of the Second World War | [
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| [
"Palestine",
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| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W608105038 | This is a comprehensive guide to World War II. More than 1600 detailed entries - together with 15 maps and a series of front-by-front chronologies - cover every aspect of the war, from theatres, actions and operations to weapons, tactics and strategies. International in scope, this book examines the war from the points of view of all the participants, and the coverage of the military side of the conflict is complemented by analyses of the political, economic and social issues involved - factors that have been expanded upon in this second edition. In this edition many countries previously subsumed under more general entries now have their own individual entry. Examples include Algeria, Australia, Belguim, Canada, Croatia, Palestine, Serbia, Slovakia, Slovenia and Yugoslavia. Major entries on the home fronts of all the principal combatant countries have also been added. Other new entries include communism, national socialism, Jews, Cetniks, Partisans, Ustasa, Volkssturm, Haile Selassie, Raoul Wallenberg, Josef Beck, Josef Tiso, King Leopold III, Hugo Bleicher, Generals Choltitz and Simoviv, Archbishop Galen, Sachsenhausen, Suez Canal, euthanasia, Allied Control Commission, Second Front, and unconditional surrender. | []
|
|
https://openalex.org/W3192546151 | At the Intersection of Health Care and Human Rights: Violations of Medical Neutrality and The Emergence of Medical Resistance | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3192546151 | The principle of medical neutrality stipulates that during periods of armed conflict, medical services must operate unimpaired and medical facilities and personnel should remain unharmed. However, in the face of growing intrastate conflicts and civil unrest across the world, medical neutrality is frequently violated by the state as medical professionals have increasingly come under threat while working in conflict zones. This study aims to determine how the politicization of medicine affects health care and medical professionals in conflict zones. In intrastate conflicts, medicine is politicized as a target of state violence and medical professionals become political actors who favor the side of protestors against the state. In order to analyze the effects of medical neutrality violations, this study explores cases of state violence in Egypt, Palestine, Kashmir, and the United States to demonstrate the extent of direct and indirect violence by the state, its implications for health care in conflict, and the obsolescence of traditional laws of medical neutrality. It also applies Hollander and Einwohner's conceptual model of resistance to different actions by medical professionals to resist oppression in conflict zones. The paper concludes that modern medical neutrality laws are an inoperable way of guaranteeing human rights and access to health care due to the inability to hold states accountable to such laws on a domestic scale. The inefficiency of medical neutrality and subsequent violations of the policy by states has caused medical professionals to take an active political role in resisting state violence. | []
|
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https://openalex.org/W2067581111 | From Idealism to Pragmatism: An Analysis of China's Policies toward the Middle East | [
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| [
"Palestine",
"Yemen",
"Iran",
"Egypt",
"Iraq",
"Israel"
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| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2067581111 | Abstract After World War II, the Middle East stage attracted Beijing's attention. While Israel and China proved at that time to be too diverse, through the 1950s China made inroads with Arab countries. Egypt became the first to recognize the P.R.C., which, however, suffered rebuffs as anti‐Communist forces generally prevailed in the Middle East. Beijing supported the people of Palestine. After the Soviet Union had become China's enemy, China tried to unite the Third World against the two superpowers. With Deng in 1978, China's Middle Eastern policy became more pragmatic, tilting toward the developed countries and economic cooperation rather than ideology (e.g., with Yemen). China enhanced relations with Gulf states; cooperated with the United States in supporting the Afghan mujahedin ; and declared neutrality in the Iran‐Iraq War, although economic alliance with Iran grew. The Gulf War affected Beijing's attitudes toward weapons technology and toward the United Nations and China's role in it. Israel is currently viewed as a channel for possible influence with the West. Overall, China's basic policy now is to watch and wait. | [
{
"display_name": "Digest of Middle East Studies",
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https://openalex.org/W2153016999 | Signposts: Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society and World War I | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Hasia R. Diner",
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"display_name": "Classics",
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"display_name": "Religious studies",
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2153016999 | Signposts: Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society and World War I Hasia R. Diner (bio) Max J. Kohler and Simon Wolf, “Jewish Disabilities in the Balkan States: American Contributions Toward their Removal, With Particular Reference to the Congress of Berlin,” 24 (January 1, 1916), pp. 1–153. Max J. Kohler, “Jewish Rights at the Congresses of Vienna (1814–1815) and the Aix-La-Chapelle (1818)” 26 (January 1, 1918), pp. 33–125. World War I, the plight of the Jews caught in the conflict’s cross-fire, and the intervention of America and its Jews to ameliorate their condition served as the backdrop for Max J. Kohler’s two articles, which appeared in the Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society during the middle years of the 1910s. The first of these empirically dense and deeply researched pieces came out in January 1916, as the United States staunchly proclaimed its neutrality, electing a president later that year who would make staying out of the war a key campaign promise. The second of Kohler’s pieces, also like the first, long, meticulous, and accompanied by primary sources, appeared a half year after Woodrow Wilson and the United States Congress brought the nation into the war. Wilson justified that dramatic about-face to humanitarianism and to a broad, nearly messianic vision of the world to emerge from the bloody protracted conflict, to be based on the protection of minorities, enduring peace, and global reconciliation. The articles also reflected a specific American and American Jewish context. Readers of the Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, as well as the smaller number who had heard these papers delivered orally at the Society’s annual meetings, would have known that as early as 1914, just months after the hostilities broke out, American Jews had geared into action to do what they could for those millions of Jews impacted by the war. Their involvement began almost immediately after the assassination in Sarajevo and the explosion of hostilities on a global scale. In August of that year Henry Morgenthau, the United States ambassador to the Ottoman Empire witnessed the plight of the Jews of Palestine who, cut off from the rest of the world because of the war, faced starvation. Morgenthau dispatched a telegram to banker-philanthropist [End Page 209] Jacob Schiff in New York on August 31, 1914, bringing to his attention their wretched conditions. This telegram catalyzed the formation of several American Jewish organizations, including the American Jewish Relief Committee, the Central Committee for the Relief of Jews Suffering Through the War, and the People’s Relief Committee, which banded together later that year to form the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee, known in short as the Joint. By 1915 the Joint, as well as other American Jewish organizations and the Jewish press, both English and Yiddish, publicized to the American Jewish public the vast suffering of Jews and the brutal dislocation of Jewish life in the Czarist Empire. For much of the period of time when Kohler and his co-writer Simon Wolf researched and wrote these two articles, which together ran up to more than 250 pages including hefty appendices of primary documents, the United States, because of its non-belligerent status and its geographic isolation suffered none of the disruption caused by the war. Even after America’s declaration of war and its soldiers went “over there,” the Atlantic provided Americans with a safe space, removed from the ravages of the conflict. As such the Jews of the United States constituted the only sizable Jewish population in the world living in a land not marred by trenches, not in the path of armies on the move, not in danger of invasion. Even England endured, from 1915 on, aerial bombing. The small Jewish population centers in South Africa, Australia, and the various countries of South and Central America had little clout and more importantly, lived in nations with no particular influence in the outcome of world events. This meant that the Jews of the United States experienced the war in profound safety, a matter which heightened their sense of responsibility for those Jews who faced grave, indeed life threatening hardship. This... | [
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https://openalex.org/W2124578665 | One of the Bloodiest Days: A Comparative Analysis of Open and Closed Television News | [
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| [
"West Bank",
"Israel"
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| [
"https://openalex.org/W2069454217",
"https://openalex.org/W2078281253",
"https://openalex.org/W2324296761"
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2124578665 | This article analyzes television news reports, from five countries, dealing with an incident that took place in the West Bank village of Nahalin in April 1989 during the Palestinian uprising. The analysis of both the verbal and visual texts attempts to explicate “open” and “closed” presentations of the incident by referring to three dimensions: the rhetoric of balance, the rhetoric of facticity, and the rhetoric of neutrality. The analysis suggests that the stories by both Israel Television and CBS are relatively “closed,” with the Israeli case being “defensive” while that of CBS being “offensive.” The other versions are appraised as lying somewhere between poetic closure and journalistic openness. | [
{
"display_name": "Journal of Communication",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S107737141",
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W1982563620 | Beyond neutrality – a politically oriented systemic intervention | [
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"display_name": "Michał Skrzypek",
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{
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{
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{
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{
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| [
"West Bank",
"Jordan",
"Israel"
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| [
"https://openalex.org/W601362308",
"https://openalex.org/W612508317",
"https://openalex.org/W1143502552",
"https://openalex.org/W1974312908",
"https://openalex.org/W1976513266",
"https://openalex.org/W1983739296",
"https://openalex.org/W1997209519",
"https://openalex.org/W2005550142",
"https://openalex.org/W2143461950",
"https://openalex.org/W2767018297",
"https://openalex.org/W3128981953"
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1982563620 | This paper focuses on the necessity to expand some perspectives of systemic interventions beyond the therapeutic room. It relates to situations where the problem presented by the client system arises from a political ideology that marginalizes the client system. The consideration of new alternatives requires a dialogue about the ideology of the client system and the ideologies held by others – the therapist, the people in the main stream, etc. Balancing between sharing therapist prejudices, i.e. political ideology, being neutral in understanding the narrative and meaning of the client system ideology, and being irreverent towards all ideologies, is useful in enabling the consideration of new alternatives. This is illustrated by the case of a supervisor/dialogue process with a group of Jewish family therapists living in the situation of political uncertainty on the West Bank of the Jordan, an area that has been occupied by Israel for three decades and a focal point of the changes proscribed by the Oslo Peace Agreement. | [
{
"display_name": "Journal of Family Therapy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S138752332",
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W2810310105 | The Role of a Forensic Pathologist in Armed Conflict | [
{
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"display_name": "Nizam Peerwani",
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| [
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{
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| [
"West Bank",
"Gaza",
"Bahrain",
"Libya",
"Iraq"
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| [
"https://openalex.org/W2085813203",
"https://openalex.org/W2266981039",
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2810310105 | Wars and armed conflicts by their very nature are cruel and ruthless. In the 17th century, the Dutch jurist Hugo Grotius, widely regarded as the father of public international law, wrote in The Rights of War and Peace Book 3, Chapter 1:VI that “wars, for the attainment of their objects, it cannot be denied, must employ force and terror as their most proper agents.” A forensic pathologist can play a crucial role in armed conflicts because of the unique training that he or she receives, including examination of human remains to determine both the cause and manner of death, and discussing the mechanism of death. Although the obvious role, then, would be to perform exhumation autopsies in mass killings or genocides, being a physician, a forensic pathologist is also uniquely qualified to evaluate and document physical torture, use of excessive force, and use of chemical weapons, as well as violation of medical neutrality in armed conflicts based on prevailing laws and conventions. Most of the investigations this author has conducted, including investigation of Rwanda and Bosnia genocides, violation of medical neutrality and use of excessive force in Bahrain and the Occupied West Bank and Gaza, searching for mass graves in post-Saddam Iraq, documenting mass graves in Bamiyan as well as Dash-t-Layli in Afghanistan after the defeat of the Taliban, and conducting local area capacity assessment in Libya after the fall of Colonel Gadhafi were all sponsored and logistically supported by nongovernmental organizations such as Physicians for Human Rights (USA). | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2045205626 | Human-rights group investigates use of force in Middle East conflict | [
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| [
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{
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| [
"West Bank",
"Gaza",
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| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2045205626 | A report released earlier this month by Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) has appealed to both Israelis and Palestinians to de-escalate the violence that has erupted in the renewed crisis in the Middle East. A PHR team of three forensic pathologists based in the USA visited Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank during Oct 20–27, “to investigate claims that the Israel Defense Force is using excessive force in the current conflict”. The team's analysis found that IDF's control of demonstrators had been excessive and inappropriate and that “based on the high number of documented injuries to the head and thighs, soldiers appear to be shooting to infliuct harm, rather than solely in self-defense”. The team also found evidence to substantiate claims of violations of the neutrality of medical personnel and ambulances. In the report, PHR also urges the Palestinian Authority “to adhere to international standards regarding the use of lethal and non-lethal force” (www.phrusa.org). | [
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W4238541228 | Conclusions | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4238541228 | This chapter considers explanations for the patterns of judicial review exposed in this study. It examines the Court’s performance in the light of the constraints of a domestic court faced both with challenges to state policy in political and security matters and the need to retain domestic and international legitimacy. The chapter places emphasis on the distinction between independence of judges and their neutrality. The lack of neutrality comes to the fore when the Court, which is the arm of an occupying state, reviews the authorities’ actions that affect persons who are not part of the judges’ political community. The Court has generally evaded examination of the legality under international law of the authorities’ actions or granted its backing to the positions of the government, often on legally dubious grounds. In so doing the Court has effectively legitimised virtually all policies and practices, including those that are incompatible with international law. In assessing the Court’s function, the chapter distinguishes between the Court’s legitimising and mitigating roles, and between the effect of the Court’s decisions and the effect of its shadow. Finally the chapter appraises the role that the Court has played in the transformation of the regime in the West Bank to one that has elements of a settler colonial regime. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3035715895 | The Population of Fallujah A Documentary Study in the Light of the General Census of 1947 | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3035715895 | Fallujah is an Iraqi city located on the left bank of the Euphrates River, 60 kilometers west of Baghdad. This research deals with the study of reality of the population and society of the city in 1947 based on an official document (General Census of 1947).This document is the most important source through which we can draw a close picture of the reality of Fallujah society at that time which is characterized by neutrality because it is issued by an official institution. This documentary study included the people of Fallujah in different respects, population, age, gender, housing in the countryside or urban, nature of housing,social conditions, the most important health impairments in this society, their religion and sects, nationalities, movement of these people from other governorates, their professions and their crafts, the most important business and economic functions prevailing then, health and cultural situations, depending on the number of institutions in the city at the time and the number of employees. The research is enhanced by graphs and tables that facilitate the purpose for which the research was written.
 Keywords: Fallujah Countryside and Urban, History of Fallujah, People of Fallujah, Population of Fallujah, Society of Fallujah | [
{
"display_name": "KnE Social Sciences",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S2765078954",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2780985121 | <i>Österreich und die DDR 1949–1990: Politik und Wirtschaft im Schatten der deutschen Teilung</i> | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2780985121 | This book not only traces the history of relations between two countries that were occupied by the Allied powers at the end of World War II but also sheds much broader light on the history of the Cold War.After years of meticulous archival research, the young Austrian historian Maximilian Graf from the Austrian Academy of Sciences and the University of Vienna has produced a first-rate book (based on his award-winning Ph.D. dissertation) that deserves international recognition. The book makes a major contribution to the history of the two Germanys during the Cold War and provides fascinating evidence about the complex network of relations involving Austria and the other neutral European states.From the time the German Democratic Republic (GDR, the Communist state in the east) was founded in 1949, it was keenly interested in being diplomatically recognized by Austria. However, these hopes went unfulfilled even after Austria regained its full sovereignty under the Austrian State Treaty of 1955. Austrian officials had no interest in risking a break of relations with the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG). The FRG's Hallstein Doctrine formed the framework for Austria's relations with the GDR. Still inexperienced in the policy of neutrality and not wanting to provoke Moscow, “Austria from now on had to perform a balancing act between the protection of its own interests and the required solidarity with the FRG” (p. 111). The Austrian government was interested in developing economic relations with the GDR, but at the outset its main focus was on the Austrians who lived in the GDR and who were increasingly used as a bargaining chip by the ruling East German Socialist Unity Party (SED).Because the East German archives provide little information about the early years, Graf is not able to present new findings on the debate about the so-called Stalin Note of March 1952 that is still frequently discussed in German historiography. When discussing the Austrian State Treaty, Graf, like others before him, highlights the SED's lavish public praise of the Soviet Union's “peace policy” but offers no new insights behind the scenes. On other levels, however, Graf provides important evidence that Soviet leaders did not regard neutrality based on the Austrian model as an option for solving the German question.Graf's most revealing and enlightening findings come in the second part of the book. He contends that the GDR would have been insolvent as early as 1982 if the Austrian government had not agreed to provide further loans worth billions (before the GDR received “Strauss loans” from the FRG). By the end of 1981, private Western creditors had stopped lending to the GDR because of the Polish crisis (p. 499). Poland, Romania, and Cuba were sliding toward insolvency, and the West regarded the GDR as the next candidate for bankruptcy. As a result, Austrian banks took a reserved position toward the GDR as well. Secret talks between diplomats from the GDR and Austria in Vienna followed. Subsequently, Kreisky instructed the banks to “change their stance toward the GDR.” He assumed the United States was exerting influence on Austrian banks to torpedo Austrian “Ostpolitik” (pp. 501–502). In October 1982, urgent requests from East Berlin to Vienna had made very clear that the GDR's ability to pay was in great danger if Austria would not grant a major loan. “Austria's problem was,” says Graf, “that money was taken up in the West, loan-financed goods and financial credits were given to the East, which means that western money was actually transferred to the East” (p. 512). Kreisky stuck to his belief that it would have been a mistake if they “believed that the East could now be brought to its knees financially.” He was convinced that the East Germans would “receive the support they needed from the Soviet Union” (p. 512). Finally, Kreisky needed large-scale orders from the GDR for the Austrian state-owned industry.Graf presents the opening of the Hungarian-Austrian border in 1989 and the dismantling of the Iron Curtain, which became possible not only because of Mikhail Gorbachev's “new political thinking” but also because of the improvements in relations between Budapest and Vienna that had been under way since the 1960s. The increasingly close cooperation between the two countries (including visa-free travel from 1979 on) was viewed suspiciously in the GDR. However, the East German authorities did not criticize Vienna for this trend—not even after the border had been opened in the spring of 1989—and instead directed their anger exclusively at Budapest. The pictures of the open border between Hungary and Austria marked the beginning of the end of the GDR, although this was clearly not the intention of the Austrian government, as Graf demonstrates using economic evidence. Numerous Austrian politicians, especially within the Socialist Party of Austria (Sozialistische Partei Österreichs), believed in the continued existence of the GDR even after the Berlin Wall had opened, not least because of the “economic relations they had grown fond of” (p. 624). Chancellor Franz Vranitzky was the first Western head of government to visit East Berlin after the opening of the Berlin Wall. He continued to adhere to a strict interpretation of Austria's neutrality policy, unlike Austrian Foreign Minister Alois Mock, who early on declared himself in favor of German reunification, conspicuously supported the opposition in Communist countries, and talked about the future of an undivided Europe in a quite visionary manner.Graf's book is a major contribution to Cold War studies. It is highly recommended for all scholars in the field, especially those interested in Ostpolitik and East-West détente, neutrality, and the end of the Cold War. The publication of a slightly shortened English version focusing on the second half of the Cold War would bring Graf's important findings to a wider audience. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2138416848 | The Buffer System in International Relations | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C114614502"
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| [
"Lebanon"
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| [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2138416848 | Although the term “buffer state” is widely employed, it has received little scholarly treatment. This article investigates the buffer state and buffer system, using both expected utility theory and four case studies: Afghanistan (1870-1978), Cambodia (1954-1971), Lebanon (1943-1981), and Belgium (1831-1945). A definition is put forward stating what conditions of geography, capability distribution, and foreign policy orientations must be present for the system to be a buffer system. This definition has clear behavioral consequences for the larger powers in the system and the buffer state. One derivation from the definition is that multilateral declarations of neutrality and partition are phenomena related to each other and to the existence of buffer conditions. Another derivation is that the buffer state's diplomatic options are severely constrained—with neutrality the most likely policy. Clearly, the proposed definition gives us a better understanding of conflict and conflict resolution in a buffer system. | [
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W2948211026 | Winking at Humanitarian Neutrality: The Liminal Politics of the State in Lebanon | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C11413529"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
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| [
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"Syria",
"Israel"
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| [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2948211026 | Drawing on the July 2006 Israel–Lebanon War in Beirut’s southern suburbs and the Syrian refugee influx into the villages of Akkar in northern Lebanon, I suggest that the Lebanese state aspires to officially assert itself as a liminal space in a bid to survive crises and preserve its political capital, therefore aborting the attempts made by citizens and refugees to leave such liminality. I look at how professed state liminality meets with humanitarian neutrality, which is a principle of several international humanitarian agencies that assisted the internally displaced in 2006 and Syrian refugees from 2011 in Lebanon. Although in anthropology liminality has mostly been approached as anti-structural and an embodiment of the margins, by proceeding from people’s perception of state enmity and their frustrated aspirations to befriend the state, I suggest that state liminality rather captures the structural peculiarity of the Lebanese state’s agency and violent presence, made of repressive and neglectful politics. | [
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W2188814897 | The Everyday Experience of Humanitarianism in Akkar Villages | [
{
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| [
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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| [
"Lebanon",
"Syria"
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| [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2188814897 | Within the framework of the Syrian humanitarian crisis, this paper aims to understand the way everyday practices are changing in response to humanitarian programs currently in place in North Lebanon, through the use of a bottom-up ethnographic approach. Rather than delving deeper into the technical analysis of humanitarian policies and programs, the fieldwork focused on the everyday experience of beneficiaries, from the local and the new refugee communities. Prior to the beginning of the Syrian crisis, the humanitarian industry, as well as the state, had neglected North Lebanon, to a large extent. The present paper will examine the qualitative changes that the humanitarian market has been engendering over the past two years, concerning the massive flow of refugees into Lebanon, which is a non-signatory country to the 1951 Geneva Refugee Convention. People’s accounts suggest that the Syrian refugee community is becoming frustrated with the alleged neutrality and depoliticization of humanitarian assistance, which merely aims at alleviating their suffering, without concrete action to put an end to the war in Syria. On one side, the initial ethnicization of needs implied that beneficiaries were placed in specific categories before being granted access to services; the reiterated use of aid provision as a strategy to gain international legitimacy politicized humanitarian assistance further. On the other side, interviewed humanitarian practitioners revealed how they continue to defend the "alleviation-of-suffering" logic. To explore the humanitarian sphere, notions of agency and citizenship in historically neglected regions have been used, through utilizing a grounded theory, where empirical data comes before hypothetical theories. This was archived through in-depth interviews with faith-based, secular, international, and local organizations and by relying on the researcher’s participatory observation of the day to day living of aid beneficiaries and non-beneficiaries. The ethnographer’s emotional response to the experiences shared with field companions is inevitably incorporated in the methodology. Thus, this paper aims at elaborating a data-driven critique of the impact of non-state structures – which proliferate in the emergency sphere, in which Lebanon eternally finds itself entangled – on the rarely studied everyday life, in order to able to transcend macroscopic perspectives. | []
|
|
https://openalex.org/W2078070926 | From Positive Neutrality to Partisanship: How and Why the Armenian Political Parties Took Sides in Lebanese Politics in the Post-Taif Period (1989–Present) | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2078070926 | This article examines the policy of the Armenian political parties in Lebanon in light of the Taif agreement in 1989 that ended the Lebanese civil war and granted the Armenian community more political rights. The Armenian parties (Dashnak, Hunchak and Ramgavar) in the post-Taif period were obliged to abandon the policy of positive neutrality that they adopted from 1975 to 1989, and took sides with various Lebanese parties to protect the communal interests that the consociational structure of the state had allowed them. However, the Armenian parties were not united over the goal of maintaining the Armenian bloc inside parliament. As they chose different policies to pursue communal interests they took sides with the ruling majority and the anti-government opposition. The Armenians were criticized by some Christian politicians for their partisanship and were expected to maintain their traditional neutrality in Lebanese politics. It is very likely that the Armenians will return to their neutral policy and support the President and the government once their group rights are protected. | [
{
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https://openalex.org/W2115348846 | From Non-alignment to Neutrality: Austria's Transformation during the First East-West Détente, 1953–1958 | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2115348846 | This article deals with Austria during the first phase of détente from 1953 to 1958, a period in which the country was still formally under Four-Power control. The article recounts and analyzes the conclusion of the Austrian State Treaty (and Austria's accompanying declaration of neutrality) in 1955 and the positions taken by Austria during the crises in East Germany in 1953, Hungary in 1956, and Lebanon in 1958. Austria's neutrality was spurred not so much by the Cold War as by the East-West “thaw” after Stalin's death. Neutrality helped usher in a remarkably successful period of national self-assertion that facilitated Austria's efforts at nation building. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2018224043 | Covering the Qana ‘Massacre’ 1996: A Case of Contextual Objectivity | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2018224043 | Abstract This article is part of a larger qualitative study that investigates the Lebanese journalism culture and performance in relation to the Israeli forces' operations against Lebanon and their encounters with the Lebanese resistance between 1996 and 2000. News values and objectivity are key aspects of the culture that this paper explores. It is a story about journalism told by a journalist, yet one who uses academic tools to narrate her story and the story of her fellow journalists. The article presents part of the author's own story - an ethnographic account of Tele Liban's coverage during the 1996 ‘Grapes of Wrath’ operation, as Israel then called it. The performance of Tele Liban journalists during this period will be presented and examined in relation to journalistic norms of objectivity, neutrality, balance and truth. This paper examines what might be identified as alternative ways of understanding reporting wars and conflicts and argues that in this particular situation, reporting was a case of contextual objectivity. | [
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{
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https://openalex.org/W2792348977 | A Blueprint for Successful Peacekeeping? The Italians in Beirut (Lebanon), 1982–1984 | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2792348977 | On 6 June 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon to fight the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO). Between August 1982 and February 1984, the US, France, Britain and Italy deployed a Multinational Force (MNF) to Beirut. Its task was to act as an interposition force to bolster the government and to bring peace to the people. The mission is often forgotten or merely remembered in context with the bombing of US Marines’ barracks. However, an analysis of the Italian contingent shows that the MNF was not doomed to fail and could accomplish its task when operational and diplomatic efforts were coordinated. The Italian commander in Beirut, General Franco Angioni, followed a successful approach that sustained neutrality, respectful behaviour and minimal force, which resulted in a qualified success of the Italian efforts. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2072927996 | The “War on Terror” and Non-alignment | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2072927996 | Against such an enemy, there can be no neutrality. —President George W. Bush, March 11, 2002 Two European Union countries—Ireland and Finland—could never be called “enemies” of America. Nevertheless, they remain, for historical and pragmatic reasons, outside any formal military alliances. Because of this non-alignment, they have been pressured since 9/11 to state exactly where they stand in relation to the U.S. and its “War on Terror.” Both are members of NATO's Partnership for Peace (PfP) initiative, and their positions are closer to what James Skelly has described as “impartial” rather than isolationist neutrality. Finnish soldiers have served with distinction in peace-keeping operations and their diplomats have been seen as honest brokers in Yugoslavia and Northern Ireland. Irish soldiers have helped to keep the fragile peace in Lebanon and East Timor, and Ireland has provided the UN with major.gures such as Mary Robinson and Dennis Halliday. The importance the citizens of these countries has given to the role of the UN in world affairs was amply illustrated in the anti-war demonstrations of early 2003, when the light-blue flags of the UN were much in evidence in Helsinki and Dublin. Some parties claim that non-alignment remains so popular with the Finnish and Irish people because they fail to understand contemporary geopolitics. Yet, it is more than coincidence that both countries witnessed at close hand some of the hypocrisy at work in the War on Terror. Finland borders Russia, whose government has used much of the Bush rhetoric to justify a mutually destructive campaign in Chechnya. The Irish, similarly, have observed for decades the way the British government has conducted a “dirty war” in Northern Ireland. With this experience comes a realization that terror, whatever form it takes, can seldom be beaten by violence. By contrast, and perhaps by necessity, the governments of these countries have obfuscated the issue in order to be all things to all people. The high-wire act that both have performed in order to convince their electorates that their non-aligned status is intact, and yet at the same time keep in Bush’s good books, has produced great elasticity in definitions of neutrality. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2127118885 | Austrian Neutrality: The Early Years, 1955–1958 | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2127118885 | Austria's status of neutrality contended with crises almost immediately after its founding along with the 1955 State Treaty. First, during the Soviet invasion of Hungary in October 1956, Austrian neutrality faced the threat of conflict when Soviet-Hungarian clashes spilled over into Austria. Then, in July 1958, Austrian neutrality contended with more benign, but nonetheless disturbing, provocations from the Cold War's Western superpower, the United States. As U.S. military planes transited Austria in broad daylight on their way to Lebanon, the cozy, covert Austro-American relationship became all too overt. Although many Austrians believed neutrality would end foreign (particularly Soviet) domination and would ensure an ultimate withdrawal from global upheavals, these events showed that neutrality by itself could not remove the strategic implications inherent in Austria's position in Cold War Central Europe. Indeed, partisan strategic calculations in both East and West had played a significant role in creating Austrian neutrality. As a result, preserving both Austria's neutrality and its links to the West required delicate maneuvering by a small, poorly defended country amid Cold War crosscurrents of Eastern threats and Western sympathies. Already in its early years, Austrian neutrality proved to be less of the holiday from history that many Austrians expected during the festive mood of May 1955. | [
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https://openalex.org/W605367746 | Years of resistance : the mandate of Émile Lahood, the former president of Lebanon | [
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{
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| [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W605367746 | Emile Lahood served in various posts in the military, including commander-in-chief of the army from 1989 to 1998. In 1998 he had the constitution amended to allow the army commander-in-chief to run for office within three years of holding that post, and was subsequently elected as President of Lebanon. Lahood's popularity, political neutrality and strong ties with Syria and the United States made him well suited for the Lebanese presidency, an office traditionally occupied by a Christian. Lahood actively stifled opposition to the Syrian military presence in Lebanon. He also oversaw Israel's withdrawal from southern Lebanon in 2000. At the conclusion of Lahood's extended term in 2007, the National Assembly could not agree on a successor, and he was replaced by an acting president, Fouad Siniora Years of Resistance is a testimony of Lahood's mandate during his nine years in office. The material for the book is mostly taken from the weekly meetings that the author, Karim Pakradouni, and Lahood had during his time in office. The reader is placed at the heart of Lebanese politics, as Pakradouni reveals the conflicts, reform attempts, liberation and political assassinations that shaped Lahood's reign. This book brings to light new details of important documents and events, and describes several key Lebanese and Arab figures in a way that leads to better comprehension of the interminable crisis and wars which took place in Lebanon and in the Middle East. This book is a summary of the Lebanese political situation where hopes are interspersed with fear. | []
|
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https://openalex.org/W1971128148 | America in Iran | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1971128148 | AMERICA IN IRAN Richard T. Sale KJn August 25, 1941, at 4:45 A.M., without an ultimatum and without a declaration of war, British and Russian forces invaded Iran simultaneously from the north, west, and southwest. In the north the Russians poured into the Azerbaijan, the rich northwest province that bordered the Soviet Union along the Aras River and provided almost all of Iran's food. In the south the British headed for the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company concession at Khuzistan, the most important of British imperial enterprises, the highest earner of foreign exchange , and the most important supplier of oil for its navy. In a world ablaze with war, Iran had taken pains to stay neutral. In September 1939 and again in June 1941 when Germany invaded the Soviet Union, Iran declared her neutrality. At 8:00 A.M., when the British and Russian ministers appeared at his palace to present separate notes, Iran's sixtythree -year-old ruler, Reza Shah Pahlavi said to them: "What is this? ... I find this morning that you have attacked my country and seized eight Axis ships in the [Persian] Gulf. It seems the Germans want to take all of Europe, and the British and Russians want to take Iran."1 Later that day the shah sent President Roosevelt a telegram. The Department of State received it at 10:51 P.M. In it Reza detailed the British and Russian bombing of cities "open and without defense." He concluded angrily: "I no longer can see for what reason they have proceeded to those acts of aggres1 . Relevant accounts of the invasion and Reza Shah's quote appear in U.S. Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United States, vol. 3 (Washington, D.C: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1941). Richard T. Sale is a former correspondent for Life magazine. He went to Iran in 1976 for The Washington Post and is writing a book entitled U.S. Policy in Iran, which will be published by William Morrow, Inc. Part of the research for this article was funded by a grant from the Fund for Investigative Journalism. 27 28 SAIS REVIEW sion and to bombarding without reason our cities." It was addressed to President Franklin D. Roosevelt. The United States' involvement in Iran since World War II has had both strategic and economic overtones. The emphasis given these interests was not balanced and one or the other tended to predominate in response to American domestic policies or foreign policies in the rest of the world. These two sets of priorities, taken together, have served to outweigh U.S. commitments to fostering democracy, independence, or political development in Iran. The debut of America in modern Iranian affairs emphasized strategic interests and is a perfect instance of democratic rhetoric being forced to bow to military necessity · In 1941 America was seen as the defender of the rights of small countries, whereas British and Russian actions habitually had expressed disdain for them. For example, in 1907, without Iran's consent, they divided the country in two, the Russians taking the north and the British seizing the oil fields and the rest of the country to the south. Under the secret terms of the Constantinople Agreement of March 1915, the British and Russians planned to divide Iran after the First World War, though the plan collapsed with the abdication of the tsar. In 1941, with the Germans in control of most of Europe, the predominant British concern was to consolidate their hold over their imperial possessions in the Middle East, the most important being their trade with India and their oil fields in Iran. Many Arab governments, resentful of British domination, looked to a German victory to secure their own liberty. The British began toppling these governments, promptly setting up puppets in their place. Thus, in May 1941 the neutral government of Iraq fell to British troops, and inJune, in a move that deeply rankled the French, the British took Lebanon and Syria. OnJuIy 22 Prime Minister Churchill cabled General Guiñan, the British commander in Iraq, and told him to prepare to invade Iran on the pretext that Iran harbored a dangerous German "fifth column... | [
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https://openalex.org/W2623506177 | LEBANON AND THE SYRIAN CRISIS | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2623506177 | The article examines the impact of the Syrian crisis on the internal political situation in Lebanon. The analysis helps to reveal the fact that the activity of armed radical Islamist groups is enhancing in the country, which negatively affects the security of the population. The increase in the number of Syrian refugees alters the demographic situation, contributes to the deterioration of economic development indicators, to the increase of poverty, unemployment and street crime, as well as to the aggravation of social tension. Despite the efforts of the Lebanese government to maintain neutrality, the country is drawn into the Syrian conflict: the Shiite group Hezbollah is fighting on the side of Syrian President B. Assad, while Lebanese Sunni groups are helping the oppositional Free Syrian army. According to the author’s conclusion, despite the toughening of the struggle between the pro-Syrian and anti-Syrian blocs, centrist moods are growing in Lebanese society. They are related to the search for a compromise between the opposing sides. | [
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https://openalex.org/W648424785 | Lebanon in Modern Times | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W648424785 | Chapter 1 Preface Chapter 2 Acknowledgements Chapter 3 Introduction Chapter 4 1 The Lord of The Land: Amir Fakhr al-Din al-Mani II and The Druze Revolt Chapter 5 2 The Shihabi Amirate (Emirate) I: Neutrality in the Era of Napoleon and Ahmed al-Jazzar Pasha Chapter 6 3 The Shihabi Amirate (Emirate) II: Lebanon and the Egyptian Invasion Chapter 7 4 The Maronite Establishment: Independence and the Maronite Church Chapter 8 5 The Maronite Insurrection in Mount Lebanon (1841-1845): The Struggle to Secure Independence Chapter 9 6 The Maronite-Druze Civil War of 1860: A Decade of Conflicts the Ottoman Empire Attempted to Reintegrate Lebanon Tightly into the Porte's Embrace Chapter 10 7 The Mutasarrifiyah of Jabal Lubnan: The Arab World's First Representative Government Chapter 11 8 Under French Rule: The Interwar Years and the Origins of Political Modernization Chapter 12 9 Independent Lebanon: Confessional Democracy and Political Tensions Chapter 13 10 The War Years (1975-1985) Chapter 14 11 Post War Lebanon (1985-1996) Chapter 15 12 The Contemporary Scene (1997-2007) Chapter 16 Conclusion Chapter 17 Epilogue Chapter 18 Select Bibliography Chapter 19 About the Author | []
|
|
https://openalex.org/W2003589488 | The Quest for a Balance of Power in Lebanon during Suleiman Frangieh's Presidency, 1970–76 | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2003589488 | This paper examines the changes in the balance of power in domestic and foreign arenas in Lebanon during the regime of President Suleiman Frangieh between the years of 1970 and 1976. Changes occurred in both arenas which influenced the stability of the regime and led the country to a civil war. In the domestic political arena, the regime ceased to rely on a Maronite–Sunni–Shiite axis and began to rely firstly on a Maronite–Shiite axis, and then on a Maronite–Druze axis. These steps aroused the Sunni establishment against the regime and led to instability. In the foreign arena, the regime exchanged their policy of neutrality on Arab and international arenas in favour of leaning towards ‘revolutionary’ Arab countries such as Syria, Iraq and Libya. This led to a rise in the influence and intervention of these Arab countries in Lebanese political affairs and escalated the turbulence on the streets of Lebanon against the Frangieh regime. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4293711751 | The Continuous Conflicts between Regional Hegemonic Competition and Buffer State to Death State: Analysis of the Lebanon Case | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4293711751 | This study analyzes how continuous conflicts between Israel and Iran which are known as two hegemonies in the region, affect converting Lebanon’s status from a buffer to a death. Since 1990, when Iran’s Influence began to expand after the Iraq and Iran War, the conflicts between Israel and Iran have continued until these days. In these conflicts, Lebanon has been a location of a proxy war between Israel and Iran and lost its buffer’s neutrality and roles. On the other hand, Lebanon is close to losing its right of control amid hegemonic conflicts. Thus, Lebanon has been converted into a death state which cannot make independent decisions. Accordingly, this study claims that the continuous conflicts between two hegemonies have a massive effect on a country’s status. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2413070938 | The Confessional System Between Lebanonism and Pan-Arabism | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2413070938 | This chapter emphasizes the precariousness of the Republic, and underscores the efforts to reform the political system as a means to strengthen national identity. However, these efforts failed as the struggle for Lebanon became torn between a strident pan-Arabism, which embraced the Palestinian cause, and a besieged Lebanonism, which became fearfully obsessed with neutrality and maintaining the status quo. Led by the man of the left Kamal Jumblat, pan-Arabism was more about removing a regime dominated by political Maronitism. The National Pact and the state collapsed, propelling a utilitarian Syrian intervention to restore communal equilibrium and preclude an Israeli intercession with the Christians. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4229525020 | New appointments secure Lebanese army’s neutrality | []
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4229525020 | Headline LEBANON: New appointments secure army’s neutrality | [
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https://openalex.org/W4250698881 | Lebanon’s economic crisis may threaten army neutrality | []
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4250698881 | Headline LEBANON: Economic crisis may threaten army neutrality | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2895687708 | Relief as a neutral form of aid or a political-communal mobilization? Doing politics in emergencies and war and the politics of aid in Lebanon | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C39549134"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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{
"display_name": "Physics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C121332964"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C46312422"
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{
"display_name": "Quantum mechanics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C62520636"
}
]
| [
"Lebanon"
]
| [
"https://openalex.org/W1521326391",
"https://openalex.org/W1964457269",
"https://openalex.org/W1972407812",
"https://openalex.org/W1988878953",
"https://openalex.org/W2020293636",
"https://openalex.org/W2048463434",
"https://openalex.org/W2082317339",
"https://openalex.org/W2132962863",
"https://openalex.org/W2149623688",
"https://openalex.org/W2894580348",
"https://openalex.org/W2895207128",
"https://openalex.org/W3137071346",
"https://openalex.org/W4239293599",
"https://openalex.org/W4246939779"
]
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2895687708 | Drawing on the experiences of several activists, experts, and individuals involved in the provision of aid and relief during and after the 2006 July war on Lebanon, this case study explores the issues of neutrality and local commitment in providing assistance during war and conflict. It aims at placing the humanitarian principle of neutrality, a global principle of humanitarian assistance that posits a specific form and stance in providing aid, in conversation with local forms of political and communal mobilization of relief. The purpose of this paper is to unveil the assumptions embedded in the concept of “neutral aid”, and the type of politics that apolitical humanitarian action and intervention posit and produce, addressing questions relevant to providing or imposing a neutral form of aid in a politically-charged environment, and the way international professionalized NGOs collaborate and interact with local actors. The paper then proposes a set of recommendations for humanitarian action and practice in Lebanon. | []
|
|
https://openalex.org/W2006404143 | The policy of positive neutrality of the Armenian political parties in Lebanon during the civil war, 1975–90: A critical analysis | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Ohannes Geukjian",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5052515577"
}
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| [
{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
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{
"display_name": "Armenian",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2776639550"
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{
"display_name": "Politics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
"display_name": "Spanish Civil War",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C81631423"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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{
"display_name": "Political economy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138921699"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C6303427"
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{
"display_name": "Ancient history",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C195244886"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
},
{
"display_name": "History",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C95457728"
}
]
| [
"Lebanon"
]
| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2006404143 | The leaders of the three Armenian political parties in Lebanon adopted a policy of positive neutrality in 1975. These parties were: (a) the Armenian Revolutionary Federation or the Dashnak Party, s... | [
{
"display_name": "Middle Eastern Studies",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S164505828",
"type": "journal"
}
]
|
|
https://openalex.org/W4254050964 | Lebanon’s army faces rising pressure over Hezbollah | []
| [
{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
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{
"display_name": "Leverage (statistics)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C153083717"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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{
"display_name": "Administration (probate law)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780765947"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C48103436"
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{
"display_name": "Political economy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138921699"
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{
"display_name": "Development economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C47768531"
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{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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{
"display_name": "Sociology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
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{
"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
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{
"display_name": "Algorithm",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C11413529"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C119857082"
},
{
"display_name": "Computer science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
}
]
| [
"Lebanon"
]
| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4254050964 | Significance Washington has provided more than 1.6 billion dollars’ worth of military aid since 2006, as part of efforts to maintain the neutrality of the Lebanese state. However, concerns are growing within the administration of US President Donald Trump over potential links to Shia movement Hezbollah. Impacts Popular support for the LAF as one of the few unifying national institutions will endure despite internal and regional political tensions. Saudi financial and political influence in Lebanon will remain significant, despite recent setbacks. Should US support for the LAF diminish, other Western countries, including the United Kingdom and France, could step in. Russia may seek increased leverage inside the LAF if traditional Western partners reduce bilateral cooperation. | [
{
"display_name": "Emerald expert briefings",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210217702",
"type": "journal"
}
]
|
|
https://openalex.org/W2512254018 | Public Service Motivation in an International Context: Evidence from the Lebanese Civil Service | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Elias A Shahda",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5006557249"
}
]
| [
{
"display_name": "Public service",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780110086"
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{
"display_name": "Public service motivation",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2776661979"
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{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
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{
"display_name": "Public sector",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C147859227"
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{
"display_name": "Public relations",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C39549134"
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{
"display_name": "Public administration",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C3116431"
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{
"display_name": "New public management",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C47936135"
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{
"display_name": "Ethos",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2776932993"
},
{
"display_name": "Context (archaeology)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779343474"
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{
"display_name": "Principle of legality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C42027317"
},
{
"display_name": "Service (business)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780378061"
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{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
},
{
"display_name": "Sociology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
},
{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
},
{
"display_name": "Business",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144133560"
},
{
"display_name": "Marketing",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162853370"
},
{
"display_name": "Paleontology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C151730666"
},
{
"display_name": "Biology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C86803240"
}
]
| [
"Lebanon"
]
| [
"https://openalex.org/W606362796",
"https://openalex.org/W1568228458",
"https://openalex.org/W1595880849",
"https://openalex.org/W1820801730",
"https://openalex.org/W1989528006",
"https://openalex.org/W1999755536",
"https://openalex.org/W2046004785",
"https://openalex.org/W2116687857",
"https://openalex.org/W2129998275",
"https://openalex.org/W2132773425",
"https://openalex.org/W2136440495",
"https://openalex.org/W2136730800",
"https://openalex.org/W2139167372",
"https://openalex.org/W2142974332",
"https://openalex.org/W2147469178",
"https://openalex.org/W2163156298"
]
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2512254018 | Public service motivation has been developed partly as a reaction to the failures of new public management in reforming the civil service, and partly as a reaction to the negative effects that this model has on public service ethics. In 1990, the United States of America witnessed an attempt with the aim of reviving and developing the concept of public service ethics, also known as public service motivation (PSM) or public service ethos (PSE) in order to improve the performance of the American civil servants. PSM has been studied in different developed countries; however, it was almost ignored in developing countries. This study focuses on the conceptualization of PSM in Lebanon with a particular focus on civil service. This study shows that PSM is an international concept, which is present in the Lebanese context as well. However, other value-laden elements appeared to surface, where they yield additional information on the content of PSM. Keywords: Public service motivation, new public management, public sector motivation, legality, objectivity, ethics, neutrality and merit | [
{
"display_name": "Public Policy and Administration Research",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S2764690074",
"type": "journal"
}
]
|
|
https://openalex.org/W2939480289 | Challenging the concept of pure objectivity in British and Spanish hard news reports: The case of the 2006 Lebanon War | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Anne McCabe",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5012992544"
},
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Isabel Alonso Belmonte",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5051985983"
}
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| [
{
"display_name": "Newspaper",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C201280247"
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2776035091"
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{
"display_name": "Media studies",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C29595303"
},
{
"display_name": "Politics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
"display_name": "Journalism",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C119513131"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C529147693"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Epistemology",
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{
"display_name": "Art",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C142362112"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C138885662"
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{
"display_name": "Visual arts",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C153349607"
}
]
| [
"Lebanon"
]
| [
"https://openalex.org/W99928505",
"https://openalex.org/W1827076736",
"https://openalex.org/W1963944251",
"https://openalex.org/W1977697023",
"https://openalex.org/W1990741026",
"https://openalex.org/W2006941876",
"https://openalex.org/W2036180993",
"https://openalex.org/W2047326140",
"https://openalex.org/W2056759112",
"https://openalex.org/W2126171780",
"https://openalex.org/W2129081640",
"https://openalex.org/W2132855695",
"https://openalex.org/W2168534510",
"https://openalex.org/W2169661449",
"https://openalex.org/W2302917289",
"https://openalex.org/W2325956040",
"https://openalex.org/W2328133285",
"https://openalex.org/W2490171905",
"https://openalex.org/W2994169885",
"https://openalex.org/W3125112043"
]
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2939480289 | This article provides a linguistic analysis of facts and viewpoints in a British-Peninsular Spanish sample of newspaper reports written about the Second Lebanon war (2006). Almeida’s (1992) category system for the analysis of factuality and nonfactuality, and Martin and White’s (2005) Appraisal framework were used to analyze journalistic ideological subjectivities underlying all factual statements in the news reports. Results show differences in how writers align their readers based on the political ideology of the newspaper, confirming Patterson and Donsbach’s (1996, 466) conclusion that “partisanship can and does intrude on news decisions, even among journalists who are conscientiously committed to a code of strict neutrality.” Thus, the results of this study are of interest to discourse analysts and media researchers. | []
|
|
https://openalex.org/W4386103222 | THE DUTY OF RESERVATION IN PUBLIC OFFICE | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Karine Dgheidy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5092681773"
}
]
| [
{
"display_name": "Duty",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779103253"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2776475305"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2781287902"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780110086"
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{
"display_name": "Reservation",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2777632111"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
"display_name": "Service (business)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780378061"
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{
"display_name": "Jurisprudence",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C71043370"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C144133560"
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{
"display_name": "Legislature",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C83009810"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
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{
"display_name": "Law and economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C190253527"
},
{
"display_name": "Legislation",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2777351106"
},
{
"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
},
{
"display_name": "Marketing",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162853370"
}
]
| [
"Lebanon"
]
| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4386103222 | The duty of reservation is considered one of the established principles in the jurisprudence of administrative justice, as it plays a crucial role in the performance of public service. It imposes restrictions on the freedom of expression of employees to ensure the smooth and progressive functioning of public facilities. Although the Lebanese legislator did not explicitly and exclusively mention this duty, it is inferred from the comprehensive provisions of Articles 14 and 15 of Legislative Decree No. 112/59. Accordingly, fundamental principles such as neutrality, moderation, preserving the dignity of public service, maintaining a good reputation, and professional confidentiality must be respected. This duty becomes even more stringent for holders of higher positions in the state. We concluded that the duty of reservation is a general principle that should be respected both within and outside the public service, as it is linked to the public interest and should be explicitly enshrined in laws without ambiguity. | [
{
"display_name": "BAU Journal - Journal of Legal Studies - مجلة الدراسات القانونية",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4387288096",
"type": "journal"
}
]
|
|
https://openalex.org/W2887369672 | A blueprint for successful peacekeeping | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Bastian Matteo Scianna",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5073169872"
}
]
| [
{
"display_name": "Peacekeeping",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C183761623"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C155911762"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
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{
"display_name": "Multinational corporation",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C158016649"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779343474"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2985871740"
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{
"display_name": "Government (linguistics)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2778137410"
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{
"display_name": "Task (project management)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780451532"
},
{
"display_name": "Bolster",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779841105"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C3116431"
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{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
},
{
"display_name": "Political economy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138921699"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
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{
"display_name": "Management",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C187736073"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C127413603"
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{
"display_name": "History",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C95457728"
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{
"display_name": "Archaeology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C166957645"
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{
"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
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{
"display_name": "Mechanical engineering",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C78519656"
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{
"display_name": "Linguistics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41895202"
},
{
"display_name": "Philosophy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138885662"
}
]
| [
"Lebanon",
"Israel"
]
| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2887369672 | On 6 June 1982, Israel invaded Lebanon to fight the Palestinian
Liberation Organization (PLO). Between August 1982 and February
1984, the US, France, Britain and Italy deployed a Multinational
Force (MNF) to Beirut. Its task was to act as an interposition force to
bolster the government and to bring peace to the people. The
mission is often forgotten or merely remembered in context with
the bombing of US Marines’ barracks. However, an analysis of the
Italian contingent shows that the MNF was not doomed to fail and
could accomplish its task when operational and diplomatic efforts
were coordinated. The Italian commander in Beirut, General Franco
Angioni, followed a successful approach that sustained neutrality,
respectful behaviour and minimal force, which resulted in a
qualified success of the Italian efforts. | []
|
|
https://openalex.org/W2805185081 | The Effects of Political Factors on Public Service Motivation: Evidence from the Lebanese Civil Service | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Elias A Shahda",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5006557249"
}
]
| [
{
"display_name": "Impartiality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780564088"
},
{
"display_name": "Politics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
},
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780110086"
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{
"display_name": "Accountability",
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C147859227"
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C199728807"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C513891491"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C139621336"
},
{
"display_name": "Public relations",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C39549134"
},
{
"display_name": "Public administration",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C3116431"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
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{
"display_name": "Business",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144133560"
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{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
},
{
"display_name": "Public economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C100001284"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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{
"display_name": "Artificial intelligence",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C154945302"
},
{
"display_name": "Computer science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
}
]
| [
"Lebanon"
]
| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2805185081 | The widespread infusion of pro-market and business management principles into the public sector has impeded the behavior of civil servants who are motivated by intrinsic motives, not external ones. Besides, the infusion of such principles caused great threats to basic values of the civil service, like equity, fairness, justice, accountability, impartiality, political neutrality, public welfare, and other values related to the public sector. From here, public service motivation (PSM) emanates as a reaction against these principles/techniques in the civil service. PSM has been studied in different developed countries; however, it was almost ignored in developing countries, especially Arab states. This study focuses on two significant under-theorized areas: the conceptualization of PSM in the Lebanese civil service, and the identification of an external dimension (political factors) and its role in facilitating or obstructing the development of this construct. | []
|
|
https://openalex.org/W4390331381 | Nonalignment and Its Forms of Knowledge | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Esmat Elhalaby",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5041839174"
}
]
| [
{
"display_name": "Politics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
},
{
"display_name": "Solidarity",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780641677"
},
{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
},
{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
},
{
"display_name": "Political economy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138921699"
},
{
"display_name": "Sociology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
},
{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
}
]
| [
"Lebanon"
]
| [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4390331381 | Abstract Third Worldism, Afro-Asianism, nonalignment, and their associated projects were not simply diplomatic agendas on the international stage; they were cultural and epistemological projects tied to smaller, older geographies of significance. Beyond the politicians’ conferences, whether at Bandung (1955), Belgrade (1961), or Cairo (1964), events that receive the bulk of scholarly interest in nonalignment's trajectory and significance, nonalignment occurred at a different scale. Scrutinizing nonalignment's intellectual history can reveal forms of knowledge that can be salvaged from nonalignment's irretrievable political past. Rather than simply recounting the events of nonalignment—the grand accumulation of solidarity, the limits of which were subsequently revealed—it may be prudent to bring our attention to the ideas of nonalignment. To account for the content and conditions of nonaligned thought, this article narrates a history of Arab and Indian intellectuals thinking together in the second half of the twentieth century. The author focuses principally on the work of the Lebanese scholar-diplomat Clovis Maksoud (1926–2016), the most articulate Arab theorist of positive neutrality and nonalignment. | [
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"display_name": "Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and The Middle East",
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https://openalex.org/W2972681590 | The Power of Neutrality: Lebanon as an Oil Transit Country | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2972681590 | Middle East PolicyVolume 26, Issue 1 p. 127-140 THE LEVANT The Power of Neutrality: Lebanon as an Oil Transit Country Dan Naor, Dan Naor Lecturer in the Department of Middle Eastern Studies at Ariel University in Israel.*Search for more papers by this author Dan Naor, Dan Naor Lecturer in the Department of Middle Eastern Studies at Ariel University in Israel.*Search for more papers by this author First published: 25 March 2019 https://doi.org/10.1111/mepo.12405 * The author wishes to thank the Middle East & Central Asia Research Center of Ariel University and its staff, for supporting this research. Read the full textAboutPDF ToolsRequest permissionExport citationAdd to favoritesTrack citation ShareShare Give accessShare full text accessShare full-text accessPlease review our Terms and Conditions of Use and check box below to share full-text version of article.I have read and accept the Wiley Online Library Terms and Conditions of UseShareable LinkUse the link below to share a full-text version of this article with your friends and colleagues. Learn more.Copy URL Share a linkShare onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditWechat Volume26, Issue1Spring 2019Pages 127-140 RelatedInformation | [
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https://openalex.org/W136281133 | Deployment of United Nations Peace Keeping Forces: The Nature of Transportation and Review of Current Methodologies. | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Anthony S I Ukpo",
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| [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W136281133 | Abstract : The United Nations, in its thirty-five years of existence, has launched about fourteen peace-keeping and observer operations all over the world. The most important aspect of establishing a peace-keeping force is the ability to transport the force from its location to the area of operation as quickly as possible. To date, the United Nations has continued to depend on ad hoc arrangements to deploy all its peace-keeping forces. This study analyses the various methodologies currently in use by the UN to determine their suitability for present and future employment. To highlight the various problems, three case studies--United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF), 1956; United Nations Operations in the Congo (ONUC), 1960; and United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), 1978--were selected for analysis. Some of the major points that came out of this study include: -- heavy dependence on the United States for air- and sealift of the UN force, -- waste of vital time due to questions of neutrality and incompatibility of resources, -- nonchalant attitude by countries capable of providing necessary transportation, and -- an increasing attempt by developing nations to be entirely self-supporting in transportation of their troops, sometimes to the possible detriment of the entire UN force. This study concludes that the current ad hoc arrangements for deployment of UN forces leave too much room for failure. Therefore, there is a need to examine alternative methods of providing neutral transportation assets for the UN to deploy peace-keeping forces. (author) | []
|
|
https://openalex.org/W210829595 | 6. Postwar "Peace" | [
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{
"display_name": "Psychiatry",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C118552586"
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| [
"Lebanon"
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| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W210829595 | The United States intervention in Lebanon (1958), Santo Domingo, and South Vietnam ... as well as Russian invasions of Hungary and Czechoslovakia, indicate importance attributed to weak states in world balance. (1) UNEQUALS IN THE POSTWAR WORLD Hans J. Morgenthau thought international system left the enforcement of law to vicissitudes of distribution of power between violator of law and victim of violation. (2) The neutrality regime adopted at Hague in 1907 was established for purpose of giving smaller states added strength of an unambiguous law to help withstand stronger belligerents. Actions that ignore law detract from its strength if they go unanswered. In fact, as discussed in chapter 1, enforcement measures in international law are automatic and immediate. They are imposed upon violator not only by victim of violation but by entire international community. The effect of this enforcement, however, is very often so subtle as to remain imperceptible to determined violator, and while a definite price will be paid over long term, it will not reverse offense unless victim is disposed to seek satisfaction promptly and actively. So, automatic enforcement will, in case of a weak neutral offended by a belligerent of relative strength, neither restore peace nor deliver justice. This seems to be true source of Morgenthau's complaint with international law. As we have seen, even Charter called upon coercive use of collective power, including military force, to guarantee peace and serve justice. During Cold War, however, super powers avoided confrontation while there was an increasing tendency for smaller states, acting on their own or as surrogates of their super-power patrons, to take actions that threatened or broke international peace. The behavior of United States during this period almost never remained impartial for any significant period of time after hostilities broke out anywhere in world. National interests dictated policy decisions not impartial in most situations. In most armed conflicts between smaller states belligerents found they had to endure interference of some great power and hope that it would abstain from introduction of combat forces: The fact that United States is sufficiently powerful to be able to pursue course which it believes is correct without fear of being held to account by one or other of belligerents may make its position easier in practice but it does not dispose of legal contradictions. (3) In fact, good policy (which is neutral as far as being noncombatant) partial to one or another belligerent remains inconsistent with law of neutrality. So these same partial acts, regardless of their salutary effect, give rise to right of diplomatic protest or even right to act against United States with force. Being just and right is simply not same as being neutral. While United States has enjoyed benefits that in practice were identical to neutral rights, these were not rights but privileges arising from fear of more direct employment of U.S. power, not respect for law of neutrality. James Cable documents over 40 cases of United States using of naval forces in implied or direct threats of military force to influence decisionmaking process of some other state since end of World War II. He believes that desired results were forthcoming in over 75 percent of cases. (4) These cases have rarely resulted in attacks against U.S. forces, fostering an insidious sort of self-deception. It is easy to believe law stands behind you when your efforts in a just cause are successful, but this is wrong thinking because Hague neutrality regime does not deal in terms of justice. Its objective was to preserve peace in third states. … | [
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https://openalex.org/W2160205255 | International Mediation: Conflict Resolution and Power Politics | [
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C10138342"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C121332964"
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{
"display_name": "Mathematical economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144237770"
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C126322002"
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| [
"Algeria",
"Iran",
"Iraq"
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| [
"https://openalex.org/W2067400197",
"https://openalex.org/W2121019296",
"https://openalex.org/W4212923076",
"https://openalex.org/W4250319239"
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2160205255 | This study examines mediation as an exercise in which the mediator has interests and operates in a context of power politics and cost‐benefit calculation. It is based on eight cases of international mediation‐the U.S.S.R. between India and Pakistan (1966), Algeria between Iran and Iraq (1975), the United States and Great Britain in Rhodesia (1975–1979), the five Western States in Namibia (1977–1983), Algeria between the United States and Iran (1980–1981), and the ongoing activities of the Organization of African Unity, The Organization of American States, and the International Committee of the Red Cross. It was found that a mediator intervenes because of its interest in the conflict or in obtaining an outcome, and it can play three roles‐communicator, formulator, manipulator‐ in accomplishing its objectives. The mediator is accepted by the parties, not because of its neutrality but because of its ability to produce an attractive outcome. The mediator's power, or leverage, comes from the parties' need for a solution, from its ability to shift weight among parties, and from side payments. | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S168863142",
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W1528275614 | The grapes of war: | [
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{
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"display_name": "Hans‐Joachim Voth",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5064565742"
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| [
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C136764020"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C111919701"
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| [
"Algeria"
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| [
"https://openalex.org/W2063312843",
"https://openalex.org/W2116388354",
"https://openalex.org/W2140013551",
"https://openalex.org/W2513771695"
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1528275614 | Abstract Did the Danish merchant fleet grow at an extraordinary rate during the great wars of the second half of the eighteenth century because of Denmark's neutrality? We examine this question, using the Algerian Passport Registers for the years 1750-1807 as a principal source. A new index of Danish shipping output is derived. We use time-series techniques to analyse the relative importance of neutrality and favourable factor endowments, and conclude that both yielded substantial benefits. | [
{
"display_name": "Scandinavian Economic History Review",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S170287006",
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W2001578965 | Algeria's presidential election of April 2004: a backward step in the democratisation process or a forward step towards stability? | [
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Engineering",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C127413603"
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| [
"Algeria"
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| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2001578965 | Algeria's third plural presidential election caught the imagination of the Algerian electorate like no one has done before. Previously, the results were known in advance and elections served only to confer legitimacy on decisions made elsewhere, invariably by the military. This 2004 election seems to be more open. At least in theory, for the first time in Algeria's history, the winner of this election is not going to be the explicit choice of the military. In addition to the neutrality of the army, the autonomy of the former ruling party, the FLN and the unprecedented criticism of the President, the ingredients for an open and exciting election were in place. While most candidates engaged in negative campaigning, sometimes even at the expense of their political manifestos, the incumbent president stressed his achievements, particularly on the security front. ‘National reconciliation’, the way towards the establishment of further peace, dominated his political campaign and turned the election to a referendum on stability. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3173512492 | Application of Bootstrap Panel Granger Causality Test in Determining the Relationship between Renewable and Non-Renewable Energy Consumption and Economic Growth: a Case Study of OPEC Countries | [
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{
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3173512492 | The purpose of this article was to investigate the relationship between renewable and non-renewable energy consumption on economic growth in 10 oil-exporting countries for the period 1980 to 2018. To get to this purpose, the bootstrap panel causality test has been deployed. According to the findings of this study on renewable energy consumption, the results of the causality test showed that the growth hypothesis for Ecuador is well grounded. Besides, the conservation hypothesis is valid for Algeria and Iran. The feedback hypothesis based on a two-way relationship between renewable energy consumption and economic growth in Saudi Arabia and the UAE has also been confirmed, while there was evidence of the neutrality hypothesis for Angola, Iraq, Nigeria, Venezuela, and Congo. Regarding non-renewable energy consumption, the feedback hypothesis has been confirmed for Ecuador, UAE, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Nigeria, Venezuela, and Congo. The conservation hypothesis was observed for Iraq and Algeria. Also, there has been no causal relationship between non-renewable energy consumption and economic growth for Angola, and the neutrality hypothesis is confirmed. | [
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"display_name": "Technology and economics of smart grids and sustainable energy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210229187",
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https://openalex.org/W2944434307 | Beyond the Cold War: American Labor, Algeria’s Independence Struggle, and the Rise of the Third World (1954–62) | [
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"display_name": "Mathilde Von Bülow",
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{
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| [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2944434307 | Abstract During the late 1950s, trade unions came to be vital actors in the solidarity movements of the Global South, especially in pan-African initiatives. The case of the Union générale des travailleurs algériens (UGTA) is particularly illustrative of this development. Algeria’s long and brutal independence struggle was championed throughout the Afro-Asian bloc, and the UGTA became an important auxiliary in the bloc’s campaigns to secure that end. In this essay, the case of Algeria and the UGTA serves as a prism through which to study how some of the most powerful Western trade union federations of the day—especially the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL-CIO)—responded to the “subaltern” internationalisms engendered by decolonization and the “spirit of Bandung,” whether in the guise of positive neutrality or the project for pan-African unity. In this way, this essay sheds new light on the nature and role of labor internationalism in the context of the global Cold War. The case of Algeria is emblematic of the ways in which decolonization and the “spirit of Bandung” came to challenge traditional understandings of labor internationalism, whether as an identity or a practice. What is more, the case of Algeria allows us to reconceptualize AFL-CIO attitudes and designs vis-à-vis the decolonizing world. In highlighting American weakness when confronted by non-Western agency, this essay argues that the polarized view of the federation as an anticommunist crusader with an imperialist agenda is flawed. | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S74845278",
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W4200418603 | Między Marokiem a Algierią | [
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C47768531"
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{
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{
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4200418603 | Between Morocco and Algeria: Mauritania and the question of Western Sahara Following the change of government and the election of a new president, Mauritania makes it clear that it hopes to resolve the issue of Western Sahara, which has divided Morocco and Algeria since the mid-1970s and still poses a serious problem to Mauritanian foreign policy. Mauritania in this dispute is between the proverbial rock and a hard place, trying not to come into conflict with any of the powerful neighbors, each of whom aspires to the role of a leader in the region. The conflict also casts a shadow on regional cooperation within the Arab Maghreb Union, which, if it functioned, could greatly help in the economic development of the region, especially important for the economically weakest Mauritania. Over the last few years, Nouakchott has maintained the position of the so-called “positive neutrality” which irritated the authorities in Rabat and created tense political relations with Morocco. The current striving for a more active role in the process of resolving the Western Saharan conflict seems to be largely dictated by the internal situation in Algeria and its troubles related to social protests demanding changes at the top of the government. Algeria has been the greatest ally of the Polisario Front and the Sahrawi cause so far. It is also not without significance that Morocco, after years of absence, returned to the African Union – the move, which definitely strengthened Morocco’s position among the countries of the continent. | [
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W1979346342 | Armée, pouvoir et processus de décision en Algérie | [
{
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"display_name": "Maxime Aït Kaki",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5058626874"
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| [
{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C62520636"
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1979346342 | The Power the Army and the Decision-Making Process in Algeria by Maxime AIT KAKI Power and political decision-making process issues in Algeria remain particularly thorny subjects Indeed the political neid in this country suffers fröna an obvious deficit of differentiation and tends to be confused with the Popular national army PNA).The démocratisation which started in 1989 led the PNA to dissociate of the FLN the single party through which it reigned without division during thirty years But it ridged on powerful islamist contest Since then the PNA finished up legiti mating its return on the front of the political scene Suspected to use the islamist threat as an alibi in order not to withdraw from the political field the PNA faces sharp denigration campaign The presidential of April gave rise to the head military staff to assert the neutrality of the PNA in the choice of the candidates | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210176888",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2077081860 | A Magic Moment in Swedish Foreign Policy | [
{
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"display_name": "Marie Demker",
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"https://openalex.org/W2079088684",
"https://openalex.org/W2135181829",
"https://openalex.org/W2154436145",
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2077081860 | In the middle of the Algerian-French war, in December 1959, Sweden suddenly voted `yes' in the UN General Assembly to Algerian self-determination. This was a clear change in Swedish foreign policy. The empirical question in this article is thus: Could this change be sufficiently understood as the result of a learning process? Through a specified set of conditions and an empirical test of these conditions using the Algerian case, the theoretical aim is to improve on existing operationalizations of the concept of learning. My conclusion is, empirically, that this new orientation in Swedish foreign policy was as a result of the effect of learning. By studying the Algerian decision in a wider perspective we can begin to understand the emergence of the Swedish so-called `active policy of neutrality' during the 1960s. Theoretically, I argue that the concept of learning, specified in necessary and sufficient conditions, can be useful in explaining and evaluating why changes in foreign policy take place when they do. | [
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W1959530802 | Des Juifs français contre la torture en Algérie | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1959530802 | Even as French Jewish organizations asserted neutrality in the Algerian War, a handful unaffiliated Jewish intellectuals risked their lives to oppose torture. Nearly all of the anti-torture advocates were stationed in Paris, although they all travelled to Algeria as activists. Jewish intellectuals stood at the helm of the most important cases against torture, and they were instrumental in publicizing the horrific acts of violence committed by the French state. This article covers the motivations of Gisèle Halimi, Pierre Vidal-Naquet and Laurent Schwartz, who were all activists against the military’s use of torture on Algerian suspects. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1960337294 | HYDROELECTRICITY CONSUMPTION AND ECONOMIC GROWTH NEXUS: TIME SERIES EXPERIENCE OF THREE AFRICAN COUNTRIES | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1960337294 | This paper examines the relationship between hydroelectricity and economic growth for three African countries within a multivariate framework over the period 1980-2009. Our results provide support for the neutrality hypothesis for Egypt. The feedback hypothesis is confirmed in Algeria while the conservation hypothesis is supported in South Africa. These findings imply that the authorities in Egypt and South Africa can implement conservation policies which seek to reduce hydroelectricity consumption without adversely affecting their economies‟ growth rates. The same cannot be said for Algeria where there is evidence of bi-directional causality between the two variables. | [
{
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W2312558320 | Swedish merchant shipping in troubled times: The French Revolutionary Wars and Sweden’s neutrality 1793–1801 | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2312558320 | This article focuses on Swedish merchant shipping in the first decade of the French Revolutionary Wars, when Sweden, due its neutrality, expanded its trade and shipping. The article attempts to balance two contradictory views of neutral shipping: that of high risks of seizure by belligerents, and that of wartime profits. Three different perspectives are employed to demonstrate the complexity of neutral shipping business. Registers of ship documents ( fribrev and Algerian sea passes) show the relatively limited impact of political events on shipping activities. Legal documents in diplomatic correspondence illustrate practically how the cases of seized ships were handled on both political and court levels. The debate in print on the case of ship Maria (the convoy affair of 1798) indicates how the issue of neutral prizes became incorporated into the political discourse on international relations and law of nations. | [
{
"display_name": "International Journal of Maritime History",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S2764639479",
"type": "journal"
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W1535946358 | Neutrality and Mediterranean Shipping Under Danish Flag, 1750-1807 | [
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{
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| [
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{
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{
"display_name": "Algebra over a field",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C136119220"
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| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1535946358 | The paper tests the hypothesis that the consistent neutrality of the Danish Monarchy during the great wars of the eighteenth century may have permanently increased the kingdomA¢â‚¬â„¢s shipping in the Mediterranean. It does so by using data derived from Algerian Passport Registers for the years 1750-1807. Modern time-series techniques are applied to analyse the relative importance of neutrality and favourable factor endowments. We show that the data lends qualified support to both hypotheses, with two thirds of the rise in Danish shipping attributable to neutrality and the remainder, by implication, to favourable factor endowments. | [
{
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W58253949 | Perspectives of Immigrant Muslim Parents: Advocating for Religious Diversity in Canadian Schools. | [
{
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"display_name": "Yan Guo",
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| [
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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| [
"Algeria",
"Somalia"
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| [
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"https://openalex.org/W1994439431",
"https://openalex.org/W2006526864",
"https://openalex.org/W2007698666",
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"https://openalex.org/W2050145643",
"https://openalex.org/W2073906616",
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"https://openalex.org/W2254605110",
"https://openalex.org/W2475925868",
"https://openalex.org/W2483556666",
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W58253949 | cal multiculturalism and minority group rights. The term multiculturalism includes a plurality of meanings and definitions. According to Kincheloe and Steinberg (1997), there are five prevailing philosophical positions that inform multicultural policies and practices: conservative, liberal, pluralist, radical, and critical. The conservative approach presumes the superiority of Eurocentric values and beliefs and Christianity, devalues immigrants’ native cultures and religions, and places uneven expectations on immigrants to conform over time to the norms, values, and religious traditions of the receiving society (Li, 2003). The liberal position acknowledges diversity, but has a low level of tolerance of non-Christian faiths. It superficially focuses on the neutrality of secularism, a separation of church and state. In reality such separation does not exist in Canada as we see the residual influence of Christianity in the national anthem, statutory holidays, currency, architecture, textbooks, and so on (Biles & Ibrahim, 2005). An alternative form of liberal multiculturalism is pluralist multiculturalism, which sees differences in cultures and religions. However, the cultural and religious differences are often trivialized, exoticized, and essentialized as Immigration is now the primary source of population growth in Canada. For the year 2006, the Canadian Census reported that almost 20 percent of the population was born outside of Canada (Statistics Canada, 2007). Between the years 1991 and 2001 specifically, the number of non-Christians, such as Muslims, Buddhists, Sikhs, and Hindus, had more than doubled in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2003). It is estimated that by the year 2017 more than 10 percent of Canadians will be non-Christians (Statistics Canada, 2005). These demographic changes have profound implications for Canadian public school systems. While Canada promotes many ways of recognizing diversity, it seems to demonstrate however an aversion to utilizing the word “religion.” The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, for example, enshrines the right to practice one’s own religion, which can be viewed as a means of accommodating the needs of religious minorities within a multicultural society. Yet public education in Canada follows a fundamentalist Christian curriculum with its calendar specifically fitting the needs of Christians (Karmani & Pennycook, 2005; Spinner-Halev, 2000), a trend also prevalent in the neighboring United States. The Eurocentric nature of public schools in general means that religious minority parents need to constantly negotiate parameters for their children’s involvement in school curricula and activities (Zine, 2001). This negotiation is particularly challenging for Muslim immigrant parents. Islam is often portrayed as an inherently violent religion and Muslims are seen as threatening the peace and security of Western nations (McDonough & Hoodfar, 2005), particularly after the events of September 11, 2001. Yet little attention has been paid to how minority parents negotiate their religious practices within public schools. Given these concerns, data were collected through in-depth interviews with immigrant parents who had recently arrived in Calgary, Alberta, Canada, from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Algeria, Somalia, and Suriname. This study examines how these Muslim immigrant parents struggle within the public schools to negotiate the continuity of their Islamic practices and how they counteract their own marginality as immigrants, a marginality often connected with other sites of oppression such as race and gender. | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S2764347033",
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W3155937662 | French Jews against Torture in Algeria | [
{
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"display_name": "Jessica Hammerman",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5081801122"
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| [
{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C95457728"
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{
"display_name": "Ancient history",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C195244886"
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3155937662 | Even as French Jewish organizations asserted neutrality in the Algerian War, a handful of unaffiliated Jewish intellectuals risked their lives to oppose torture. Nearly all of the anti-torture advocates were stationed in Paris, although they all travelled to Algeria as activists. Jewish intellectuals stood at the helm of the most important cases against torture, and they were instrumental in publicizing the horrific acts of violence committed by the French state. This article covers the motivations of Gisele Halimi, Pierre Vidal-Naquet and Laurent Schwartz, who were all activists against the military’s use of torture on Algerian suspects. | [
{
"display_name": "Archives Juives",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4306502823",
"type": "journal"
}
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W4286691701 | <scp>Ford, Joseph</scp>. <i>Writing the Black Decade: Conflict and Criticism in Francophone Algerian Literature</i> | [
{
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{
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{
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{
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"Algeria"
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4286691701 | In this study of Francophone Algerian literature of the 1990s, a period otherwise known as the Black Decade or la décennie noire, Joseph Ford argues for a more nuanced understanding of literary representations of the conflict between the apparatus of the Algerian state and its Islamist contestants. While many of the literary works published by well-known authors during the 1990s and after adopt a studied neutrality in the face of the ideological struggle between the secular and military status quo on the one hand and its Islamist contestants on the other, Ford questions these authors’ self-presentation as neutral witnesses testifying for posterity. That ideological struggle was simplified, in a post-Cold War context that fostered the idea of a clash of civilizations, to a cultural war waged between liberals (des progressivistes) and regressive Islamists. Generations of Algerian authors, Ford argues, have uncritically reproduced this binary distinction, less because... | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S203068981",
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W2039791767 | Stanley Kubrick entre la France et la Suisse : le film Les Sentiers de la gloire interdit | [
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C120665830"
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]
| [
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| [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2039791767 | The ban on Paths of Glory imposed in 1958 by the Swiss Government illustrates the ideological fractures linked to the Cold War and to the Algerian War. This antimilitarist film directed by Stanley Kubrick tells the story of French soldiers who were court-martialled and unfairly executed during the First World War. The decision of the Swiss authorities was an attempt to prevent the spread of an antimilitarist movement, at a time when “armed neutrality” was deemed essential in the face of threats from the East. This ban also brought into question the cultural influence of France on its neighbouring states, all the more so since Switzerland was playing an important diplomatic role in the context of the Algerian War. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4307511581 | Gulf leaders lose interest in pan-Arab issues | []
| [
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{
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]
| [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4307511581 | Significance It will be notable for the absence of most of the Gulf Arab leaders, including Saudi Arabian Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and the president of the United Arab Emirates (UAE), Mohammed bin Zayed. Impacts The thin turnout of heads of state will make it hard for Algeria to use the event to boost its credentials as a re-emerging regional power. Algeria has maintained friendly ties with Russia since the invasion of Ukraine, while other Arab states have sought neutrality. Pledges of Arab aid to countries badly affected by the Ukraine war are likely, but the absence of Gulf leaders will limit the largesse. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4226041273 | Morocco has diplomatic advantage over Western Sahara | []
| [
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{
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{
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| [
"Algeria",
"Western Sahara",
"Morocco"
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| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4226041273 | Significance With this new policy, Madrid has abandoned a longstanding position of neutrality on Western Saharan independence from Morocco, a matter of great importance for many Spaniards across the political spectrum and one of strategic importance for Algeria. Impacts Morocco’s success in changing Spanish and German policy on Western Sahara could encourage a campaign to leverage other European states. Believing that time is on its side, Morocco will drag out the peace process by slowing the momentum of the recently appointed UN envoy. Algeria will keep supporting the Western Saharan independence movement’s renewed armed attacks against Rabat’s forces in the Sahara. | [
{
"display_name": "Emerald expert briefings",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210217702",
"type": "journal"
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W2050386213 | ‘Les routes entrecroisées’: trajectoires et engagements des antiquisants français au XXe siècle | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Béatrice Blanchet",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5067008324"
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| [
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C138885662"
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| [
"Algeria"
]
| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2050386213 | Throughout the 20th century, a significant minority of French classicists (that is, specialists of Antiquity) committed themselves as intellectuals, appealing to scholarly and moral values stemming from republican convictions. This article analyses the origins of this political engagement within a professorial group frequently associated with an explicitly assumed neutrality, or who supported the authorities. Owing to their specific understanding of the relevance of classical scholarship for contemporary issues, leading classicists frequently reinterpreted the complex posterity of the Dreyfus Affair during major crises such as the Occupation and the Algerian war. A study of these classicists' civic and republican commitments reveals close relationships between interdisciplinarity, international bonds of research and friendships, and statements of heterodox political discourse, outside traditional academic boundaries. | [
{
"display_name": "Modern & Contemporary France",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S190841178",
"type": "journal"
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W2893913243 | The Politics of Neutrality: Cimade, Humanitarianism, and State Power in Modern France | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Darcie Fontaine",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5020875390"
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| [
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Biology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C86803240"
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]
| [
"Algeria"
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| [
"https://openalex.org/W433974215",
"https://openalex.org/W575353873",
"https://openalex.org/W576214302",
"https://openalex.org/W576271453",
"https://openalex.org/W583198797",
"https://openalex.org/W599234852",
"https://openalex.org/W653927222",
"https://openalex.org/W1415184130",
"https://openalex.org/W1480932993",
"https://openalex.org/W1504202973",
"https://openalex.org/W1510333916",
"https://openalex.org/W1533783547",
"https://openalex.org/W1539943955",
"https://openalex.org/W1996105000",
"https://openalex.org/W2042200641",
"https://openalex.org/W2111841171",
"https://openalex.org/W2164187818",
"https://openalex.org/W2171391748",
"https://openalex.org/W2328589006",
"https://openalex.org/W2403898165",
"https://openalex.org/W2477088622",
"https://openalex.org/W2531734064",
"https://openalex.org/W2544197373",
"https://openalex.org/W2619519737",
"https://openalex.org/W2920284460",
"https://openalex.org/W3027851089"
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2893913243 | Using the contemporary and historical conflicts between Cimade and the French government over the definition of legitimate humanitarian practice, this article seeks to interrogate the relationship between the ideologies and practices of "neutrality" and "témoignage" as guiding principles of contemporary humanitarianism in France and the political terrain in which humanitarian organizations like Cimade negotiate their work. In examining Cimade's role in the French Resistance during World War II, and its engagement in the Algerian War of Independence, this article analyzes how Cimade's history and historical narratives shape the organization's relationship with the French state and its vision of political engagement. | [
{
"display_name": "Humanity",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S163559066",
"type": "journal"
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]
|
|
https://openalex.org/W4319984111 | The Case of Djamila Boupacha and an Ethics of Ambiguity: Opacity, Marronage, and the Veil | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Ruthanne Crapo Kim",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5040558427"
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| [
{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
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| [
"Algeria"
]
| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4319984111 | In this article, I briefly sketch the “right to opacity” that Édouard Glissant details in Poetics of Relation and situate it as an ethical imperative with Simone de Beauvoir’s Ethics of Ambiguity, contrasting the distinctive contributions of opacity and ambiguity toward ethical-political living. I apply the principles of opacity and ambiguity toward one of Beauvoir’s most political and only co-written works, Pour Djamila Boupacha. I argue that the polyvalent use of the Islamic veil during the Algerian War for Independence reveals the ethical application of opacity and ambiguity. Additionally, the veil clarifies the political stakes of gendered assumptions and racial hierarchy across geographies, positing a false body neutrality that obfuscates the violent global War on Terror. | [
{
"display_name": "The CLR James Journal",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S50383196",
"type": "journal"
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W2539974432 | Secularity put to the test by Islam and Muslims: the case of France | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Haoues Séniguer",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5039491764"
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| [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C4445939"
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
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| [
"Algeria"
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| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2539974432 | France is the European country with most residents of Muslim culture or religion, which demands a form of secularity capable of creating a consensus, a framework common to all. It is then necessary to abandon certain prejudices concerning Islam, by resisting culturalism and essentialism. But essentially, it is the authorities who politicize Islam, not Muslims themselves, at least the huge majority. It is far from certain that religion is, in itself, a generator of violence. Neither is it certain that the State always respects its proper neutrality when it establishes the borders between moderate and radical Islam. Nor that Muslim communitarism is not a fantasy. Historically, Islam been torn by strife and division. Today, no democratic, progressive Islam, stricto sensu, exists; no more than a totalitarian or austere Islam. Only a minority of literalists forbid the interpretation of the Koran. The Sharia is often caricatured. In reality, Muslim communitarism is an expression designed to give credit to the idea that the Muslims reject our secular society in the name of superior realities, which is historically incorrect – as witness France’s colonial policies in Algeria. Today, France’s secular society is becoming intrusive, as the affair of the hijab demonstrates. | []
|
|
https://openalex.org/W3138324397 | China’s Non-interference Policy towards Western Sahara Conflict | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Wu Wanjun e Pedro Sobral",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5089945047"
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| [
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C10138342"
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]
| [
"Algeria",
"Western Sahara",
"Morocco"
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| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3138324397 | This article intends to present an overview of the Chinese stance and policies towards the still ongoing conflict in the Western Sahara region, as well as of its interaction with the players in the said conflict, Morocco and Algeria. A growing presence in the African continent, China has maintained a pragmatic neutrality towards the Western Sahara conflict, which is in line with China’s longstanding “Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence” and non- -interference policy. China also shares common ground with Morocco on its position towards the Taiwan issue. China’s neutrality towards the Western Sahara issue does not affect its ever-closer diplomatic and economic relations with the two Northern African countries and serves to protect its vested interests in the region. In this article, we will analyze more closely why China maintains a non-interference policy in this and in other regional issues, as well how China has nevertheless become involved in the conflict, namely through international institutions and peacekeeping missions. Keywords: C hina, M orocco, A lgeria, Western Sahara. | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S4306500881",
"type": "journal"
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W4313239154 | Ethical Issues in Religiously Affiliated Disputes: Sant’Egidio’s Mediation in Mozambique and Algeria | [
{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C86803240"
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"Algeria"
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| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4313239154 | Despite its potential, the use of mediation as a conflict resolution mechanism in a religiously affiliated conflict entails a problem in terms of ethical challenges. Both religion and mediation carry its own ethical standards, where, if both collides, might jeopardizes the efficacy of mediation as conflict resolution tool. This article discusses in detail ethical challenges in mediation where religion persists in various manners. Religion might exist in the conflict (1) as the main ideologies of mediator and/or disputants, (2) as the substance being disputed and (3) in the use of religious values as peacemaking resources. Problems may arise in terms of impartiality, conflict of interest, sense of fairness and directiveness, however often it can be seen as situated concept of neutrality especially when the mediator possess profound understanding of the context. As an empirical proof, it is evident Sant’Egidio has faced problems in perception of impartiality, that affected result in both Algeria and Mozambique. This paper further suggests that appropriate pre-mediation assessment in determining the religious dynamic on the dispute is a crucial stage to tackle possible ethical problems to implement mediation in religiously affiliated conflict. | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S4387282548",
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https://openalex.org/W4382398342 | Między polityką zaangażowania a pozytywną neutralnością. Libia i Tunezja wobec kwestii Sahary Zachodniej | [
{
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{
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{
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| [
"Algeria",
"Western Sahara",
"Tunisia",
"Libya",
"Morocco"
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| [
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"https://openalex.org/W4205996482",
"https://openalex.org/W4237768317",
"https://openalex.org/W4291722316"
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4382398342 | BETWEEN A POLICY OF ENGAGEMENT AND POSITIVE NEUTRALITY: LIBYA AND TUNISIA ON THE ISSUE OF WESTERN SAHARA The unresolved issue of Western Sahara has been causing serious divisions in the Maghreb region for 48 years, which affects not only political relations, but also economic cooperation. The division into states supporting the independence of Western Sahara and those backing Morocco’s position has very strongly polarized the Maghreb region, as well as practically all states of the African continent. Moreover, during the Cold War, this dispute fed into division between states in the Western camp and those identified with the Eastern bloc and socialism, such as Libya. Tunisia was the only country in North Africa, which consistently tried to implement a policy of positive neutrality and because of that it was doomed to occupy a liminal space not only in the region – between Algeria and Morocco, but also in the bipolar world – between the West and the Eastern bloc. This article aims to present the two countries of Tunisia and Libya from the perspective of 48 years of the Western Saharan crisis. Both states, although they do not have a direct border with the territory of Western Sahara, are sometimes involuntarily, as in the case of Tunisia, involved in the largest regional dispute, which to this day casts a shadow over relations in North Africa. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2913561543 | Swedish neutrality and shipping in the second half of the eighteenth century | [
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"display_name": "Leoš Müller",
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2913561543 | By the late eighteenth century Sweden had become one of the leading shipping nations in Europe. According to the established historical perspective (Eli F. Heckscher), the successful development of Sweden’s merchant fleet should be attributed to the protectionist policy of the state and to Sweden’s exchange pattern of bulky imports (salt and wheat) and exports (iron and timber products). This paper argues that the most important factor of the rise of the Swedish shipping was Sweden’s neutrality in the Anglo-French wars, especially those of 1776-83 and 1793-1802. I will provide a picture of the development of Swedish shipping based on the passport registers, which record all Swedish-flagged vessels employed in trade south of Cape Finisterre. These unveil the significance of tramp shipping in Swedish maritime activity. The traditional view is that Swedish vessels were engaged only in Swedish foreign trade. However, a close analysis of the Algerian registers and other sources show that Swedes were very active in tramp shipping in the Mediterranean and, from the 1780s, also in transatlantic shipping. Here, neutrality was a major competitive advantage. Sweden was a French ally, but she carefully avoided entanglement in the Seven Years’ War, and she was an active member of the neutrality leagues of 1780-83 and 1800. Sweden lay on Europe’s geographical periphery and had ceased to be a first-rate power, but that did not prevent her occupying a profitable neutral niche in the drawn-out struggle between Britain and France. From a broader Atlantic perspective, Swedish neutrality played an important role in reducing the negative impact of warfare on trade. Due to neutrals, such as Sweden and Denmark, commercial connections between belligerent countries – and between belligerents and their overseas colonies – were not completely disrupted. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4321504329 | Medical neutrality and structural competency in conflict zones: Israeli healthcare professionals’ reaction to political violence | [
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"display_name": "Mark D. Fleming",
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{
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4321504329 | ABSTRACTThis article explores the meaning, manifestations, and ramifications of medical neutrality in conflict zones. We analyse how Israeli healthcare institutions and leaders responded to the escalation of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in May 2021 and how they represented the role of the healthcare system in society and during conflict. Based on content analysis of documents, we found that healthcare institutions and leaders called for cessation of violence between Jewish and Palestinian citizens of Israel, describing the Israeli healthcare system as a neutral space of coexistence. However, they largely overlooked the military campaign that was simultaneously taking place between Israel and Gaza, which was considered a controversial and 'political' issue. This depoliticised standpoint and boundary work enabled a limited acknowledgement of violence, while disregarding the larger causes of conflict. We suggest that a structurally competent medicine must explicitly recognise political conflict as a determinant of health. Healthcare professionals should be trained in structural competency to challenge the depoliticising effects of medical neutrality, with the aim of enhancing peace, health equity, and social justice. Concomitantly, the conceptual framework of structural competency should be broadened to include conflict-related issues and address the needs of the victims of severe structural violence in conflict areas. | [
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|
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https://openalex.org/W4283801346 | Clean Neutrality in Conflict | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Martin Snoddon",
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| [
{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2780564088"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C77805123"
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C203663800"
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C62520636"
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| [
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| [
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"https://openalex.org/W2105100752",
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4283801346 | Chapter Summary For many years I lived among debilitating violent conflict in Northern Ireland. My experience of working in other conflict-related zones such as Haiti, Nicaragua, Gaza, the Balkans and the Ukraine has demonstrated to me the commonality of the human experience of violence. Knowing the effects is one thing; knowing how to heal them is another.Addressing circumstances related to violent conflict and its impact can take many forms. The one I have chosen to rely upon most often has been clean language interviewing. I call upon this method in situations that demand high levels of sensitivity for the safety of the local people and my personal safety. For example, when working with people with a history of violence who initially perceive me to be of a particular worldview unrelated or even antagonistic to their own.Impartiality is imperative when working with groups of opposing views. Clean language interviewing, used in a sympathetic manner, is a practical way for me to demonstrate neutrality to others even in the most challenging of situations and it allows me to engage with people and their desires, beliefs and values.Having the ability to ask searching questions that are challenging and yet non-confrontational has been an important resource for me as a facilitator and participatory action researcher (Snoddon, 2005, 2014). In this chapter I share some of these experiences using a case study of my work with Haitian armed gangs. My aim is to take you into the world of conflict resolution where credibility can rest on your very next question. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3155408264 | Opinions of International Human Rights NGOs about Capital Punishment in Drug Related Crimes in the Internal Law of the States | [
{
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"display_name": "Keivan Eghbali",
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{
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"display_name": "Satar Azizi",
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
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{
"display_name": "Capital punishment",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2994226254"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C73484699"
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C15744967"
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
}
]
| [
"Islamic Republic of Iran",
"Iran"
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| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3155408264 | Critics about Capital Punishment for Drug Related Crimes Have been among Biggest Critics of Non Governmental International Human Rights Organizations Against Our Country. However, the Laws of about Thirty Countries Containing Capital Punishment for Drug Related Crimes and Therefor a Comparison Study of These laws and Statistics about Drug Related Executions with Law and Related Executions in Iran, Can be Used as an Good Mean for Analyzing of Level of Neutrality in Opinions of International Human Rights NGOs in Relation to Iran. According to This and by Examining the Approach of These Human Rights Institutions, It Can be concluded That Mentioned institutions, Have Critical Opinions in Relation to Execution of Drug Criminals and so Their Critical Opinions about Islamic Republic of Iran Cannot be Considered as Exceptional and Discriminatory. However, It Seems that The Volume of Criticism against Iran, Because of Considerable Numbers of Drug Related Executions and Negative Propaganda against Iran, is Far More than Other Countries | [
{
"display_name": "Journal of Legal Research",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210180624",
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]
|
|
https://openalex.org/W4312267716 | RUSSIA’S SPECIAL OPERATION IN UKRAINE: REACTION OF THE POLITICAL FORCES OF THE ISLAMIC REPUBLIC OF IRAN | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Е. А. Дунаева",
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{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Ilkhom Mirzoev",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5070982181"
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| [
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C136264566"
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C205649164"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C138885662"
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{
"display_name": "Archaeology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C166957645"
}
]
| [
"Islamic Republic of Iran",
"Iran"
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| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4312267716 | In this paper the authors examine the stance of the Islamic Republic of Iran regarding the Russian special operaton in Ukraine, drawing on the analysis of the statements made by Ira‑ nian politcians and statesmen, media output and expert artcles. The Islamic Republic was concerned with the militarizaton of Ukraine, the possibility of its entry into NATO and furthering of this bloc towards Iran’s boarders. The country's leadership realized that the confict between Russia and Ukraine will impact the entre system of internatonal relatons. The launch of Russia’s special operaton induced varied reactons across the Iranian politcal and expert spectrum, revealing diferent foreign policy approaches among Iran’s major politcal factons. The official positon of the Iranian leadership could be described as «supportve neutrality». While the confict is blamed on the West, IRI’s top policymakers avoid open support towards Russia, and call for peaceful resoluton of the crisis. Only the members of ultra‑hardline establishment and those affiliated with the IRGC explicitly vindicate Russia’s strategy. The oppositon represented by reformists and centrists condemns Russia’s actons, critcizes Ira‑ nian authorites and calls for diversifcaton of the foreign policy line. In additon, the issue of IRI’s potental capacity to enter the European energy market is addressed. The analysis of the producton and export profle of the hydrocarbons indicates, that even in the event of early removal of the sanctons, Iran will not be able to take Russia’s share in the market. | [
{
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|
|
https://openalex.org/W2589128898 | Modernity, secularism, and the political in Iran | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Omid Mohamadi",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5069022725"
}
]
| [
{
"display_name": "Secularism",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C11293438"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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{
"display_name": "Islam",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C4445939"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
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{
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
},
{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
},
{
"display_name": "Environmental ethics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C95124753"
},
{
"display_name": "Philosophy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138885662"
},
{
"display_name": "Theology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C27206212"
}
]
| [
"Islamic Republic of Iran",
"Iran"
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| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2589128898 | Author(s): Mohamadi, Omid | Advisor(s): Seth, Vanita | Abstract: In the last decade, theorists in anthropology and other disciplines have vigorously critiqued commonplace distinctions between secularism and religion. Highlighting how secularism is a form of Western epistemology, such theorists have argued this distinction is deeply problematic because it obscures secularism’s historical, political, and cultural particularity. My dissertation argues Iran is well situated to engage in this debate because its political terrain brings into relief how discussions of secularity and religiosity often fall back on an irresolvable dichotomy wherein secularism is defended without qualification or religious authoritarianism is ignored altogether. In an effort to move out of this impasse, my dissertation critiques the presumed neutrality of secularism without defending a thoroughly undemocratic Islamic Republic. Through an examination of three sites within Iranian politics since 1979, I show how alternatives to both secularism and undemocratic forms of Islam are already present in Iran. The first site that I explore is the contemporary Iranian women’s movement, specifically the One Million Signatures Campaign, which seeks full gender equality within the laws of the Islamic Republic. I argue that the internal logic of rights and a specific set of socio-political conditions that arose out of the revolution in 1979 made the newly fostered cooperation between Islamic and secular feminists within this campaign possible. Utilizing critiques of rights by poststructuralist and postcolonial feminists, I arrive at a critical endorsement of women’s rights in Iran that calls for nurturing more radical political imaginaries by not treating rights jurisprudence as the apex of social justice struggles. My second site focuses on the politics of time and its role in the 2009 post-election uprising as a further example of the porous boundary between secularism and religion in Iran. After surveying the history of Iran’s three dominant calendars and the forty-day mourning cycle of Shi’ite Islam in the last century, I argue the Islamic Republic is founded on temporal simultaneity, a non-secular organization of time wherein past, present, and future are enfolded into one dynamic moment. I conclude that during the 2009 uprising, protesters initiated a crisis of legitimacy for the regime by reconfiguring temporal markers that comprise this symbolic foundation of the contemporary Iranian state. My final site is the visual culture in the Islamic Republic as well as Western understandings and depictions of it. I argue such analyses of artistic production in Iran by Western observers rely on a particular understanding of the state, religion, and art as discrete categories wholly separate from one another. This argument is twofold, the first part of which is a historical survey that shows how the relationship between art and the state in Iran over the last sixty years has been co-constitutive. On the basis of this history, I then explore contemporary Iranian street art, both sanctioned and illicit, to show how this convergence of art and the state has continued to unfold in the Islamic Republic. I show how the boundaries between culture and the state have not calcified under the current regime but remain dynamically in flux, albeit different ways than in the previous historical epoch. Lastly, I trace how the politics of secularism and religion both consolidates and frays the public/private divide within these three sites. Given this fact, the question of what to do with secularism and religion in Iran is ultimately a question of what to do about the divide between the private and public spheres. Taking up the issue of the double-bind structuring the public/private divide, I conclude my dissertation by surveying the ethical-politico limitations and possibilities of these alternative political imaginaries in Iran. | []
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https://openalex.org/W4296049516 | The Nexus of Energy, Green Economy, Blue Economy, and Carbon Neutrality Targets | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4296049516 | The aim of current study is to investigate the significance of green and blue economic activities to mitigate the carbon emission in Saudi Arabia. We use the time series data which covers the period from 1990 to 2019. For empirical estimations, we use nonlinear ARDL approach which confirms that energy indicators and blue economic indicators are not mature enough to achieve carbon neutrality objectives. However, after Vision 2030 empirics, positive shocks in green indicators are turning down the carbon level. The findings of energy and blue indicators are useful for policy recommendations which help to achieve the sustainable environmental goals of Vision 2030. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3036500448 | Pakistan caught between Iran and Saudi Arabia | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3036500448 | Pakistan claims to maintain neutrality in the Iran–Saudi rift. Sustaining this approach, however, has been problematic against a backdrop of intensifying Iran–Saudi rivalry. Pakistan’s choices suggest a tilt towards Saudi Arabia. Based on extensive fieldwork in Islamabad, this paper focuses on the meanings and uses of neutrality in Pakistan’s foreign policy. The paper argues that Pakistan cannot be neutral due to its stronger cultural, economic and defence ties with Saudi Arabia but it promotes this rhetoric due to a combination of demographic, geographic and geopolitical factors. Islamabad’s claim of neutrality serves the dual purpose of the national interests in relation to domestic and foreign affairs. Based on its economic, sectarian and geopolitical realities, Pakistan desires a neutrality in the Iranian-Saudi rivalry but it is very difficult because it has strong and multifaceted relations with Saudi Arabia. Based on the assessment of Pakistan’s foreign policy choices, we argue that Pakistan continues to lean away from Iran towards Saudi Arabia. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2397091938 | When Health Diplomacy Serves Foreign Policy: Use of Soft Power to Quell Conflict and Crises | [
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| [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2397091938 | Abstract Objective Health diplomacy has increasingly become a crucial element in forging political neutrality and conflict resolution and the World Health Organization has strongly encouraged its use. Global turmoil has heightened, especially in the Middle East, and with it, political, religious, and cultural differences have become major reasons to incite crises. Methods The authors cite the example of the human stampede and the deaths of over 2000 pilgrims during the 2015 annual Haj pilgrimage in Mecca. Results The resulting political conflict between Iran and Saudi Arabia had the potential to escalate into a more severe political and military crisis had it not been for the ministers of health from both countries successfully exercising “soft power” options. Conclusion Global health security demands critical health diplomacy skills and training for all health providers. ( Disaster Med Public Health Preparedness . 2016;page 1 of 4) | [
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https://openalex.org/W4313472949 | The Significance of Governance Indicators to Achieve Carbon Neutrality: A New Insight of Life Expectancy | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4313472949 | This paper investigates the impact of life expectancy on carbon emission, in Saudi Arabia. Additionally, we examined the role of governance to achieve carbon neutrality status. We used the novel dynamic ARDL technique for estimations. This is one of the pioneer studies that analyze the role of life expectancy to control carbon emissions. The coefficients of life expectancy, education, and political stability are significantly negative. On contrary, governance effectiveness is an obstacle to achieving carbon neutrality. Empirical findings of life expectancy and governance effectiveness are quite surprising. In terms of Vision 2030 estimations, the coefficient of corruption control is significant and negative, indicating that the Saudi government has prioritized corruption control. While governance effectiveness remains positive, the Saudi government still requires governance reforms in order to achieve carbon neutrality goals. | [
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https://openalex.org/W302251226 | An Empirical Investigation of Homogeneity of Information Needs for Diverse Users of Financial Statements: An Applica ion of Data Expansion Approach to Enhance the Saudi Arabian Disclosure Standard- Setting | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W302251226 | General purpose external reporting is directed toward the common interest of
various potential users. Variety of user needs are being satisfied by general purpose
financial statements prepared under condition of neutrality. Unquestionably, there are a
large number of diverse users of published financial statements. Heterogeneity of users
by type as well as within groups could prove that user groups have different information
needs. Since the possibility of diverse user needs is an untested proposition, the objective
of this paper is to conduct an empirical investigation of homogeneity of information
needs by diverse users of financial statements. The investigation surveyed six prime user
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of the importance of 59 items of financial and nonfinancial information which might
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https://openalex.org/W2039903919 | Thinking Long on Afghanistan: Could it be Neutralized? | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2039903919 | Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Acknowledgments The author thanks the Tobin Project in Cambridge, Massachusetts for financial support of this research. Notes 1. Peter Alexander Rupert Carrington, Reflect on Things Past (New York: Harper Collins, 1988), p. 318 and 325–6. Soviet reactions to the Carrington plan appear in Izvestiya, February 21, 1980; Tass, February 20, 1980; and Tass, July 5, 1981. 2. Anatoly Dobrynin, In Confidence: Moscow's Ambassador to America's Six Cold War Presidents (New York: Random House, 1995), pp. 450–1. For other prominent support, see Selig S. Harrison, “Dateline Afghanistan: Exit Through Finland?” Foreign Policy, no. 41 (Winter 1980–81): pp. 163–187; and former Indian Foreign Minister Jagat S. Mehta, “A Neutral Solution,” Foreign Policy, no. 47 (Summer 1982): pp. 139–153. More recently, see Henry A. Kissinger, “In Afghanistan, America Needs a Strategy, Not an Alibi,” International Herald Tribune, June 25, 2010, http://www.henryakissinger.com/articles/iht062510.html. 3. On the history of multilateral neutralization, see Cyrus French Wicker, Neutralization (London, New York, and Toronto: Oxford University Press, 1911) and Audrey Kurth Cronin, Neutralization as a Method of Conflict Resolution among States (unpublished book manuscript). 4. Quoted by Edgar Bonjour, Swiss Neutrality: Its History and Meaning, 2nd ed., trans. Mary Hottinger (London: Allen & Unwin., 1948), pp. 46. 5. Fareed Zakaria, “The General: An Interview with David Petraeus, the Head of Central Command and the Commander in Iraq during the Bush Surge,” Newsweek, January 4, 2010, http://www.thedailybeast.com/newsweek/2009/01/03/the-general.html. Petraeus drew the comparison repeatedly in response to questions about nation-building. See also Elisabeth Bumiller, “Petraeus Tells Panel July Drawdown in Afghanistan May Include Some Combat Troops,” The New York Times, March 16, 2011, http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/17/world/asia/17petraeus.html?_r=0. 6. For further information on the neutralizations of Belgium and Luxembourg, see William E. Lingelbach, “Belgian Neutrality: Its Origin and Interpretation,” American Historical Review 39 (October 1933): pp. 48–72; Fred Greene, “Neutralization and the Balance of Power,” The American Political Science Review 47, no. 4 (December 1953): pp. 1041–1057; Gordon E. Sherman, “The Permanent Neutrality Treaties,” Yale Law Journal 24, no. 3 (January 1915): pp. 217–241. 7. On the Cold War experience with neutralization, see Cyril E. Black, Richard A. Falk, Klaus Knorr, and Oran R. Young, Neutralization in World Politics (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1968). 8. On the neutralization of Austria, see Audrey Kurth Cronin, Great Power Politics and the Struggle over Austria (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986). 9. David Rohde, “Holbrooke's Last Mission in Afghanistan,” The Daily Beast, November 26, 2011, http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2011/11/26/richard-holbrooke-s-last-mission-in-afghanistan-by-david-rohde.html; and Karen DeYoung, “Holbrooke's Death Leaves Major Void in Obama's Afghan Strategy,” The Washington Post, December 14, 2010, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2010/12/13/AR2010121306799.html. 10. For an excellent, in-depth analysis, see Peter Tomsen, The Wars of Afghanistan: Messianic Terrorism, Tribal Conflicts, and the Failures of Great Powers (New York: Public Affairs, 2011), especially Chapters 24 and 25, pp. 653–712. 11. See, for example, Sumit Ganguly and S. Paul Kakur, “The Sorcerer's Apprentice: Islamist Militancy in South Asia,” The Washington Quarterly 33, no. 1 (Winter 2010): pp. 47–59, http://csis.org/files/publication/twq10januarygangulykapur.pdf. 12. The 2005 U.N. World Drug Report found that Iran had the highest drug addition in the world, with 2.8 percent of the population over age 15 being opiate addicts. Karl Vick, “Opiates of the Iranian People, Despair Drives World's Highest Addiction Rate,” The Washington Post, September 23, 2005, http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/09/22/AR2005092202287.html. 13. See S. Frederick Staff and Andrew C. Kuchins, et al., The Key to Success in Afghanistan: A Modern Silk Road Strategy, (Washington, DC: Central Asia-Caucasus Institute & Silk Road Studies Program with CSIS, 2010), http://www.silkroadstudies.org/new/docs/silkroadpapers/1005Afghan.pdf. 14. “The powers signatory to the declaration of March 20 authoritatively recognize by the present act that Swiss neutrality and inviolability and independence of any foreign influence are to be considered as in the true interest of European Policy.” Document quoted in English, trans. Gordon E. Sherman, “The Neutrality of Switzerland,” The American Journal of International Law 12, no. 2 (April 1918): p. 249. 15. Luke Mogelson, “The Scariest Little Corner of the World,” The New York Times, October 18, 2012, http://www.nytimes.com/2012/10/21/magazine/the-corner-where-afghanistan-iran-and-pakistan-meet.html?pagewanted=all. 16. For more information, see Ahmed Rashid, “Russia and China eye role in Afghanistan and Pakistan,” BBC News Asia, June 6, 2012, http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-18342888; “SCO See Role in Afghanistan,” Dawn.com, September 12, 2012, http://dawn.com/2012/09/12/sco-sees-role-in-afghanistan/#print. 17. Author interviews in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, May 2009. 18. Selig Harrison, “How to Leave Afghanistan Without Losing,” Foreign Policy, August 24, 2010, http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/08/24/how_to_leave_afghanistan_without_losing. 19. The White House, Office of the Press Secretary, “Fact Sheet: The U.S.-Afghanistan Strategic Partnership Agreement,” May 1, 2012, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/2012/05/01/fact-sheet-us-afghanistan-strategic-partnership-agreement. The complete agreement is at http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/2012.06.01u.s.-afghanistanspasignedtext.pdf. Negotiations on a post-2014 Status of Forces agreement are ongoing. 20. Demetrios G. Papademetriou and Elizabeth Collett, A New Architecture for Border Management, Transatlantic Council on Migration, (Washington, DC: Migration Policy Institute, March 2011), p. 7, http://www.migrationpolicy.org/pubs/borderarchitecture.pdf. Additional informationNotes on contributorsAudrey Kurth CroninAudrey Kurth Cronin is Professor of Public Policy at George Mason University and author of How Terrorism Ends and Great Power Politics and the Struggle over Austria | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4309316054 | This study examines Pakistan's changing role amid Riyadh and Tehran's geopolitical and geoeconomic competition. It debunks the claim that Saudi Arabia and Iran's rivalry has long caused sectarian strife and economic and security problems in Pakistan. Pakistan's leadership has determined to prevent sectarian and supremacy tussles between the two Middle Eastern powers and to reduce tension diplomatically. Saudi Arabia and Iran's competition has affected not only Middle Eastern governments but also Pakistan, which faces internal and external issues. Pakistan's connections with Iran and Saudi Arabia are geopolitical and geoeconomic necessities. This conundrum has led Pakistan to act as an arbitrator between Saudi Arabia and Iran in its foreign policy. This research examines Middle East political tensions from 2015 to 2021 to determine Pakistan's evolving role from neutral to mediatory. The study paper analyses how Pakistan, while protecting its national interests, helped reduce Tehran and Riyadh's animosity from 2016 onwards when tension escalated. | [
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| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4385340720 | Pakistan shares complicated but necessary ties with Iran and Saudi Arabia – two countries involved in a multilayered conflict in the Middle East. The bilateral relations with Pakistan are historical, and there are deep religious, cultural, and social affinities. And there are issues of security and economic interdependence as well. However, given the conflict between Saudi Arabia and Iran, Pakistan has to follow a policy of neutrality toward both. This means that it has to carefully balance its relationships and find opportunities to grow ties with one without antagonizing the other. In this chapter, these dynamics are explored, as recent concerns in Pakistan’s ties with Iran and Saudi Arabia are highlighted to show the complicated situation for Pakistan in this regard. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4390072215 | Analyzing the Geostrategic Dynamics in Iraq: Saudi-Iranian Rivalry and Pakistanâs Response, 2003-2018 | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C62520636"
},
{
"display_name": "Macroeconomics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C139719470"
}
]
| [
"Saudi Arabia",
"Iran",
"Iraq"
]
| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4390072215 | This research is about explaining Pakistan's proclaimed neutral policy towards the Saudi-Iran rivalry in Iraq. Regarding the Middle East, Pakistan's policy of neutrality has been adopted and claimed by Pakistan after the Iranian Revolution of 1979, which created an environment in the Middle East where Saudi Arabia and Iran emerged as rival forces in the region. While discussing the roots of neutrality, we found that Pakistan's policy of neutrality was the direct response to power politics between Saudi Arabia and Iran to safeguard its political and economic interests in the Middle East. This study uses qualitative methods. More specifically, John Scott's model of Documentary Analysis is used to explore the nature of the rivalry between Saudi Arabia and Iran in Iraq and Pakistan's response to it. A historical analysis of different factors demonstrates the extent to which Pakistan can plan, coordinate and execute a clear foreign policy to demonstrate its claim of neutral position. | [
{
"display_name": "Global strategic & security studies review",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210167795",
"type": "journal"
}
]
|
|
https://openalex.org/W2591592081 | Violence and Political Change in Saudi Arabia | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Joe Stork",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5032142687"
}
]
| [
{
"display_name": "Expatriate",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779056439"
},
{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
},
{
"display_name": "Elite",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2775987171"
},
{
"display_name": "State (computer science)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C48103436"
},
{
"display_name": "Politics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
},
{
"display_name": "Ambivalence",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162127614"
},
{
"display_name": "Islam",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C4445939"
},
{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
},
{
"display_name": "Criminology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C73484699"
},
{
"display_name": "Terrorism",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C203133693"
},
{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
},
{
"display_name": "Sociology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
},
{
"display_name": "Social psychology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C77805123"
},
{
"display_name": "History",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C95457728"
},
{
"display_name": "Psychology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C15744967"
},
{
"display_name": "Archaeology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C166957645"
},
{
"display_name": "Algorithm",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C11413529"
},
{
"display_name": "Computer science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
}
]
| [
"Saudi Arabia",
"Iraq"
]
| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2591592081 | Few societies are more identified with Islamist armed violence than Saudi Arabia—country of origin of Usama bin Laden and 15 of the 9/11 hijackers, as well as more than a thousand insurgents in Iraq, and itself the site of attacks on expatriate housing compounds. The author draws on discussions with Saudi activists and intellectuals to reflect on ambivalent public and elite attitudes toward this violence. The author’s interlocutors attribute this “neutrality” to the accommodating relationship between a repressive state and an intolerant religious establishment, and argue that only a vibrant civil society can combat such violence. | [
{
"display_name": "ISIM Review",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4306514470",
"type": "journal"
}
]
|
|
https://openalex.org/W2115466608 | What happens when Islamic capital markets move away from tax neutrality - A look at Oman & Saudi Arabia | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Aslam Izah Selamat",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5053757888"
},
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Mohamed Ariff",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5089020884"
},
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Shamsher Mohamad",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5070413230"
}
]
| [
{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
},
{
"display_name": "Tax reform",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C551662922"
},
{
"display_name": "Value-added tax",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C111326686"
},
{
"display_name": "Double taxation",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C51303962"
},
{
"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
},
{
"display_name": "Indirect tax",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C113216237"
},
{
"display_name": "Tax avoidance",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C514942387"
},
{
"display_name": "Direct tax",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C193681711"
},
{
"display_name": "Monetary economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C556758197"
},
{
"display_name": "Ad valorem tax",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C55214782"
},
{
"display_name": "Corporate tax",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779836051"
},
{
"display_name": "Public economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C100001284"
},
{
"display_name": "International economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C18547055"
},
{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
},
{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
}
]
| [
"Saudi Arabia",
"Oman"
]
| [
"https://openalex.org/W1546993880",
"https://openalex.org/W1997575896",
"https://openalex.org/W2003498865",
"https://openalex.org/W2062907079",
"https://openalex.org/W2067527621",
"https://openalex.org/W2088957698",
"https://openalex.org/W2119306105",
"https://openalex.org/W2124597406",
"https://openalex.org/W2130162792",
"https://openalex.org/W2789148346",
"https://openalex.org/W3123807781"
]
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2115466608 | This article evaluates how tax reforms affect stock prices of local and foreign firms in Oman and Saudi Arabia. Both countries introduced corporate tax on foreign firms, exempting local firms from corporate tax, when they moved away from a pre-existing Islamic tax neutrality policy. These reforms were implemented in 2009 in Oman and in 2004 in Saudi Arabia. These tax reform events – applying to foreign firms and not applying to local firms in the same markets – offer ideal experimental situations in two economies to test the taxation theories on how stock prices must react. We find that the results support the ModiglianiMiller and Elton-Gruber tax theories in two ways. Firstly, foreign firms that had their taxes reduced experienced stock price increases. Secondly, local firms not subjected to tax or tax reduction showed no visible tax effect. These are theory-consistent findings in the unique tax environments in these two Islamic countries, which moved away from tax neutrality, enabling us to obtain very clear evidence on modern theories of taxation. In our view, this evidence is significantly important addition to the literature on tax and taxation and for those contemplating a move away from Islamic tax neutrality. | [
{
"display_name": "Pertanika journal of social science and humanities",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S2764677807",
"type": "journal"
}
]
|
|
https://openalex.org/W4226064006 | Role of Energy Efficiency in Designing Carbon-neutral Residential Communities: Case Study of Saudi Arabia | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Moncef Krarti",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5048908980"
},
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Mohammed Aldubyan",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5005579399"
}
]
| [
{
"display_name": "Carbon neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C126172416"
},
{
"display_name": "Renewable energy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C188573790"
},
{
"display_name": "Photovoltaic system",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41291067"
},
{
"display_name": "Wind power",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C78600449"
},
{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
},
{
"display_name": "Carbon fibers",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C140205800"
},
{
"display_name": "Environmental economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C134560507"
},
{
"display_name": "Grid",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C187691185"
},
{
"display_name": "Efficient energy use",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2742236"
},
{
"display_name": "Environmental science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C39432304"
},
{
"display_name": "Architectural engineering",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C170154142"
},
{
"display_name": "Engineering",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C127413603"
},
{
"display_name": "Geography",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C205649164"
},
{
"display_name": "Computer science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
},
{
"display_name": "Electrical engineering",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C119599485"
},
{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
},
{
"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
},
{
"display_name": "Algorithm",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C11413529"
},
{
"display_name": "Composite number",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C104779481"
},
{
"display_name": "Geodesy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C13280743"
},
{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
}
]
| [
"Saudi Arabia"
]
| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4226064006 | This study focuses on the impact of improving the energy efficiency of housing units on the design of carbon-neutral grid-connected residential communities in Saudi Arabia. Particularly, it examines the efficacy of both photovoltaic systems and wind turbines as on-site renewable power technologies in achieving carbon neutrality. | []
|
|
https://openalex.org/W2981604257 | Passive Mediation in Persian Gulf Conflicts: An Analysis of Pakistan’s Peace Initiatives | [
{
"affiliations": [
{
"country": "Pakistan",
"display_name": "Sustainable Development Policy Institute",
"id": "https://openalex.org/I26300605",
"lat": 33.711918,
"long": 73.05811,
"type": "nonprofit"
}
],
"display_name": "Khurram Abbas",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5060284036"
}
]
| [
{
"display_name": "Persian",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2776527531"
},
{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
},
{
"display_name": "Mediation",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C179420905"
},
{
"display_name": "Islam",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C4445939"
},
{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
},
{
"display_name": "Economic growth",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C50522688"
},
{
"display_name": "Development economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C47768531"
},
{
"display_name": "Geography",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C205649164"
},
{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
},
{
"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
},
{
"display_name": "Archaeology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C166957645"
},
{
"display_name": "Philosophy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138885662"
},
{
"display_name": "Linguistics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41895202"
}
]
| [
"Saudi Arabia",
"Yemen",
"Iran"
]
| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2981604257 | Pakistan is a highly significant country for the Persian Gulf due to its geostrategic location, large workforce, being the only Muslim nuclear power and centuries of religious and cultural affinity. It is the second largest security guarantor of Saudi Arabia after the US and shares a border with Iran. Islamabad not only helped the Arab countries in institution building during their formative years, but also provided them support during security crises in the 20th century. Since 2001, regional dynamics changed Pakistan’s foreign policy towards Afghanistan vis-à-vis Iran. Islamabad decided to adopt the role of a passive mediator in Persian Gulf conflicts. For this purpose, it decided to stay neutral in the Saudi-led campaign in Yemen in 2015, which was a highly unexpected decision for the Saudi and Emirati ruling elites. In 2016, Pakistan defused tensions between the two Persian Gulf rivals, i.e., Saudi Arabia and Iran. Later, Islamabad opted for neutrality in Qatar’s diplomatic crisis in 2017. With this backdrop, this study hypotheses that since 2001 Pakistan has successfully prevented conflict escalation in the Persian Gulf through ‘passive mediation’. The study will focus on the following questions: what are Pakistan’s peace initiatives in Persian Gulf conflicts? How have these initiatives helped to de-escalate tensions and averted armed conflicts? What are Pakistan’s limitations in its mediation efforts during these conflicts? | [
{
"display_name": "Asian Journal of Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210205402",
"type": "journal"
}
]
|
|
https://openalex.org/W2884173704 | Navigating Regional Rivalries and Sensitivities | [
{
"affiliations": [
{
"country": "Singapore",
"display_name": "Nanyang Technological University",
"id": "https://openalex.org/I172675005",
"lat": 1.28967,
"long": 103.85007,
"type": "education"
}
],
"display_name": "James M. Dorsey",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5020735067"
}
]
| [
{
"display_name": "China",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C191935318"
},
{
"display_name": "Mainstream",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2777617010"
},
{
"display_name": "Conservatism",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C96640997"
},
{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
},
{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
},
{
"display_name": "Power (physics)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C163258240"
},
{
"display_name": "Geography",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C205649164"
},
{
"display_name": "Development economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C47768531"
},
{
"display_name": "Economy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C136264566"
},
{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
},
{
"display_name": "Politics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
},
{
"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
},
{
"display_name": "Physics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C121332964"
},
{
"display_name": "Quantum mechanics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C62520636"
}
]
| [
"Saudi Arabia",
"Iran"
]
| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2884173704 | China’s desire to avoid being bogged down and mired in the Middle East and North Africa’s numerous wars, conflicts, disputes, and animosities is proving to be a gargantuan, if not impossible, task. Complicating its efforts is the spread of Saudi-inspired Sunni Muslim ultra-conservatism in China among both Uyghurs in Xinjiang and more mainstream Hui Muslims. Chinese concern that Saudi Arabia is supporting Salafism in China is one of several potential drivers that could push China to tilt towards Iran despite its declared neutrality in the power struggle between the two regional heavyweights. | [
{
"display_name": "Global political transitions",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210182690",
"type": "book series"
}
]
|
|
https://openalex.org/W4211190688 | Saudi Iran Rivalry and Pakistan Foreign Policy towards Yemen Crises | [
{
"affiliations": [
{
"country": "Pakistan",
"display_name": "University of the Punjab",
"id": "https://openalex.org/I172780181",
"lat": 31.495457,
"long": 74.29388,
"type": "education"
}
],
"display_name": "Mohammad Ali",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5049808180"
},
{
"affiliations": [
{
"country": "Pakistan",
"display_name": "University of the Punjab",
"id": "https://openalex.org/I172780181",
"lat": 31.495457,
"long": 74.29388,
"type": "education"
}
],
"display_name": "Rana Eijaz Ahmad",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5060428376"
}
]
| [
{
"display_name": "Rivalry",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779602485"
},
{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
},
{
"display_name": "Middle East",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C3651065"
},
{
"display_name": "Position (finance)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C198082294"
},
{
"display_name": "Ideology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C158071213"
},
{
"display_name": "Foreign policy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C93377909"
},
{
"display_name": "Politics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
},
{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
},
{
"display_name": "Development economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C47768531"
},
{
"display_name": "Ethnic group",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C137403100"
},
{
"display_name": "Economy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C136264566"
},
{
"display_name": "Political economy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138921699"
},
{
"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
},
{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
},
{
"display_name": "Finance",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C10138342"
},
{
"display_name": "Macroeconomics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C139719470"
}
]
| [
"Saudi Arabia",
"Yemen",
"Iran"
]
| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4211190688 | This article highlights Pakistan's foreign policy towards the Yemen crisis in the background of deep-rooted social,cultural, ethnic and religious cleavages between two regional rivals, Saudi Arabia and Iran. As, Pakistan always claims Tobe neutral towards Saudi-Iran rivalry. By using the qualitative method, the researcher has designed a criterion of analyzing the neutrality in Pakistan's foreign policy towards the Yemen Crisis. As, there are multiple indicators of neutrality that can help in measuring Pakistan’s position of neutrality towards Saudi-Iran rivalry in Yemen Crises. Moreover, by explaining the factors behind the Saudi-Iran rivalry, this article further answers questions such as which theory explains best explain Pakistan's position towards Yemen Crises? What are the drivers of Pakistan's foreign policy towards the Middle East? Is Pakistan really neutral towards the Middle Eastern crises? If yes, then to what extent and why? How do external threats to Pakistan's political, economic, and Ideological interests contribute to creating a discrepancy in its proclaimed neutral position. | [
{
"display_name": "Global foreign policies review",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210189926",
"type": "journal"
}
]
|
|
https://openalex.org/W4385457350 | Issue 3 of 2023 and the Journal’s Policy on Neutrality and Non-Discrimination in Editorial Work | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Iryna Izarova",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5040408310"
}
]
| [
{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
},
{
"display_name": "Jurisdiction",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2776949292"
},
{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
},
{
"display_name": "Economic Justice",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C139621336"
},
{
"display_name": "Work (physics)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C18762648"
},
{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
},
{
"display_name": "Sociology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
},
{
"display_name": "Media studies",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C29595303"
},
{
"display_name": "Engineering",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C127413603"
},
{
"display_name": "Mechanical engineering",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C78519656"
}
]
| [
"Saudi Arabia"
]
| []
| https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4385457350 | In this issue of the Access to Justice in Eastern Europe journal, we collected articles from authors of various states – Romania, Moldova, Ukraine, Slovakia, Poland, and Saudi Arabia. We are particularly delighted to welcome contributions from authors from Kosovo, as their efforts to spread knowledge about their jurisdiction and share the results of their studies is warmly welcomed. This fact alone is another good reason for policymakers, legal practitioners, and researchers to read this issue. As usual, I would like to provide a brief overview of some of the articles featured in this issue. However, before diving into the contents, as Editor-in-Chief, I would like to share some ideas and reflections with our audience and my colleagues and editors. I will discuss the Journal’s commitment to neutrality and non-discrimination, especially in light of the challenges faced during wartime in Ukraine. | [
{
"display_name": "Access to justice in Eastern Europe",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210223808",
"type": "journal"
}
]
|
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