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https://openalex.org/W2471516420 | The Criminalization of Physicians and the Delegitimization of Violence in Turkey | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2471516420 | In June 2013, protests that erupted in Gezi Park in Istanbul, Turkey were met with state violence, mobilizing hundreds of native physicians to deliver emergency medical care. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork in makeshift clinics during these protests, interviews with Gezi physicians and analyses of recent laws restricting emergency care provision, in this article I explore the criminalization of clinical practice through legal and coercive means of the government and the delegitimization of state violence through clinical and expert witnessing practices of physicians. As I show, material, legal, and discursive articulations of the idiom of medical neutrality revolve around the tension between medical praxis as neutrality and medical praxis as political participation. I offer a reconsideration of medical humanitarian and human rights regimes in terms of their consequences for inciting, documenting and restricting state violence. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2605964927 | Islamic Headscarves and Human Rights: A Critical Analysis of the Relevant Case Law of the European Court of Human Rights | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2605964927 | This article will first present two cases at the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR): Dahlab vs Switzerland and Leyla Sahin vs Turkey and then comment on these two decisions focusing on the following issues: State neutrality; negative freedom of religion; right to education; gender discrimination; discriminatory statements; religious discrimination; political extremism. This article will argue that the reasoning of the ECtHR in the cases Dahlab vs Switzerland and Leyla Sahin v Turkey is questionable and at odds with important principles developed in the established case law of the Court. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3213282715 | Asymmetric causality between renewable energy consumption and economic growth: fresh evidence from some emerging countries | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3213282715 | Renewable energy is an important alternative energy source in terms of both sustainable growth and climate change. In this paper, the causality nexus between renewable energy consumption and economic growth is analyzed in 15 emerging countries covering the period from 1990 to 2015. The paper adopts the bootstrap panel causality test which is developed by (Kónya, Econ Model 23:978-992, 2006) to consider the cross-sectional dependence. The results of (Kónya, Econ Model 23:978-992, 2006) prove the validity of the neutrality hypothesis in all countries. Then, we analyze asymmetric causality among the variables. Asymmetric test denotes a causality from negative shocks of economic growth to negative shocks of renewable energy consumption in South Africa, Thailand, and Turkey. Thus, a negative shock in economic growth hampers renewable energy consumption in these countries. Our results demonstrate the consequences of the application of disaggregated data in the analyses. | [
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https://openalex.org/W639225481 | Nazi Germany and Neutral Europe During the Second World War | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W639225481 | This is a study of Nazi Germany's war relations to the five continental European neutrals: Portugal, Spain, Switzerland, Sweden and Turkey. Questioning the true commitment to neutrality of the five states, the book details not simply the development of relations to Germany, but also highlights the contribution the states made to Germany's war effort. The author explains that the Nazi regime benefitted in large measure from permitting these five countries to remain neutral. Even while Germany's military fortunes were declining in 1943 and 1944, it continued to receive vital services from the neutrals. Based on a wide reading of secondary sources in English, German, Spanish, Swedish, Portuguese, French and Turkish, and supplemented by documentary evidence from various German archives, this book enables readers at all levels to gain insight into a significant aspect not only of the history of Nazi Germany, but also the history of the Second World War in Europe. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2729222179 | Indoctrination, Secularism, Religious Liberty, and the Echr | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2729222179 | With its judgment in Leyla Şahin v Turkey , 1 the Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights has once again addressed the place of religion within the European Convention system. The Court considers two types of cases. The first focuses on individuals but has repercussions on the relationship between State and religious communities. The Court is much more individualistic in these cases, in that it focuses more on the individual and the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. The Court emphasizes values such as the prevention of indoctrination, neutrality, secularism and laïcité, especially in relation to Islam. The Court tries to promote and enforce a normative order of secularism but this has unfortunate consequences for religious freedom. The second deals with the compatibility of entire domestic regimes regulating religious affairs with the Convention, including questions of legal personality and registration, leadership and property ownership, positive obligations of the State towards the protection of religious communities against third parties, and freedom of religious choice. The aim is to promote tolerance, religious diversity, pluralism and a market place within religious beliefs. It will be shown that these two strands in the caselaw do not always sit happily together. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2279347253 | Religious Information on Identity Cards: A Turkish Debate | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2279347253 | In 2006, the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) made a notable departure from historical precedent when it replaced the Population Register Law of 1972. The 1972 law, in Article 43, required that the national registry records on all households in Turkey contain the religion of all family members unless, under Article 46, an individual or family went to court to make a revision in these records. This was the legal basis of the inclusion of religious information on Turkish identity cards, issued in accordance with the information in family registers. Article 35 of The Population Services Law of 2006 now provides: “Requests about the religious information in household registers shall be approved, modified, left blank or deleted, in accordance with the written application of the concerned person.” We shall argue, in this paper that Article 35 of the Population Services Law of 2006 is unconstitutional just like Article 43 of the Population Register Law of 1972 was, and that information about individuals' religions should be deleted from both the national register and individuals' identity (ID) cards. The inclusion of religious information in the identity cards of citizens or resident aliens, who apply for Turkish citizenship, violates the religious liberty in Turkey, particularly under a “neutrality” conception of that right. We shall review the jurisprudence of the Turkish Constitutional Court concerning ID cards in the light of the negative and positive aspects of religious liberty, focus on the different meanings of neutrality such as “formal neutrality,” “substantive neutrality,” “aim neutrality,” “justification neutrality” and “consequences neutrality.” Before we evaluate this practice under neutrality theory, however, it would be appropriate to begin with a historical narrative about the origin of religious notations on Turkish identity cards, and explain the content and the meaning of the new law. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1593259308 | The nexus between electricity consumption and economic growth in MENA countries | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1593259308 | We assess the causality between electricity consumption and economic growth for a panel of twelve MENA countries (seven energy exporters and five energy importers) over the period 1975–2010 within a bivariate framework using panel cointegration methods and panel causality test. By doing so, we show that 16.66% of MENA countries supported the growth hypothesis, 25% the conservation hypothesis, 33.33% the feedback hypothesis and 25% the neutrality hypothesis. For energy exporters, we support the growth hypothesis in 14.28% of cases at the same way of conservation hypothesis, the feedback hypothesis in 42.88% and the neutrality hypothesis in 28.57%. For energy importers, almost 60% of cases provide support for conservation hypothesis. Additionally, we show that Iran and Turkey behave better than the rest of countries in terms of the focal link. We attribute this apparently result to the good structuring of the electricity sector. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2182669203 | Türkiye’de petrol tüketimi ve ekonomik büyüme arasındaki nedensellik ilişkisi | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2182669203 | Energy is one of the most important main inputs for the promoting economic growth. Most of the energy needed by the countries is mostly supplied by the sources called fossil fuel. For this reason, numbers of studies examine the linear relationship between the oil consumption and economic growth. The direction of the causality found in these studies guides the countries in their economic policies. This study attempts to empirically examine the short and the long run relationship between oil consumption and the reel gross domestic production (GDP) in the case of Turkey using the time series data for the period 1971-2013. Granger causality and Johansen cointegration test are used in order to analyze the relationship between these variables. The empirical results suggest that oil consumption and GDP are not cointegrated and there is no evidence of causality between these two variables. The main conclusion of this study is that the neutrality hypothesis is prevail for Turkey | [
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https://openalex.org/W4318471070 | Some Implications of Sweden and Finland Joining NATO | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4318471070 | Sweden and Finland’s decision to abandon their longtime, famous neutrality and apply for membership in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) indicates that Russian president Vladimir Putin’s invasion of Ukraine has disastrously backfired. These two new NATO members will bring tangible geostrategic benefits to the alliance, not just a token weight. NATO has suddenly gained a new and greater strength and legitimacy. As for the Kurds, they need to understand that NATO’s deal with Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan to approve Sweden and Finland’s NATO membership in return for their cracking down on supposed Kurdish terrorists sheltering within their borders is not as hostile to Kurdish interests as they claim. Sweden and Finland are not likely to extradite Kurds accused of political crimes to Turkey. The Kurds should comprehend their very secondary position in the existential power struggle involving NATO and Russia and not overreact against it. As explained below, this deal with Turkey, like earlier ones, is not likely to be as inimical to Kurdish interests as first meets the eye. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3016128610 | TÜRKİYE-ABD İLİŞKİLERİNDE TRUMAN DOKTRİNİ VE MARSHALL PLANI | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3016128610 | Bases of Research: Negotiations, correspondence, notes, treaties and laws beetween Turkey, United States and Soviet Union beetween the years 1945-1950. Purpose of the Research: Presenting the Turkey’s rapprochement to United States, against Soviet claims in after Second World War and United States’ support to Turkey with Truman Doctrine and Marshall Plan in between years 1945-1950. Data Resources: The notes between three countries published in Turkish Press and “Ayin Tarihi”, Turkish daily newspapers in the years between 1945-1950, laws Dustur , published articles in USA and books. Main Discussion: Why Turkey insist to close to Western World and especially USA in immediately-after Second World War and what was the first results of this rapprochement until year 1950? Conclusions: As a result of its neutrality policy, Turkey has remained alone in the world, immediately-after Second World War. In this period of loneliness, Turkey remained against the Soviet claims. Turkey demanded support from the Western World against Soviet claims. United States, for its interests, has decided to support Turkey against Soviet Union. Truman Doctrine in 1947 and Marshall Plan 1948 were first applications of United States’ this decision. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2465647025 | The Silent Victor: Turkey’s Role in the Gulf War | [
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https://openalex.org/W2419030055 | Turkey and the West: From Neutrality to Commitment | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2419030055 | Abbreviations Turkish Pronunciation Guide Foreword Acknowledgments 1. Scope and the Contention 2. A Challenged Neutrality: Turkey Under the Pressure of Emerging Rivals (1938-1940) 3. The War and Neutral Obligations: Turkish Foreign Policy Vis-a-Vis the Shifting Sands of Wartime Diplomacy (1941-1945) 4. Tensions Revealed: Prelude to War Cold and Hot, and the Beginnings of the Turkish Quest for Security (1946) 5. Turkey's Transformation Amidst Forceful Change and Turkish Strategies in Adapting to a New Security Environment (1945-1947) 6. War, Cold: Launching of the Western Security Pacts and a Re-Assessment of Turkish Role in the Middle East (1948-1949) 7. War, Hot: The Test of Wills in the Korean War and the Turkish Involvement in the Conflict (1950-1952) 8. The Northern Tier Arrangements and the Prelude to Regional Divergences (1953-1958) 9. Conclusion Bibliography Index of Names and Subjects About the Author | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W3196247787 | Greek-Turkish Confrontation and Its Influence on the Eastern Mediterranean | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1988208978 | Previous articleNext article No AccessSymposium on Rawlsian Theory of Justice: Recent DevelopmentsLiberal Individualism and Liberal NeutralityWill KymlickaWill Kymlicka Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Ethics Volume 99, Number 4Jul., 1989 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/293125 Views: 126Total views on this site Citations: 138Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1989 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Connor K. 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Caney Liberalism and Communitarianism: A Misconceived Debate, Political Studies 40, no.22 (Jun 1992): 273–289.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1992.tb01384.xShirley Pendlebury Community, liberty and the practice of teaching, Studies in Philosophy and Education 10, no.44 (Jan 1991): 263–279.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00364544Eamonn Callan Pluralism and civic education, Studies in Philosophy and Education 11, no.11 (Jan 1991): 65–87.https://doi.org/10.1007/BF00368405 Bibliographie, (Jan 1991): 281–299.https://doi.org/10.3917/ls.vanpa.1991.01.0281 Amy Gutmann , and Dennis Thompson Moral Conflict and Political Consensus, Ethics 101, no.11 (Oct 2015): 64–88.https://doi.org/10.1086/293260 Literatur, ().https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110250978.207Mariano C. Melero de La Torre Conclusiones, Bibliografía e Índice analítico y de nombres, (): 423–465.https://doi.org/10.5211/9788492751181.ch11 | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4360866272 | This article explores the concepts and objectives of green logistics and financial innovation in the context of the BRICS‐T economies (Brazil, the Russian Federation, India, China, South Africa and Turkey) with the aim of achieving carbon neutrality or net‐zero emissions. It outlines a new scientific direction that incorporates the use of knowledge and other areas to apply green innovation, green energy and economic growth to reducing transport‐based CO 2 emissions. To examine the identified research gap, the study adopted a novel econometric approach for 2000–2018 and confirmed the ‘carbon neutrality’ hypothesis. The findings revealed that green logistics, green innovation and renewable resources—which become a strong driving force for executing neutrality—result in net zero emissions and improve environmental sustainability in the BRICS‐T countries. In contrast, financial innovation and economic growth boost transportation emissions and increase environmental degradation. According to the findings of the study, policymakers should prioritize sustainable development strategies in order to achieve ‘Carbon Neutrality’. This includes implementing green logistics and promoting green financial innovation. Furthermore, it is suggested that greater support be given to the renewable energy sector, green technologies and sustainable growth to drive sustainable development in the BRICS‐T economies. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2922299769 | Developments in AKP Policy Toward Religion and Homogeneity | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2922299769 | Critics of the Turkish interpretation of secularism, laiklik , describe it as authoritarian and repressive. Indeed, rather than establish state neutrality toward religion, laiklik historically entailed state control of Islam, the religion of the vast majority of the Turkish population, and the exclusion of religion from the public sphere in an effort to control religious belief and identity. Many, including leaders in the ruling AKP, assert, though, that recent reforms herald a move away from this model of control toward a secularism defined by state neutrality toward religion. To determine whether this transformation is actually occurring, I evaluate, based on Turkish language sources, the recent reforms under the AKP using the framework of the secularized state described by the German legal scholar Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde. Because of its significant role in implementing Turkish policies toward religion, I evaluate these reforms by analyzing developments in the programming and messaging of the Directorate of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) under the AKP. I find little evidence that laiklik is transitioning to a state neutrality toward religion. Rather, the AKP has coupled a greater presence of religion in the public sphere with expanding state authority in religious programming and messaging. Although these reforms reflect a transformation in Turkish nation-building policies, they maintain the state control of religion that separates laiklik from neutral secularism. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3168601328 | A New Intuition into Tourism-Inclusive Growth Nexus in Turkey and Nigeria (1995 – 2018) | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3168601328 | Abstract This paper examines the symmetric and asymmetric causal relationships between tourism and inclusive growth in Turkey and Nigeria over the period 1995Q1-2018Q4. The study employs a bootstrap simulation method with leverage adjustments to achieve the objective of the study. The method is used to see whether positive or negative tourism shocks cause inclusive growth and whether positive or negative inclusive growth shocks cause tourism activity. The results show no evidence of asymmetric causality between tourism and inclusive growth, while there is evidence of symmetric causality running from tourism to inclusive growth in Turkey. On the other hand, there is neither symmetric nor asymmetric causal relationship between tourism and inclusive growth in Nigeria. In sum, both neutrality and tourism-led growth hypothesis hold in Turkey, while Nigeria gives credence to neutrality hypothesis. The recommendations coming from the findings are that the tourism sector in both countries, Nigeria in particular, should be repositioned for better performance and effectiveness in stimulating inclusive growth. Rather than focusing on pro-poor and micro-based tourism policies that favour selected communities and localities, tourism should be included in development plans nationally, in order to ensure wider participation and more encompassing trickle-down effects on the citizenry. Furthermore, both countries should implement policies that will stimulate their tourism sectors for a larger and more significant contribution to real GDP. | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2245933071 | In this study, it was investigated whether there is a causality relationship between financial development and economic growth in emerging market countries. Data from the period between 1988 and 2013 was analyzed using the bootstrap panel causality test, which takes cross-section dependence and heterogeneity into account. The results of the test showed that there is a weak causal relationship between economic growth and financial development support the neutrality hypothesis in emerging countries, except for Turkey. | [
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https://openalex.org/W52187280 | OUTSOURCING AFTER THE CUSTOMS UNION BETWEEN EU AND TURKEY | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W52187280 | The paper aims to find out foreign internal outsourcing exercised by Turkish manufacturers before and after the establishment of the customs union. Initially, we briefly look at the importance of foreign trade between Turkey and EU. Then, the outsourcing activity of Turkey with EU before and after the customs union is calculated with the use of SITC Revision 2 trade classification system. Through out this paper it is expected to find increasing production sharing between EU and Turkey after the customs union because of Turkey’s geographical proximity to the region and the existence of huge Turkish population in Europe but for the period under examination there is a steady rise in the Turkish imports of parts and components from EU implying the neutrality of customs union effect. This case partly can be interpreted with the years of crises 2000 and 2001 causing a downward bias for the period after customs union. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2234693079 | Surviving the Pressure of the Superpowers: An Analysis of Turkish Neutrality during the Second World War | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2234693079 | The Second World War years indisputably constitute one of the most important periods of modern Turkish history. Yet, it is perhaps amongst those topics on which there is not a satisfactory amount of academic work available. This is an article prepared with the objective of shedding light on some of the issues not adequately explored before. The diplomatic maneuvers pursued by the then Inonu Administration to avoid the pressure from the Great Power to join the War have been analyzed in detail. Moreover, some regard has also been given to the Turkish domestic politics of that era. Such issues as the pro-German stance of various senior Turkish politicians of the time, the oppression of some ethnic minorities in pursuit of the so-called Turkification policies and German support to the growth of pan-Turkist movements have also been examined. The article concludes with a commentary on how the Turkish policy of neutrality in the 1940s triggered a chain of events that revived Greco-Turkish hostilities and led to Turkish membership of NATO. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2036458199 | Is Active State Support for Religions and Worldviews Compatible with the Liberal Idea of State Neutrality? A Critical Analysis of the Belgian Case | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2036458199 | Since the Age of Enlightenment, the separation of state and church has been an important principle that facilitates the organization of a liberal democracy. This separation has a double, reciprocal task: the government should be protected against illegitimate religious interference, and religions and believers should be protected against undesirable political involvement.1 Nowadays, it seems better to use the concept “separation between state and worldviews”2 because not all of the important worldviews are religious nowadays. Despite the importance of the principle of separation, there is no consensus about political and juridical implementation. In fact, there are as many state-church regimes as there are countries. Each regime is characterized by contextual, national, and historical elements. Some countries, such as the United States, France, and Turkey, have a strict separation of church and state in their constitution. However, these three countries give a completely different interpretation to this separation.3 Other liberal countries, such as Great Britain and some Scandinavian countries, have an established church or a national church, whereas countries such as Belgium, Germany, Austria, and Italy have a system wherein several worldviews can receive active and direct state support. | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S188931513",
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https://openalex.org/W1530966052 | The Problem of Turkey’s Neutrality During the Second World War in the Context of International Conferences | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1530966052 | One of the topical problems in the history of the Second World War was the relations between the USSR and Turkey. The warring sides examined possible methods for Turkey to come over to their side. The Turkish issue was a main theme in the correspondence among the heads of the anti-Hitler coalition. Based on information from Soviet and Turkish periodicals and materials from the Russian Federation Foreign Policy Archive, we examine the features of Turkey’s foreign policy during the war and Turkey’s relations with the USSR. We examine the Teheran, Cairo, and Potsdam Conferences, where the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition discussed the Turkish issue and Churchill’s proposal to open a second front on the territory of Turkey. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2040842987 | III. The End of the Crimean System: England, Russia and the Neutrality of the Black Sea, 1870–1 | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2025726206 | When Defense Becomes Offense: The Role of Threat Narratives in the Turkish Civil War of the 1970s | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2025726206 | This article examines the role of threat narratives in the process of group mobilization for political violence, focusing on the Turkish civil war of the 1970s. It argues that threat narratives promote political violence by identifying a certain politically mobilized group as “the enemy,” and they incite fear in people against this group. Threat narratives further broaden the cycle of violence by deliberately conflating and expanding the category of the enemy and leaving no space for neutrality or moderation. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W1833504666 | Science and Social Studies Teachers' Beliefs and Practices about Teaching Controversial Issues: Certain Comparisons. | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1833504666 | The current study aims to investigate social studies and science teachers’ attitudes and classroom practices associated with controversial issues. The study is a qualitative research based on data collected through interviews and observation. Social studies and Science teachers participated in the current study which was conducted in Kirsehir, a city in the center of Turkey, during the 2012-2013 academic years. Data were collected through classroom observation and interviews with teachers. In this study, teachers' positioning during controversial issues are determined by Kelly's (1986) positioning classification: Exclusive Neutrality, Exclusive Partiality, Neutral Impartiality, and Committed Impartiality. According to results of the research, violence against women, education system, terrorism and nationalism are the leading issues among the controversial issues that both social studies and science teachers listed in Turkey. In relation to their area, social studies teachers stated that the issues such as Kemalism, democracy, military coups, and deep state, which are associated with recent history of Turkey, were among the important controversial issues. Science teachers on the other hand stated issues such as cancer and anti-toxic foods and global warming among the controversial issues in Turkey. Both social studies and science teachers stated that the most frequently encountered problem in discussions was lack of knowledge by students. Whereas social studies teachers stated that their priority goals were particularly to raise active citizens and to set up a democratic classroom environment, science teachers pointed to raising scientifically thinking students and increasing students’ knowledge as their priority goals. During in-class discussions teachers take some positions. The positions stated by the teachers and in-class observations of them conflict. Whereas the teachers stated that they prefer the 4th and 3rd positions, the in-class observations showed that they mainly adopted the 2nd position. Results of observations in social studies classes show that teachers definitely stated their positions about the discussed issue as a priority; they tried to teach the students their positions about the issue; and occasionally about some issues, they told just their positions. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2886416203 | Factors driving Turkish foreign policy | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2886416203 | Evaluation of Turkish foreign policy events suggests that both external and domestic factors have affected its determination. While a consistent pattern in foreign policy has been observed since Ottoman times, the 20th century has led to substantial challenges. Long-established Turkish foreign policy, based exclusively on external factors, was reshaped to include domestic factors as well. With the new Republic in 1923, the process of reshaping foreign policy, based on Western values, has started. The end of the Cold War started a new era in which domestic factors gained predominance. The aim of this study is to evaluate the factors that have driven Turkish foreign policy and the changes thereto in three different time periods. The most important change is primarily the shift from external factors to domestic factors, especially after the Cold War. However, the period before the end of Cold War is further subdivided into two distinct periods—before and after the Second World War. Balanced neutrality in the pre-World War II period shaped Turkish foreign policy. After the war, with the change in the balance of power in the international system, the U.S.S.R. appeared as a serious threat. The Western Alliance was in the center of Turkish foreign policy. Domestic factors became evident with the 1960 coup d’état, which led to a new constitution to allow different political groups to become active. It was the end of the Cold War which put domestic factors in a predominant position. Ethnic and religious politics posed the biggest challenge for Turkey. Based on the recent events in the international system, Turkish foreign policy is again at a turning point in which domestic factors are not only predominant, but may in fact be the driving force behind foreign policy making. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2187821047 | The securitization of the headscarf issue in Turkey: 'the good and bad daughters' of the republic | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2187821047 | In Turkey women wearing headscarves have been banned from universities and public sector for the last two decades. The democratically elected governments passed several legislation to eliminate the ban on the headscarf in universities; however the ban could not have been abandoned due to the strict opposition of secularist establishments; mainly the judiciary and the military. In the last twenty years ‘the headscarf’ has transformed from a religious symbol to a threat to the principle of secularism. This article is an attempt to explore the role of judiciary in this transformation by looking at the legal decisions made by the Constitutional Court and the Council of State between 1980 and 2008 regarding the headscarf issue. It is argued that the judiciary acted as a securitizing actor by making official the interpretation of secularism as ‘a way of life’ and by presenting the covered women demanding to enter the public sphere as a threat to this interpretation of secularism. The conclusion suggests that for the solution of the headscarf problem in Turkey, the official interpretation of secularism should be changed and secularism should be conceived as a constitutional principle rather than ‘a way of life’, which guarantees constitutional neutrality of the state towards all religions, prevents the legitimization of legislation, executive power and rule of law by religion and protects the right to be free from religion as much as the right to be religious. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2557515919 | Turkey and the Palestinian Question: The Shift of Roles in Foreign Policy | [
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] | [
"Turkey",
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"Israel"
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2557515919 | Abstract For Turkey, which was seeking a leading role in the Middle East, the Palestinian Question became a priority in its foreign policy during the late 1990s. In this article, it is argued that the role Turkey primarily espoused in the resolution of the Palestinian Question in the period 2000–2009 has mainly been that of a communicator. Nonetheless, in times of crises between Palestine and Israel, Ankara lost its neutrality and credibility to some extent, as it shifted to the role of guardian of Palestinians and proponent of Palestine, thereby undermining its communicator role. Finally, this dilemma in Turkish foreign policy in the Palestinian Question was the fundamental impediment to Turkey's sustainable and constructive contribution to the settlement of the problem in the examined period. | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S59604070",
"type": "journal"
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|
https://openalex.org/W826549071 | LONG-RUN MONETARY NEUTRALITY: EVIDENCE FROM HIGH INFLATION COUNTRIES | [
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"https://openalex.org/W3023906401",
"https://openalex.org/W3121376352"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W826549071 | The aim of this paper is to investigate issues of long-run neutrality and long-run superneutrality of money using data of high inflation countries (Argentina, Brazil, Ecuador, Mexico, Uruguay and Turkey). It is found that money is long-run neutral but not superneutral with respect to real output for Argentina and Uruguay indicating that money growth has a negative effect on real output. The long-run superneutrality holds for Brazil, Mexico and Turkey. The long-run neutrality is rejected for Ecuador. K eywords: long-run neutrality, inflation | [
{
"display_name": "Ekonomický časopis (Journal of Economics)",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2334642817 | Turkey on the strait and narrow path of neutrality | [
{
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"display_name": "Derek Coventry Patmore",
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2334642817 | (1944). Turkey on the strait and narrow path of neutrality. Journal of The Royal Central Asian Society: Vol. 31, No. 3-4, pp. 281-288. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2765446369 | “Nothing Will Ever Be the Same”: The Borusan Case and the Socio‐Cultural Dynamics of Crisis in Turkey | [
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"Turkey"
] | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2765446369 | The 2011 Borusan crisis in Turkey revealed the complex relations between business, culture, politics, and religious sensitivities. The company withdrew sponsorship for a woman race car driver, citing budget cuts as the reason. However, it was alleged that the real reason was because the woman wore a headscarf which did not sit well with the company's policy of political and religious neutrality. This chapter discusses the competing cultural identities in Turkey. It verifies the place of Islam (religion) in the politics and culture, as well as evaluates the important role that sociocultural factors can play in business success. The chapter also analyses corporate philanthropy/social responsibility in times of crisis. Turkish crisis communication practices were examined by the authors via the media coverage of crisis events between 2006 and 2014. Borusan authorities highlighted three priority stakeholders as the employees, the media, and the general public. The main lesson is the importance of learning from sociocultural mistakes. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2076330859 | ‘Power Led’ Outside Intervention in Kurdish Politics in Iraq and Turkey in the Early 1970s | [
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"Turkey",
"Iran",
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2076330859 | The article addresses the issues involved in Turkey's watchful neutrality vis-á-vis the Kurdish mobilization and the temporary autonomy deal in Iraq during the 1970s. Regardless of Ankara's long-held concerns about the spillover effects of the cross-border ethnic issues and growing outside assistance to the Kurdish insurgency by the US, Iran and Israel against Baghdad, Turkey stood aloof to the internationalisation of the Kurdish developments in Iraq. The successive governments in Turkey generally saw the Kurdish-Baghdad confrontation throughout the 1960s and early 1970s in the context of the Cold war and therefore were able to overlook its possible implications on its own Kurds, especially in view of the assurances extended to itself by its allies involved. Having no acute perception of vulnerability due to international conjuncture, the relations with the allies and domestic politics, Turkey seemed not to have any particular instrumental, affective or humanitarian motives to actively get involved in the then significant Kurdish developments in Iraq. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4224993626 | The Causality Relationship between Military Expenditure and GDP in 12 NATO Member Countries based on Per Capita Values | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4224993626 | This study deals with the relationship between per capita real GDP, per capita real military expenditure, and per capita real capital in 12 NATO member countries from 1995-2020. The country group is chosen from Central and Eastern European countries depending on their common properties. Bai and Ng (2004) PANIC, Westerlund and Edgerton (2008) structural break co-integration, and Konya (2006) bootstrap panel causality tests were applied to consider cross-sectional dependence, respectively. Meanwhile, the convergence of the 12 countries’ military expenditure in Russia is discussed. It is seen that there is weak evidence for this convergence. According to bootstrap panel causality findings, there is strong evidence in 5 countries based on the non-existence of causality. Therefore, Neutrality Hypothesis is valid in Croatia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and Turkey. | [
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https://openalex.org/W138973936 | Serbia as Piedmont and the Yugoslav Idea, 1804-1914 | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W138973936 | Reborn as an autonomous principality in 1830 after four centuries of Turkish rule, Serbia played a role among the South Slavs like Piedmont--Sardinia among Italians and Prussia in Germany. In all three cases the eventual result was unification of most areas claimed by these three great national movements. Unification was achieved in each case by the most cohesive and dynamic political unit with a combination of diplomacy and force. Because they were small and weak militarily, Serbia and Piedmont--Sardinia required major external aid by a great power to reach their goal; Prussia achieved its destiny unaided after insuring the neutrality of powerful neighbors. In all three cases Piedmont's methods and policies in achieving unity provoked opposition by rivals, produced serious sectional rivalries, and in Serbia's case also ethnic divisions after unification. This essay traces Serbia's development as the South Slav Piedmont from its revolt in 1804 until the outbreak of World War I in 1914. When did Serbia assume consciously the role of Piedmont among Serbs and other South Slavs? How did it prevail over such rivals as the Croats, Montenegro, and the Vojvodina? How important were individual leaders, and how aware were they of Serbia's mission and the Piedmontese example? Was the goal of Belgrade's leaders a Greater Serbia or Yugoslavia?* How did political freedom, military success, and cultural primacy influence Serbia's progress toward unity? The history of the modem Serbian national movement includes several phases: a. the struggle to achieve autonomy and extend autonomous Serbia's narrow boundaries (1804-42); b. setting goals of all-Serb and all-Yugoslav unity (1843-68); c. a brief lull followed by a partially successful war of liberation with Russian support (1868-78); d. temporary renunciation of unity and dependence on Austria-Hungary (1878-1903); and e. a conscious and accelerating drive for unification (1903-18). The sacrifices of Serbia, the support to her by the Triple Entente, and the latter's eventual triumph in World War I achieved the goals of unity set during the nineteenth century. I. The First Serbian Insurrection (1804-13) began as localized revolts by village leaders (knezovi) in Belgrade pashalik against mounting oppression by local Turkish officials (dayi). Their initial aim was not independence but restoration of the sultan's legitimate rule. Believing they were fighting for the sultan, Serbian peasants followed their knezovi mainly from fear and desperation. Many peasants had some concept of past Serbian glory, but the initial lack of central organization or leadership prevented any true national consciousness. Leading contemporaries such as Vuk Karadzic and Matija Nenadovic confirm that coercion often was required to obtain peasant recruits.(1) Many Serbian historians have affirmed that the First Insurrection immediately became a war for national liberation. Citing evidence in the late eighteenth century of Serbian national consciousness and latent national ambitions, they ascribed these to the Ottoman millet system and the success of the Serbian Orthodox Church in preserving national identity. Others credit also Serbian epic folk poetry and exploits of guerrilla bandits (hajduci), noted for resistance to Turkish rule.(2) Serbian knezovi, these historians contend, plotted in advance to achieve independence and unification of all South Slavs under Turkish rule except the Bulgars. But the evidence suggests, claims the American scholar, Lawrence Meriage, that there were widely separated risings conditioned by local pressures and grievances. The personality and interests of local knezovi bulked larger than general ideas of national independence. No overall Serbo-Montenegrin plan for united action could be elaborated by leaders unknown before 1804 much beyond their home districts.(3) One of the few articulate Serbs who already revealed then a developed sense of national consciousness was Stevan Stratimirovic, Metropolitan of Sremski Karlovci in the Vojvodina, who in 1803-04 elaborated three plans for a Slavo-Serbian empire. … | [
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https://openalex.org/W2427752489 | Islam and Secularism | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2427752489 | The premise of this chapter is that Islam is consistent with the secular state, defined as neutral regarding all religious doctrine, because the neutrality of the state is more likely to facilitate the authenticity of the religious experience of believers by conviction and free choice. In my view, the notion of an Islamic state is conceptually incoherent, historically unprecedented, and practically unviable. I am not suggesting that Muslim ruling elites never claimed that their state was or is Islamic, or that the general Muslim public has always been clear on the true nature of the state. If this was the case there would be no need for me to make this argument. What I am suggesting is that claims that the state is or can be Islamic are false, and that upon reflection Muslims in general would accept the point I am making. Instead of trying to summarize in this brief chapter the whole theory, as presented elsewhere,1 my purpose here is to argue that the sort of secular state that is compatible with Islam and therefore more likely to be accepted by Muslims is one that is characterized by what I call “weak” secularism. This version of secularism is more characteristic of India and the United States than of France and Turkey. Its defining feature is a willingness to acknowledge and mediate a positive role for religion in public life, instead of attempting to suppress or control religion. This is not easy to do in practice, but should at least be the objective. However, as states are deeply historical and contextual, with each being specific to its own society, I am not calling for the Indian or American models to be copied by other countries. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4312433096 | THE ROLE OF TURKIYE IN THE BLACK SEA AND THE RUSSO-UKRAINIAN WAR: A SHORT OVERVIEW | [
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"Turkey"
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https://openalex.org/W2510737552 | International Red Cross : a mission to nowhere | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2510737552 | In 1922 the Entente —Great Britain, France and Italy— and the United States received information from American relief workers that the Kemalists were deporting large numbers of Christian minorities (Greek Pontians and Armenians) from the coastal regions of the Black Sea into the Anatolian interior. Many innocent people perished along the way from starvation and disease. The European powers, in particular, wanted to maintain their policy of strict neutrality in the Greek-Turkish conflict. Lord Curzon, the British Foreign Secretary 1919-1924, suggested to his counterparts in Paris, Rome and Washington that allied officers be dispatched to investigate these claims. The French tried to delay the setting up and sending of an inter-allied mission to Asia Minor. Such delaying tactics worked to the advantage of the Turkish Nationalists. In order to maintain allied unity, Britain was able to win the support of the other powers, whereby the International Red Cross (IRC) as an impartial international organization was to be approached to conduct the investigation of the reported atrocities in Anatolia. The IRC wanted the Entente and US governments’ to provide it with funds so that it could discharge its duties. This article will address two issues: firstly that the Entente and the US used the IRC as a convenient front in order to avoid responsibility towards protecting the Christian minorities from Turkish reprisals. It should be further stated that the Europeans and the Americans were interested in winning economic concession from the Kemalists; and that the deportation of Christians was an act of genocide committed by the Kemalists regime in order to solve permanently the minority problem. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3047691238 | A tepid alliance: Britain and Turkey in the post-war and early cold war years | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3047691238 | During the transitional period between the end of the Second World War and the beginning of the 1950s London and Ankara left behind the coolness that had crept into their relations as a result of Turkey’s neutrality during the war and reaffirmed their pre-war alliance. However, the strategic interests the two countries shared did not result in a closer political bilateral relationship. Moreover, before long the British government had succeeded by various ill-thought actions in causing the resentment of their Turkish ally. The respective attitudes of the British and the Turks towards each other were informed by the interplay between material interests and ideational factors against the backdrop of the perceived Soviet threat, Britain’s ebbing power and the rising power of the United States. This study narrates a brief but interesting chapter in the course of Turkish-British relations. It also offers interesting insights into the dynamics of great power/small state interaction. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1988634592 | Studies of World War Propaganda, 1914-33 | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1988634592 | Previous articleNext article No AccessBibliographical ArticleStudies of World War Propaganda, 1914-33Ralph Haswell LutzRalph Haswell Lutz Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by The Journal of Modern History Volume 5, Number 4Dec., 1933 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/236062 Views: 88Total views on this site Citations: 7Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1933 The University of Chicago PressPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Demet Aslı Çaltekin Challenging the ‘normal’: curious women conscientious objectors to military service in the male conscription system in Turkey, Critical Military Studies 8, no.33 (Oct 2020): 254–272.https://doi.org/10.1080/23337486.2020.1815384Ismee Tames ‘War on our Minds’ War, neutrality and identity in Dutch public debate during the First World War, First World War Studies 3, no.22 (Oct 2012): 201–216.https://doi.org/10.1080/19475020.2012.728741Krystina Benson The Committee on Public Information: A transmedia war propaganda campaign, Cultural Science Journal 5, no.22 (Jul 2012): 62–86.https://doi.org/10.5334/csci.47Nicoletta F. Gullace Allied Propaganda and World War I: Interwar Legacies, Media Studies, and the Politics of War Guilt, History Compass 9, no.99 (Sep 2011): 686–700.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00798.xPhilip Graham, Allan Luke Militarizing the Body Politic: New Mediations as Weapons of Mass Instruction, Body & Society 9, no.44 (Dec 2003): 149–168.https://doi.org/10.1177/135703403773684702John L. Snell Wilsonian Rhetoric Goes to War, The Historian 14, no.22 (Mar 1952): 191–208.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1952.tb00133.xRichard W. Leopold The Problem of American Intervention, 1917: An Historical Retrospect, World Politics 2, no.33 (Jul 2011): 405–425.https://doi.org/10.2307/2008912 | [
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https://openalex.org/W2992127493 | Macroeconomic Volatility under Alternative Exchange Rate Regimes in Turkey | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2992127493 | After the collapse of fixed exchange rate regime in 1980, alternative regimes were adopted in Turkey. The crawling peg regime (1980-81) is followed by managed float (1981-99), crawling peg (1999-2001) and free floating (2001-) in de classification. This paper examines the behavior of the macroeconomic variables in terms of volatility across exchange rate regimes in de jure and de facto classifications, using monthly data over the period 1980-2006. We find a strong GARCH effect for the real exchange rate, inflation and foreign exchange reserves. The findings of the t-test indicate that the variations in the mean of most of the macroeconomic variables are not statistically different from each other under de facto regimes The results of this study suggest the existence of de facto regime neutrality. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2396509794 | Stalin and the Road to War, April–June 1941 | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2396509794 | By the spring of 1941 Germany and Russia were well set on a course to war. In December 1940 Hitler had given the final go ahead to Operation Barbarossa. The early months of 1941 witnessed the beginning of a massive build-up of German military forces along the Soviet border. By April 1941 practically the whole of Eastern Europe was under Hitler’s thumb. For their part the Soviets continued their domestic preparations for war with Germany and took what diplomatic action they could to strengthen their position. Moscow’s efforts to bolster Yugoslavia’s resistance have already been dealt with; in addition the Soviets took steps to secure their southern and eastern flanks. In March 1941 the USSR concluded a neutrality agreement with Turkey.1 This was followed in April by the signature of a neutrality pact with Japan.2 With a German attack in the near future a very definite possibility it was imperative for the Soviet Union to alleviate the danger of a two- or three-front war. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2165586782 | Cosmopolitanization and social location: Generational differences within the Turkish audience of the BBC World Service | [
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https://openalex.org/W2899081501 | Paranın Yansızlığı Hipotezi: Panel Veri Analizi | [
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https://openalex.org/W2970378008 | On the Road to Multiculturalism | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2970378008 | ON THE ROAD TO MULTICULTURALISM: CHALLENGING CONCEPTS OF NEUTRALITY AND TOLERANCE IN SWISS-GERMAN CIEMA Switzerland, which prides itself on its political neutrality, democratic ethos and multilingualism, has long been celebrated as a unique model for the peaceful co-existence of diverse cultural groups residing within autonomous cantons (see Altermatt et. al. 1998). Yet by exploring the national culture, transgressing boundaries, and mapping life-transforming experiences, three Swiss-German films challenge this commonly accepted image of their nation. Although not road movies in the sense that the primary movement is shot from a vehicle's point of view (see Laderman 2002: 13), the films Die Schweizermacher (The Swissmakers, Switzerland, 1978) by Rolf Lyssy, Reise der Hoffnung (Journey of Hope, Switzerland-Turkey, 1990) by Xavier Koller, and Pastry, Pain and Politics (Switzerland, 1998) by Stina Werenfels nevertheless integrate road imagery and mobility into their political and visual narratives. The journeys undertaken are "a means of cultural... | [
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https://openalex.org/W2495389482 | NATO and the Warsaw Pact | [
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https://openalex.org/W2046995859 | Legal, Political and Social Obstacles for Headscarved Women Working at State Institutions in Turkey | [
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https://openalex.org/W2163488867 | Nobel Lecture: Monetary Neutrality | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2163488867 | Previous articleNext article No AccessNobel Lecture: Monetary NeutralityRobert E. Lucas, Jr.Robert E. Lucas, Jr. Search for more articles by this author PDFPDF PLUS Add to favoritesDownload CitationTrack CitationsPermissionsReprints Share onFacebookTwitterLinkedInRedditEmail SectionsMoreDetailsFiguresReferencesCited by Journal of Political Economy Volume 104, Number 4Aug., 1996 Article DOIhttps://doi.org/10.1086/262037 Views: 95Total views on this site Citations: 235Citations are reported from Crossref Copyright 1996 The University of ChicagoPDF download Crossref reports the following articles citing this article:Mihai Mutascu, Alexandre Sokic An extended wavelet approach of the money–output link in the United States, Empirical Economics 387 (Aug 2022).https://doi.org/10.1007/s00181-022-02294-6Julien Pinter Monetarist arithmetic at COVID‐19 time: A take on how not to misapply the quantity theory of money, Economic Notes 51, no.22 (Dec 2021).https://doi.org/10.1111/ecno.12200Shelton M.T Mandeya, Sin-Yu Ho Inflation, Inflation Uncertainty and the Economic Growth Nexus: A Review of the Literature, Folia Oeconomica Stetinensia 22, no.11 (Jun 2022): 172–190.https://doi.org/10.2478/foli-2022-0009Chris W. Callaghan Growth accounting, development accounting and cross-country growth regressions: A conceptual review essay, The Journal for Transdisciplinary Research in Southern Africa 18, no.11 (May 2022).https://doi.org/10.4102/td.v18i1.1051Xiaojing Song, Thu Phuong Truong, Mark Tippett, John van der Burg The quantity theory of stock prices, The European Journal of Finance 43 (Jan 2022): 1–23.https://doi.org/10.1080/1351847X.2021.2002705Harald Uhlig The lasting influence of Robert E. 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Lim Inflation Targeting, Australian Economic Review 42, no.11 (Mar 2009): 110–118.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8462.2009.00537.xANTONELLO D'AGOSTINO, PAOLO SURICO Does Global Liquidity Help to Forecast U.S. Inflation?, Journal of Money, Credit and Banking 41, no.2-32-3 (Mar 2009): 479–489.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1538-4616.2009.00216.xMARIA PIA PAGANELLI DAVID HUME ON MONETARY POLICY: A RETROSPECTIVE APPROACH, Journal of Scottish Philosophy 7, no.11 (Mar 2009): 65–85.https://doi.org/10.3366/E147966510800033XJagjit S. Chadha Monetary Policy Analysis: An Undergraduate Toolkit, (Jan 2009): 55–75.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-29166-9_4Ansgar Belke, Thorsten Polleit Causes, Costs and Benefits of Sound Money, (Mar 2009): 325–478.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-540-71003-5_5Francois R. Velde The Life and Times of Nicolas Dutot, SSRN Electronic Journal (Jan 2009).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1504914Fernando Mierzejewski A Model of Monetary Equilibrium with Random Output and Restricted Borrowing, SSRN Electronic Journal (Jan 2009).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1543150MICHAEL WOODFORD How Important Is Money in the Conduct of Monetary Policy?, Journal of Money, Credit and Banking 40, no.88 (Dec 2008): 1561–1598.https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1538-4616.2008.00175.x The central bank Independence, time consistency and credibility, (Feb 2010): 364–406.https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203892404.ch12 The classical paradigm in macroeconomics, (Feb 2010): 451–509.https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203892404.ch14 Macro models and perspectives on the neutrality of money, (Feb 2010): 599–635.https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203892404.ch17 The OLG model, (Feb 2010): 746–772.https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203892404.ch22 Introduction, (Feb 2010): 3–33.https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203892404.pt1 Monetary growth theory, (Feb 2010): 803–834.https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203892404.pt8Zoran Balac Monetary Inflation’s Effect on Wealth Inequality: An Austrian Analysis, The Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics 11, no.11 (Aug 2008): 1–17.https://doi.org/10.1007/s12113-008-9028-4Ludovic Desmedt L'analyse de la monnaie et de la finance par David Hume, Revue économique Vol. 59, no.11 (Jan 2008): 51–73.https://doi.org/10.3917/reco.591.0051Paolo Del Giovane, Roberto Sabbatini Introduction, (Jan 2008): 1–11.https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-540-78370-1_1Stanley C.W. Salvary Unrestrained Credit in a Credit Economy, the Credit Cycle, and Fiat Money Defy Monetarism in the Attempt to Control Price Level Changes, SSRN Electronic Journal (Jan 2008).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1215567mer Tuusal Doruk, Yusuf Can ahinttrk Post Keynesyen ktisat Okulu Perspektifinden Modern ktisadi DDzende Piyasa Baaarisizliklari Ve Minskyen Finansal Kirilganlik Hipotezi: 2008 Krizi zerine Yazinsal Bir nceleme (Market Failures and Minskian Financial Instability Hypothesis in the Modern Economics Architecture Within Post Keynesian Framework: A Review on 2008 Crisis), SSRN Electronic Journal (Jan 2008).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.2619383Brian Snowdon The New Classical Counter-Revolution: False Path or Illuminating Complement?, Eastern Economic Journal 33, no.44 (Oct 2007): 541–562.https://doi.org/10.1057/eej.2007.40Doh-Khul Kim, William D. Lastrapes The cost channel of monetary transmission–revisited, Applied Economics Letters 14, no.1010 (Aug 2007): 725–730.https://doi.org/10.1080/13504850600592465Claudio Morana, Fabio Cesare Bagliano Inflation and monetary dynamics in the USA: a quantity-theory approach, Applied Economics 39, no.22 (Feb 2007): 229–244.https://doi.org/10.1080/00036840500428047George B. Tawadros Testing the hypothesis of long‐run money neutrality in the Middle East, Journal of Economic Studies 34, no.11 (Jan 2007): 13–28.https://doi.org/10.1108/01443580710717192Giuseppe Ferrero, Andrea Nobili, Patrizia Passiglia The Sectoral Distribution of Money Supply in the Euro Area, SSRN Electronic Journal (Jan 2007).https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.988321Luis Araujo, Andrei Shevchenko Price dispersion, information and learning, Journal of Monetary Economics 53, no.66 (Sep 2006): 1197–1223.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jmoneco.2005.04.007William D. Lastrapes, Todd B. Potts Durable goods and the forward-looking theory of consumption: Estimates implied by the dynamic effects of money, Journal of Economic Dynamics and Control 30, no.88 (Aug 2006): 1409–1430.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jedc.2005.05.007Abdulnasser Hatemi-J, Manuchehr Irandoust A bootstrap-corrected causality test: another look at the money–income relationship, Empirical Economics 31, no.11 (Jan 2006): 207–216.https://doi | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4388019320 | <JATS1:p>This is the first broad-ranging, comprehensive and comparative study of the concepts of propaganda and neutrality. Bringing together world-leading and early career historians, this open access book explores case studies from the time of the First World War to the end of the Cold War in countries such as Belgium, Greece, Spain, Portugal, Ireland, Switzerland, Vichy France, USA, Argentina, Turkey, Portuguese Macau, Brazil, South Africa, Laos, Yugoslavia, Egypt, India, Malta, and Sweden.</JATS1:p> <JATS1:p>The individual chapters analyse the methods and channels of propaganda utilised in neutral countries, including rumours, newspapers, cartoons, films, pamphlets and magazines as well as radio broadcasts, official reports, diplomatic movements, cultural campaigns and soft power. They look to understand how these methods and channels have been deployed and how effective they have been in changing or reinforcing opinions and outcomes.</JATS1:p> <JATS1:p>Finally the book highlights the interaction between the concepts of propaganda and neutrality. It considers whether neutrality is a form of propaganda in itself, whether it is possible to be truly neutral in any propaganda battle and how the different forms of neutrality, including projected strict neutrality, non-belligerency and non-alignment, have been utilised by neutrals and belligerents to achieve propaganda goals in the last 120 years.</JATS1:p> | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4313701949 | In Europe, states are under a duty of ‘ensuring, neutrally and impartially, the exercise of various religions, faiths and beliefs’, or so the European Court of Human Rights has repeatedly held.1 But what does it mean, exactly, for a state to be neutral towards all religions and beliefs? The answer to this question is not obvious, given that the principle of state neutrality vis-à-vis religion and belief is contested and illusive. The concept of neutrality even has all the markings of an essentially contested concept, as attested to by persistent and fundamental disagreement over its interpretation.2 In constitutional and political debates, there is normative ‘contestation at the core’ about the content and implications of neutrality.3 These debates are, moreover, not confined to conceptual discussions. They extend to normative disagreement, in the sense that disputes about the meaning of neutrality are inherently linked to normative disagreements about its implications. In Europe’s constitutional democracies, the principle of state neutrality vis-à-vis religion and belief is often intimately related to the construction and understanding of the relationship between state and religion. This latter relationship is construed and understood differently in different European states. Whereas some states (for instance, France and Turkey) enforce a relatively strict separation between religion and state, others maintain a closer relationship between both (for instance, Norway and the UK). The remaining states are located somewhere in between both ends of the continuum. Importantly, different constitutional understandings of the relationship between state and religion translate into—or, rather, correlate with—distinct interpretations of the neutrality principle throughout Europe. Whereas some states enforce a more restrictive understanding of neutrality (for instance, France), others favour a more open or inclusive variant (for instance, Germany). In other states, still, it remains unclear what neutrality means, exactly (for instance, Belgium). | [
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https://openalex.org/W2007017341 | The Gaza Freedom Flotilla: Human Rights, Activism and Academic Neutrality | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2007017341 | Abstract This article addresses two ethical challenges that, over the past decade, have become particularly prominent for any scholar conducting fieldwork research in contested spaces or on contested research themes. These are, first, the role researchers choose to adopt in the field and, second, the ways in which research is theoretically positioned. This article contributes to these debates by looking at binary constructs in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories and the consequences on both substantive analysis and claims of academic neutrality. I will propose that theoretical positioning and the role of a researcher are not separate aspects within the ethics debate but instead should be approached as a dynamic process which requires continuous critical reflexivity. Discussing the political discourse of joint Palestinian and Israeli nonviolent activists, I argue that the participants of the nonviolent struggle do not ‘merely’ strive for peace but rather aim to transform the perception of the current situation from binary conflict into a ‘classic’ human rights struggle. Through a brief genealogy of writings on Israel–Palestine I will connect the practical positioning of the activists to academic analyses. Depicting the contemporary situation in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories as ‘binary conflict’ with the desired solution ‘peace’ is not academically neutral but rather entails a paradigm that encourages binary categories which are a poor reflection of the reality, distort unequal power relations and ignores the lived experience of violence. The far-reaching consequences of the peace and conflict paradigm on academic analyses are then illustrated through a critical exploration of the ‘war of narratives’ surrounding the 2010 Gaza Freedom Flotilla. In conclusion, I will connect the ethics of theoretical positioning and the role of a researcher by elaborating on my personal motivation to join the Gaza Freedom Flotilla. I demonstrate how my research experience shaped my theoretical framework and how my theoretical framework subsequently significantly altered my perception of the appropriate role of a researcher. In other words, how my research results directly led to the conscious decision to join the Gaza Freedom Flotilla as an activist exactly because I am dedicated to academic research. Keywords: Israel–PalestineconflictnonviolenceGaza flotillahuman rights Notes 1. Joint nonviolent activists are spread over half a dozen different organizations and grassroots initiatives each with their own specific focus or concentrated area. Nonetheless, joint nonviolent activists classify themselves—and are recognized by others within the activist community—as a distinct group that shares a particular ‘political culture’ (Gordon, Citation2008, p. 14). 2. Ta'ayush (‘living together’ in Arabic) is a grassroots, non-hierarchical direct action group consisting of Palestinians and Israelis that aim to break the, in their opinion, artificial binary divide Palestinians–Israelis through direct solidarity actions such as demonstrations, working days and information distribution. For more information see: http://www.taayush.org/ 3. Combatants for Peace, Ta'ayush, the Parent Circle-Bereaved Family Forum, and the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD). 4. I consciously use the term ‘myths’ rather than ‘lies’ (even though many have indeed been proven factually incorrect) because as John Rose points out: ‘[…] a lie is “an intentionally false statement, a deliberate deception”, whereas a myth is “a widely held but false notion, without necessarily deceptive intent” (Rose, Citation2004, p. 1)’. Whether true, false, intentional or obsolete, they form for many Israelis today an integral part of their (imagined) national history. 5. At the end of the 19th century, Arabism, the prelude to Arab nationalist thinking, brought with it a strong sense of location-specific self-awareness. In Palestine alone, there were already eight regional newspapers and 21 periodical publications. There were 98 public schools and 379 private Islamic educational facilities (Khalidi, Citation1979, p. 213). These figures indicate that in the period of the first Aliya, Palestine was not the backwards, stagnated country the Zionist movement would like us to believe. 6. Nakba (‘catastrophe’ in Arabic) refers to the events of May 1948 in which approximately 700,000 Palestinians were displaced and more than 400 Palestinian villages were destroyed in the territory that we now call Israel. 7. See for example: A.L Tibawi, 1939 The Husain-McMahon correspondence, or: Palestine is covered by the British pledge of 1915 regarding the Arab independence. Jaffa: Submitted to the Palestine Royal Commission. Albert Hourani, 1962 A vision of history: Near Eastern and other essays. Beirut: Khayats. Philip K. Hitti, 1951. History of Syria, including Lebanon and Palestine London: Macmillan. 8. Most notably George Antonius's The Arab Awakening, 1938. 9. The two main instigators of this renewed school of thought were Edward Said and Michel Foucault. While from very different perspectives, disciplines and continents and with different intentions, both emphasized the relationship between power and knowledge, taking the ‘imperialist’ or ‘orientalist’ mindset as a position of unequal, suppressed power relations not only between official doctrine and submerged discourses but also between the researcher and the researched. For further reading see: Edward Said, 1991 Orientalism. London: Penguin. And: Michel Foucault, 1972. The Archaeology of Knowledge. London: Tavistock Publications. 10. The anti-Boycott, Disinvestment and Sanctions law passed by the Knesset on the 11th of June 2011 is one example of how nonviolent protest is delegitimized by construed binary stigmatization: Lis, J. (11-07-2011) ‘Israel passes law banning calls for boycott’ Ha'aretz. 11. Passenger lists for all boat journeys can be found at the Free Gaza Movement website: http://www.freegaza.org/en/all-passengers/57-first-trip-to-gaza?layout = default. Information and analyses conveyed in this article regarding the various overseas journeys to Gaza is based on organizational resources, fieldwork data (June 2007 to September 2009), personal testimonies and first-hand direct experiences (Gaza Freedom Flotilla 2011). 12. The following information stems from fieldwork notes and recorded interviews of several steering committee meetings. In addition I draw upon data retrieved through participant observation of both the preparation period and the voyage of the Gaza Freedom Flotilla itself. All activists were aware that I attended the meetings as a researcher. As will be discussed later, this changed three weeks before departure when I decided to join the Flotilla and become a passenger. All information enclosed here has been extensively discussed and approved by the activists. 13. For more information on previous voyages and the goal of the Free Gaza Movements see: http://www.freegaza.org 14. The Free Gaza Flotilla coalition consists of: The Free Gaza Movement; the European Campaign to End the Siege on Gaza; IHH—the Turkish Foundation for Human Rights, Freedoms and Humanitarian Relief; the International Committee to End the Siege on Gaza; Ship to Gaza Sweden and Ship to Gaza Greece. 15. Points of Unity of the Gaza Freedom Flotilla and individual passengers. Printed with permission of the Free Gaza Movement Interim Board of Directors. http://www.freegaza.org/en/about-us/mission. Retrieved on 29-05-2010. 16. An affinity group is a small group of activists who work together on particular direct actions. Affinity groups are organized in a non-hierarchal manner and serve as a practical tool to enable consensus-based decision-making in large groups as well as to provide solidarity and emotional support to the individual activists. 17. It was agreed upon by all organizing bodies that the points of unity, passenger training and the affinity group system would apply to all passengers without exception. All the passengers that I met during the voyage and all those I have spoken to after had indeed received the training and signed the points of unity. Due to the large amount of participants, however, I cannot verify whether every single passenger aboard of the vessels met the requirements as set out by the participating organizations. 18. Abstract from communication between the Israeli marine and the Gaza Freedom Flotilla steering committee over an open line at the onboard radio: personal observation and field notes. 19. 27-09-2010 Report of the international fact-finding mission to investigate violations of international law, including international humanitarian and human rights law, resulting from the Israeli attacks on the flotilla of ships carrying humanitarian assistance. http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/15session/A.HRC.15.21_en.PDF 20. 27-09-2010 Report of the international fact-finding mission to investigate violations of international law, including international humanitarian and human rights law, resulting from the Israeli attacks on the flotilla of ships carrying humanitarian assistance. http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/15session/A.HRC.15.21_en.PDF 21. There were 60 registered journalists onboard, spread over the seven boats of the Flotilla. 22. Some personal belongings have been returned to the passengers. This did not include, however, any recorded materials of the boarding and does not include electronic equipment such as cameras, telephones and laptops. 23. The extent to which the passengers aboard the Gaza Freedom Flotilla and their sympathizers were portrayed as ‘anti-Israeli’ can be taken from various news reports describing erupting protests against the Flotilla raid as ‘anti-Israel protests’. This included well-known news outlets such as the British Guardian newspaper (‘Anti-Israel protests over flotilla attack intensify’, 01-07-2010) and The Telegraph newspaper (‘Gaza aid flotilla attacks: anti-Israel protests around the world’, 02-07-2010). 24. The most visible spokesperson of Israeli authorities regarding the Gaza Freedom Flotilla raid can be argued to be Mark Regev. As an official IDF spokesperson he consistently subdivided the passengers aboard into ‘peace activists’ and Turkish terrorists; Regev, M (01-07-2010) ‘Mark Regev Interviewed about Gaza Freedom Flotilla by John Snow’. Channel 4: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v = b06gRN_tL74. Retrieved on 05-08-2011. 25. The HH Mavi Marmara sailed under the flag of Comoros. 26. Serious injuries were reported among passengers of all vessels. As such, the Challenger One was entered with sound-grenades, paint balls and rubber-coated steel bullets. Before the Israeli commandos physically entered the boat on which I was present, I was already hit by six rubber bullets in my back followed by direct interpersonal violence including severe beating, gagging and the application of black hoods over the head by Israeli navy commandos. 27. The autopsy report concludes that at least five of the nine fatal victims of the raid on the Gaza Freedom Flotilla were shot from close range suggesting ‘execution style’ killings: 27-09-2010 Report of the international fact-finding mission to investigate violations of international law, including international humanitarian and human rights law, resulting from the Israeli attacks on the flotilla of ships carrying humanitarian assistance. Retrieved 07-08-2011 http://www2.ohchr.org/english/bodies/hrcouncil/docs/15session/A.HRC.15.21_en.PDF 28. The claim that the passengers of the flotilla either were terrorists themselves or had strong connections to registered terrorists groups has been put forward through both official IDF press releases and popular media outlets: http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3899960,00.html 29. Israeli spokespersons never fully explained why any extremists would ‘attack’ Israel in this manner but regularly suggested ties with Al-Qaida and thus implied that it would concern an irrational act against ‘the West’ that should be placed in the global ‘war on terror’. | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1525602455 | Turkey. Anglo-American Security Interests 1945-1952: The First Enlargement of NATO, by Ekavi Athanassopoulou. London and Portland, OR: Frank Cass, 1999. 274 pages. Bibl. to p. 267. Index to p. 274. $59.50. This excellent seven-chapter book deals with a seminal event in Turkish diplomatic history: the developments which led to the acceptance of Turkey (and Greece) as a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) on 15 February 1952), following the invitation of the Atlantic Council issued on 15 October 1951. The book is based on a careful and critical analysis of the US and British diplomatic correspondence, the memories of various Turkish, American, and British statesmen, newspaper and review articles, and secondary published sources. The author indicates how Turkey, benefitting from the moral support of the Soviet-Turkish Treaty of Friendship of 1921 and the Soviet-Turkish Treaty of Neutrality of 1925, finally reached an agreement with the British on Mosul in 1926. Ankara then went on to consolidate its relations with its Balkan neighbors through the Balkan Pact of 1934, in large part in order to counter Mussolini's expansionist threat, which also persuaded the British to acquiesce to Turkish demands to militarize the Dardanelles Straits through the Montreux Convention of 1936 and culminated in the treaty of alliance with Britain and France in 1939. Despite British pressure, Turkey did not enter World War Two until 1945, for it lacked sufficient arms and feared that the likely Soviet help would turn into occupation and subversion. The Treaty of 1939, according to Athanassopoulou, served as a legitimate basis for Turkey to ask for Western support against Soviet threats in the mid-1940s and, later, for membership in the European Council and European Economic Cooperation Organization. However, the same treaty provided the foundation for the British refusal to back Turkey's demands for membership in the European-Atlantic defense system, since the 1939 treaty, supposedly, provided Ankara with enough security guarantees-although in practice London was unable to meet its military and economic obligations. American military aid to Turkey (and Greece) to oppose Soviet expansion, which started with the Truman doctrine in 1947, was the beginning of a new and crucial era in Turkey's search for security and for its long-stated goal of becoming a member of the Western world. Turkey was eager to use London's influence with the Americans to expand and strengthen its relations with the United States in the hope that, in the end, Washington would assume responsibility for the defense of the Middle East (actually the Eastern Mediterranean) as part of the Western defense system. That is ultimately what happened, due partly to the heavy US military investment in Turkey and to the growing military potential of the Turkish armed forces to assure the defense of the Western Alliance. Dr. Athanassopoulou examines also a variety of other developments, such as Turkey's contribution of a brigade to the defense of South Korea, its acceptance of parliamentary democracy, and the anti-British revolutionary movements in Egypt and elsewhere in the Arab world, which increased Ankara's strategic importance in the eyes of the US officials and led to the demise of the British presence in the Middle East. … | [
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https://openalex.org/W2500716881 | Problems in War and Peace | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2500716881 | The First World War drew both Britain and France more closely into the affairs of the Middle East. On the outbreak of war the Allies hoped for the neutrality of the Turks so that they would not be involved with a Mediterranean front. Neither power, however, made any effort to win over the hesitant empire. A secret alliance between Turkey and Germany predisposed the Turks towards joining the Central Powers, and British tactlessness encouraged the pro-Germans to press their argument home. Two ships, paid for by public subscription in Turkey and still in the yards in Britain, were seized by the British Government. Germany immediately made capital out of the incident by sending two cruisers, the Goeben and the Breslau, already in the Mediterranean, to serve as substitutes for the Turkish Navy. At the end of October these ships joined in the bombardment of the Russian Black Sea ports and the Allies declared war on Turkey. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W212453071 | The Strategic Value of Aegean Islands and Today's NATO Policy | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W212453071 | Abstract : This study examines the strategic value of Greek Aegean islands, and how they affect the defense of the Turkish Straits. It also examines the geographical, historical and political background of the Southern flank of NATO, and how the Aegean islands might form the basis of a NATO strategy in a future probable conventional war to defend against the Warsaw Pact (W.P.) threat. The study looks at the problems within the region between Turkey and Greece, and the consequences of those problems. Also, the paper looks at the possibility of Turkish neutrality in that future conventional war between western allies and Warsaw Pact Forces. In that case, could the Aegean islands replace the Turkish Straits as a barrier to prevent the Soviet Black Sea fleet from gaining control of the sea lines of communication in the eastern Mediterranean. The study concludes with a look at the potential NATO strategic profit from the exploitation of Aegean Greek islands, and how much it could increase its defense ability toward the W.P. threat. Keywords: Military geography; Geopolitics. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2268545413 | Турецкий нейтралитет и позиция сша накануне Второй мировой войны | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2268545413 | The article is devoted to the description of American-turkish relations on the eve of the Second World War. It is shown relations of the USA to a policy of the neutrality to pursue by the Turkish government, also it is shown reaction of the Department of State to informal suggestion of Turkish ambassador to provide help in creation of the block consist of four states the USSR, Greece, Turkey and Bulgaria for counteraction of Germany on Balkan Peninsula. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2484327359 | The Eastern Mediterranean, in Peace and War: May to October 1943 | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2484327359 | By the late spring of 1943 it was clear that the Adana policy had miscarried. Turkey’s ‘extremely cordial’ reception of Churchill and other grandees would not translate into the abandonment of neutrality desired by Britain as a prelude to belligerency on the Allied side. Despite victory in Tunisia, and Soviet containment of German counter-attacks in Russia, Turkey continued its ‘illogical’ adherence to neutrality. Indeed, the British recognised that Allied successes had reinforced that neutrality. The North African victories increased the likelihood of an Allied call on Turkey, and a pre-emptive German attack on the approaches to ‘Fortress Europe,’ while the German failure to breakthrough on the Russian front foreshadowed Soviet hegemony in the post-war Balkans.1 Unable to acquiesce in the Turkish challenge to British authority, and increasingly cognisant of other factors undermining Anglo-Turkish relations, the FO sought to penalise Turkey for defaulting on its ‘obligations’ to Britain. Although this search proved abortive, it raised issues of postwar policy towards Turkey, and the Soviet Union, which dominated relations between these three powers for the remainder of the Second World War. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2501265730 | Istanbul, Geneva, and Jerusalem | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2501265730 | Let us now discuss the rescue mission established by the Yishuv's leadership in Istanbul, Turkey, in spring 1943, in addition to and in cooperation with the regular representatives of the Jewish Agency under the most difficult conditions of Turkish neutrality and dependence upon the British, whose standing in Turkey was relatively higher than that of the Germans. Another rescue mission established itself in Geneva, and both were connected with each other, with rescue workers in the Balkan countries, and with the Zionist leadership in Palestine, as well as with non-Zionists abroad. | [
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https://openalex.org/W30181399 | Отношение США к внешнеполитической активности Турции в 1939–1941 годов | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W30181399 | Turkey and the Black Sea straits are the territories where the interests of different states and competing geopolitical forces have been always crossed. The Turkish government played a big diplomatic game in Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean. The example of Turkey being outside the interests of the USA before World War II gives an opportunity to trace the stages of the involving of the US to the political processes in the region. The article is devoted to the US -Turkish relations on the eve of World War II, and especially to the US’ attitude to the Turkish policy of neutrality. A particular attention is paid to the history of bilateral relations between Ankara and Washington in the context of Turkey’s relations with London, Berlin and Moscow at the early stages of World War II. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2604623845 | TURKEY’S REFUGEE POLICY DURING WORLD WAR II | [
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"Turkey",
"Syria",
"Iran",
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2604623845 | Although Turkish Republic did not involve in World War II between 1939-1945, the War took place near its borders. Greece, one of Turkey’s neighbors, in the west was under the control of Nazi Germany and Bulgaria was subjagated by the Soviet Union. Iran, on the eastern border of Turkey, was occupied by England and the Soviet Union. Iraq, in the south, was already under British rule, and Syria was under the mandate of France. The 12 Islands, very close to Anatolian coast, were in Italian administration. Therefore, Turkey was surrounded by the combat forces that were actually involved in the war. The Soviet Union had demands on the Straits from Turkey since 1939. Under these circumstances, Turkey announced armed neutrality in the war and took care not to become a part of the hot war by rejecting all the demands of both Germany and its alliances to enter the war. Turkey has been known to be the shelter of mass and individual refugees throughout history. In the difficult and threatening atmosphere of World War II, Turkey firstly took measures for the probable migration wave from the Balkans. During the war, Turkey accepted both civilian and military asylum from both Europe and the Soviet Union and hosted them in various camps in Anatolia throughout the war. In addition, Turkey acted as an intermediary in the exchange of prisoners among the warring countries and actively assisted in conditions of famine and hunger in Greece. Turkey opened its borders to the Jews who escaped from the Nazi pressures, and tried to use its diplomatic possibilities to rescue Turkish compatriots who fought for the red army, then fled and ended with the German prison camp. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4312439805 | TURKEY’S POSITION AND ROLE IN THE SETTLEMENT OF THE UKRAINIAN CRISIS | [
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"Turkey",
"Syria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4312439805 | The study is devoted to the consideraton of the positon and role of Turkey in relaton to the events in Ukraine. It is concluded that the Turkish leadership sees the realizaton of Tur‑ key's natonal interests in carrying out actve mediaton in the negotaton process between Rus‑ sia and Ukraine. From the point of view of the Turkish leadership, Turkey needs to maintain a balance in relatons, on the one hand, with Russia, and, on the other hand, with Ukraine and the West. Turkey's posi‑ ton can be characterized as «benevolent neutrality». Despite President Erdogan's desire to keep Turkey «equidistant» from both Russia and the West (at least in the case of the situaton in Ukraine), the current situaton seems unsustainable. The West (primarily represented by the United States) will contnue to push Turkey to take rash steps against Russia. The reason for this may be the escalaton of tension in Nagorno‑Karabakh or North‑ ern Syria. Another factor may be the 2023 electons in Turkey, as a result of which a pro‑Western government (coaliton) may come to power in the country. | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210221411",
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|
https://openalex.org/W3004901012 | TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR: NEUTRALITY, DIPLOMACY AND STATECRAFT / İKİNCİ DÜNYA SAVAŞINDA TÜRK DIŞ POLİTİKASI: TARAFSIZLIK, DİPLOMASİ VE DEVLET YÖNETİMİ | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3004901012 | The aim of this article is to revisit the questions of how and why Turkey stayed neutral during the Second World War. It was obvious that neither its economy nor its military capacity was enough powerful to afford such a big war for a long time. However, the role of diplomacy and statecraft cannot be ignored in this process, too. Indeed, Turkish decision-makers as political leaders and diplomats who experienced devastating effects of many wars were not in favor of entering any war. Although some people may think that if Turkey had entered the war on the side when the Allies began to pressure for it, it could gain a lot of advantages after the war. However, as this research article has also demonstrated, such arguments are completely groundless for three additional reasons: When, how and in which side should Turkey join the war while the policies of warring parties and the winning side of the war appeared to change from time to time until towards the end of 1944? At that time none wanted Turkey to participate actively in the war on their side. On the other hand, there is no doubt that if Turkey fought in the war, this would cost many million lives in Turkey, in addition to a ruined country from top to down. If there is a success in this war, they mostly belonged to the leaders who played both of the roles of diplomacy and statecraft according to their connections, experiences and flexible preferences in order to keep Turkey out of the war. | [
{
"display_name": "Selçuk Üniversitesi Türkiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4306529485",
"type": "journal"
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|
https://openalex.org/W2297617627 | The Difficult Road to A Special Partnership: The Turkish - US Relations During World War Two | [
{
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"display_name": "Emanuel Plopeanu",
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2297617627 | The beginnings of the Turkish\Ottoman – American relationship could be framed in the second part of the eighteenth century; they will evolve more consistently especially from the cultural/ religious and commercial point of view. In the interwar period, the relations will also tighten from a diplomatic standpoint, without excelling. The Second World War places Turkey under American strategic analysis, that doesn’t reserve a possible belligerent position if this fact would imply massive financial and military resources. However, Turkey is not indifferent to the United States, which undertake a series of initiatives (Lend-Lease policy, launching of rumours about potential guarantees and sending of prospective political missions, joining United Kingdom, at Cairo, in the effort to persuade Turkish leaders to abandon neutrality, in one way or another, buying the chrome production to reduce its export to Germany, intelligence activities) that support our statement. United States take into account the special position of Turkey, more important than compared to other neutral states. But bilateral relations did not lack in tensions, which occurred mostly at the beginning and the end of the period (United States’ negative reactions on Turkish-German treaty, dated 1941; or the strong appeal - which included threat, also - to the neutral states, in April 1944, to cease all help given to Axis states, the United States’ stand in the last months of war and first months of peace, when Turkey had become already a subject in Soviet demands). In conclusion, beyond appearances, we could observe a certain unrest in Turkey-United States relations, more obvious than in other United States’ relations with neutral countries; in the last instance, this situation arose from the United States pursue of its war objectives, combined with a very well concealed desire, from the Turkish side, to have a more consistent relationship with the United States, possibly for an indefinite term. | [
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https://openalex.org/W593130142 | Stalin and the Turkish crisis of the Cold War, 1945-1953 | [
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"display_name": "Jămil Ḣăsănov",
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W593130142 | 1 Introduction 2 Chapter I. Soviet-Turkish Relations during the Second World War: From Neutrality to Escalating Tensions 3 Chapter II. Increasing Soviet Pressure on Turkey and the beginning of the War of Nerves 4 Chapter III. Inclusion of the South Caucasus Republics in the Soviet Policy against Turkey 5 Chapter IV. Growth of pro-American Sentiments in Turkey in response to Increasing Soviet Pressures 6 Chapter V. Soviet Plans on the Straits and Their Failure 7 Chapter VI. The War of Nerves between the Republics of the South Caucasus 8 Chapter VII. Turkey and the Truman Doctrine 9 Chapter VIII. Escalation of the Cold War and Turkey's Entry into NATO 10 Conclusion 11 Bibliography | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2785625490 | Refugee Policies of Turkey during World War II | [
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"display_name": "Ali Satan",
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] | [
"Turkey",
"Syria",
"Iran",
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2785625490 | Abstract In this study, Turkey’s policy towards refugees during the World War II has been analyzed. State of Republic of Turkey did not engage with The World War II (1939-1945). However, the war came close to its borders. Turkey’s neighbor to the west, Greece went under control of Soviet Red Army, after Nazi Germany retreated from Bulgaria. Meanwhile, Iran, Turkey’s neighbor at the eastern border, was occupied by England and the Soviet Union. Iraq and Syria had already been mandated respectively by England and France. Located very closely to Anatolian coasts, 12 Islands were under Italian rule. Therefore, Turkey's surroundings were in the hands of the combatant forces that were actually involved in the war and the country was circled by fire. Soviet Union had demands on the Straits from Turkey as of 1939. Under these circumstances, Turkey declared “armed neutrality” and strove not to be a part of the hot war by returning demands of both Germany and the Allies regarding Turkey’s participation in the war. It is commonly known that Turkey has always been a shelter for both mass and individual refugees. Within the harsh and threatening atmosphere of the World War II, Turkey took measures for the potential migration wave primarily from the Balkans. Accepted civilian and military asylums both from Europe and the Soviet Union, sheltered them in multifarious camps in Anatolia during the war. Besides, Turkey intermediated between belligerent countries in prisoners’ exchange, and involved in aid activities against famine and dearth occurred in Greece. Turkey, also opened its borders to Jews escaping from Nazi oppressions, strove to use diplomacy for rescuing Turkish cognates who escaped from Soviets or captured in German prison camps from the Red Army. In this context, it was observed that Turkey has applied this policy from humanitarian responsibilities. Keywords: Refugee, Turkey, Turkish Policy, World War II | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4313145550 | VIEWS ON TURKEY’S POLICY DURING WORLD WAR II IN THE MODERN HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE NEIGHBORING COUNTRIES | [
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"display_name": "Andrey V. Boldyrev",
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C154775046"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C6303427"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C44394981"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C166957645"
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4313145550 | The article provides an overview of some research works from the countries of the Near Abroad (Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan) regarding Turkey’s foreign policy during the Second World War. Based on Soviet and Turkish periodicals, as well as materials from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation (WUA RF) and newly discovered secret documents from the archives of the USA, Turkey, Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia, academics from the Turkic republics of the former USSR set out their concept of Soviet-Turkish relations during the Second World War and Turkey’s relations with the United States and Great Britain. In general, one can note their unity with the views of Turkish historians on the policy of neutrality and political loneliness of Turkey due to the unreliable partnership with Western members of the anti-Hitler coalition. At the same time, considering the policy of Turkey during the war years as pursuing an independent course, researchers de facto come to the opposite results, showing that in defining its foreign policy discourse, Turkey depended on the actions of the USSR. A similar situation is observed in Turkish publications, where is noted the predominant influence of the Soviet factor on Turkey’s foreign policy during the war and in the post-war period. At the same time, researchers from the Turkic-speaking countries of the Near Abroad tend not to portray Turkey’s policy exclusively in white colors. There is another aspect as well. But while in Turkish historiography the German attack on the USSR is viewed as a positive factor, representatives of the former Soviet republics maintain a negative view towards it. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3141604088 | The difficult road to a special partnership: the Turkish - US relations during World War Two | [
{
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3141604088 | The beginnings of the Turkish\Ottoman – American relationship could be framed in the second part of the eighteenth century; they will evolve more consistently especially from the cultural/ religious and commercial point of view. In the interwar period, the relations will also tighten from a diplomatic standpoint, without excelling. The Second World War places Turkey under American strategic analysis, that doesn’t reserve a possible belligerent position if this fact would imply massive financial and military resources. However, Turkey is not indifferent to the United States, which undertake a series of initiatives (Lend-Lease policy, launching of rumours about potential guarantees and sending of prospective political missions, joining United Kingdom, at Cairo, in the effort to persuade Turkish leaders to abandon neutrality, in one way or another, buying the chrome production to reduce its export to Germany, intelligence activities) that support our statement. United States take into account the special position of Turkey, more important than compared to other neutral states. But bilateral relations did not lack in tensions, which occurred mostly at the beginning and the end of the period (United States’ negative reactions on Turkish-German treaty, dated 1941; or the strong appeal - which included threat, also - to the neutral states, in April 1944, to cease all help given to Axis states, the United States’ stand in the last months of war and first months of peace, when Turkey had become already a subject in Soviet demands). In conclusion, beyond appearances, we could observe a certain unrest in Turkey-United States relations, more obvious than in other United States’ relations with neutral countries; in the last instance, this situation arose from the United States pursue of its war objectives, combined with a very well concealed desire, from the Turkish side, to have a more consistent relationship with the United States, possibly for an indefinite term. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1984139277 | Turkey: Anglo-American Security Interests 1945-1952: The First Enlargement of NATO (review) | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1984139277 | Of all the extraordinary consequences of the Cold War, none is more remarkable than the metamorphosis of Turkey on the international stage, from pariah to a valued member of the Atlantic alliance. In 1945, Turkey stood isolated and [End Page 214] vulnerable, having alienated the victorious allies by her wartime neutrality (despite treaty obligations to Britain) and by her trade with Nazi Germany. Her feelers to Berlin, when the defeat of the Soviet Union appeared likely, in the hopes of carving out a Turko-Mongol state in the Caucasus, strengthened Moscow's resolve to punish the Turks after the war and to remove them once and for all from their position as guardians of the Straits. On this crucial point, as long as Roosevelt was alive, Stalin appeared to have the support of the United States. Yet two years later the British and the Americans were treating Turkey as a key element in their emerging strategy to block the further expansion of Soviet power and as a valued defender of their vital interests in the Levant and the Arab lands. This despite the fact that Soviet hostility toward Turkey as well as tensions in the region generally had already subsided, Ankara's influence over Arab nationalist leaders was virtually nonexistent, and Turkey's armed forces remained woefully unprepared to protect their homeland against a Soviet invasion. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3195420635 | თურქეთის რესპუბლიკისა და ამერიკის შეერთებული შტატების ურთიერთობები „ცივი ომის“ პერიოდში | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3195420635 | Active military, economic and political relations between the Turkish Republic and the United States began shortly after the end of World War II.Through the Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan, the United States provided Turkey with a massive $ 100 million in financial aid in 1947, most of which was spent on military development in the country.In May 1951, the United States recommended Turkey to join the North Atlantic military bloc (NATO), and in October 1951, there was signed a protocol on Turkey’s admission to NATO in London.On February 18, 1952, the Turkish Grand National Assembly ratified the NATO Accession Treaty.Geopolitical shifts after World War II replaced Turkey's de facto foreign policy neutrality with a pro-Western course. The rapprochement between Turkey and the United States began, However, it was under the threat of the expected aggression from the Soviet Unionthroughout the Cold War.Significant changes have taken place in Turkish-American relationssince 1980. Current political developments in both Turkey and the United States have made relations between the two countries more diversified. It is also true that they relied on elements of relations that existed in earlier periods, but nevertheless, the new form was significantly different from the previous one. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2129560142 | The Turkish Strategic Restrictions towards the Arab Revolts (2011 – 2012) | [
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"Turkey",
"Bahrain",
"Tunisia",
"Iran",
"Libya",
"Egypt",
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2129560142 | Turkey is distinguished with property of elements of enough power, which makes it a regional power: the location, the area, the population, and the strong economy. The creed, identity, skills and natural resources, all these factors assist Turkey to prove its domination and power in a rising shape, but its strategic concept did not appear before the present Turkish government comes in 2002 and may be, because of the dispersion of power elements in the state. The Turkish policies at that stage could be described in confronting internal, regional and international issues. It is a policy of running the variety, or (management of diversity) and from the other side, (policy of crises management). Turkey witnesses ever since discussions about the significance of the concealed true power of Turkey in the field of its international relations, and to which extent it invests them in its diplomatic relations. These discussions amount between two trends; one attempts to found legitimacy of the concept of Turkey to remain mortgaged to the connected policies with centers of powers formed outside. That is by showing Turkey’s level of concealed power less than level, which it should be on, through frozen operations of evaluation connected with stage situations. The second is a trend presenting excessive optimistic estimations, mortgaging that Turkey can explode its power strictly, without new analysis and dynamic to the elements of the changing and static power which Turkey owns in the shadow of the new international situation. Ankara sticked to neutrality at the beginning of the Arab incidents towards the Tunisian Revolt in December 2010. But with the hasting of incidents in Egypt after one month from that date Ardoghan initiated by calling former president Husni Mobarak to withdraw, and Abdullah Ghoul was the first president to visit Egypt after the collapse of Mobarak, the thing that duplicated the popularity that Turkey obtains on the Egyptian sphere, and it is what was reflected in receiving Ardoghan at his visit to Egypt in September, 2011. He paid a visit heading a big delegation of businessmen. This assured Turkey's desire to enlarge its economic relation with the biggest Arab state. At the start of the Libyan Revolt in February 2011, Turkey hesitated to act. Turkey had big investments with Al-Quaddafi's regime. Therefore, it assured this significance to reach a political settlement of the Libyan crisis, at the beginning of incidents, fore-warning from seriousness of fighting like that which happened in Iraq before, the thing that harmed Turkey's picture inside Libya. But after passing the resolution of the Security Council 1973, which allowed forcing an area of air-navigation prohibition over Libya, Ankara's stand was changed by sending sea-forces to participate in the NATO operations there, beside the participation in the human aid efforts. Also, the break- out of Bahrain Revolt in February 2011 placed Turkey among numerous accounts. Turkey had large economic interests with states of the Gulf Cooperative Council, and had to respect the security specialty of Gulf region, and it did not wish to encourage Iran to interfere in the Gulf affairs. Though, Ankara wanted to rise its diplomatic role in an attempt to quiet the Shia't –Sunni tensions in the region, that harm its special interests. Ankara presented mediation. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2479866125 | War and Wilsonian Neutrality | [
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"https://openalex.org/W2090733937",
"https://openalex.org/W2317992168"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2479866125 | Immediately after the outbreak of the war in Europe on July 28, 1914, the Wilson administration declared neutrality in relations with the belligerent powers largely to prevent entanglement in the European war before the 1916 presidential elections at home and to protect American interests abroad.1 Concomitantly, to facilitate peaceful resolution of international conflicts, Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan launched his campaign for the ill-timed “peace treaties.” Accordingly, he instructed Ambassador Henry Morgenthau at Constantinople to submit a copy of the “peace treaties” concerning international arbitration to the Turkish government for consideration. The Ottoman foreign ministry replied that current preoccupation with the Capitulations would postpone such considerations. Bryan did not force the issue; he and President Wilson hoped that Turkey would remain neutral “in the interest of humanity” and dissociate itself from German war plans, and Morgenthau attempted to influence the Turkish leaders, particularly the Grand Vizier Said Halim, Minister of War Ismail Enver, and Minister of Interior Mehmed Talaat, to that effect. The Turkish government, however, embittered by the sale of ships to Greece, informed Washington that the “only way to insure peace in that part of Europe was for Turkey to dominate the situation.”2 | [
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https://openalex.org/W3172043892 | Turkish Neutrality in the Second World War and Relations with the Soviet Union | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3172043892 | According to official Turkish and Western historiography, following the key victories against the German forces, Soviet leadership changed its position and started putting pressure on Turkey. Accordingly, the Soviet–Turkish relations changed significantly from being considered friendly until March 1945, when Molotov initiated his note denouncing the 1925 Treaty of Friendship with Turkey and demanded a base in the Straits area and the return of Kars and Ardahan to the Soviet Union. Only after such demands, Turkish government decided to move away from the Soviets and requested help from the US. I have several points of reservation about this argument: first, the Soviet–Turkish relations were never very friendly. Essentially, a common enemy incited provisional collaboration between the two. Second, for the leadership of the Turkish Republic, alliance with the Soviet Union was always counted as temporary, and their essential foreign policy aim had always been acceptance by the Western alliance. Third, the Soviet demands regarding the Turkish Straits were in no sense a surprise, a shock. For centuries, the rulers of Russia had wanted some control over the Straits, linking the Black Sea and the Mediterranean. Finally, many accounts focus on the Soviet demands regarding the Straits and Eastern provinces in isolation. The crisis over the so-called Soviet demands and Turkish response happened at a time global interstate system was going through a major transformation: as the Second World War was coming to its end, the American administration had the ambition to impose a New World Order. Former imperial power, British Empire, no longer had the financial and military capacity to hang on to their vast territories. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3014861213 | ‘Complete Neutrality’ or ‘Controlled Enmity’? The Role of the Turkish Press during the Italo-Ethiopian War of 1935–36 | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3014861213 | This article examines the relationship between the Turkish government and the Turkish press by taking the Italo-Ethiopian War of 1935–36 as a case study. The Turkish press attached much importance to the conflict and covered two main issues: the increasingly insecure environment in world politics and how Turkey should position itself in the face of these changing dynamics. Emphasising the divergences between the rhetoric of the government and the coverage of the press about these issues, this article argues that in the early Republican period, the press, rather than being simply dictated to by the government, had a more independent and active position than it is often given credit for in the secondary literature. | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S185120338",
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https://openalex.org/W4247097322 | Independence | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4247097322 | The Sanjak became independent on November 29, 1937, amid celebrations by local Turks. France and Turkey became embroiled in renewed controversy as Ankara claimed that mandatory officials were trying to thwart the Sanjak’s independence. Paris rushed to comply with Turkey’s demands, arresting Arab activists and sending high-ranking French officers to Ankara to discuss joint military actions. Turkish diplomats in Ankara objected to the new electoral regulations for the Sanjak, insisting that each voter had the right to declare his affiliation to any of the specified groups he chose; registration by community had not been intended to serve as a census of the relative population sizes, the Turks insisted. France agreed with Turkey’s demands, increasingly certain that Turkish neutrality would be essential if the growing tension in Europe spilled into war. Allowing anyone to register in any community encouraged both Turkish and Arab activists to recruit every potential voter. | [
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https://openalex.org/W76574542 | Relationship between Financial Development and Energy Consumption: The Case of Turkey | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W76574542 | This paper examines the relationship between financial development and energy consumption in Turkey over the period 1980-2011 adopting cointegration and causality methodologies. Cointegration results indicate that there is no long run relation among the variables. Causality results, on the other hand, indicate that energy-finance nexus supports neutrality hypothesis in Turkey in the short run. The inconsistency across the papers in the case of Turkey clearly addresses the fact that it does really matter which financial development indicators are proxied. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W1957376083 | İNÖNÜ DÖNEMİ TÜRK DIŞ POLİTİKASI / TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY WITHIN THE PERIOD OF INÖNÜ | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1957376083 | Ikinci Dunya Sava s i boyunca Turk di s politikasinin genel e g ilimi sava s a girmeme uzerine kurulmu s tur. Turkiye’nin bu politikasi sava s in gidi s atina gore de g i s iklikler gostermi s tir. Sava s boyunca tarafsizlik politikasi izleyen Turkiye, bu politikayi uygularken kimi zaman I ngiltere ve Fransa’ya yakin olmasina kar s in Almanya’ya kar s i da net bir tavir almaktan kacinmi s tir. Bu yuzden di s politika yapicilari Turkiye’nin bu tavrini “ aktif tarafsizlik ” olarak nitelendirmektedirler. I ngiltere, Fransa ve Rusya Turkiye’yi sava s a girmeye ikna etmek icin bircok goru s meler ve konferanslar yapmalarina ra g men; her defasinda Turkiye sava s di s i kalmayi ba s armi s tir. Ancak sava s in sonunun belli olmasindan sonra Turkiye kazanan tarafta yer almak icin sava s a girmi s tir. Sava s sonrasinda ise Turkiye, Sovyet Rusya’dan gelebilecek tehlikeyi bertaraf etmek icin Bati kartini kullanarak ABD ve Ingiltere tarafli bir politika izlemi s tir. Anahtar Kelimeler : I nonu, Turkiye, I ngiltere, Sovyet Rusya, Almanya ABSTRACT During the World War II, the general inclination of Turkish foreign policy was based on an anti-war principle. This policy of Turkey changed according to the state of war. Following an objective policy during the war, Turkey avoided from developing a determined attitude towards Germany while it remained close to England and France. Therefore, foreign policy makers define this attitude of Turkey as active neutrality. Although England, France and Russia conducted negotiations and conferences to convince Turkey to take part in war, each time Turkey achieved to stand outside of the war. However, after the result became clear, Turkey entered war to take sides with the winning part. Besides, at the post-war period, Turkey pursued a USA-England-sided policy by using its Western side in order to eliminate the potential threat from Soviet Russia. Key Words : I nonu, Turkey, England, Soviet Russia, Germany | [
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https://openalex.org/W1549384196 | Self-serving National Ideologies: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Turkish Cypriot Radio News | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1549384196 | This thesis examines the historical formation and contemporary circulation of competing variants of Turkish Cypriot nationalisms as they are realised in different Turkish Cypriot radio news outlets. Unlike North Atlantic models of journalism, these media are not governed by the values of neutrality nor of a fourth estate role, being closely aligned to political interests. Presently, there is an ideological struggle between two versions of Turkish Cypriot nationalism in the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC). Turkish nationalism' sees TRNC as part of a pan-Turkish nation. Within this ideology, TRNC's future is linked to Turkey and independent of the Republic of Cyprus. 'Pro-federation' nationalism sees TRNC as part of an inclusive Cypriot identity. TRNC's future is in a federation with the Republic of Cyprus. TRNC radio, each station closely affiliated to one of these nationalisms, is one site where national discourses can be accessed and evaluated. In this thesis, Critical Discourse Analysis is used to reveal how participants and their actions are represented in news stories. These shape the way that events appear, contributing to prevailing nationalisms. This analysis is contextualised historically, conceptually and ethnographically with newsroom studies. These produce an understanding of the processes behind a set of highly ideological news texts. This thesis adds to existing academic work which indicates that Cypriot media frame events in ways which aggravate the Cyprus conflict. Unlike other studies, this thesis challenges the myth that national discourses are uniform expressions and allegiances in news media. Instead, the data analysed reveal national discourses are internally fractured, politically differentiated and temporal. Though discourses mostly support interests associated with each station, some pretextual discourses of compromise, cooperation and unity are revealed. Though minimal, these contribute to a solution-friendly atmosphere which frees residents from a life of embargoes, fear and isolation. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3006897943 | One meta-media event, two forms of censorship: The <i>Charlie Hebdo</i> affair in the United Kingdom and Turkey | [
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https://openalex.org/W2513522260 | Rethinking Turkey's Laicism In Light Of The Debates About Liberal Neutrality | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2513522260 | The dissertation examines in detail the concept of neutrality in political theory literature and assesses the arguments of the defenders and critics of Turkey’s laicism in light of such an examination. After showing the weaknesses and problems in the arguments of various political actors in Turkey, the dissertation defends “modus vivendi liberalism” as a possible solution for the conflicts about Turkey’s laicism. In that regard, the dissertation argues that certain aspects of liberal political theory can be appropriated for Turkish politics for the sake of ensuring stability and peace even if there might be problems with the possibility and desirability of neutrality. The dissertation also discusses what can constitute Turkey’s modus vivendi and offer certain ideas about what may and may not ensure stability and peace in Turkey. INDEX WORDS: Laicism, Secularism, Modus Vivendi Liberalism, Liberal Neutrality, Turkey, Communitarianism RETHINKING TURKEY’S LAICISM IN LIGHT OF THE DEBATES ABOUT LIBERAL NEUTRALITY | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W4247304859 | Selim Deringil. <italic>Turkish Foreign Policy during the Second World War: An “Active” Neutrality</italic>. New York: Cambridge University Press. 1989. Pp. 238 | [] | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4247304859 | Selim Deringil. Turkish Foreign Policy during the Second World War: An “Active” Neutrality. New York: Cambridge University Press. 1989. Pp. 238 Get access Deringil Selim. Turkish Foreign Policy during the Second World War: An “Active” Neutrality. New York: Cambridge University Press. 1989. Pp. 238. Gerhard L. Weinberg Gerhard L. Weinberg University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 96, Issue 3, June 1991, Pages 923–924, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/96.3.923 Published: 01 June 1991 | [
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https://openalex.org/W3039947309 | Filistin Çıkmazında Çözüm Arayışları: Almanya-Türkiye Arabuluculuğu | [
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https://openalex.org/W3027889926 | Influence of Turkey on the policy of neutrality and foreign policy of Turkmenistan (1995–2016) | [
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https://openalex.org/W4389517422 | Turkey’s Policy towards the Balkans during the Cold War | [
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https://openalex.org/W4287831539 | Tarafsızlığın Farklı Görünümleri: İkinci Dünya Savaşı Sırasında İspanya ve Türkiye'nin Dış Politikaları | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4287831539 | A critical point that is not sufficiently addressed in studies of Second World War is the significant differences between the policies followed by states that did not participate in the war. This study undertakes a comparative analysis of the policies pursued by Spain and Turkey during the war, on the basis that comparative studies on neutral states have the potential to enrich research on the Second World War. Although both countries are generally assessed under the term "neutrality", there were important differences between the policies of Spain and Turkey during the Second World War. The variable positions between "neutrality" and "non-belligerency" of these two states constitute the focus of the analysis. The ideological reasons and conditions that enabled Spain to take a close line to the Axis powers and Turkey to the Allies during the war are also among the points emphasized in the study. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3091250774 | Turkish – Soviet Relations1925 – 1935 | [
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"Turkey"
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https://openalex.org/W182578046 | Between neutrality and accommodation : Dutch and European jurisprudence on the Islamic headscarf in education | [
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"Turkey"
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"https://openalex.org/W1573885241"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W182578046 | In a number of cases the European Court of Human Rights has considered Turkish and French bans on the wearing of the Islamic headscarf in education. In each of these cases it concluded that these bans interfered with freedom of religion, but that these interferences were justified for upholding secularism. In the Netherlands such issues were generally settled before the Dutch Equal Treatment Commission. This Commission has consistently struck down headscarf bans in public schools and sometimes in private schools, because they were contrary to the principle of equal treatment. This thesis argues that this difference follows from a difference between French and Turkish secularist models of religions-state relations and a Dutch accommodative model. It concludes that the Dutch approach is just as compatible with the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights as the Turkish and French approaches, as this Court takes a pluralist approach to the protection of religious freedom, providing states with a wide margin of appreciation on such issues concerning the relations between religions and states. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3123929843 | Does Shari’a Play a Role in Turkey? | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3123929843 | This essay is intended to introduce my empirical project exploring Turkish perceptions of law and religion. I returned from Istanbul in the summer of 2013, having recently completed data collection. The data and analysis support a number of important findings. First, there was a trend of increasing support for Shari'a within Turkey, and education appeared to correlate (inversely) with this preference more than religiosity. Turks under thirty were more likely to be religious than those between thirty and fifty, and those under thirty who identified as religious were more likely to have a university education. Interpretations of Shari'a in Turkey differed from those in other predominantly Muslim countries. The influence of the AKP in combining commitments to Islamic ethics, center-right politics, neoliberal economics and Kemalist republican values likely accentuated this distinction by validating the consistency of secular constitutionalism and Islam. | [
{
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https://openalex.org/W2318168224 | Selim Deringil, Turkish Foreign Policy during the Second World War: An “Active Neutrality” (LSE Monographs in International Studies) (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989). Pp. 238. | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2318168224 | Selim Deringil, Turkish Foreign Policy during the Second World War: An “Active Neutrality” (LSE Monographs in International Studies) (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1989). Pp. 238. - Volume 23 Issue 3 | [
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https://openalex.org/W4210800018 | Rethinking strategic alignment: the great powers’ wedging and Turkey’s balancing strategies | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4210800018 | The key puzzle that this article explores is how the Great Powers’ wedging strategies and Turkey’s efforts to balance these powers defined complex strategic alignment dynamics during the 1930s and World War II. We posit that in the 1930s, as Turkey strove to balance the European great powers, these powers resorted to wedging strategies to sway Turkey away from any other sphere of influence. During World War II, increasing US engagement in the region compelled Ankara to utilize a ‘dual balancing strategy’ to preserve its neutrality, by balancing between the Axis and the Allies and between the British and the Americans. Concomitantly, both Allies and Axis powers utilized predominantly reward-wedging strategies to keep Turkey away from the opposing bloc. We assert that in rethinking strategic alignment more emphasis should be placed on the interactive nature of wedging process and the role and motives of agency. | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S77485876",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2485350339 | Տարածքային հակամարտությունները Եվ փոխադարձ չեզոքության պահպանման հարցը Հայաստան-Վրաստան երկխոսության օրակարգում | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C13280743"
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2485350339 | One of the main issues on the agenda of the Armenian-Georgian bilateral relations is to keep neutrality on the Nagorno-Karabakh, Abkhazia and South Ossetia conflicts. Over the last two decades the cooperation between Georgia and Azerbaijan on the one hand, and in AzerbaijanGeorgia-Turkey trilateral format, on the other, has a dynamic pace of development. In these circumstances, Georgian military and political cooperation with Turkey and Azerbaijan gains new overtones of being directed against Armenia. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W1582770930 | Does Shari'a Play a Role in Turkey? | [
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] | [
"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1582770930 | This essay is intended to introduce my empirical project exploring Turkish perceptions of law and religion. I returned from Istanbul in the summer of 2013, having recently completed data collection. The data and analysis support a number of important findings. First, there was a trend of increasing support for Shari'a within Turkey, and education appeared to correlate (inversely) with this preference more than religiosity. Turks under thirty were more likely to be religious than those between thirty and fifty, and those under thirty who identified as religious were more likely to have a university education. Interpretations of Shari'a in Turkey differed from those in other predominantly Muslim countries. The influence of the AKP in combining commitments to Islamic ethics, center-right politics, neoliberal economics and Kemalist republican values likely accentuated this distinction by validating the consistency of secular constitutionalism and Islam. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2463999104 | HÂKİMİYET-İ MİLLİYE GAZETESİNE GÖRE CUMHURİYETİN İLK YILLARINDA TÜRKİYE-BULGARİSTAN İLİŞKİLERİ (1923-1930) | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2463999104 | In this study, the reflections of the relations between the Republic of Turkey and Bulgaria between the years of 1923-1930 are evaluated from the Hakimiyet-i Milliye newspaper also with reference to archive documents. The symphaty towards the Turkish National Struggle in Bulgaria which was defeated in the World War I, has paved the way for better relations between the two countries. Although the radical nationalists’ rhetoric and policies have been met with suspect in Turkey after the military coup that overthrown the Bulgarian Farmer’s Party from the power, it was succeeded in overcoming the mutual distrust and a “Treaty of Friendship” was signed between two countries in 1925. Despite the agreement, the problems arising from the recent past events between the two states and two societies occasionally showed themselves. “Treaty of Neutrality, Conciliation, Judicial Settlement and Arbitration” was signed between the two states in 1929. However, coming to the end of 1920s, Turkey’s determination of its international politics in favor of the status quo and while Bulgaria was approaching to the revisionist bloc with Italy, Turkey’s rapprochement strategy with the other Balkan states whose interests are irreconcilable with the interests of Bulgaria, caused a deterioration in relations. The nature of the political and diplomatic relations between Turkey and Bulgaria also affected economic, social and cultural relations. The press, which is producing and also reflecting and emitting public perception, provides detailed data to understand the relationship between the two countries <br> | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3083307097 | The Turkish- Italian Relation(1828 -1938) | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3083307097 | This Study explains the nature of Turksh-Italian relationship during (1828-1938). Which Witnessed some improvement through the signing aribitration neutrality friendship agreement in 30 ,May, 1928,followed by commercial agreement in April,1934, But this situation didn't continue for a long time, because of the Italian expansion ambitions in the eastern regions of Mediterranean Sea especially the south western Parts of Turkey. Also Italy didn’t agree the invitatition for participating in an international conference to review the Turkish straits problem. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3136017616 | Baudrillard in Ankara: mainstream media and the production of <i>simulacra</i> in the Turkish public sphere | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3136017616 | Turkey’s recent democratic backsliding has been profoundly reflected in the near-complete government control of mass media. Pro-government mainstream media, rather than pursuing truth, has engaged in systematic production and dissemination of simulacra. Developed by Baudrillard, the concept of simulacrum can provide insights into the truth and reality perceptions of Turkish voters. This has been a topic widely discussed, given that produced simulacra establish a legitimation framework for the Turkish government’s domestic and foreign policies. Various print and electronic sources are studied to analyse the content of speeches and used techniques. In this study, Baudrillard’s scheme will be applied for the study of three political narratives dominant in the Turkish public sphere: Turkey’s ‘struggle for survival (bekâmücadelesi)’, the projection of key opposition leaders as ‘traitors’, and ideal leadership and diplomacy from past to present through two popular television series, ‘Diriliş Ertuğrul (Resurrection Ertuğrul)’ and ‘Payitaht Abdülhamid (Leader Abdülhamid)’. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2586962044 | Turkish Foreign Policy During the Second World War: An Active Neutrality, by Selim Deringil. (LSE Monographs in International Studies.) 188 pages, appendix, notes, bibliography, index. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge and New York1989. $44.50. | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2586962044 | Turkish Foreign Policy During the Second World War: An Active Neutrality, by Selim Deringil. (LSE Monographs in International Studies.) 188 pages, appendix, notes, bibliography, index. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge and New York1989. $44.50. - Volume 24 Issue 2 | [
{
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https://openalex.org/W2392850833 | On the Effectiveness Analysis of Neutrality Policy of Turkey during the Iran-Iraq War | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2392850833 | After the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq war,due to domestic and international environment,overwhelmed economic situation and traditional foreign policy of peace,Turkey adopted strict policy of neutrality to the both sides of Iran and Iraq.The neutral attitude,which to the improvement of their economic situation,upgrade of geopolitical position and the handling of Kurdish question in Turkey,created a good opportunity.Turkey benefited a lot in the Iran-Iraq war,and it is the direct beneficiaries of the war.Meanwhile,the neutral policy to the Iran-Iraq and Middle East situation had a significant impact. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2749716183 | A Key to Turkish Politics: the State Parties Relationship | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2749716183 | Starting with the hypothesis that competitive elections need the elites to believe in political alternation and the protection of minority rights, the authors focus on one consequence of the lack of consensus on the rules of the political game: the impossible neutrality of State institutions. In Turkey, where this consensus lacks, the capture of public resources is one of the decisive ways for political parties to accumulate resources. The consequence is the politicization and the lack of objectification of the institutions, the loss of autonomy of the different social sectors and the participation of the army in the political field. This reinforces the lack of consensus on the rules of the political game and explains the strengthening of the one-party governments and the instability of the coalition governments in Turkey. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2889502818 | PRESENTATION OF THE POLITICAL LEADERS’ PERSONALITIES ON TV NEWS: THE CASE IS TURKEY PRESIDENTAL ELECTIONS IN 2014 | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2889502818 | Political parties during the election period in Turkey, they use mass media effectively in their propaganda activities. Television is one of the widely used mass media during the election period in Turkey. In this study, in 2014 the presidential elections in Turkey; it has been tried to determine whether a special presentation has been made in television news bulletins related to the personalities of political candidates .In the news texts, Mccrea and Costa's Five Factor Personality Theory is based on personality qualifications in order to determine whether there are adjectives used in relation to the personalities of political candidates. This work has been researched that "The same political candidates are presenting different audiences on different TV channels" hypothesis. How are the personalities of political leaders presented in television news bulletins? What extent are the personality characteristics of political candidates reflected to news texts in TV news bulletins? that questions will be searched for an answer in this study. The discourse analysis method will be taken as a bases of the study. As a result of the study, news bulletins on different TV channels showed that the same political candidate was presented with different personality qualifications. Also, it can be said that TV channels that have to be neutral, violate the principles of neutrality through personality qualifications in news bulletins. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4386774537 | "Turkish colleagues worked perfectly!": Ankara's secret contribution to the British suppression of German-Polish diplomatic contacts in 1940-1941 | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4386774537 | The historiography of the Second World War traditionally points to the position of neutrality, which was emphatically adhered to by official Ankara until the beginning of 1945. It is generally believed that it was she who allowed the Turkish republic to avoid being drawn into a global conflict, as well as the seizure of the country's territory by the troops of one of the conflicting parties. The British and German archival documents discovered by the author of the article indicate that the Turks were far from neutral in the intelligence sphere. Their close secret cooperation with the British allowed them to prevent Berlin's attempt to end the war in Europe on favorable terms already in 1941. Thus, the Turkish state had a much more significant influence on the course of the Second World War than previously assumed. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4380324824 | “Türkiye’yi NATO’dan Hemen Çıkarın”: ABD Kamuoyunda Türkiye-Karşıtı Söylemin İnşası | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4380324824 | After the outbreak of the Ukraine-Russia War, Sweden and Finland abandoned their neutrality policies and announced that they would apply for NATO membership. Türkiye declared that it would veto their membership applications, stating that these two countries supported terrorist organizations. This situation alarmed the European member countries of NATO and the United States, and it was stated that Türkiye's veto would cause a rift in the NATO alliance and jeopardize European security. This study analyzes reader comments in the three leading U.S. newspapers: The New York Times, The Washington Post, and The Wall Street Journal. The study was limited to the reader's comments on news about Türkiye's veto between May 19, 2022, when Türkiye announced its objection to Sweden and Finland's NATO membership applications, and June 30, 2022, when the crisis was resolved. The study applies an eclectic methodology and employs a corpus-assisted discourse analysis method. The themes, strategies, and linguistic practices through which Türkiye and Turkish identities are discursively constructed were analyzed. As a result of the analysis, it was concluded that Türkiye's announcement to veto Sweden’s and Finland's membership applications to NATO has fed the anti-Turkish sentiment that dominates U.S. public opinion, especially in the context of Türkiye-U.S. relations that reached a breaking point after 2016. Moreover, it is argued that anti-Turkish sentiment is constructed through “traditional” discourse themes such as the stereotype of the “bad Turk” and Islamophobia, as well as discourse themes that establish the identification of President Erdoğan and Türkiye. | [
{
"display_name": "Kastamonu İletişim Araştırmaları Dergisi",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4387285284",
"type": "journal"
},
{
"display_name": "DergiPark (Istanbul University)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4306401840",
"type": "repository"
}
] |
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