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https://openalex.org/W1545360154 | Sınır Testi ile Enflasyon ve Ekonomik Büyüme İlişkileri: Türkiye Üzerine İncelemeler | [
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"display_name": "Ömer Selçuk Emsen",
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{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Süleyman Arif Turan",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5026962858"
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{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Hayati Aksu",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5058971325"
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] | [
{
"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
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{
"display_name": "Inflation (cosmology)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C200941418"
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{
"display_name": "Unit root",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C195561663"
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{
"display_name": "Neutrality",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779581858"
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"display_name": "Value (mathematics)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2776291640"
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{
"display_name": "Unit root test",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144341231"
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{
"display_name": "Econometrics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C149782125"
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{
"display_name": "Monetary economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C556758197"
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{
"display_name": "Keynesian economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C165556158"
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"display_name": "Cointegration",
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C33923547"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C111472728"
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{
"display_name": "Theoretical physics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C33332235"
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1545360154 | In this study, the relationship between inflation and economic growth is investigated. Perspectives on the relationship between inflation and economic growth focus on three points in the literature on this issue. The first view argues that there is a positive relationship between inflation and economic growth, the second one claims no relationship, and the third one asserts that relationship is negative. The view claiming the existence of a positive relationship contends that the effects on growth structure up to a certain value threshold or a certain limit in the inflation and that if the value threshold is exceeded neutral and even negative effects will be engendered. On the other hand, this response can only be observed in the short term, whereas in the long run neutral effects are discussed. In the studies dealing with inflation-growth relationship, regression, unit root and co-integration analysis are conducted in general, but the absence of Cobb-Douglas analysis attracts attention particularly in the studies related to Turkey. In this study, beginning with a Cobb-Douglas type growth equation, a result of the analyses using limit test predictions, it is observed that current inflation rate has negative effects on growth in the short term in Turkish economy and that one period later, the effects turn into positive and that net effect causes neutrality. In the long run predictions, it can be stated that similar results are found and therefore, inflation has no effect on growth. Hence, it can be concluded that the on-going high inflation for many years in Turkey led to negative effects by causing uncertainty on economic growth. | [
{
"display_name": "Anadolu University Journal of Social Sciences",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S2764525750",
"type": "journal"
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|
https://openalex.org/W4306750536 | Opportunities and Limitations of Turkey as a Mediator in Russian-Ukrainian Negotiations | [
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"affiliations": [
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"country": "Russia",
"display_name": "Institute of World Economy and International Relations",
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"display_name": "Лейли Рустамова",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5042608247"
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"display_name": "Ukrainian",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C21931767"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C199776023"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C93377909"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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"display_name": "Public relations",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C39549134"
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"display_name": "Political economy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138921699"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
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"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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"display_name": "Business",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144133560"
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{
"display_name": "Linguistics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41895202"
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{
"display_name": "Finance",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C10138342"
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] | [
"Turkey"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W2079088684",
"https://openalex.org/W2134524205",
"https://openalex.org/W2561026740",
"https://openalex.org/W2741429718",
"https://openalex.org/W3193707318",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4306750536 | Introduction. State mediation remains a requested activity in practical politics and an actual topic in the research field, as the number of conflicts has increased dramatically in the last decade, as well as long-standing frozen conflicts, which are poorly managed by intergovernmental organizations have escalated. At the same time, mediation and its principles are in the process of evolution, as more often large regional players become mediators, which themselves are active parties to conflicts. Under the change, in particular, was the principle of neutrality. This article focuses on the analysis of Turkey's mediation initiatives in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict and how it uses mediation to achieve its foreign policy goals. The article analyzes the goals of Turkish mediation, its ability to advance the negotiation process between the parties and the limitations that affect Turkey's position as a mediator. Materials and methods. Russian and foreign studies on the effectiveness factors of states' mediation as a form of resolving international military conflicts were used as materials for writing the article. The methodological base was made up of discourse analysis and case studies. Turkey’s mediation in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict after the start of the Russian special operation in February 2022 was taken as a case. Research results. At this stage, Turkey managed to organize several rounds of negotiations between Russia and Ukraine, which ended with the signing of important agreements on resolving some of the issues on the negotiation agenda, which are more related to the broad international consequences of the conflict than the main points of the negotiations demand of Russia and Ukraine. Nevertheless, the negotiations organized by Turkey in July 2022 allowed it to establish itself as a party that has a certain authority and weight among the negotiating parties. Turkey's resources of influence as a mediator include, in particular, extensive trade and economic ties and relations of interdependence and partnership with each of the parties to the conflict. Discussion and conclusion. Since the negotiation process is in the dynamics of development, it is too early to conclude that Turkey has realized all the possibilities of mediation to resolve the conflict. However, its mediation has concrete results: its authority and geopolitical resources have made it possible to remove some of the problems that arose as a result of the Ukrainian conflict and have far-reaching consequences for international security. This allows us to conclude that Turkey has every opportunity to continue its mediation efforts to involve the parties in discussing the items on the negotiation agenda relating to the most pressing problems and which have become the direct cause of the clash. Therefore, the geopolitical consequences of Turkey's international activity in resolving the conflict in Ukraine will remain a hot topic for further study. | [
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"display_name": "Право и управление. XXI век",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210215228",
"type": "journal"
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|
https://openalex.org/W3111425008 | The military coup in Turkey on May 27, 1960: background, drivers and it consequences | [
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"display_name": "Товсултанова Малика Шариповна",
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"display_name": "Рустам Алхазурович Товсултанов",
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"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Товсултанов Рустам Алхазурович",
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"country": "Russia",
"display_name": "Ulyanovsk Higher Civil Aviation School",
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"display_name": "Галимова Лилия Надиповна",
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"Turkey"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W2065848077",
"https://openalex.org/W2329830298",
"https://openalex.org/W2897733975"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3111425008 | In the 1950s, the Democratic Party came to power in Turkey, relying on the provincial bourgeoisie and clericals. The charismatic leader of democrats Adnan Menderes became the prime-minister. The Democratic government pursued an active foreign and domestic policy. In particular, abandoning its traditional neutrality, Turkey joined NATO and CenTO military blocs. Concessions were made to religious circles. The government also carried out large-scale reforms, for which the society was not ready, due to which an economic crisis erupted in the country, the most characteristic manifestation of which was high inflation. By introducing repressive laws against dissidents, attempts to isolate the opposition, in particular the leaders of the Republican Peoples Party (RPP), the Democrats pushed the latter to search for allies in the army. In the ranks of the latter, under the influence of Western agents and the dissatisfaction of the officers themselves with the situation in the country, the idea of a military coup came about on May 27, 1960. As a result of the coup, the National Unity Committee came to power, consisting of representatives of the generals and leaders of the Republican Peoples Party. In 1961, a new constitution was adopted at a referendum, reforming the system of legislative power in the country, after which power again passed to civilian political institutions. The leader of the military who carried out the coup, General Jemal Grsel, became the prime minister, while the chairman of the Republican Peoples Party Ismet İnnbecame became the president of Turkey. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4389053268 | Finland’s approaches to joining NATO | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4389053268 | For the region of Northern Europe the beginning of 2022 was marked by an important event — the application of Finland and Sweden for membership in the NATO military alliance. For both countries the move signified the end of decades of the neutrality policy, and the North Atlantic Alliance expansion would be relatively significant for the first time since 2009. One of the main features of Finland’s and Sweden’s process of joining NATO was the desire of both countries’ administrations to achieve the Alliance membership simultaneously. Due to certain difficulties that had risen on the international level and prevented Sweden from becoming a member of the organization swiftly, the Finnish administration made the ultimate decision to join NATO independently from Sweden. The decision was connected with the abandonment of the principle of “special relations” between Sweden and Finland. The approval of the NATO membership bill during its ratification in the Finnish parliament was not unanimous. Several lawmakers spoke out against the country’s integration with NATO. This and other factors testify to the controversial attitude to NATO in the Finnish society. “The Kurdish issue” was among the important aspects of Finland’s North Atlantic Alliance joining process. Prior to 2022 Finland along with Sweden adhered to the position of supporting various Kurdish groups that were recognized in Turkey as terrorist organizations. Finland also took in a lot of Kurdish refugees and provided political asylum to some of them. The Turkish authorities were dissatisfied with those actions hence in May 2022 Turkey blocked the NATO membership application of the Finnish republic. “The Kurdish issue” was not fully resolved, but the sides managed to reach a compromise. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3047745908 | The Renewable Energy Consumption-Economic Growth Nexus in Turkey | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3047745908 | Energy has been a significant production factor for all countries. Turkey’s energy demand has been increasing due to economic and population growth. Turkey’s energy dependency on import is high. For this reason, it is important to take into account increasing energy demand and import dependency that determines the causal relationship between energy consumption and economic development. This study examines the causal relationship between renewable energy consumption and economic growth in Turkey by using the nonlinear Granger causality analysis. The annual data from 1990 to 2015 were obtained from the World Bank Indicators. The empirical results support that the neutrality hypothesis is valid for Turkey and indicate that renewable energy consumption and economic growth are not sensitive to one another in a given time. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2370746433 | The Contradiction Between Librarian's Social Responsibility and The Principle of Impartiality | [
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"display_name": "Aytaç Kayadevir",
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"https://openalex.org/W2157946421"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2370746433 | In this article, the principle of impartiality, a general approach in librarianship profession, is discussed in a critical perspective. It is argued that in today's Turkey and specifically in public libraries, the idea of neutrality may create barriers against the libraries' responsibility for the enlightment, progress and freedom of the society, and | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2886426785 | Neutrality and the politics of aid in insurgency | [
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"display_name": "Rebecca Gill",
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2886426785 | Lady Strangford, helped along by Gladstone's patronage, administered one of the most prominent funds to aid suffering Christians in the Balkans, concentrating her efforts on those in the Rumeli district. The villages in Rumelia upon which Strangford and Long focused their concern had, by the spring of 1877, begun to return to normal. Unlike pro-Slav and Bulgarian relief funds, which relied on local connections, the Turkish Compassionate Fund worked closely with British diplomatic personnel. Much of the work of the Fund centred on the large town of Filibe, the site, a year earlier, of Lady Strangford's relief efforts. The question of aid to Serbian wounded had crucial political ramifications. The British National Society for Aid to the Sick and Wounded in War's (NAS's) role in the Serbo-Turkish War proved controversial, on the grounds of its ineptitude as much as of its politicisation. | [
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https://openalex.org/W27508476 | Пролог «Холодной войны». Турецко-советские противоречия в 1945-1950 гг. В условиях формирования Ялтинской системы международных отношений | [
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https://openalex.org/W2597898019 | Military expenditure and economic growth in brics and mist countries: evidence from bootstrap panel granger causality analysis | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3202029599 | This chapter analyzes the entente's failed attempts (after the July Crisis of 1914) to prevent the Ottoman Empire from intervening on the side of the Central powers. This case highlights key elements and relationships in the theoretical framework. The entente's goal was to keep a hedging Turkey neutral — it thus sought a low degree of alignment change, an easier thing to achieve. But the entente powers' high alliance constraints proved detrimental. For while the Allies (roughly equal in power and dependence) did agree about the basic goal and method of selective accommodation, they did not agree about Turkey's strategic weight. That lack of consensus impaired their ability to mobilize sufficient reward power. They did not combine the concessions to Turkey and each other that were both possible and, as it turned out, necessary to cement its neutrality. The case thus reveals the impediments to success that arise when highly constrained allies differ about the target's war-tipping potential. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2498937732 | The Tragedy of Baku | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2498937732 | The complicated developments in Transcaucasia in 1918 lie outside the scope of this study, except in so far as they illustrate the peculiar character of the Soviet Government’s ‘neutrality’. Moscow’s attitude towards British help to the defenders of Baku against Turkish onslaught is comprehensible only against the background of German pressure and the Bolsheviks’ readiness to submit to it. The arguments used to justify this attitude need to be compared with the secret arrangements for ‘parallel actions’ by the Red Army and the Germans in North Russia and on the Don, which will be dealt with later. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1997349256 | The Making of a State-Centered Public Sphere in Turkey: A Discourse Analysis | [
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"Turkey"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W1505599479",
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"https://openalex.org/W4230713289",
"https://openalex.org/W4246656031"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1997349256 | Why has the state-centered recognition of the public sphere prevailed in Turkey over the last decade? A frame analysis of the public sphere discourse for 2002–09 reveals that the contingency of the discourse on the Islamic headscarf issue discouraged an essential understanding of the authentic public sphere. The dominant frame espoused by secularists claimed that the state banned headscarves in the public sphere were to preserve the neutrality of the public sphere. By contrast, pro-Islamists initially adopted an alternative counter-frame based on the Habermasian perspective, portraying the public sphere as tolerant of various ideas. Yet, in the face of stiff opposition from secularists, the pro-Islamists came to use a negative counter-frame with increasing frequency, implying that the state-centered public sphere impinged on the freedom to wear a headscarf. As a result, both the secularists' and pro-Islamists' frames helped entrench the recognition of the state-centered public sphere in Turkish society (Earlier and longer versions of this paper have appeared as IDE Discussion Paper Series No.262 (November 2010) and in Japanese in Ajiakeizai, Vol 52, No. 4 (April 2011)). | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S77485876",
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|
https://openalex.org/W3192846377 | Religion and the Constitutional Order in the Orbit of the European Union: De-Constructing State Neutrality in Germany and Turkey | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3192846377 | The chapter uses as its starting point the notion of state neutrality to problematize and reflect on the connection between religious rights and the EU constitutional space. It aims to deconstruct the notion of state neutrality towards religion and to do so compares the cases of Germany with Turkey. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4294679603 | The (re)presentation of interpreters in the Turkish media: a diachronic and cross-setting analysis | [
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"Turkey"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W577980218",
"https://openalex.org/W1822283060",
"https://openalex.org/W1967118707",
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"https://openalex.org/W4230448979",
"https://openalex.org/W4231498911"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4294679603 | This study explores the representation of interpreters in the Turkish news media by analysing the online editions of the three most circulated Turkish newspapers between June 2017 and March 2021. It looks at what triggers a media discourse on interpreters and how interpreters are represented in the news media. It also juxtaposes the current portrayal of conference and diplomatic interpreters with the media coverage of conference interpreters in two previous studies. The results indicate that although references to interpreters working in legal settings are by far the most numerous, these references are almost always in passing, giving interpreters in these settings no visibility or voice. The same applies to interpreters working in refugee settings. In contrast, news items on sign language and football interpreters accord significant visibility and voice to these interpreters. News reports on conference and diplomatic interpreters, on the other hand, seem to reflect a marked shift towards negative coverage, characterised by the absence of interpreters’ voices and a media discourse that contests their neutrality, the latter view of interpreters being at least partly related to political tensions in the country. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2948385816 | Peace-Making within the Green and Liminal Border of Cyprus | [
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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{
"display_name": "Linguistics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41895202"
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Quantum mechanics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C62520636"
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] | [
"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2948385816 | This article aims to critically explore the concept of the border and its dynamic self-undermining quality through the medium of literature, which is the space in which the very process of debordering is already at work. since 1974, Cyprus has borne the mark of division that physically manifested in a border, which extends from east to west and divides the island into south (greek Cypriot) and north (Turkish Cypriot). what is special about this border is the fact that it consists not of one wall or fence but two, creating thus an uneven strip of land which allows for an experience of the border not from either side of it but from within it. This article explores the symbolic significance of working and thinking from within the border – from within the “dead zone” – a perspective whose significance is also acknowledged by contemporary Cypriot poets. drawing from greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot literature (mainly poetry), i attempt to illustrate how the very space of the border acquires central stage and how – through the power of poetic representation – it turns from an apparatus of separation and division into a space of neutrality and liminality which prompts reflection, communication and life. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3178637670 | Annotated Corpus of Comments and Basic Semantic Analysis | [
{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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"Turkey"
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"https://openalex.org/W1663984431",
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"https://openalex.org/W3009874600",
"https://openalex.org/W3103706239",
"https://openalex.org/W3104628969"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3178637670 | This article presents an annotated corpus of Turkish comment texts gathered from employees. Special attention is given to neutrality of paragraphs in the corpus and quality of the annotation. We employ the majority voting of the annotators. We describe the details of the dataset, the annotation methodology and the experiments with basic methods to investigate the corpus. The corpus has three classes, positive, negative and neutral. | [
{
"display_name": "2021 2nd International Conference on Computing and Data Science (CDS)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4306498760",
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|
https://openalex.org/W1491014914 | If An Amendment Were Adopted Declaing the United States a Christian Nation, Would it be Constitutional? Well ... Let's Look at Turkey | [
{
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"display_name": "Gary J. Jacobsohn",
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{
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{
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"display_name": "Constitutional amendment",
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{
"display_name": "Establishment Clause",
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{
"display_name": "Sociology",
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{
"display_name": "First amendment",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2994536602"
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1491014914 | Polls in the United States have long indicated that a clear majority of Americans believe that “the United States [is] a Christian nation.”1 At the same time they indicate that a minority – no more than 30% -support a constitutional amendment that would make the belief a feature of the nation’s fundamental law. But suppose it were the case that the sentiment for constitutional change corresponded with the public’s perception on this question, culminating in a successful deployment of Article V of the Constitution? Would the Supreme Court declare the amendment unconstitutional? The rationale for doing so is clear: the text of the First Amendment and generations of judicial interpretation of its religion clauses are unambiguous in affirming the official neutrality of the American regime with respect to religion. Whatever disagreement has existed as to the role of government in supporting religion in a non-preferential way, no serious constitutional position can be found for permitting the authoritative embrace of a specific faith. It is also the case, however, that the Supreme Court, unlike courts in some other countries, has never declared a constitutional amendment unconstitutional on substantive grounds. Moreover, it has indicated a clear disinclination to do so. One country that has exercised its judicial power in this manner is Turkey, which very recently overturned an amendment that violated the nation’s constitutional commitment to a secular way of life, that requires eliminating religion from the public domain. Turkey, a country whose people is nearly entirely Muslim, arguably would accept some official recognition of that fact, but its identity as a constitutional republic | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4390292608 | In Search of VAT Neutrality for BOTs and PPPs in Turkey | [
{
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"display_name": "A. Sanver",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5093596097"
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C27548731"
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C100001284"
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{
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Market economy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C34447519"
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{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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] | [
"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4390292608 | Turkey attracts significant flows of funds from abroad and imports large quantities of (investment) goods and services from suppliers established in the European Union, inter alia, in the framework of build-operate-transfer (BOT) and public-private-partnership (PPP) structures. The legislature attempts to neutralize the VAT burden on those projects by means of specific, ad hoc measures. In this article, the author examines to what extent the concessions for investment projects under BOT and PPP structures actually achieve the desired neutrality of VAT. | [
{
"display_name": "International VAT Monitor",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4390573758",
"type": "journal"
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3008729488 | The Aging of a Star in Camelot | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Victoria Phillips",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5056238888"
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{
"display_name": "Iron Curtain",
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C95457728"
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{
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Politics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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] | [
"Turkey",
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3008729488 | “It takes me ten years to make a dancer,” Martha Graham declared, and by 1961, at age sixty-seven, she had created a generation of stars. Her technically powerful company trained with the matriarch of modern dance, its “Picasso,” as they readied to tour for a new, young president, John F. Kennedy, and his sophisticated wife, Jackie. He needed to show sophistication and gravitas; in 1962, Graham and her twenty glowing dancers toured Greece, Turkey, Yugoslavia, Poland, Sweden, West Germany, Finland, the Netherlands, and Norway, traversing a complex geographic puzzle of territories contested between East and West, engaging with “containment,” the “Iron Curtain,” old-fashioned wartime European neutrality, and Bandung’s issues of nonalignment, all refashioned by the changing Cold War. Yet the tour would start in Israel, again courtesy of private funding. Greece and Turkey had been named by Truman in his “containment” policy, led by George Kennan; Graham performed as Clytemnestra for the Greeks. Kennan sponsored Graham as she went “behind the Iron Curtain” to Yugoslavia and Poland, where religious works were foregrounded to fight the Soviet “atheists.” As in 1957, she would perform in West Germany, a Cold War hotspot. In Sweden, Finland, the Netherlands, and Norway, she engaged with European neutrality, nonalignment, and the Non-Aligned Movement that demanded softer power. As Graham aged, she presented increasingly sexually charged works with the cover of modernism and myth. Yet her alcoholism took hold and compromised her work. Many suggested this should be a “farewell tour.” | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3133073565 | Religious Diversity in Public Education: A Comparative European Perspective | [
{
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{
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3133073565 | The chapter begins with the assumption that there is an inherent interest in allowing religious expression in any given society but not just for reasons of respect of individual rights. Beyond, that there are also arguments that the expression of religious rights contributes to the construction of identity, especially and particularly through the medium of public education. In order to make these points, the chapter proceeds a contrario and utilises different understandings of state neutrality as applied in the German and Turkish cases, as well as supra-nationally in Europe to demonstrate the need for a holistic interpretation of religious diversity in education. | [
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https://openalex.org/W33962344 | Between Islam and Kemalism: a comparative study of republican, liberal and political liberal models of secularism in Turkey | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W33962344 | Secularism has recently become a topic of deep disagreement in Turkey. There are two main camps in the debate: Kemalist/secularists who defend a rigidly non-religious public sphere as the site of national self-expression; and Sunni believers who seek to redefine 'official secularism' in favour of religious liberty. This thesis attempts to construct two rival normative models of secularism from the republican and liberal traditions, and by delineating the boundaries of reasonable disagreement explore which model runs the best chance of being affirmed by both secular and religious citizens in Turkey. I argue that a third model that synthisises these two, John Rawls' political liberalism, provides the basis for an understanding of secularism that is best equipped to generate agreement between Kemalist and Islamist doctrines. I begin by analysing how political unity is achieved by civic religion in republican 'common ground' secularism, by religious neutrality in liberal 'independent ethic' secularism, and by an interplay between comprehensive and independent reasons in political liberal Rawlsian secularism. Then I provide a systematic survey of the affinities of Kemalist and Islamist conceptions with these normative models. This is accomplished by showing how the Kemalist conception of secularism combines republican and liberal approaches by a dual-commitment to the state-promotion of 'secularised national Islam' and religious neutrality in education and law. Finally, in order to emphasise the normative sources inherent to the Islamist conception of secularism, I explore the Orthodox-Sunni understanding of justice, the Hanafi school of jurisprudence, the Ottoman religious policy, and the reformist-popular Islamic discourse found in the works of Said Nursi and Fethullah Gulen. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2505145317 | Power and Its Promises | [
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https://openalex.org/W2888410921 | Politics of Neutrality, Human Rights and Armed Struggles: The Turkey Example | [
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https://openalex.org/W4223991258 | Israeli neutrality on Russia will undermine US ties | [] | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4223991258 | Significance Israel has been reluctant to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. To ward off international criticism, including from pro-Israeli US politicians, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett tried to position himself as a mediator. That effort has receded as Turkey has emerged as the more effective mediator, even hosting a round of peace talks. Impacts Israel reportedly faces an influx 100,000-300,000 Jewish immigrants from Russia and Ukraine. A fresh election could return Binyamin Netanyahu to power in another coalition government. The longer the war lasts, the greater the pressure will be for Israel to choose between Washington and Moscow. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4200570798 | Turkey and Britain in World War II: Origins and Results of the Tripartite Alliance, 1935-40 | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4200570798 | By concentrating on the period 1933–1940, this paper argues that Turkey’s decision to opt for neutrality during the Second World War was not part of a calculated long run strategy, but a abrupt reaction to the unexpected fall of France in the summer of 1940. To explain and expand these proposals, the paper summarizes Turkey’s economic relations with Britain and Germany during the 1930s and the state of its armed forces. This is followed by a discussion of the basic strategic ideas of both sides, and the military planning which preceded the signature of the tripartite alliance treaty between Britain, France and Turkey in October 1939. It closes with an outline of the collapse of the treaty in 1940, with an analysis of its serious weaknesses and their causes. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2462539185 | The Zion Mule Corps | [
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"Turkey",
"Syria"
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"https://openalex.org/W143630628",
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"https://openalex.org/W1972407812",
"https://openalex.org/W2031426544",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3003368176 | This article analyzes the inclusion of the gender approach in the humanitarian operation carried out in response to the conflict in northern Syria that is coordinated from Turkey under the umbrella of the United Nations. The research is framed in the gender and humanitarian action studies and connected with the women's human rights claims initiated by the feminism. The text concludes that there is not a clear understanding of this concept among humanitarian personnel in addition to the fact that gender equality is absent in programming, despite the existence of a theoretical development on gender and humanitarian action. On the contrary, in this operation prevails the paradigm of humanitarian action as a tool for assistance to all victims according to their degree of vulnerability under the principle of neutrality, without seeking to transform gender relations. This article also exposes the practical difficulties to apply a gender-based approach devised as a standard tool that does not match with multiples realities faced by humanitarian workers in the field. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2551411210 | El uso del hiyab en países europeos un dilema entre la libertad religiosa y la seguridad en democracia | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2551411210 | The use of the hijab or Islamic headscarf presents an interesting challenge for gender equality, state neutrality and public security in democracy. This qualitative research addresses the debate on the legislative restriction of this element. Forbidding the hijab means limiting the human right to religious freedom. However, this is seen as valid in a democratic society because public order is guaranteed. Also, this law promotes values of tolerance, peace and equality. In contrast, others argue that this measure infringes on fundamental rights, and it could generate inequality and discrimination. The cases of Sahin vs. Turkey and Dahlab vs. Switzerland in particular allow us to discuss important questions about this controversy that could promote to social groups to continue the debate in the academic, social and political fields. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2099286767 | Balancing secularism with religious freedom: in Lautsi v. Italy, the European Court of Human Rights evolved | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2099286767 | Until recently, the principles of secularism, religious pluralism and state neutrality have been perceived in the jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) as partially overlapping concepts. However, in Lautsi and others v. Italy, the Grand Chamber of the ECtHR has – in a landmark decision – qualified the interplay between these ideas. This essay will argue that Lautsi v. Italy signals a turning point in the previous ECtHR jurisprudence, which often associated secularism with the protection of pluralism and democracy.
There are two main consequences of the decision. Firstly, the ECtHR recognised that a state's neutrality cannot be deductively constructed as a logical manifestation of secularism. For instance, in Sahin v. Turkey, the Grand Chamber explicitly embraced the narrative of the Turkish Constitutional Court that allied secularism with a defence of pluralism. Secondly, in Lautsi v. Italy, the ECtHR recognised the epistemic implications of pluralism. Pluralism as a legal concept demands the recognition of diversity and the acceptance of a dialogue that transforms a multitude of legal orders (and a plurality of perceptions of the good life represented by such a multitude), in procedures aimed at accommodating concurring individual rights.
I argue that the recognition of pluralism and the democratic practices that qualify that pluralism should be a point of departure for the jurisprudence of the ECtHR in areas such as the display of religious symbols in classrooms. This approach serves as an alternative to the practice of balancing rights, which greatly restricts the breadth of religious freedom and de jure imposes a monist conception of rational thinking.
The essay will be divided into three sections, preceded by an introduction and followed by a conclusion. The first part will discuss how the antagonistic relationship between theism and secularism in Italy has shaped the issues of religious symbols in the schoolroom. I will argue that concurring views of the significance of symbols have historically been part of Italy's cultural heritage and that there are strong indications that such a democratic dialogue will continue without a definitive solution being reached.
In the second section, I will explain the benefits of accepting pluralism as a criterion for assessing the extent of religious freedom in signatory states. A short third section will suggest a procedure that democratically accommodates concurrent rights. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2502540887 | Cracks in the Edifice | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2502540887 | In mid-March 1945, Ankara received a note from the Soviet government announcing its intention not to renew the 1925 Friendship and Neutrality Treaty and demanding military basing rights along the Bosphorus and Dardanelles Straits, the cession of Kars and Ardahan provinces in the east, and lesser territorial adjustments in favor of Bulgaria in the west. For Turkey’s leaders the entente with Moscow, that had formed the basis of their foreign policy since 1920, seemed to vanish like a mirage. After some initial vacillation, Washington responded by unveiling the Truman Doctrine on 12 March 1947 and sending the USS Missouri on a port call to Istanbul two months later. This led to a bilateral treaty between the two countries and, after the creation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) on 4 April 1949, to a campaign by the Turkish government to join that security alliance as well. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2547824545 | From ‘Equilibrium’ to ‘Hand in Hand with Germany’, April to October 1939 | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2547824545 | In the months following the signing of the March 1939 economic accord between Romania and Germany, the Romanian government strenuously resisted British attempts to incorporate Romania into an anti-German bloc in Eastern Europe. The Romanian government was determined to retain neutrality or ‘equilibrium’ between the Great Powers and, within this, to continue its policy of gradually improving relations with the Reich. Gafencu and Carol still entertained the hope of receiving a territorial guarantee from the Reich. Hence, in order to avoid antagonising the Germans, Carol and his government sought to avoid any reciprocal agreements with the West during the negotiations which surrounded the granting of the Anglo-French guarantee in April 1939. Likewise, the Romanians prevented their country becoming an object of negotiation between the West, Turkey and the Soviet Union during 1939. Far from being the ‘victim’ of the West’s unwillingness to assist Eastern Europe, Romanian foreign-policy initiatives were a major factor in thwarting Britain’s attempts to create an anti-German bloc in the region.2 | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4233533936 | 1939–1980 | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4233533936 | At dawn on 1 September 1939 the German Army began its long-prepared invasion of Poland. Two days later, Britain and France were at war with Germany, and the Second Great War had begun. Until then the democracies had clung to the hope that, by one means or another, they could avoid war. Every diplomatic maneuver was employed. In 1938, at Munich, Britain and France had played for time by resorting to appeasement. A similar effort made by the Russians in August 1939 to appease Hitler, while it had bought time and had given them eastern Poland, the northern Baltic states, and Bessarabia, had also failed. Nor did the Declaration of Neutrality made by Belgium, the Netherlands, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Finland, and the Baltic states at Copenhagen in 1938 serve any better. Regardless of what tactics were used by the lesser powers, only Spain, Portugal, Turkey, Switzerland, and Sweden avoided being committed. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4388661130 | Religious Approaches to Constitutionalism: Empirical Scholarship and Exceptionalism | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4388661130 | Abstract Nearly half of all countries have official religions or give preference to specific religious traditions. Most countries with an official religion are majority Muslim; however, most of those with a preference for particular religious traditions are majority Christian. This paper considers empirical data related to constitutional references to specific religions as a framework for a discussion of the comparative constitutional histories of Turkey and the Republic of Ireland. Both moved from systems that preferred their majority religions to ostensive neutrality. This analysis reinforces the importance of religion in law and policy regardless of cultural context and constitutional choices. Constitutional drafters have established a number of approaches to the treatment of religion, including freedom of religion, establishment of religion, separation of religion and state, neutrality, official religion, conformity, repugnancy, and sources of law/legislation. Although these linguistic choices are significant, they may not result in consistent practices across jurisdictions. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2618402355 | The Paid Vote: America's Neutrality During the Greek War for Independence | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2618402355 | This thesis will center upon the level of involvement Americans had in the Greek War of Independence from 1821-1829 despite remaining neutral during the conflict. Primarily focusing on the contributions of individuals and organizations, the thesis will discuss the political actions that occurred to support the Greeks, and how different American citizens contributed to the conflict. In addition, the text will explore why the United States did not formally give support to the war despite the philhellenism of prominent political figures, such as Thomas Jefferson and Daniel Webster. Groups and individuals in the Boston area had competing interests that both helped and hindered aid to the Greek cause. Trade interests with China and Turkey motivated Bostonian elites to press Congress to stay out of the conflict. These same forces, however, along with political likening to the cause, fueled individual efforts that provided private American aid to the Greek Independence Movement. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W4327509857 | Serbia and the Russia–Ukraine War: Implications and Challenges I. | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4327509857 | The outbreak of the Russia–Ukraine war in February 2022 has had a marked effect on the Western Balkan region. Among the countries of this region, Serbia is in a unique situation due to its military neutrality, and the fact that it follows a balancing foreign policy between the Western powers on the one hand, and Russia, Turkey, and China on the other hand, also maintaining close political and security ties with these three powers. The present paper reviews the challenges that have faced the country since the outbreak of the war in terms foreign, security, and defence policy. It answers three questions: how Serbian foreign policy has reacted to the international sanctions on Russia enacted in the wake of the invasion, what challenges Serbian military neutrality or non- alignment has faced since the outbreak of the war, and how the war and international sanctions have affected Serbian-Russian defence cooperation. | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2892505017 | Conflicts in German-speaking nurses’ accounts of the Great War point to the stress of their service in Finland, Russia, and Poland, as well as Serbia, Romania, Bulgaria, Turkey and Croatia. Ranging from a seventeen-year-old volunteer to a trained middle-aged professional, these women worked first in the rear echelon, then also in field hospitals, sanitary trains and prison camps. Their diaries and letters express three kinds of conflict in line with their dedication to their soldier-brothers. Their hostility to enemy culture pulled against their medical duty of neutrality. Even more strikingly they responded with irony and defiance to institutional and organizational challenges they had to meet, as they assumed new roles that gave them self-confidence. Dealings with lazy or corrupt medical superiors, the military, and prostitutes tested their medical and diplomatic skills and elicited powerfully ironic indictments. Facing the contradictions of military medicine, nurses voiced inner conflicts that point toward trauma. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2495144256 | The Membership Question and Neo-Enlargement, 1948–9 | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2495144256 | George Kennan, a prominent member of the State Department team that negotiated the North Atlantic Treaty (and a long-standing critic of NATO), has remarked that one of the most difficult parts of treaty negotiations is not who to include but who to exclude: who is to be left out, and on what grounds?1 Kennan reasoned, with consistency but with little success, that a North Atlantic Treaty should be strictly geographical in membership and thus composed only of states ‘whose shores were washed by the waters of the North Atlantic’. This would have the advantages of (a) being clearly a defensive pact and therefore not likely to provoke the Soviet Union into a sort of competition for allies; and (b) possessing solidly delineated membership criteria and therefore not subject to grey areas (it would not, for example, include Italy, Greece or Turkey). Kennan argued that: A particularly unfortunate effect of going beyond the North Atlantic area would be that we would thereby raise for every country in Europe the question: to belong or not to belong… If individual countries rejected membership or were refused membership, the Russians could make political capital out of this, either way. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4386183209 | Carbon neutrality orientation and carbon neutral cities | [
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https://openalex.org/W4388345353 | Embarkation and Encampment at Varna | [
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https://openalex.org/W3141634076 | Electricity consumption and economic growth nexus: Evidence from MENA countries | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2330021530 | Laicism as a model of separation between state and religion/secularism is often studied for its role in Turkey’s ideology of Republican nationalism. Turkish Constitutional Court should approach cases regarding free exercise not only as an issue of laicism but also as an issue of the relationship between laicism and free exercise. Considering the issue as one beyond just the separation of religion and state does not mean that religious sensibilities will always win or lose but it requires evaluating whether there is a violation of religious freedom as one of the fundamental rights and freedoms. This approach would be helpful to enable the coexistence of respect for religious beliefs and the state’s neutrality toward religion. Thus, first, the development of Turkish practice of laicism and Constitutional Court’s approach towards free exercise issues are discussed. Finally, application of proportionality standard in cases of free exercise, which is guaranteed under the article 24 of the Constitution, is introduced and elaborated. Keywords: Laicism, secularism, religious freedom, proportionality standard TURKIYE’DEKI HUKUK DUZENINDE SEKULERIZM VE IBADET OZGURLUĞU CATISMASI Ozet Turkiye’de laiklik su ana kadar din-devlet ayriligi/sekulerizm modeli olmasinin otesinde, cumhuriyetin onemli degerlerinden biri olmasi yonuyle calisilmistir. Anayasa Mahkemesinin ozellikle ibadet ozgurlugu taleplerine iliskin degerlendirmesi, sadece laikligi degil, laiklik ve ibadet ozgurlugu iliskisini dikkate almayi da gerektirmektedir. Bu iliskinin goz onunde bulundurulmasi, bu taleplerin her durumda kabul edilecegi veya reddedilecegi anlamina gelmese de, bir ozgurluk degerlendirmesini zorunlu kilacaktir. Bu degerlendirme, farkli din ve inanclara saygi ile devletin tarafsizliginin ayni anda saglanmasini da beraberinde getirebilir. Bu nedenle calismada oncelikle, Turkiye’de laiklik anlayisinin gelisimi, Anayasa Mahkemesi’nin ibadet ozgurlugu taleplerine iliskin yaklasimi degerlendirilmistir. Sonrasinda da, Mahkemenin, ozellikle bireysel basvuru yoluyla onune gelecek ibadet ozgurlugu taleplerini, Anayasanin 24. maddesine guvence altina alinan bir hak ve ozgurluk olarak degerlendirirken, olcululuk standardini nasil uygulayacagi incelenmekte ve oneriler getirilmektedir. Anahtar kelimeler: Laiklik, sekulerizm, din ozgurlugu, olcululuk standardi | [
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https://openalex.org/W3092577673 | A History of the Modern Middle East, 4th ed. | [
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{
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] | [
"Turkey",
"Sudan",
"Iran",
"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3092577673 | This extensive and lucid book provides a laudable introduction to the politicalhistory of the Middle East, tracing its development from Islam’s rise inthe seventh century to the recent direct American military involvement inIraq and Afghanistan. While the opening chapters start with Islam’s “rise andexpansion,” however, the book’s main chronological focus centers on thelate eighteenth century onward. This only adds to its current status. The geographicalarea covered is from Egypt to Iran, and from Turkey to the ArabianPeninsula. Some omission, however, was necessary (e.g., western NorthAfrica, Sudan, and Afghanistan) in order to keep the book manageable (p.xiii). While extensiveness and generality frequently lead to unavoidable simplificationand superficiality, this book nevertheless contains an insightfulanalysis of the continuum of events and transformations that have helpedshape the region’s history and geography. The authors are to be praised fortheir grasp and clear conceptualization of core issues, as well as for theireffort to maintain a good measure of narrative neutrality and thus eschewingthe usual prejudices and biases ... | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2337126099 | From neutrality to action | [
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"display_name": "John Gooch",
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2337126099 | Our sword weighs too little and cannot tilt the balance . Antonio Di San Giuliano, 12 September 1914 In August 1914 the five European Great Powers went to war and nine months later Italy joined in, fighting against her pre-war ally Austria–Hungary. In coming to this decision, her diplomats had to consider not only Italy’s place in a future balance of power but also complex regional issues involving the Balkans, Turkey and even north and east Africa. The final decision was the result of a combination of calculation and guesswork in which domestic policy issues played only a secondary role. Her soldiers had problems of their own to resolve. A half-trained conscript army had to be readied for war; grave shortages of equipment had somehow to be made up; and strategic plans had to be devised in circumstances in which the mobilising army might be surprised by its enemy but could hope for no such advantage itself. Success depended heavily upon favourable strategic circumstances in other theatres – something that was not to be. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4382934949 | Towards a nuclear multipolar world and its spillover effects | [
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"display_name": "Mehmet ALKANALKA",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5064202281"
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] | [
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{
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"display_name": "Spillover effect",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C55527203"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C136264566"
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{
"display_name": "Microeconomics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C175444787"
}
] | [
"Turkey",
"Saudi Arabia",
"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4382934949 | This article analyzes the changes in international structure after the Russia-Ukraine War and its impact on Europe’s security and spill over effects. The major impact of the war on the security of Europe and the world is the serious reawakening of the nuclear dimension of international relations. With the threat of Russian nuclear weapons, Sweden and Finland abandoned their neutrality and applied it to become NATO members. This study reviews national security and defense strategy documents and reports of the USA, France and Germany in light of neo-realism. In the post-Russia-Ukraine War analysis of 2022 documents and reports of the aforementioned countries, we will see more complicated and security-oriented international relations in the next decade because of the transition to a nuclear multipolar international structure. The new international structure seems more complicated because nuclear multipolar aspect rather than bipolar one. States will either seek a nuclear umbrella or develop nuclear weapons in the face of the first nuclear multipolar international structure. This may also affect Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Japan and South Korea. This suggests nuclear proliferation risk. | [
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"type": "journal"
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2056053087 | A Translation and Critical Review of Yu Kil-Chun's <i>On Neutrality</i> | [
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"display_name": "In Kwan Hwang",
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] | [
"Turkey"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W560638495",
"https://openalex.org/W588347372",
"https://openalex.org/W623671857",
"https://openalex.org/W1974919995",
"https://openalex.org/W2024878828",
"https://openalex.org/W2054541162",
"https://openalex.org/W2321778696",
"https://openalex.org/W2332251680",
"https://openalex.org/W2797682502",
"https://openalex.org/W2801966198"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2056053087 | A Translation and Critical Review of Yu Kil-Chun's On Neutrality In Kwan Hwang I. The Translation* In general there are two kinds ofneutrality practiced in international relations: simple neutrality, in time of war, and perpetual (or permanent) neutrality. Simple neutrality is the condition of a state which, in time of war, takes no part in the hostilities. In time of war between two states, the neighboring states can declare a neutral zone beyond which the belligerents cannot cross, and let the two belligerents settle the war between themselves, within their own territorial boundaries. If a neutral state cannot maintain its neutrality, due to its weakness, its neighboring states may offer joint defense for its neutrality. This practice of offering joint defense under extraordinary circumstances is sanctioned by customary international law. Perpetual (or permanent) neutrality, on the other hand, is the status of institutionalized neutrality for a small, weak state whose strategicgeopolitical location may become a security threat to its neighboring states, ifit is not able to maintain its own independence, due to rivalries among the greater powers. Thus, perpetual neutrality is a special international status which is usually brought about by international agreements or conventions between the state-to-be neutralized and a group of other states, in order to collectively protect and guarantee the independence of the neutral state (permanently), both in time ofwar and in time ofpeace. Ifthe neutrality of a state is violated, it is expected that the guarantor states would apply a collective sanction against the violator, in order to preserve the neutrality. At present Belgium and Bulgaria, in Europe, are examples of such neutrality, and several islands in the Black Sea region are designated as neutral zones. As a rule international law recognizes only a sovereign, independent state as eligible to acquire the neutral status. For example, I HWANG Belgium is such a country. However, Bulgaria has established a status of neutrality (autonomy) under the suzerainty of Turkey (the Ottoman Empire), to which it still sends tribute. Several islands in the Black Sea region, which are under the control of other states, also enjoy the status of neutrality. Such practice of informal neutrality is protected by international law. Today, geopolitically speaking, our country (Korea) is situated in the most strategic area in Asia, as Belgium is in Europe. Politically Korea is much like Bulgaria, under Turkey's suzerainty, as it sends tribute to China. But unlike Bulgaria, Korea has established numerous diplomatic and trade relations with other countries as an independent and equal state. However, our country is not similar to Belgium in that it is still under suzerain-vassal relationship with China. In any case, the international political status of our country is similar to that of Belgium and Bulgaria put together. While the perpetual neutrality of Belgium was established by the greater European powers to create a state of equilibrium in Europe as a policy of mutual security, the Bulgarian neutrality (autonomy) came into being as a result ofthe European policy to halt the southward expansionism of the Russian Empire. Viewed in this context, the neutrality of our country of Asia would also serve as a deterrent to the Russian southward movement, and as an instrument for guaranteeing the security ofall the great powers involved in Asia. Russia has vast territory and a large army; she never ceases to expand her domain by swallowing up small countries in Central Asia and enslaving their people on the pretext ofprotecting them. Although it is a well-known fact that, in general, the great powers have a penchant for dominating and absorbing the lesser powers, Russia is most notorious for its flagrant violations of the international code of behavior, for its barbarism, and for its never-ending pursuit of territorial expansion and Russification. Using the religious conflicts among the believers as a pretext, Russia went to war with Turkey and occupied Moldavia and Walachia, expanding its territory into the European sphere of influence. At this juncture the major European powers, namely Great Britain and France, together with other countries, offered joint assistance to Turkey, in order to stop the Russian aggression. Unable to resist the European pressure, and realizing the difficulties of fighting in... | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4324272557 | Serbia and the Russia–Ukraine War: Implications and Challenges II. | [
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{
"display_name": "Engineering",
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] | [
"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4324272557 | The outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine war in February 2022 has had a marked effect on the Western Balkan region. Among the countries of this region, Serbia is in a unique situation due to its military neutrality, and the fact that it follows a balancing foreign policy between the Western powers on the one hand, and Russia, Turkey, and China on the other hand, also maintaining close political, economic, and security ties with the latter two powers. The second part of the paper continues to review the consequences and challenges of the war on Serbia by examining the energy domain. Russian exposure in Serbia’s energy sector, apart from the near-total reliance on Moscow for gas imports, is compounded by the fact that the most important oil company of the country, Naftna Industrija Srbije (NIS) is majority-owned by Gazprom Group. As with other countries in the Central and Eastern European region as well as wider Europe, the diversification of sources and decreasing the reliance on Russian energy will take considerable time for Serbia. Cooperation both with Serbia’s neighbours and the countries of the region (e.g. Bulgaria and Greece) will play a significant role in the diversification of both sources and supply routes. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2654217734 | Uloga diplomacije u borbi za opstanak Dubrovnika nakon velikog potresa (1667.) | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2654217734 | The 17th century of the Dubrovnik Republic can be remembered as an extremly dramatic and dynamic period, thanks to the natural disaster as such as the big earthquake in 1667. and diplomatic battle after the earthquake. The survival and reconstruction of the city after 1667. was led by exceptional diplomats that were in great political relations and connections with other countries, such as Turkey, Spain, Austria and the Vatican, protected the national, commercial, and political interests of Dubrovnik. The foundation of Dubrovnik’s diplomacy is founded by maintaining neutrality, compromise, and agreement with everyone. Thanks to this type of politics, little Dubrovnik was the key factor of stability and peaceful cooperation on the whole southeastern European area, much sooner than these facts took place in the politic theories and practice in other countries. Diplomats Nikolica Bunic, Marojica Kaboga, and Stjepan Gradic contributed to the survival of the Republic after the earthquake, because they had the political wisdom, bravery and discretion for the moves that saved Dubrovnik. Every diplomatic action was proven successful, i.e. consultations with the pope and the cardinal Barberini, diplomatic offensive with the Venetians, and the treaty with Kara Mustafa, all these contributed to the survival and reconstruction of the city from then until today. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4224120867 | The Kurds in the U.S. Iraqi Policy in 1958–1960 | [
{
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"Turkey",
"Iran",
"Iraq",
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4224120867 | Introduction. The article deals with the U.S. Middle East Policy of the Eisenhower Administration in 1958–1960 and determines the part the Kurdish Question played in it. Methods and materials. The study is based on the latest U.S. declassified documents, interviews, memoirs, etc. The author does the problem-chronological analysis to describe the stages of the U.S. Policy toward Iraqi Kurds during the period specified. Analysis. The article is focused on the U.S. diplomatic and intelligence activities aimed at developing approaches to the “communist crisis” and disagreements that arose in the expert community regarding policy decisions. The author considers the U.S. relations with their regional partners (Turkey, Israel, Iran, etc.) on the issues of the “Iraqi crisis” and the Kurdish liberation movement. The paper describes Washington’s attitude to Mullah Mustafa Barzani – the Kurdish movement leader – and the KDP activities during Iraq’s post-Revolution instability. The author analyzes and summarizes the reasons why the U.S. was reluctant to involve in the domestic conflict between Qasim’s followers, Nationalists, Nasserites, Communists and Kurds. Results. The article shows that the CIA and the State Department often misjudged Qasim’s relationship with the Iraqi Communist Party and the national Kurdish movement and, as a result, did not have enough time to respond to the rapidly changing political situation, thus adopting the policy of benevolent neutrality. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2513137020 | SYRIAN CURDS IN STRUGGLE FOR THEIR RIGHTS AND FREEDOMS | [
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"Turkey",
"Syria",
"Iran",
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2513137020 | For thousands of years, the Kurds have lived in the territory of the present-day Syria and in adjacent countries, always playing an important role in the political and public life of the Middle East. Unfortunately, after the World War I, the victorious powers did not let the Kurds create their own state, and as a result, they became ethnic minorities in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria. For a long time, the authorities of all these states have been pursuing a policy of forced assimilation of Kurds ignoring their ethnic rights and freedoms. The toppling of Saddam Hussein in Iraq and the civil war in Syria gave a chance for the Iraqi and Syrian Kurds to create their own autonomous areas. The Kurdish communities in Iraq and Syria play a very important role in stabilization of the situation in the respective countries and in the region as a whole. Due to their ethnic and religious tolerance, the Kurds have been trying to keep neutrality in inter-Arab conflicts and have turned into one of the main military forces resisting the Islamists. The Kurdish community's People’s Defense Units managed not only to defend the indigenous territories of the Syrian Kurdistan, but also to oust jihadi fighters from a number of adjoining areas. Yet the readiness of Kurds to cooperate with any political and military forces in Syria interested in stability and safety of the region has not been rewarded. Neither Damascus, nor the opposition have invited Kurds to the negotiating table in Geneva and have not given them any guarantees that their ethnic rights will be provided for in the country’s new Constitution. The inertial thinking of the existing Arab authorities still does not allow to perceive Kurds as an important and equal part of the Syrian society. The pre-war situation of Kurds as "second class people" also suits most of the external actors involved in Syria. Bashar Assad's representatives continue to ignore them in every respect, and avoid any promises and guarantees to the Kurdish minority regarding the implementation of its legitimate rights and freedoms. For these reasons, the Syrian Kurds may be only at the initial stage of their fight for self-determination. So far, neither Damascus, nor the Syrian opposition have voiced their support for the Kurdish autonomy which has been set up de facto in the north of the country, and the authorities of the neighboring Turkey periodically conduct heavy artillery strikes against the Kurdish enclaves in Syria. Meanwhile, the option of Syria's federalization proposed by the Kurds deserves the closest attention, and it is not to be ruled out that this project could allow to keep the Syrian state together. The democratic self-government in the Kurdish regions of Syria has been set up as a Kurdish ideological response to the attempts made by radical Islamists to destroy the Syrian state and to build a new Islamic caliphate (similar to the one that existed in the 7th century AD) on its territory. The Kurdish experience can become both an attractive model for a peaceful resolution of ethno-confessional problems in the Middle East and an alternative to the throwback that the Islamists are trying to impose. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2197920767 | 대한제국기 궁내부 고문관 샌즈(W. F. Sands)의 개혁론과 중립화안의 성격 | [
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"Turkey",
"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2197920767 | W.F. Sands(1874-1946), who was an American ex-diplomat became a royal political advisor to the Korean Emperor at the age of 25. He exemplified the late 19th and the early 20th century western thoughts and intellectual trends. His basic thoughts and contents lied on orientalism and white man's mission to civilize the barbarious and poverty stricken impoverished Korea. From this basic intellectual thoughts, Sands' initiated a reform, 'Pre-Reform Post-Neutrality', but this was hampered and failed by the Japanese careful engineered plan. Sands' neutral policy can be surmised as the Belgian type permanent neutrality under the joint guarantee of super powers. But this policy initiated the foreign powers to take leading parts in guaranteeing neutrality, in return for acquiring the rights to conduct social, political and economical reform in Korea. He suggested in establishing financial institution like the one in Turkey and Egypt but he deliberately ignored the possible economic dependency to the western powers. Sands tried to secure the Korean territorial autonomy and the national sovereignty but allowed heavy western economical influence which will eventually lead Korea to a semi-colonial state like China in the early 20th century. Overall, Sands tried to transplant and propagate American value, ideals, economical and social system, he could be considered as a cultural-imperialist in broader perspective. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2488464985 | Turning Point: East | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2488464985 | The Turkish declaration of war was followed by a counterdeclaration from Peter on 25 January 1711: but he still had to keep a considerable force in the north, against a possible threat from the now reinforced Swedish corps in Pomerania. While withdrawing infantry from the Russian army in Poland, he replaced them by cavalry — less needed against the Turks, as he wrote to Dolgoruki.1 He had already written on 5 January to King Augustus, expressing regret at the latter’s departure for Saxony at such a time, and urging him to get back to Poland as soon as possible. He should press the Maritime Powers to make good their promise of a neutrality corps which would keep the Swedes in Pomerania quiet, and Peter suggested that he could back up this pressure with the threat to withdraw his troops from Flanders if they failed to keep to their undertaking. However, Peter’s frequent reminders to Augustus in the next four months indicate that he was by no means sure of the latter’s constancy. The delays thrown up by the Polish nobles in the way of collecting provisions and forage for the Russian forces proceeding to the south reinforced these doubts. Not until 29 May was Peter able to get Augustus to meet him at Yaroslavl and sign a new treaty of alliance, under which the King of Poland undertook to provide from 8000 to 10,000 men for the war with the Turks. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4318475259 | MIDDLE EAST ECHO OF THE EUROPEAN WAR. PART I. INTERMEDIARIES | [
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"Turkey",
"Saudi Arabia",
"Yemen",
"Syria",
"Libya"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4318475259 | The article examines reasons for the increased «concern» of the states of the Middle East about what is happening around Ukraine. At the official level, they declare their neutrality and noninterference in the conflict, although some of them supply military equipment and ammunition to one of the warring parties. Under the current conditions, the Middle Eastern states are primarily concerned about their own security to a much greater extent than the countries of other regions, since over the past decades, the growth of tension between the USSR/Russia and the West has often been directly projected onto the Middle East, leading to a surge of confrontation between its main players. The concern of the states of the region with what is happening around Ukraine is connected not only with fears that a European war could «revive» muted conflicts in Syria, Libya, Yemen, increase tension in the Persian Gulf, but also with their involvement in global processes both in the sphere of economy and politics. For example, the latest moves by oil-exporting countries to protect their interests in the energy market are often interpreted in the West as «assistance to Russia». This forces some countries in the region to emphasize their neutrality with political gestures – such as voting in international organizations against the Russian Federation. The elites of a number of Arab states in these conditions are trying to offer intermediary services to Russia and Ukraine. Below we consider the reasons for such an approach to the crisis in Europe by Turkey, Saudi Arabia and the UAE. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1547614218 | Subscription Equilibrium with Production: Neutrality and Constrained Suboptimality of Equilibria* | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1547614218 | We revisit the analysis of subscription equilibria in a full fledged general equilibrium model with public goods. We study the case of a non-profit, or public, firm that produces the public good using private goods as inputs, which are to be financed by voluntary contributions of households. We analyze policy interventions that will lead to an increase of the public good level at subscription equilibria, and show that most of the standard neutrality results do not survive in our general equilibrium model with many private goods and relative price effects allowed. We also take a direct approach to welfare analysis and study interventions that has the goal of Pareto improving upon subscription equilibrium outcomes. We delineate conditions under which, for a generic set of economies, well chosen interventions will Pareto improve upon a given subscription equilibrium outcome. In particular, we show that a general non-neutrality result in terms of utilities holds even if all households are contributors. ∗We would like to thank Steve Matthews for very helpful comments. Unal Zenginobuz acknowledges partial support from Bogazici University Research Fund, Project No: 05C101. †Department of Mathematics for Decision Theory (Di.Ma.D.), University of Florence, via Lombroso 6/17, 50134 Firenze, Italy; e-mail: [email protected]. ‡Department of Economics and Center for Economic Design, Bogazici University, 34342 Bebek, Istanbul, Turkey; e-mail: [email protected]. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2894879425 | The effects of net neutrality on foreign language learning in Turkey: A case study on a French as a foreign language class | [
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] | [
"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2894879425 | The net neutrality; one of the prominent topics of today, is the principle that Internet service providers treat all data on the Internet equally, and do not discriminate or charge differently in terms of user, content, website, platform, application, type of the gadgets used, or the method of communication. (Gilroy 2011). Briefly, this means Internet Service Providers are not allowed to interfere with what the subscriber wants to do with the internet or where the subscriber wants to access. The application of this concept varies considerably from country to country. If the net neutrality is weak, partially applied or not present at all; the creation of monopolies on the information technology market is inevitable. In Turkey, there is one major service provider and other companies benefit from its infrastructure. But so far, there is no significant evidence that big data hosting companies and/or content providers have made an agreement to be able to privileged in terms of bandwidth or internet speed. On the other hand, there are some access limitations for some web sites and services sanctioned by the National Institute of Information Technology. In an age where the language learning resources on the internet are growing every day and the 21 st century students are more inclined to use digital content rather than printed ones; the net neutrality assumes an immense significance. In this, study we will analyze possible effects of net neutrality on the students of French as a foreign language, investigate somewhat debatable topics in educational contexts and explore major implications for the language learning settings. Keywords: Net neutrality, online language learning, foreign language education Bibliography Gilroy, Angel A. Access to Broadband Networks: The Net Neutrality Debate. DIANE Publishing, 2011. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W1530994562 | Church and State | [
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{
"display_name": "Artificial intelligence",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C154945302"
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] | [
"Turkey"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W656623248",
"https://openalex.org/W2093951013",
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"https://openalex.org/W2154081825",
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"https://openalex.org/W4239168632",
"https://openalex.org/W4252778039",
"https://openalex.org/W4301837819"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1530994562 | Abstract In the history of political thought, few issues have been more central than the relationship between church and state, and few more complex and contested. From ancient times to today, thinkers have conceived of the connections between religious and political institutions in a wide variety of ways, with the two being sometimes combined, sometimes separated, and sometimes (in fact often) at odds. Christian writers have been particularly active in conceptualizing the relationship between church and state, and in applying those concepts to the modern nation‐state. But those from other religious traditions have contributed as well, as have secular theorists, inspiring an array of institutional relationships that ranges from theocratic regimes and established churches to secular states like today's France and Turkey, with multiple systems based on cooperation, neutrality, and strict church–state separation found in between. Moreover, while appearing to be static, relations between church and state are in fact quite fluid, changing frequently as a result of court decisions, public policies, and shifting political opinion. Today especially, with the appearance of religiously based political movements in many parts of the world, the issue has become even more complex and contested, as what was once seen as a dualistic and exclusive relationship between two dominant sources of power has become a multifaceted set of interactions that includes interest groups, social movements, and political organizations that engage in multiple forms of religious politics within civil society. | [
{
"display_name": "The Encyclopedia of Political Thought",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4306532165",
"type": "journal"
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2312284739 | Can Islam be French? Pluralism and Pragmatism in a Secularist State * By JOHN R. BOWEN | [
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C145097563"
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] | [
"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2312284739 | Islam and imaginations about Islam—and its equation with Muslims—have bordered on the hysterical in recent years in the West. In Europe we thought this was a particularly European problem until it broke in the United States in 2010 with the row over the so-called Ground Zero mosque project and then the Qurʾān–burning circus in an out-of-the-way place in Florida. One of the key locations for these phenomena has been France—in many ways the initiatives have come from France and other countries in Europe have followed the French lead. The French environment has been especially favourable to public arguments about the place of religion in the public space, given its allegedly foundational secularism—laïcité. Over the two centuries since the French Revolution the French public, or the republic, have reached a form of modus vivendi with its historical religions, Judaism, Protestantism, and above all the Catholic church. The settlement of 1905, which cut most of the relations between church and state, has become the icon of this modus vivendi. The arrival and settlement of growing numbers of immigrants, especially from Muslim countries in North Africa and, to a lesser extent, Turkey as well as other places, has challenged this settlement or, at least, diverse understandings of the settlement. It was no coincidence that the first major public crisis in this arena was the ‘headscarves affair’ of 1989: it was located in a state secondary school, seen as the place where new generations of Frenchmen are inducted into the ideals of the lay republic, and it took place in the year of the second centenary celebrations of the French Revolution, a symbolic event if ever there was one. | [
{
"display_name": "Journal of Islamic Studies",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S158597668",
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|
https://openalex.org/W4285225410 | Aggression and Determination: Two Basic Issues of International Law in the Russia-Ukraine Conflict | [
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"display_name": "Kai Zhao",
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{
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"display_name": "Fengcheng Xiao",
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{
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] | [
"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4285225410 | After the conflict between Russia and Ukraine broke out, western countries such as the United States regarded Russia as the aggressor, and asked other countries to do the same, but China, India, Brazil, Turkey and other countries did not accept such request and took a neutral position, which made western countries such as the United States very dissatisfied. Aggression and neutrality have become two basic issues of international law that cannot be avoided by the international community today in dealing with the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, which deeply affect the attitude, thinking and process of resolving this conflict. In accordance with the provisions of the United Nations Charter, the existence of any act of aggression shall only be determined by the Security Council, and individual or collective determination made by any country has no legal effect under the international law. However, the Security Council does not always determine, and in cases where the Security Council fails to do so, the natural rights of countries outside the conflict to remain neutral about the conflict still exist. The provisions of the United Nations Charter on the determination of aggression act are the most important achievements of international law formed on the basis of experience and lessons from the two world wars and are of great practical significance to the guarantee of international peace and security, and abandoning and ignoring them will undermine the foundations of today’s international order. Law is the stabilizer of politics and diplomacy. Acting in accordance with the United Nations Charter helps us to have a realistic view of the causes of conflicts, and is conducive to the resolution of conflicts and the restoration of peace. Failure to do so often adds fuel to the fire and expands the conflict, which can easily lead to consequences worse than the conflict itself. | [
{
"display_name": "Beijing Law Review",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S2764642385",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2049245998 | Iraq in 1939: British Alliance or Nationalist Neutrality toward the Axis? | [
{
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"display_name": "Juan Cole",
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{
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] | [
"Turkey",
"Yemen",
"Libya",
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2049245998 | ‘Iraq in 1939’ makes an argument that this pivotal year in the history of the Greater Mediterranean was also pivotal for Iraq. The European contest among fascism, communism and liberalism, had strong echoes in Iraq. Whereas the existing historiography paints Arab Iraq as deeply influenced by fascism, the author found no evidence for this allegation. Iraqis were reported in the British archives to have been disgusted by Hitler's invasion of Poland as a form of colonialism. Italy's own colonial enterprise in Libya tarnished its image among Arabs, and the Iraqi monarch expressed unease about a Yemeni arms deal with Italy. Germany was not at that point interested in Arab nationalism, and still hoped for a British alliance of Aryans. The reach of German radio broadcasts has been exaggerated, and prominent Iraqi poets and political societies roundly condemned fascism. The Communist movement in Iraq was still in its infancy in 1939, and a left-leaning military dictatorship had recently been overthrown in favor of a return to constitutional monarchy. The victor in 1939 was the relatively pro-British liberal government of Nuri al-Sa'id. The Arab nationalists in the officer corps, however, did wish to use the rise of the Axis as a lever to escape the onerous postcolonial British dominance stipulated in the 1930 treaty. Although they did not seek an Axis alliance, merely a neutrality as between it and Britain, this attempt to move away from London's embrace set them on a collision course with Britain, which reoccupied the country only two years later. The war-time British interpretation of Iraqi elites' flirtation with a Turkish-style neutrality as an embrace of Nazism has too long influenced later historians, and needs to be abandoned in light of the evidence in the British archives themselves. | [
{
"display_name": "Britain and the world",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210197746",
"type": "journal"
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|
https://openalex.org/W4321846759 | CARBON NEUTRALITY OF UKRAINE BY 2050 | [
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{
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{
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{
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{
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] | [
"Turkey"
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"https://openalex.org/W2075306772",
"https://openalex.org/W2969250325",
"https://openalex.org/W3080426015",
"https://openalex.org/W3153273683",
"https://openalex.org/W3157171965",
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"https://openalex.org/W3197066990",
"https://openalex.org/W3202515873",
"https://openalex.org/W4225817366"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4321846759 | The article presents the research results on some aspects of achieving carbon neutrality in Ukraine. Carbon neutrality is a challenge for the whole world. In 2020, the concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere reached a historical maximum. The work aims to study the features of achieving carbon neutrality in Ukraine. The tasks of the work are the analysis of the components of the transition to low-carbon development, analysis of the consumption of fossil fuels, and activities related to the preservation of forests, natural steppe, and meadow ecosystems. Interest in carbon neutrality issues grows yearly, with a particularly in 2021-2022. Most articles on carbon neutrality were published by scientists from China, the USA, Great Britain, Turkey, and Pakistan. They are mainly devoted to carbon dioxide emissions, economic growth, renewable energy, energy consumption, financial development, co-integration, dioxin emissions, etc. Positive trends regarding the achievement of carbon neutrality have been identified: the supply of natural gas, coal, and peat has decreased, while the supply of renewable energy sources has increased; the share of coal and peat decreased by 26.4%, and the percentage of energy produced from renewable sources increased to 6.6%; the use of coal and peat decreased by 8.5%, natural gas by 5%, and biofuels increased by 16%; the share of biofuel use increased to 5.8%. Expenditures for environmental protection increased by 88.5%, for preserving biodiversity and habitat - by 3.6 times, and costs for air protection and climate change problems - by 2.5 times. The share of expenditures on the protection of biodiversity and habitat increased to 3.2%, and costs on atmospheric air protection and climate change problems to 19.3%. Negative trends that restrain the development of a carbon-neutral economy were also revealed: a low share of renewable sources in the structure of supply and use. Thus, the percentage of biofuel in aggregate use remains low - only 5.8% in 2020. The area of forest loss is increasing, and the area of forest regeneration has decreased by 36%. The area of reforestation remained at the same level, but the area of afforestation decreased ten times during 2010-2020. | [
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{
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|
https://openalex.org/W1868743379 | Beyond the Jurisprudence of Politeness: On the Relativity of Religious Neutrality | [] | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1868743379 | It is a well known lament of conservatives that the intellectual classes have, through the courts alongside other means, instituted a regime, perhaps a religion, of secularism or secular humanism, the advancement of which is predicated upon the disparagement of traditional religion and its devotees. While some liberals would agree that the courts have at times been insufficiently sensitive to the nature and needs of religion, the liberal instinct is to dismiss as extravagant these more robust claims to the effect that the public schools have been infiltrated by an evangelizing, quasi-conspiratorial secular humanism, or that the Establishment Clause has become a tool of oppression operating surreptitiously in the service of this and other plots. To these claims, secular liberals respond that, assuming some sense can be given to the notion of a secular religiosity, this is a label best reserved for countries like Turkey or France, which have sometimes directly suppressed certain forms of religious self-expression, like the wearing of headscarves. But since such policies and the attitudes underlying them would never be tolerated in the United States, warnings about the encroachment of an ideological secularism are dismissed as merely another iteration of conservatism’s politically expedient false populism.But these dismissals are, I argue, facile. For doctrinal disagreements about what qualifies as genuine religious neutrality – as opposed to, say, “hostility toward religion” or a “religion of secularism” – are necessarily a function of a broader set of philosophical and historical disagreements concerning whether secularity is best conceived as the bare elimination of religion – what Charles Taylor calls “subtraction stories” – or instead as the outgrowth of – as the secularization of – particular religious traditions, which, though having become secularized, retain an underlying religiosity. Conservative grievances about the surreptitious encroachment of “secular humanism” or a “religion of secularism” become more intelligible when interpreted against the backdrop of this second theory of secularity, which casts the case law in a different light than does the first. | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4390320661 | The article presents the research results on some aspects of achieving carbon neutrality in Ukraine. Carbon neutrality is a challenge for the whole world. In 2020, the concentration of greenhouse gases in the atmosphere reached a historical maximum. The work aims to study the features of achieving carbon neutrality in Ukraine. The tasks of the work are the analysis of the components of the transition to low-carbon development, analysis of the consumption of fossil fuels, and activities related to the preservation of forests, natural steppe, and meadow ecosystems. Interest in carbon neutrality issues grows yearly, with a particularly in 2021–2022. Most articles on carbon neutrality were published by scientists from China, the USA, Great Britain, Turkey, and Pakistan. They are mainly devoted to carbon dioxide emissions, economic growth, renewable energy, energy consumption, financial development, co-integration, dioxin emissions, etc. Positive trends regarding the achievement of carbon neutrality have been identified: the supply of natural gas, coal, and peat has decreased, while the supply of renewable energy sources has increased; the share of coal and peat decreased by 26.4%, and the percentage of energy produced from renewable sources increased to 6.6%; the use of coal and peat decreased by 8.5%, natural gas by 5%, and biofuels increased by 16%; the share of biofuel use increased to 5.8%. Expenditures for environmental protection increased by 88.5%, for preserving biodiversity and habitat – by 3.6 times, and costs for air protection and climate change problems – by 2.5 times. The share of expenditures on the protection of biodiversity and habitat increased to 3.2%, and costs on atmospheric air protection and climate change problems to 19.3%. Negative trends that restrain the development of a carbon-neutral economy were also revealed: a low share of renewable sources in the structure of supply and use. Thus, the percentage of biofuel in aggregate use remains low – only 5.8% in 2020. The area of forest loss is increasing, and the area of forest regeneration has decreased by 36%. The area of reforestation remained at the same level, but the area of afforestation decreased ten times during 2010–2020. The scientific novelty consists in the development of theoretical foundations for the identification of regularities in the formation of the energy transformation theory, which differs from the existing ones using bibliometric (VOSviewer v. 1.6.13) analysis. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1968781644 | A Most Useful Tool for Diplomacy and Statecraft: Neutrality and Europe in the ‘Long’ Nineteenth Century, 1815–1914 | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1968781644 | Abstract Rarely do historians analyse the functions of neutrality in the history of Europe in the ‘long’ nineteenth century. Yet between 1815 and 1914, neutrality played a key part in international developments: it was central to the rise of international law, was negotiated repeatedly by the Great Powers and was used by them to isolate key regions in Europe. In all the conflicts fought in these hundred years or so, there were always more neutrals than belligerents, including most of the Great Powers. This article charts the uses made of neutrality and argues that neutrality was a vibrant and frequently utilised tool of diplomacy and statecraft by great and small European states alike. It asks readers to reconsider the flexibility of the nineteenth-century international system and to refocus their attention on the ways in which the European states - Great Britain foremost among them - avoided war to benefit their globalising political, economic, and imperial interests. Keywords: neutralitymaritime lawbelligerent rightsCongress systemGreat Britain Notes 1. As examples: M. Geyer and C. Bright, ‘Global Violence and Nationalizing Wars in Eurasia and America: The Geopolitics of War in the mid-Nineteenth Century’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, xxxviii, no. 4 (1996), 619–57; J. Black, A Military History of Britain from 1775 to the Present (Westport, CT, 2006); L.A. Rose, Power at Sea. Vol. 1. The Age of Navalism 1890–1918. (London, 2007). 2. As examples: G. Best, Humanity in Warfare. The Modern History of the International Law of Armed Conflict (London, 1983). M. Koskenniemi, The Gentle Civilizer of Nations. The Rise and Fall of International Law 1870–1960 (Cambridge, 2001); W. Mulligan, The Origins of the First World War (Cambridge, 2010) does an excellent job of synthesising the two approaches. 3. P. Lyon, ‘Neutrality and the Emergence of the Concept of Neutralism’, Review of Politics, xxii, no. 2 (1960), 260; H.J. Morgenthau, Dilemmas of Politics (Chicago, 1958), as referenced by C. Agius, The Social Construction of Swedish Neutrality. Challenges to Swedish Identity and Sovereignty (Manchester, 2006), 16; P. Lyon, ‘The Great Globe Itself: Continuity and Change’, in E. F. Penrose, P. Lyon and E. Penrose (eds), New Orientations. Essays in International Relations (New York, 1970), 15; T.C. Salmon, Unneutral Ireland. An Ambivalent and Unique Security Policy (Oxford, 1989), 9–10; S.C. Neff, The Rights and Duties of Neutrals: A General History (Manchester, 2000), 86. 4. J.L. Kunz, ‘Neutrality and the European War 1939–1940’, Michigan Law Review, xxxix (1940/41), 747, 754. 5. J. Lemnitzer, ‘The 1856 Declaration of Paris and the abolition of privateering’ (PhD, London School of Economics, 2010); J.W. Coogan, The End of Neutrality. The United States, Britain, and Maritime Rights 1899–1915 (Ithaca, 1981). 6. The other major way in which historians study neutrality is as a legal principle within the wider history of international law, for examples, see: R. Ogley (ed), The Theory and Practice of Neutrality in the Twentieth Century (London, 1970); E. Chadwick, Traditional Neutrality Revisited. Law, Theory and Case Studies (The Hague, 2002); Neff, Rights. 7. H. Bull, ‘Order vs. Justice in International Society’, Political Studies, xix, no. 3, (September 1971), 269–83. 8. I prefer to use the term ‘occasional neutrals’ over Efraim Karsh’s label ‘ad hoc neutrals’ (E. Karsh, Neutrality and Small States [London, 1988], 26). 9. As a rough guide, the available published literature in French alone on the topic of neutrality runs into the thousands for the 1815–1914 period. (Searching for the word ‘neutralité’ in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris recovers 8,606 entries, of which most are newspaper or journal articles, histories of neutral nations in wartime, political literature or legal treaties: http://gallica.bnf.fr/ (Accessed Feb. 2011, simple search: neutralité). Newspaper reporting on neutrality in the major wars in which Britain was neutral in the period is also substantial (several hundred entries per war in The Times (London) alone, including letters to the editor, feature articles, and commentary). 10. N. Ørvik, The Decline of Neutrality 1914–1941. With Special Reference to the United States and the Northern Neutrals (Oslo, 1953); P.C. Jessup, ‘The Birth, Death and Reincarnation of Neutrality’, American Journal of International Law, xxvi, no. 4 (Oct. 1932), 789–93. 11. Neff, Rights, 65; A.C. Carter, ‘The Dutch as Neutrals in the Seven Years’ War’ International and Comparative Law Quarterly, xii, no. 3 (July 1963), 818–34; L.E. Davis and S.L. Engerman, Naval Blockades in Peace and War. An Economic History since 1750 (Cambridge, 2006), 7; Agius, Swedish Neutrality, 13. 12. Chadwick, Traditional Neutrality, 6. 13. Coogan, End of Neutrality, 17–19 14. O. Feldbaek, ‘Denmark-Norway 1720–1807: Neutral Principles and Practice’, in R. Hobson and T. Kristiansen (eds), Navies in Northern Waters 1721-–2000 (Portland, 2004), 61; E. Maxey, ‘Growth of Neutral Rights and Duties’, American Lawyer, lv (1906), 57; D.M. Griffiths, ‘An American Contribution to the Armed Neutrality of 1780’, Russian Review, xxx, no. 2 (April 1971), 164-–6; Karsh, Neutrality, 16–17; O. Feldbaek, ‘The Anglo-Danish Convoy Conflict of 1800’, Scandinavian Journal of History, no. 2 (1977), 161–82. See also: I. de Madariaga, Britain, Russia and the Armed Neutrality of 1780. Sir James Harris's Mission to St. Petersburg during the American Revolution (New Haven, 1962). 15. P.C. Jessup, Neutrality. Its History, Economics and Law. Volume IV. Today and Tomorrow (New York, 1936), 6. For Prussia's pro-France neutrality: P.G. Dwyer, ‘Two Definitions of Neutrality: Prussia, the European State-System, and the French Invasion of Hanover in 1803’, International History Review, xix, no. 3, (1997), 505–756. 16. J. Sofka, ‘American Neutral Rights Reappraised: Identity of Interest in the Foreign Policy of the Early Republic?’ Review of International Studies, xxvi (2000), 605; N. Tracy (ed), Sea Power and the Control of Trade. Belligerent Rights from the Russian War to the Beira Patrol, 1854–1870 (Aldershot, 2005), xv–xvi; N.A. Graebner, ‘The Long American Struggle for Neutrality’, in Jukka Nevakivi (ed), Neutrality in History. Proceedings of the Conference on the History of Neutrality Organized in Helsinki 9–12 September 1992 under the auspices of the Commission of History of International Relations (Helsinki, 1993), 46; Best, Humanity, 100–8; O. Feldbaek, ‘Dutch Batavia Trade via Copenhagen 1795–1807: A Study of Colonial Trade and Neutrality’, Scandinavian Economic History Review, xxi, no. 1 (1973), 43. 17. Not to be confused with Efraim Karsh's definition of ad hoc neutrality (see n. 8). 18. Chadwick, Traditional Neutrality, 7; Salmon, Unneutral Ireland, 10; Ørvik, Decline of Neutrality, 27–8; Jessup, ‘Birth’, 791. For details of the United States Neutrality Acts of 1794 and 1818 see: Maxey, ‘Growth’, 57. 19. Sofka, ‘American Neutral Rights’ and M. Bukovansky, ‘American Identity and Neutral Rights from Independence to the War of 1812’, International Organization, li, no. 2 (1997), 209–44. 20. For example, M. Hübner's 1759 two-volume treatise, De la saisie debâtiments neuters, ou Du droit qu'ont les nations belligérantes d'arrêter les navires des peoples amis, stands out yet it focuses solely on neutrality at sea (in Neff, Rights, 48). 21. The Economist, 179, (30 Jan. 1847), 124. 22. G. Pirlot, Rigardo al neutrala Moresnet/Blick auf neutral-Moresnet 1816–1919 (Oostende, 1990); L. Wintgens, Neutral-Moresnet Neutre Kelmis La Calamine (Eupen, 1981); J. Pricken, De Belgisch-Nederlandse Grens (Sint-Stevens, 1961), 13–14. 23. Feldbaek, ‘Policy of 1812’, 50. 24. Neff, Rights, 101. 25. For more see J.E. Helmreich, ‘The End of Congo Neutrality’, Historian, xxviii, no. 4 (1966), 610–24. 26. A. Bruemmer Bozeman, Regional Conflicts around Geneva. An Inquiry into the Origin, Nature, and Implications of the Neutralized Zone of Savoy and the Customs-Free zones of Gex and Upper Savoy (Stanford, 1949). For a good overview of British-Swiss relations, see: A.G. Imlah, Britain and Switzerland 1845–60 (London, 1966). 27. O. Zimmer, A Contested Nation. History, Memory and Nationalism in Switzerland, 1761–1891 (Cambridge, 2003), 144. 28. For a good overview of Great Power involvement in the Belgian revolt, see: M. Rendall, ‘A Qualified Success for Collective Security: The Concert of Europe and the Belgian Crisis, 1831’, Diplomacy and Statecraft, xviii (2007), 271–95. 29. D.H. Thomas, The Guarantee of Belgian Independence and Neutrality in European Diplomacy, 1830s–1930s (Kingston, RI, 1983). 30. See: G.D. Pagratis, ‘The Ionian Islands under British Protection (1815–1864)’, in C. Vassallo and M. D’ Angelo (eds), Anglo-Saxons in the Mediterranean. Commerce, Politics and Ideas (XVII-XX Centuries) (Malta, 2007), 131–50; W.D. Wrigley, The Diplomatic Significance of Ionian Neutrality, 1821–1831 (New York, 1988), 61–85. 31. For an exhaustive overview of the maintenance of Ionian neutrality during the Greek revolts, see: Wrigley, Ionian Neutrality; W.D. Wrigley, ‘The Neutrality of Ionian Shipping and its Enforcement during the Greek Revolution (1821–1831)’, Mariner's Mirror, lxxxiii, no. 3 (1987), 245-–60; W.D. Wrigley, ‘The British Enforcement of Ionian Neutrality against Greek and Turkish Refugees, 1821–1828’, Sudost Forschungen, xlvi (1987), 95–112. 32. Treaty of London, 1863, Article 2, as cited by Q. Wright, ‘The Neutralization of Corfu’, American Journal of International Law, xviii, no. 1 (Jan. 1924), 105. 33. M. Mittler, Der Weg zum Ersten Weltkrieg. Wie neutral war die Schweiz? (Zurich, 2003), 133 (my translation). Other scholars disagree: P. Scberer, ‘The Benedetti Draft Treaty and British Neutrality in the Franco-Prussian War’, International Review of History and Political Science, ix, no. 1, (1972), 95–108. 34. C.E. Black, R.A. Falk, K. Knor and O.R. Young, Neutralization and World Politics (Princeton, NJ, 1968), v. 35. P. Luntinen, ‘Neutrality in Northern Europe before the First World War’, in Nevakivi (ed), Neutrality in History, 110; N.I. Agøy, ‘It will serve to Increase our Union Difficulties: Norway, Sweden and the Hague Peace Conference of 1899’, Historisk tidsskrift, lxxix, (2000), 181–208; M. Abbenhuis, ‘Too Good to be True: European Hopes for Neutrality before 1914’, in H. Amersfoort and W. Klinkert, (eds), Small Powers in the Age of Total War, 1900–1940 (Leiden, 2011), 50–2. 36. Luntinen, ‘Neutrality’; Salmon, ‘Between the Sea Power and the Land Power: Scandinavia and the Coming of the First World War’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th series, iii, (1993), 23–49. 37. For the crisis surrounding the neutralisation of the Black Sea (1856) see: W. E. Moss, ‘The End of the Crimean System: England, Russia and the Neutrality of the Black Sea, 1870–1’, Historical Journal, iv, no. 2, (1961), 164. 38. Notes on the interview between the Greek Deputies and the British Representative in Greece, George Canning, 29 Sept. 1825 in [National Archives, Kew, London], F[oreign]O[ffice files] 352/11, 3. 39. P.W. Schroeder, ‘The Lost Intermediaries: the Impact of 1870 on the European System’, International History Review, vi, no. 1, (Feb. 1984), 1–27. 40. R.F. Hamilton, ‘The European Wars, 1815–1914’, in R.F. Hamilton and H.H. Herwig (eds), The Origins of World War I (Cambridge, 2003), 45–91. 41. D.R. Headrick, The Tools of Empire. Technology and European Imperialism in the Nineteenth Century (Oxford, 1981), 174–5. See also: Geyer and Bright, ‘Global Violence’, 651. 42. Headrick, Tools; D.R. Headrick, The Tentacles of Progress. Technology Transfer in the Age of Imperialism 1850–1940 (Oxford, 1988). 43. F. Trentmann, Free Trade Nation: Commerce, Consumption, and Civil Society in Modern Britain (Oxford, 2008). See also: S.C. Neff, Friends but No Allies. Economic Liberalism and the Law of Nations (New York, 1990); R. Francis Spall, ‘Free Trade, Foreign Relations, and the Anti-Corn Law League’, International History Review, x, no. 3 (1988), 405–32. 44. J.A. Neiswander, The Cosmopolitan Interior: Liberalism and the British Home, 1870–1914 (New Haven, 2008). 45. B. Bond, War and Society in Europe 1871–1970 (Gloucestershire, 1984, reprint 1998), 31. See also Neff, Rights, 40–4. 46. O. Riste, The Neutral Ally. Norway’s Relations with Belligerent Powers in the First World War (Oslo, 1965), 18. 47. Lemnitzer, ‘1856 Declaration’, 35. 48. The full-text version of the Declaration of Paris can be found in R. Albrecht- Carrié, The Concert of Europe (London, 1968), 195–6. See also: Lemnitzer, ‘1856 Declaration’; Tracy (ed), Sea Power, xvii–xxiii. 49. Tracy (ed.), Sea Power, xxiii; E. Chadwick, ‘The “Impossibility” of Maritime Neutrality during World War I’, Netherlands International Law Review, liv, (2007), 345; J.B. Hattendorf, ‘Maritime Conflict’, in M. Howard, G.J. Andreopoulos and M.R. Shulman (eds), The Laws of War. Constraints on Warfare in the Western World (New Haven, 1994), 109. 50. In Chadwick, Traditional Neutrality, 20, fn 9. 51. For some of the complaints about the Declaration of Paris see: report by Sir Edward Hertslet, Foreign Office librarian, 9 Feb. 1893 in Tracy (ed), Sea Power, 91–6. For the discourses in Parliament about the costs to British naval supremacy see: The Times, 18 March 1856 (I am grateful to Philip Arnold, my Summer Scholar in 2010–11 for this reference). See also: Lemnitzer, ‘1856 Declaration’, 29. 52. O. Anderson, A Liberal State at War. English Politics and Economics during the Crimean War (New York, 1967). 53. On the influence of economic nationalism in the nineteenth century see: Neff, Rights, 64–6; Trentmann, Free Trade Nation, 135–7. 54. Lord John Russell, House of Lords debate on the Luxembourg guarantee, 20 June 1867, in Hansard (also available in K. Bourne, The Foreign Policy of Victorian England [Oxford, 1970], 91). 55. Q. Wright, ‘The Present Status of Neutrality’, American Journal of International Law, xxxiv, no. 3 (1940), 411–13. 56. G.A. Craig, War, Politics and Diplomacy. Selected Essays (London, 1966), 146. 57. J.B. Hattendorf, ‘The US Navy and the “Freedom of the Seas” 1775–1917’, in Hobson and Kristiansen (eds), Navies in Northern Waters, 164–5; Tracy (ed), Sea Power, xx, 4. 58. Coogan, End of Neutrality, 20–1. 59. Chadwick, Traditional Neutrality, 39–42. 60. See: H. Jones, The Union in Peril. The Crisis over British Intervention in the Civil War (Chapel Hill, 1992); B.J. Steele, ‘Ontological Security and the Power of Self-Identity: British Neutrality and the American Civil War’, Review of International Studies, xxxi (2005), 519–40; P. Thompson, ‘The Case of the Missing Hegemon: British Non-Intervention in the American Civil War’, Security Studies, xvi, no. 1 (2007), 96–132. 61. F. Owsley, King Cotton Diplomacy (1959) in Steele, ‘Ontological’, 522. 62. Chadwick, Traditional Neutrality, 34. 63. J. Baxter, ‘Papers Relating to Belligerent and Neutral Rights, 1861–1865’, American Historical Review, xxxv, no. 1 (1928), 87; J. Baxter, ‘The British Government and Neutral Rights, 1861–1865’, American Historical Review, xxxiv, no. 1 (1928), 9, 12, 29. 64. Legal advice to the Foreign Office and Home Office regarding the Alexandra, 29 April 1863, in [National Archives, Kew, London], H[ome]O[ffice files] 45/7261. 65. Jones, Union in Peril, 229; Chadwick, ‘Impossibility’, 348. For the treaty between the United States and Great Britain, 8 May 1871, see: Tracy (ed), Sea Power, 82–3. 66. The Times, 19 Sept. 1872 (with thanks to Philip Arnold). 67. R.R. Probst, ‘ Good Offices’ in the Light of Swiss International Practice and Experiences (Dordrecht, 1989), 59. 68. Baxter, ‘British Government’, 29. 69. Report of the Neutrality Laws Commission, 10 June 1868, in FO881/1629. 70. Chadwick, Traditional Neutrality, 45, 55, 69. 71. Clarendon to Palmerston, 26 Sept. 1855, in K. Bourne, ‘Lord Palmerston's ‘Ginger-Beer’ triumph, 1 July 1856’, in K. Bourne and D.C. Watt (eds), Studies in International History (London, 1967), 157. 72. Maxey, ‘Growth’, 57. 73. Craig, War, Politics, 159–78. 74. P. Scberer, ‘The Benedetti Draft Treaty and British Neutrality in the Franco-Prussian War’, International Review of History and Political Science, ix, no. 1 (1972), 95–108. 75. A. Doedens, ‘Nederland en de Frans-Duitse oorlog. Enige aspecten van de buitenlandse politiek en de binnenlandse verhoudingen van ons land omstreeks het jaar 1870’ (PhD thesis, Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, 1973), 1–38; Scberer, ‘Benedetti’, 103; Schroeder, ‘The Lost Intermediaries’. 76. For correspondence from British Foreign Office on the issue from July–Sept. 1870, see: FO425/95; [National Archives, Kew, London], CAB[inet Office files] 41/2, files 34–9. 77. For accounts see: FO 123/141, 142; FO10/308, 309, 310; FO100/178, 181. 78. See: Sir C. L. Wykes, British legation in Copenhagen, to Lord Granville, 28 Sept. 1870 in FO22/365; Mr Lumley, British Consul in Brussels, to Lord Granville, 8 Dec. 1870 in FO10/310; Dutch Consul General in London, Landsberge, to Minister of Foreign Affairs, The Hague, Herwijnen, 10 April 1871 in ‘Ministerie van Buitenlandse Zaken: Geheime Rapporten en Kabinetsrapporten, 1868-1940’ 2.05.19, inventory number 16, Nationaal Archief, The Hague. 79. Mittler, Wie neutral? 135. 80. For British documentation on these agreements see: FO22/365. 81. Moss, ‘End of the Crimean System’, 165–81. 82. Lemnitzer, ‘1856 Declaration’. 83. C.A. Tamse, ‘The Role of Small Countries in the International Politics of the 1860s: The Netherlands and Belgium in Europe’, Acta Historiae Neerlandicae, ix, (1976), 143–69; Sir Charles L. Wykes (British envoy in Copenhagen) to Lord Granville, 22 Dec. 1870, in FO22/365. 84. See: correspondence between the British government and its legations in Brussels, the Hague, Copenhagen, and Berne in 1870–1, FO37/479, 480; FO22/363, 364, 365, 370. 85. Admiral E. A. J. Harris, British Consul in the Hague, to Lord Granville, 15 July 1870, in FO37/479; Sir C. W. L. Wykes, British Consul in Copenhagen, to Lord Granville, 28 Sept. 1870, in FO22/365. 86. Emile Cammaerts, Albert of Belgium (1935) in Ogley, Theory, 50–1. 87. V. Freeman Alwyn, ‘Non-Belligerent's Right to Compensation for Internment of Foreign Military Personnel’, American Journal of International Law, liii, no. 3 (1959), 640. 88. E. Davall, Les Troupes Françaises internées en Suisse à la fin de la guerre Franco-Allemande en 1871 (Berne, 1873); A.G.G. Bonar, British Consul in Berne, to Lord Granville, 1 Feb. 1871, in FO100/181. 89. P. Annet, ‘L’internement de soldats français en Belgique pendant la guerre de 1870’, Revue belge d'histoire militaire, xxviii, no. 5 (1990), 337––49. 90. Freeman, ‘Non-belligerent's’, 640; R.-J. Wilhelm, ‘Quelques considerations generals sur l'evolution du droit international humanitaire’, in A.J.M. Delissen and G.J. Tanja (eds), Humanitarian Law of Armed Conflict Challenges Ahead. Essays in Honour of Frits Kalshoven (Dordrecht, 1991), 42; S. Wolf, ‘Guarded Neutrality. The Internment of Foreign Military Personnel in the Netherlands during the First World War’ (PhD thesis, University of Sheffield, 2008), 28–31. For the text of the Brussels Declaration, 1874, see: International Committee of the Red Cross, International Treaties and Documents, http://www.icrc.org/ihl.nsf/FULL/135?OpenDocument (Accessed Feb. 2011). 91. Wolf, ‘Guarded Neutrality’; Maartje Abbenhuis, The Art of Staying Neutral. The Netherlands in the First World War (Amsterdam, 2006), ch. 5. 92. A.J. Nicholls, ‘Der dritte Wege im Zeitalter des Kaltes Krieges - enführende Überlegungen’, in D. Geppert and U. Wengst (eds), Neutralität - Chance öder Chimäre? Konzepte des dritten Weges für Deutschland und die Welt 1945 - 1900 (Munich, 2005); Mittler, Wie neutral? 235–6. 93. K. Nabulsi, Traditions of War. Occupation, Resistance and the Law (Oxford, 1999), 6. 94. M. Glenny, The Balkans 1904–1999. Nationalism, War and the Great Powers (London, 2000), 136, 229. See also: Chadwick, Traditional Neutrality, 67. 95. Count von Bülow, speech to Reichstag, 19 Jan. 1900, as reported and translated in [National Archives, Kew, London], ADM[iralty Record Office] 116/1073. 96. P. Wrange, Impartial or Uninvolved? The Anatomy of the 20th Century Doctrine on the Law of Neutrality (Vållingby, 2007), 245. 97. In Chadwick, Traditional Neutrality, 217. 98. Best, Humanity, 130. 99. See: Bond, War and Society, 26. G.R. Wilkinson, Depictions and Images of War in Edwardian Newspapers, 1899–1914 (Houndsmills, 2003), for example, argues that there was not a lot of engagement with the idea or value of peace in popular Edwardian newspapers in Britain in the pre-war years (p. 67). 100. P. Joenniemi, ‘The Peace Potential of Neutrality: a Discursive Approach’, Bulletin of Peace Proposals, xx, no. 2 (1989), 177. 101. Wrange, Impartial, 243; Lyon, ‘Neutrality’, 262; S.E. Cooper, Patriotic Pacifism. Waging War on War in Europe 1815–1914 (Oxford, 1991), 56. For the connection between the free-trade movement and popular peace activism in Britain see: Trentmann, Free Trade Nation, 175–7. 102. N.J. Brailey, ‘Sir Ernest Satow and the 1907 Second Hague Peace Conference’, Diplomacy and Statecraft, xiii, no. 2 (June 2002), 201. 103. See: A. Eyffinger, ‘A Highly Critical Moment: Role and Record of the 1907 Hague Peace Conference’, Netherlands International Law Review, liv (2007), 197–228; F. Kalshoven, ‘De eerste Haagse Vredesconferentie van 1899’, Militair Rechtelijk Tijdschrift, xcii (Sept. 1999), 257–65; T.E. Holland, ‘The Hague Conference of 1907’, Law Quarterly Review, lxxvi (1908), 76–9; A.S. de Bustamante, ‘The Hague Convention Concerning the Rights and Duties of Neutral Powers and Persons in Land Warfare’, American Journal of International Law, xcv (1908), 95–120; Brailey, ‘Sir Ernest’. 104. For examples of breaches in neutrality during these wars see: Neff, Rights, 114; Davis and Engerman, Naval Blockades, 10; FO72/2093; R. Granville Campbell, Neutral Rights and Obligations in the Anglo-Boer War (Baltimore, 1908); Maxey, ‘Growth’, 58. 105. In Wrange, Impartial, 244 n. 309. 106. Wrange, Impartial, 244. 107. Craig, War, Politics, 151. 108. Sir F. Lascelles to Sir Edward Grey, 16 Aug. 1906, in FO 371/78; Sir J. Walton to Sir Edward Grey, 12 Feb. 1907 in FO 372/65. 109. Moskovskiye Vedomosti. 4 March 1898, as quoted by L.N. Popkova, ‘Russian Press Coverage of American Intervention in the Spanish-Cuban War’, in S.L. Hilton and S.J.S. Ickringill (eds), European Perceptions of the Spanish-American War of 1898 (Bern, 1999), 112. See also, in the same volume, the articles on the Netherlands by N.A. Bootsma, Germany by M.M. Hugo, Austria by N. Slupetzky, Britain by J. Smith and France by S. Ricard. 110. Coogan, End of Neutrality, 72. 111. Coogan, End of Neutrality, 70–1. See also: Neff, Rights, 88. 112. M. Watson Graham, ‘The Effect of the League of Nations Covenant on the Theory and Practice of Neutrality’, California Law Review, xv, no. 5 (1927), 357. 113. W. Henitschel von Heinegg, ‘Naval Blockade and International Law’, in B.A. Elleman and S.C.M. Paine (eds), Naval Blockades and Seapower. Strategies and Counterstrategies 1805–2005 (New York, 2006), 14. 114. B. Ranft, ‘Restraints on War at Sea before 1945’, in M. Howard (ed), Restraints on War (Oxford, 1979), 45–6. 115. Graham, ‘Effect’, 358. 116. See: C.A. Tamse, ‘The Role of Small Countries in International Politics of the 1860s: The Netherlands and Belgium in Europe’, Acta Historiae Neerlandicae, ix (1976), 143–69; Schroeder, ‘The Lost Intermediaries’. 117. Abbenhuis, The Art of Staying Neutral, 31, 34; S. Schmidt, Frankreichs Außenpolitik in der Julikrise 1914: Ein beitrag zur geschichte des Ausbruchs des Ersten Weltkrieges (Oldenbourg: Wissenshaft Verlag, 2009); British Foreign Office meeting, minutes, 15 Nov. 1908, in Ogley, Theory, 56; Neff, Rights, 125; J. Steinberg, ‘A German Plan for the Invasion of Holland and Belgium, 1897’, The Historical Journal, vi, 1 (1963), 107–19. Additional informationNotes on contributorsMaartje Maria Abbenhuis With grateful thanks to Assoc. Prof. Gordon Morrell and the three (anonymous) reviewers of this article for all their helpful comments and editing | [
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https://openalex.org/W2226508025 | Resumé of major aspects of European situation as seen from Vienna, prepared by G.S. Messersmith. | [
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"Turkey",
"Egypt"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2226508025 | Enclosed with No. 651. London most important capital in Europe and exercises most influence; British definitely behind League and policy of collective security, which involves no credits to Germany and no separate agreements with her; recognizes military threat of Germany and understands her territorial aspirations; committed to cooperation, with France; France, under [Pierre-Etienne] Flandin, has abandoned Laval policy of seeking direct understanding with Germany and will depend on the League, close cooperation with England, and a system of alliances within the Little Entente and the Balkan Union; she will continue to try to keep friendship of Italy as a prop in Southeastern Europe, but will be less disposed to make compromises; in Czechoslovakia there is now more liberal statesmanship and better comprehension of economic factors; emphatic statements by Austrian leaders that there will be no change in their government have allayed fears in Prague, Belgrade, and Bucharest of a Hapsburg restoration and cleared way for better political and economic relations between countries of the Little Entente and the Balkan Union; Turkey showing reasonable attitude under British influence; situation in Egypt continues to offer difficulties, but appears on way to adjustment; Russia apparently disposed to support League and collective security; ratification of Franco-Soviet Pact and of Soviet-Rumanian Pact strengthens Russia's position; Poland remains on the fence at present,but her agreement with Germany may not be able to withstand economic pressures and old resentments; Switzerland, feeling her neutrality threatened, taking measures to strengthen her defenses, as are Belgium and Holland; in Scandinavian countries there is increasing apprehension of Germany's program; Italy feeling the pressure of her isolation; her financial position poor and continues to grow worse; she would like some face saving compromise on the Abyssinian question; in Germany, internal situation worse, with financial factor approaching a crisis; may move toward remilitarization of Rhineland but thinks Germany will take no overt action either there or against Austria until after Olympics; all Europe now understands German aims; hopes for peace depend on steadiness of British policy, and Austria remains principal object of policy, for it is on the maintenance of her independence that peace largely depends. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W49622151 | Внешняя политика Туркменистана в 1992-2006 гг. : от нейтралитета к самоизоляции | [
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"Turkey",
"Iran"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W49622151 | Turkmenistan's foreign policy was largely shaped by the country's strategic vulnerability and its significant natural gas reserves. From the point of view of national security, the country distinguished with the smallest population in the region, distributed throughout the large territory and concentrated in the border districts, an almost depopulated center and long borders had to face unfavorable initial conditions for building statehood. At the same time rich natural gas reserves, second only to Russia's in the entire post-Soviet space, promised the opportunities for organizing wide-scale exports, overcoming the economic crisis and stabilizing the ruling regime. Ashgabat found two main instruments which allowed for ensuring the country's security and creating the external conditions favorable for the ruling regime's consolidation. The first one was the positive concept envisaging the non-participation not only in military alliances but also in any inter-state groupings with collective responsibility for decision-making, the other a military union with Russia with was doctrinally incompatible with neutrality but maintained in practice. The neutral status provided Turkmenistan with a considerable freedom of foreign-policy manoeuvre, allowing for the concentration of effort on organizing the transit and exports of gas. At the same time Turkmenistan's military forces were up to the beginning of 1994 under the joint Russian Turkmen command while the country's borders with Iran and Afghanistan were defended by Russian guards up to the end of 1999. By the late 1990s Turkmenistan's foreign policy had undergone a kind of transformation. The consolidation of the ruling regime and the de facto recognition by the neighbor states and international community of Turkmenistan's specifics as a semi-isolated country with a limited range of foreign policy objectives and low permeability for foreign influence made it possible for Ashgabat to relinquish a military alliance with Russia. Besides, within the first decade of independence national military forces and a ramified repressive apparatus supporting the regime of Niyazov's autocracy were established. The neutral status recognized by the UN in 1995 continued to be the foundation of Turkmenistan's foreign policy. By the late 1990s Ashgabat began to interpret neutrality as self-isolation; foreign contacts of Turkmen leadership were minimized, the country introduced a visa regime with the rest of the CIS. By the late 1990s Ashgabat, exploiting the neutral status and gradually closing the country, had managed to reduce Russian influence considerably while remaining equidistant from Kazakhstan's and Uzbekistan's regional ambitions. Although trade and economic contacts with Turkey and Iran developed, Turkmenistan distanced itself from Ankara's and Tehran's political agendas. At the same time the conditions of the 1990s precluded Ashgabat from diversifying the markets and routes of gas exports. Achieving this objective had to be postponed until the next decade. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1640762818 | İfade Özgürlüğü Açısından Ağ Tarafsızlığı Kavramı veTürkiye’deki Hukuki Düzenlemeler ve Pratik Uygulamaları/Net Neutrality Concept in Terms of Freedom of Expression and Its Applications in Turkey | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1640762818 | ‘Net neutrality’ is a term, which appeared at the end of 1990’s when the Internet started spread and be one of the indispensables of live. Moreover, it is such a term that discussions over it have still been continuing. The concept, which can shortly be described as ‘the Internet objectivity’, has many dimensions. The main aim in the discussion where the basic problem is ‘access tiering’ is to have Internet service providers and the government to treat all the data located on the Internet evenly, and to have them not to do discriminatory or different treatments in terms of site, content, application and similar criteria. Internet is an area, which is vulnerable to be formed or affected by either governments or corporations, or both; on the other hand, ‘net neutrality’ is the common name of a multi-level and multidimensional discussion on how the Internet should be formed. The basic emphasis of net neutrality is that the Internet should be neutral for the users. Net neutrality concept has been argued in the USA, especially, since 2000’s. One of the most important arguments on net neutrality has been continuing between one of the biggest cell phone operator in the USA, Verizon Communication and Federal Communication Commission (FCC). While approaches defending Net neutrality claim that if no legal regularities is held, then content (service) providers will be discriminative, thus resulting in preventing net neutrality, others who are against net neutrality claim that technical and business model will not be renewed. The democratic character of the Internet stands out in the net neutrality arguments. The fact that vertically integrated ISP’s make discriminations on content limits the access rights needed for a democratic discussion and public sphere. ‘Net neutrality’ is a concept, which is closely related to freedom of expression. Net neutrality is also different from classical censor structure and tools. Blocking, inspecting, or monitoring the data flow on the Internet in terms of commercial, advertisements or security either because of needs or directly cause Internet user be prevented directly or mostly without warning especially in terms of expressing their ideas, and spreading their ideas. For example DPI (deep packet inspection) technology is a kind of multilevel access, which allows web operators (or Internet service providers, etc.) to define, classify, observe, and inspect traffic on the Internet. DPI technology, which is getting more important and widespread, is important to draw the borders of discussions on both net neutrality and freedom of expression. DPI applications could limit freedom of expression by violating both secrecy and freedom of communication. With the help of DPI technology, corporations and governments gained the power of determining which data to be given to who, or even whether to be given. On the other hand, ‘net neutrality’ has also been discussed in relation to different concepts with different contents. Public welfare should be thought together with judiciary, practical and commercial ideas. In this study, the concept of ‘net neutrality’ will be defined, and after its relation with freedom of expression made clear, judiciary arrangements and practical applications of it would be exemplified in Turkey. | [
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https://openalex.org/W767393750 | Ethnic Cleansing in Asia Minor and the Treaty of Lausanne | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W767393750 | Greek political landscape, from the beginning of World War I, was characterized a mixture of conflicting foreign policy objectives, fundamental constitutional controversies, personality clashes, and sheer emotionalism. Its chief protagonists were two strong-willed men engaged in a power duel accentuated by different perceptions of the national interest: King Constantine I, and Eleftherios Venizelos, the country's Prime Minister and its most powerful political personality.1 relationship between these two men was of paramount importance in regards to two of the most significant events in modern Greek history, the Ethnikos Dikhasmos or National Schism and the Ethnike Katastrophe or National Catastrophe. What followed these events affected not only Greece, but Turkey and the international community as well.While King Constantine wished for Greece to remain neutral during World War I, Prime Minister Venizelos wished to enter the war on the side of the Allies; and to enter the war as soon as possible. King Constantine did not agree with the Prime Minister and did not share his confidence in an Allied victory. King believed that neutrality would best serve the interests of Greece. There was strength to the arguments made by both men. When Venizelos attempted to secure the King's consent for Greece to participate in the Gallipoli campaign on the side of the Entente, the two leaders disagreed so violently the King dismissed the Prime Minister despite the large majority held in parliament by Venizelos' Liberal Party. Venizelos was reelected the same year and this time he convinced the King to allow English and French troops on Greek territory to protect Serbia. Allied troops landed in Thessaloniki. Shortly thereafter the King's sympathy toward Germany re-surfaced and Constantine forced the Prime Minister to resign in 1915. The stage was set and the lights dimmed for the drama of the long struggle between the two men which was to plunge the monarchy and the 'constitutional question' of the [KJing's powers into the political arena until they became the chief cause of dispute between political parties for many years and finally affected the whole Greece's political life.2Prime Minister Venizelos argued that the King had exceeded the powers afforded to him by the constitution. In accordance with the 1864 constitution and its 1911 modified version, King Constantine was given a lifelong tenure and was to exercise only the powers conferred upon him by the constitution. But the constitution did not make it clear if the King, in the exercise of his right to appoint and dismiss ministers, had the power to dismiss a prime minister whose party had the majority in parliament and do it twice during the same year (1915). King's actions gave the Entente as guaranteeing powers an excuse to intervene in the affairs of Greece, and Venizelos a cause for making a revolutionary move. In 1916 the Allies flagrantly interfered in the domestic affairs of Greece. They demanded a new Greek government, the dissolution of parliament, and the demobilization of the Greek army. In October of the same year Venizelos established a rival provisional government in Thessaloniki. Now Greece had two governments, one in Athens and the other in Thessaloniki. Allies imposed a blockade against areas controlled by the royalists and demanded the King's abdication.Even though the King did not formally abdicate, he left Greece in 1917 and chose his second son, Alexander, to succeed him, which made it possible for Venizelos to return to Athens. Venizelos was now free to join the Allied cause and Greece entered the war on June 29, 1917. conflict between Constantine and Venizelos involved much of the Greek population. Venizelists who lived in areas under royal control were harassed and purged from civil service and government. Archbishop of Athens pronounced an anathema on Venizelos and his supporters. When Venizelos returned to Athens as the Prime Minister of the entire country, the purges committed by the royalists were now matched by the Venizelists themselves. … | [
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https://openalex.org/W1274729566 | Swedish Neutrality and Leadership of the International Society for the Study of Biological Rhythm in the 1940s and 1950s | [
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"Turkey",
"Algeria"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1274729566 | The second meeting of the International Society for the Study of Biological Rhythm was convened in Utrecht, 25-26 August 1939. If there had been hints that all was not well in Europe at the time of the 1937 meeting, the atmosphere must have been positively tense for the second one. Two days before the meeting began, Hitler and Stalin agreed to partition Poland (23 August), and Germany launched its offensive by the end of the next week ( 1 September), triggering World War II. The Society's planning had gone on in spite of the political tensions in Germany and the hostilities in the Far East, and, with the exception of Arthur Jores (from nearby Hamburg) and Hans Kalmus (German, but now a resident of London), the officers elected in Ronneby were from relatively neutral nations. Of the nine named in the published records of the Societas from the Utrecht meeting, the majority (five) were from Sweden, including the president, vice president, the secretarytreasurer, and the two auditors; and two were from Holland.1 This slate of officers was the same as that elected in Ronneby, with the addition of F. Gerritzen, the leader of the conference in Utrecht, as another board member.2The membership of the new Society had grown quickly since its formation. The report presented by the council to the membership at this 1939 meeting identified 68 members, and a footnote inserted before the publication of the proceedings in 1940 indicated that several new members had joined after the meeting. The total number identified by name in the published proceedings is 78, almost half of whom were Swedes (37), almost a sixth Germans (12), and the rest from other countries (5 Dutch, 5 American, 4 Swiss, 3 Norwegian, 3 Finnish, 2 Danish, and one member each from Algeria, Argentina, Italy, Canada, Turkey, England, and the Soviet Union).* Of the five members listed from the United States, John Welsh from Harvard was probably known in Europe, owing to his research on crustacean rhythms, and perhaps also T. H. -Bissonnette, who had published many articles, including one on photoperiodicity.4 William F. Petersen from Chicago was broadly interested in correlating the cyclical nature of all cosmic occurrences and not engaged in experimental scientific research specifically in biological rhythms, but his work is nevertheless referenced in the European literature. The same can be said of the Soviet member, Alexander Chizhevskii (spelled Tchijevsky in the list).Clearly, the Swedish members of the new Society dominated both its membership and leadership, and this dominance was also manifest financially. Whereas the proceedings of the 1937 meeting were later published in two issues of the German professional medical journal Deutsche Medizinische Wochenschrifft at the authors' expense and without mention of the Societas, its leaders (no doubt mainly President Forsgren and Vice President Mollerstrom) had now secured a gift from Sweden's Consul-General, Hugo Duhs and his wife, to cover the costs of publishing the proceeds of the Utrecht meeting as a special issue of the Swedish-dominated medical journal, Aeta Medica Scandinavica. Control of the new Society was thus even more closely tied to Stockholm and de facto to medicine.5The 1939 meeting was formally opened by Erik Forsgren, who began by reporting on the foundation of the Society and its interdisciplinary nature:In August two years ago a small flock of Rhythm enthusiasts, representatives of botany, medicine, and zoology, gathered in Ronneby (Sweden) at the first international conference on biological rhythm research. Today we are pleased that so many distinguished scholars have accepted our invitation and complied, that besides the already mentioned sciences, mathematics and now meteorology are represented.6The creation of a new Society had clearly been warranted, he argued, both by the demand that was evident in the current turnout for the second meeting and by the special nature of the subject matter. … | [
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https://openalex.org/W2062348267 | <i>The Diplomatic Significance of Ionian Neutrality, 1821–31</i> (review) | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2062348267 | 162 Reviews Thus, through his brinkmanship and "Napoleon complex" Makarios took Cyprus unwillingly to stalemate and disaster, and let Turkey take everything. Reading Clerides' and Eudokas' accounts of the negotiations during the colonial period and of the causes of the post-colonial crisis provide interesting contrasts about the motivations and the intentions of the two authors. Clerides' book is the more credible of the two volumes examined in this review. Clerides' incisive account is most valuable, and his documentary section makes this book a significant addition to the literature on Cyprus. In contrast, Eudokas' critique evokes dimensions of yellow journalism that adds little to the author's credibility. This disappointing volume however highlights a dimension of Cypriot politics that proved of critical importance in the breakdown of the political consensus on the island and led to the disaster of 1974. For these reasons both volumes ought to be read by those interested in the Cyprus problem. Van Coufoudakis Indiana University-Purdue University, Fort Wayne W. D. Wrigley, The Diplomatic Significance of Ionian Neutrality, 1821— 31. New York; Bern; Frankfurt am Main; Paris: Peter Lang. 1988 (American University Studies: Ser. 9, History; Vol. 41). Pp. xii + 335. $41.95. What a pity that the title of this monograph fails to indicate the breadth and diversity of its contents, which are based on exhaustive research in the British state archives and of relevance to historical processes extending well beyond its chronological and geographical framework. In confining attention to the book's central objective, it misleadingly suggests a specialist's preoccupation with an arcane subject of minor significance. To be sure, it focuses geographically on the Ionian Islands, all seven of them inhabited by Greeks, long ruled by Venice, and in 1815 turned into a British protectorate. Its main concern is the policy of neutrality toward both belligerents in which the Ionian British authorities persisted throughout the Greek war of independence . The nature ofthat policy is systematically and thoroughly examined, as are the motivations, obstacles, modes of implementation, and consequences that it entailed. However, the study ranges far beyond its defined focus because, as Wrigley correctly perceived, one Reviews 163 cannot judge the historical significance of a subject without probing the much wider arena for which it might have had significance. What he has produced, therefore, is a broadly conceived and masterfully executed study of British policy in the Eastern Mediterranean as it evolved in response to the consequences of the Greek Revolution. Thanks to the wealth of empirical data on which it is based and the sophisticated analysis which it involves, it goes well beyond diplomacy in the narrow sense and illuminates, in often striking and important ways, topics ranging all the way from regional ones like Greek insurgency and Ottoman reaction to global ones like British colonialism, the Eastern Question, and European rivalries. Consequently, it will interest a wide variety of specialists, which is another way of saying that it should appeal to the generalist as well. The carefully crafted and highly symmetrical organization of this book will keep the latter, especially, from getting lost in its complex and difficult terrain. Besides an introduction, conclusion, and bibliography , all brief but comprehensive, it consists of seven chapters. The first provides a useful overview of Ionian history (1085—1821). Chapters 2, 4, and 6 focus on Ionian neutrality in its regional context, one for each of the phases into which the Greek Revolution is divided: 1821-24, 1824-27, and 1828-31. Chapters 3, 5, and 7, working through the same three phases, deal with high-level Anglo-Ottoman relations in the broader context of "diplomatic events surrounding the topic of the Greek Revolution in the Eastern Question" (p. xii). Each chapter is divided into sections, which are unfortunately not listed in the table of contents. In the first set of chapters, these sections are defined by the wartime exigencies which a policy of neutrality had to address (blockades, refugees, trade policy, and military defense) and are grouped into three parts, each treating the relationship of Ionian neutrality to domestic, Anglo-Ottoman, and Anglo-Hellenic considerations respectively. In the second set each section focuses on Anglo-Ottoman relations at different levels or with... | [
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https://openalex.org/W3197878483 | Qatar Soft Power: From Rising to the Crisis | [
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"Qatar",
"Saudi Arabia"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3143341082 | We employ wavelet decomposition and nonlinear causality test to investigate the nexus between the real oil price and the real effective exchange rate in three GCC countries : Qatar, Saudi Arabia and UAE. We find strong evidence in favor of a feedback hypothesis in Qatar and UAE and of a neutrality hypothesis in Saudi Arabia. The first observation outcome means that Qatar and UAE should reinforce the downward effect of oil price on real exchange rate by improving diversification policy. The second one implies that the behavior of Saudi Arabia as a price maker may allows it to maintain a quick recovery under oil shocks. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4255450249 | Qatar | [
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"Qatar"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4255450249 | The Emirate of Qatar is the only country with which India has a long-term energy import agreement. Under a deal signed in 2004, Qatar is committed to supplying 7.5 million tonnes of natural gas per year to India for 25 years. After the international oil prices tumbled in mid-2014, Qatar agreed to the Indian request for re-negotiating the price for LNG, thus, enabling the latter to save US$588 million (Rs 4000 crore) for its import of LNG from the Emirate. This was in contrast to the demands of some of the other countries which sought an upward revision of gas prices when the oil prices rose. This gesture underscores the importance Doha attaches to India and was crucial in the wake of the Qatari crisis, which unnerved many countries in the Persian Gulf and beyond. Though the Saudi-led politico-economic boycott of Qatar had no direct impact upon the Indo-Qatari relations, it would be difficult for New Delhi to maintain its neutrality should the crisis escalate. In such a situation India might revise its non-interventionists policy and try to be a facilitator of a Saudi-Qatari dialogue. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4231893363 | African states hope the Gulf crisis will end soon | [] | [
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"Qatar",
"Saudi Arabia",
"Djibouti"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4231893363 | Significance The split between Qatar and its neighbours has pushed a few small African countries to side with Saudi Arabia, but leaves the continent’s leading powers and several conflict-afflicted nations eager to stay neutral -- for now. In sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) -- where Gulf countries have strong diplomatic ties and major economic investments -- the crisis has had significant political effects. Impacts The withdrawal of Qatari peacekeepers from the Djibouti-Eritrea border will become a pressing concern for the African Union. Ongoing expulsions of African migrants from Saudi Arabia will complicate Saudi and Emirati efforts to find African partners against Qatar. Countries such as South Africa and Nigeria may begin to act more assertively in calling for neutrality. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4309874384 | Qatar’s Energy Policy and the Transition Towards a Renewable and Carbon–Neutral Future | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4309874384 | Qatar’s successful exploitation of its natural gas resources has been a cornerstone of its rise as a global energy power. Despite progress in diversification, the energy sector remains a primary driver of Qatar’s economy, which makes it integral in any assessment of future sustainability. Qatar’s future sustainability and the role of its energy sector must be evaluated in light of global changes, such as the shift to renewables, carbon neutrality, and changing geopolitics. This chapter seeks to engage with global trends and provide a sustainability perspective for Qatar. Reflections are made on changes occurring within the European Union and East Asia, and how Qatar can position itself to capitalize on these trends. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4320011983 | Qatar’s Energy Sector in the Post-COVID Era | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4320011983 | The COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated the underlying fiscal challenges that the GCC governments were facing. The transition to carbon neutrality, as well as investments in renewables from significant areas, such as the European Union and China, have lessened the long-term forecast for fossil fuel consumption. This chapter looks at these developments with regard to Qatar, its LNG sector, and its growth potential in the blue ammonia sector. It argues that blue ammonia will serve as a key transitional fuel as part of the energy transition and will increasingly become a strategic growth area for Qatar’s energy sector. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2896069026 | Mediation in construction | [
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"Qatar"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2896069026 | In mediation, disputants often tend to walk off at will. This inspired the author to evaluate the degree of fitness as a form of dispute resolution in construction. Fifty cases mediated in the recent past in the State of Qatar were analysed in terms of their approach and the net resultant effect. The tendency will be to fail mediation in construction unless the mediator actively intervenes in changing the dynamic of the conflict by contractual, financial and technical evaluation. The mediator in doing so acts beyond what is truly expected in mediation so that the outcome is arbitral to some extent rather than consensual. The author recommends this is not necessarily the case in the exception of construction and contends that the key elements of mediation such as neutrality and impartiality can still be secured as long as the mediator does not step over the line into judgement. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4241902191 | Morocco challenges Algeria’s Gulf neutrality policies | [] | [
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"Qatar",
"Algeria",
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4241902191 | Subject Algeria's policy towards the Gulf. Significance The Algerian government in April concluded an agreement with a United Arab Emirates (UAE) company to invest in a steel plant in the eastern region of Annaba. The announcement of the deal comes amid friction with the UAE arising from the perception that Algeria is cultivating excessively friendly relations with Qatar, thereby taking sides in the bitter rivalry among Gulf Arab states that emerged in June 2017. Impacts Algeria will maintain its principle of non-interference and keep a low-key foreign policy. The government is looking to attract foreign investment generally as a result of low oil prices that have shrunk Algeria's revenues. The country’s restrictive business environment could see investors resort to international arbitration. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4368375790 | A Game of Politics? International Sport Organisations and the Role of Sport in International Politics | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4368375790 | Recent events such as the exclusion of Russian teams from international competitions following Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, as well as the debate on Qatar hosting the 2022 World Cup, have once again reignited the debate over the relationship between sport and politics. From athletes displaying political symbols to states vying to exclude their rivals from major tournaments, the strong connection between sport and politics in the international arena is evident. International Sport Organisations (ISOs) play a central role in connecting the global sport arena and the international system. Larger international organisations (and particularly mega international sports organisations such as the International Olympic Committee and FIFA), despite their claim to neutrality, are important political actors that frequently use their influence and leverage in the international arena. In particular, the significant role played by FIFA in the politics of World Cup bids and its recent involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian issue demonstrates the impossibility of being politically neutral as an ISO. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4207027979 | Sudan’s foreign policy predicament in the context of the GCC diplomatic rift | [] | [
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https://openalex.org/W2055079601 | DIFFICULT DISTINCTIONS: Refugee Law, Humanitarian Practice, and Political Identification in Gaza | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2055079601 | In this article, I explore the intersection of humanitarian practice and refugee law in shaping categories of “refugee” and “citizen” in Gaza in the first years after 1948. I examine how humanitarian practice produced enduring distinctions within the Gazan population and provided a space in which ideas about Palestinian citizenship began to take shape. A key argument is that humanitarianism, despite commitments to political neutrality, often has profound and enduring political effects. In this case, humanitarian distinctions contributed to making the “refugee” a central figure in the Palestinian political landscape. I also consider how humanitarianism in Palestine was guided by the larger, emerging postwar refugee regime, even as Palestinians were formally excluded from some of its mechanisms. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1695039356 | DEHUMANIZATION, GUILT AND LARGE GROUP DYNAMICS WITH REFERENCE TO THE WEST, ISRAEL AND THE PALESTINIANS | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1695039356 | Following his participation in a visit by health professionals to Israel/Palestine, the author reflects on the sense of apprehension that accompanied his intention to share his impressions on his return. In this paper he turns to psychoanalysis and the analysis of large group phenomena to discuss socio-psychological factors that seem to determine the context for discourse in the West relating to the Israel/Palestine conflict. He argues that psychoanalytic theories concerning the unconscious element in inter-communal conflicts are a useful starting point in understanding large-group psychological responses to the dehumanization of both Jews and Palestinians. He seeks to understand the anxiety and inhibition that seems to attend reflection on Israel/Palestine in public space in particular, and within the psychoanalytic community. He argues that ‘neutrality’, the proper stance of the clinician in the consulting room, has come to inhibit the profession in its non-clinical thinking. He proposes that ‘universalism’, the philosophical basis of the extension of the human rights agenda in the years since 1945, provides the appropriate moral underpinning for psychotherapeutic practice. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1683718105 | The Compelling Story of the White/Western Activist in the War Zone: Examining Race, Neutrality, and Exceptionalism in Citizen Journalism | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1683718105 | This article explores the racialized dimensions of the witnessing, documenting and reporting practices of White/Western activists. Drawing from in-depth interviews conducted with Canadian activists who have travelled mainly to Palestine and Iraq to report on the effects of military violence, it considers how racialized power is (re)produced through their practices. The article weaves postcolonial feminist theory, scholarship on citizenship journalism and narrative data. It explores several pitfalls that activists encounter in their representational practices, showing how easily and frequently they slide into a position of dominance. It asserts the need for an ongoing critique of the taken-for-granted virtues of “alternative” or “independent” media practices by nonprofessional or “citizen” journalists. Specifically, it challenges the prevalent notion that citizen journalism is a sure means to subvert power relations. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2476099513 | ‘Neutrality’ Not Sympathy: Jews in Post-War Austria | [
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https://openalex.org/W2799760856 | Governmental Regulation of the Press: A Study of Israels Press Ordinance | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2799760856 | Israel's press plays a distinctive role in the country's political structure. Comprised of 27 dailies and 135 magazines, some with distinctive partisan affiliation and others committed to political neutrality, it has wide circulation and enjoys considerable political influence. Israeli newspapers were not always as independent as they are today. During the struggle for liberation, the press placed itself at the disposal of the Yishuv (Jewish community) leadership, to be used as a political tool for promoting the objectives of the Jewish population in Palestine. Only in the fifties, after the establishment of the sovereign state of Israel, did the press begin to develop consciousness of its distinct and autonomous role in the political process. Several institutions founded by the press itself have moulded it into a politically viable establishment: the Editors' Committee, the Press Council, the National Union of Journalists and the Union of the Daily Papers. The Editors' Committee is the most powerful and long standing of the four. Organised in 1948 by the chief editors of the Hebrew dailies, it functions as an intermediary between the Government and the public in matters concerning important policy decisions. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4220679968 | The Colonial Clinic in Conflict: Towards a Medical History of the Palestinian Great Revolt, 1936–1939 | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4220679968 | Abstract This article reconstructs how Arab doctors, medical missionaries, British counterinsurgents, and Palestinian rebels negotiated and contested the legitimate role of medical workers and healthcare in times of colonial conflict. Drawing insight from a medical anthropological literature which challenges the notion of medical neutrality as normative, and setting mandate Palestine alongside other case studies of medicine in times of conflict from the interwar Middle East and North Africa, this article argues that while healthcare and medical authority could be put to work to support the colonial status quo, they could serve other, more radical ends too. To highlight the complexity of the political positioning of medical workers and healthcare, this article focuses on the town of Hebron during the great revolt which rocked the foundations of British rule in Palestine between 1936 and 1939, and relies on a range of colonial and missionary archival sources. The first part of the article uses the case study of an Egyptian medical doctor who took up political office in the town in moments of crisis to show how medical authority could be consciously transmuted into a force to uphold a besieged political order. The second part draws on the diary of a British mission doctor to reconstruct his efforts to assert medical neutrality during the great revolt, and—more strikingly still—how Palestinian insurgents participated actively in this attempt to transplant international legal protections to Hebron. The final part traces the incorporation of healthcare into the strategies of both British counterinsurgents and Palestinian rebels, with the British policy of collective punishment indirectly but appreciably degrading access to healthcare for Palestinians, and Palestinian counterstate ambitions extending to the establishment of insurgent medical services in the hills. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2923503359 | New Robust Peacekeeping | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2923503359 | Peacekeeping, conceptually, was designed to be traditionally defensive in nature with a neutral, unarmed, multinational force maintaining or monitoring peace. The first major example of a United Nations peacekeeping force dates to the initial Arab-Israeli conflict with the UN Truce Supervision Organization (UNSTO), established in May 1948. The peacekeepers were there to observe and maintain the ceasefire and assist in any terms of the armistice agreements following the initial fighting with the partition of the British Mandate in Palestine and the later declaration of the State of Israel. The Security Council Resolution “ Instruct [ ed ] the United Nations Mediator in Palestine, in concert with the Truce Commission, to supervise the observance of the above provisions, and decide[d] that they shall be provided with a sufficient number of military observers.” UNTSO was followed by a variation, the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan, which was to observe and report violations of the ceasefire along the contested border. Both of these original UN peacekeeping operations are still in existence after seventy years. This original concept of peacekeeping was based upon the United Nation's principle that the organization would act to prevent conflict between states following the atrocities committed during World War II through its neutrality. However, the term “peacekeeping” is not found anywhere within the United Nations Charter. It is instead inferred under both Chapter VI and Chapter VII powers to resolve disputes. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2015077336 | The Rise and Fall of ‘Mediterranean Atlanticism’ in Italian Foreign Policy: the Case of the Near East | [
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"Lebanon",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2015077336 | The article aims at studying the reasons for the new way of looking at the Palestinian-Israeli conflict by the Italian political world: the mutual recognition of Israel and the Vatican, the visit to Jerusalem by the leader of the formerly fascist party, Mr. Gianfranco Fini, and the beginnings of a movement of interest towards the Jewish State also within the political left. From a historical viewpoint, anti-Semitism in Italy found its origins in the Church's attitude toward the ‘deicide people’. Beginning with WWI, to this position was added the worry that the Holy Places might fall under Jewish control. From those times dates the Holy See's evermore manifest liking for the Arab populations of Palestine. Nowadays the line of conduct of the Church has as its basic objective the defense of Christian minorities in the Middle East, and for this reason it maintains dialogues with all actors in the region. The weight of the Church influenced also the attitude of the Italian State, even though from its inception the latter had to make adjustments because of other international requirements. This multiple subordination caused the different republican governments to always keep an official equidistant stance among the conflicting parties in the Near East. Behind this apparent neutrality, however, the feelings of benevolence for the Arab countries and the Palestinians have gradually intensified. Italian leaders have been trying to conduct a Mediterranean policy on the borders of the Western alliance, and their feelings have been oriented in consequence. During the 1970s, the governments went as far as to conclude a secret pact with Palestinian terrorists, to avoid terror acts on the Peninsula in exchange for some freedom of action. And in the mid-eighties the Craxi government did not hesitate to challenge the US in order to guarantee the continuity of that line of conduct. On that occasion Craxi, speaking in Parliament, compared Arafat to Mazzini. The end of the Yalta-established order has modified the traditional data of Italian foreign policy. However, the increased attention paid to Israel has also other causes: the changed attitude of the Church after the civil war and the Syrian occupation in Lebanon, events which both caused difficulties for the consistent Christian minorities; the hope that the Oslo process could reward the Italian ‘clear-sightedness’; last, but not least, the quarrelsome internal politics that make the Palestine conflict a mirror of the Roman conflicts. Lastly, the article connects the recent goodwill for Israel with the threats of Islamic terrorism in Italy. A political opinion trend would revisit the Middle Eastern conflict as the upturned perspective of a ‘clash of civilizations’ already existent nowadays. And a possible act of terrorism in Italy might give to this opinion a mass basis. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2317157048 | Is Belgium Still Neutralized? | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2317157048 | A brief description of Belgium’s geography and history is essential to make clear how the present tangled legal situation arose respecting Belgium’s neutrality since its violation in 1914. Belgium is one of those nations, like Palestine and Luxemburg, which, unfortunately for their tranquillity, lie across the easiest route between two powerful states. Her history is largely the story of the passage of armies up and down the Meuse, between France and Germany. The names of Rocroi, Sedan, Namur and Liege tell the story of the importance of this highway. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2912289251 | The Normative Legitimacy Gap: International Sports Associations, Human Rights and Stakeholder Democracy | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2912289251 | This conceptual paper explores whether the normative legitimacy of International Sports Associations (ISAs) such as Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) and Fédération Internationale de l’Automobile (FIA) requires an active promotion of human rights conventions. The contention is that ISAs, which are founded on principles of neutrality and autonomy, can no longer rely merely on their internal stakeholders to make legitimate decisions when it comes to episodes where sport and human rights clash. Two situations where this claim applies are the FIA’s funding of Syrian motorsport activities and the FIFA’s involvement in the Israel/Palestine conflict, which have created considerable debate outside the ISAs. These examples are therefore used as basis for a discussion of the ISAs’ philosophical stance on human rights as much as their legal duties as non-governmental organizations. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2188494114 | Israel: Unsuccessful and Limited Multicultural Education | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2188494114 | The paper questions whether the limited multicultural practices implemented in Israel towards sectors of the Jewish collective and those implemented towards the Palestinian minority can indeed be considered as liberalising processes. After some short historical consideration regarding the shaping of Israel’s multicultural policy, the ingroup and outgroup multicultural practices in Israel will be discussed, as these are reflected in a variety of theoretical and empirical sources, related to curriculum and language policies. The paper ends with a critique of present multicultural understanding and hints at the necessary changes which need to take place in multicultural theorising and understanding, in an attempt to improve Israel’s present situation. Michael Waltzer (1998) describes three approaches to maintaining multicultural societies. The first approach, typified by the millet system which characterised the working of the Ottoman empire, allowed all groups, while submitting to the imperial rule, to retain considerable autonomy over their communities in all matters concerning family, personal law, and education. The second approach, represented in the organisation of the nation-state, seeks to preserve the culture of the majority group with a rather low (if any) commitment to supporting the minority culture/s. The third approach is exemplified by immigrant societies which are as well organised as nation-states. However, over time they are forced into a kind of neutrality which is expressed through religious tolerance and secularism – leaving the task of sustaining particular cultures to the particular nation’s composing groups. Since its inception as a state in 1948, Israel has been plagued by national, ethnic, religious, and political divisions. In its not always successful attempts to overcome the region’s complex historical development, the State somewhat reflects the three approaches mentioned by Waltzer. Historical considerations In Palestine under the British mandate (1920-1948), which sustained elements of the millet Ottoman political rule, education was divided into an Arab, mostly public, sector and a Hebrew, quasi-private, sector. The Hebrew sector was divided into a Zionist secular sector and an ultraorthodox non-Zionist sector. The Zionist branch was further divided into religious and nonreligious sectors. During the period prior to the declaration of Israel’s independence (1948) and in the period immediately following, the dominant secular Zionist establishment struggled to find ways to integrate the sectorial educational system into a state-sponsored system. These efforts incited a political crisis that came to an end only in 1953, with the adoption of the State Educational law. This law aimed to institute an egalitarian and universal educational system but ended up replicating old divisions (Zameret, 1997). Today, and still under the dictates of the 1953 law, the educational system in Israel is divided into two main branches: the Arab sector and the Hebrew sector – with the latter being divided into secular and religious sectors. The ultraorthodox Jews, the Druze, and the kibbutzim have autonomous enclaves. Multicultural practices Multiculturalism has been defined as a method whereby culturally diverse groups are accorded status and recognition, not just at the individual level, but in the institutional structures of society (Parekh, 2002). Moreover, multiculturalism involves the endorsement of harmonious and constructive relationships between culturally diverse groups (Cashmore, 1996). Multiculturalist | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2367273755 | The Gain and Loss of the British Policy on Palestine shortly after the Second World War | [
{
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"display_name": "NI Xue-de",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5002080022"
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] | [
"Palestine",
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2367273755 | After the Second World War, Britain evacuated from Palestine, which is the epitome of the British Empire from wax to wane. Facing the Israeli violent opposition and the American non-cooperation, Britain had to submit the Palestinian issue to the UN with the hopelessness of reaching an agreement between the Arabian and the Israeli, and at last withdrawing completely from Palestine in the name of neutrality. In this paper, with the analysis of the process of the British withdraw from Palestine, we think that the British policy was realistic with pursuing more activeness as possible under the circumstance of passiveness. After the British withdraw, the conflicts in the Palestine area were caused by many factors, and it is unfair to blame Britain too much because the USA and the UN could not shirk their responsibilities on the issue. | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S2764826686",
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|
https://openalex.org/W2600485332 | FROM NEUTRALITY TO CRITIC OF MANDATE POLICY: WOMEN TEACHERS AND THE ARAB-JEWISH CONFLICT | [
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"display_name": "Inger Marie Okkenhaug",
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] | [
"Palestine"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2600485332 | This study which focuses on Anglican mission and women's education in Palestine from 1888 till 1948, gives new insight to the history of women, education and inter-communal relations in Palestine. It also contributs to a more nuanced understanding of Western women's roles within the imperial setting. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2524380646 | Covering the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict | [
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] | [
"Palestine",
"Israel"
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"https://openalex.org/W4253093396"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2524380646 | This chapter examines how the Chinese news media cover the complex and enduring Palestinian-Israeli conflict. Content analysis and CDA demonstrate that People’s Daily and Global Times pay more attention to the current and immediate conflicts than the long and sustainable conflicts. Neither pro-Israel nor pro-Palestine leanings are evident in the titles. But interviews reveal that two political factions—pro-Israel and pro-Palestine—exist in China. Although the foreign policy and general editorial guidelines focus on neutrality and balance, the news outlets tend to favour Palestine. Journalists are free to criticize Israel but they must be cautious about criticizing Palestine for the sake of Sino-Arab traditional friendship and the risks of causing ethnic tensions with Muslims in China. | [
{
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|
https://openalex.org/W4255718772 | Jubran <i>v</i>. United States. | [] | [
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{
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"Palestine"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4255718772 | Neutrality — Nature of — Palestine — Executive determination — Conclusiveness in naturalization proceedings — The law of the United States of America. Naturalization — As affected by claim of exemption from military service — Nationals of neutral States — Palestine — Neutrality of — Conclusiveness of executive determination — The law of the United States of America. | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210230597",
"type": "journal"
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2788020631 | The steep path to the independence: Swedish foreign policy's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflit | [
{
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"display_name": "Adam Elajmi",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5025258187"
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{
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{
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{
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{
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] | [
"Palestine",
"State of Palestine",
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2788020631 | The question of Palestine and international law. Palestine fulfillment of montevideo criteria. Modern international law and the State of Palestine's recognition. Internationalization of the conflict: bilateral negotiations put on hold? Case study: Swedish foreign policy's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Olof Palme and the active neutrality. Sten Andersson and the quiet diplomacy. Goran Persson's backtrack policy. Margot Wallstrom's offensive to peace. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4251284019 | Introduction | [
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{
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{
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] | [
"Palestine",
"State of Palestine",
"Egypt",
"Iraq"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4251284019 | On 29 May 1948, 2 weeks after five regular Arab armies invaded Palestine in an attempt to erase the lately established Jewish state, the UN Security Council imposed an embargo, which banned the supply of arms, war materials and other forms of military aid to the parties directly involved in the Palestine conflict. This embargo, initiated by Britain and the USA, remained in force approximately 15 months. In fact, withholding of military aid to these Middle Eastern countries began earlier. On 14 December 1947, the United States imposed a unilateral such embargo, based on her ‘Neutrality Acts’ of the previous decade and from about February 1948 Britain drastically cut down her own military aid to the Arab countries, except Transjordan. Earlier still, the British military aid to Egypt and Iraq had thinned down as a result of the deterioration of Britain’s relations with these countries. | [
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