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https://openalex.org/W2332452059 | Reclaiming Commons Rights: Resources, Public Ownership and the Rights of Future Generations | [
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"display_name": "Daniel Mishori",
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"display_name": "Commons",
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"display_name": "Property rights",
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"display_name": "Environmental ethics",
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2332452059 | Abstract The claim that the public “owns” natural resources or public spaces is an event that has recurred in the past decade in Israeli social and environmental struggles and campaigns. Analyzing two high-profile issues – the Palmachim beach and the controversies over the offshore natural gas revenues and export – this paper argues that the rhetoric of public ownership reveals an emerging “commons sense,” a public consciousness of collective ownership of natural resources and public space, interwoven with a sense of responsibility for their long-term preservation and for future generations. The paper shows that the rhetoric of public ownership is best accounted for by The Commons discourse, which conceptualizes resistance to enclosure (privatization), reclaiming public rights and affinity with future generations. The paper surveys various conceptions of the commons discourse and its possible integration with human rights. So far, discussion of the Commons with relation to human rights emphasized the rights to subsistence and to a healthy environment, i.e. derivatives of the basic human rights for life and health, the standard list of environmental rights. However, in order to conform to the sentiments of Israeli “commoners,” commons rights should also affirm public ownership rights over natural and shared resources which, when understood as inherently diachronic and trans-generational, implicate also sustainability and long-term social and intergenerational justice. These rights may conflict with the Lockean conception of private property as curved off the commons. Therefore, conceptualizing such rights necessitates rethinking the idea of private property versus public and future-generations’ collective good. | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S28304174",
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https://openalex.org/W2012769032 | There's No Place Like Home: The Right to Live in the Community for People with Disabilities, Under International Law and the Domestic Laws of the United States and Israel | [
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"country": "United States",
"display_name": "Syracuse University",
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"display_name": "Arlene S. Kanter",
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"display_name": "Dignity",
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2012769032 | This article explores the developing ‘right to live in the community’ for people with disabilities under international law and the domestic laws of two countries: the United States and Israel. In 2006, the United Nations adopted the Convention on the Rights of People with Disabilities (CRPD). This Convention embraces a human rights approach to disability, based on the principles of equality, dignity, freedom and inclusion. Based on these principles, Article 19 of the CRPD includes a specific right of all people with disabilities ‘to live in the community, with choices equal to others.’ The author argues that the mandate of community living in Article 19 supports an explicit legal right of all people with disabilities not only to live in the community, but to choose where to live and with whom, and with supports, as needed. This new international legal right to live in one’s own home in the community also advances the goals and principles of the domestic laws of the US and Israel. In the US, the Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) protects the right of people with disabilities to receive services in ‘the most integrated’ setting. Relying on this ‘integration mandate,’ the US Supreme Court, in 1999, upheld a limited right of people with disabilities to live in the community in Olmstead v LC and EW. In Israel, the Parliament (Knesset) enacted a law similar to the ADA in 1998. This law, the Equal Rights of Persons with Disabilities Law (‘Equal Rights Law’) includes a general right of people with disabilities to equality and non-discrimination. Although the current version of the Equal Rights Law does not include a specific section on the right to live in the community, the basis for such a right may be found in other sections of the law as well as in other Israeli laws. In the recent case of Lior Levy et al., however, the Israeli High Court of Justice recognized a limited right to live in the community, but failed to invalidate as discriminatory the Israeli government’s policy of placing people with disabilities in large institution-like hostels rather than in homes in the community. The author concludes the article with a discussion of the scope and meaning of community living and the extent to which institutions as well as group homes and other community housing that functions just like an institution should be prohibited under the CRPD as well as US and Israeli law. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4318833812 | Israeli Courts and the Paradox of International Human Rights Law | [
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"display_name": "Natalie R. Davidson",
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"country": "Israel",
"display_name": "Ono Academic College",
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"display_name": "Tamar Hostovsky Brandes",
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C86615163"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4318833812 | Abstract This article offers the first comprehensive mapping of the place of international human rights law (IHRL) in Israeli case law. It explores how Israeli courts use IHRL, based on quantitative and qualitative content analysis of all decisions, in all courts, referring to IHRL between 1990 and 2019. It reveals that Israeli courts mobilize IHRL predominantly with respect to children’s rights and due process, seldom invoking IHRL in relation to ethnic and gender equality. It further shows that a significant portion of references to IHRL serve to justify state action. We discuss possible explanations for these patterns of use of IHRL and argue that, overall, these findings illustrate the paradox of IHRL being amenable to uses that are both emancipatory and protective of power. | [
{
"display_name": "European Journal of International Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S175405714",
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https://openalex.org/W2026207040 | Letting the fox guard the chicken coop: oversight, transparency, and violation of human rights in the Israeli Penal System | [
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"display_name": "Bar-Ilan University",
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"display_name": "Tomer Einat",
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"display_name": "Anat Litvin",
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"display_name": "Niv Michaeli",
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"display_name": "Gila Zelikovitsh",
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"display_name": "Katy Marsh",
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"country": "Israel",
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"display_name": "Ofer Parchev",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2026207040 | Prisons and prisoners’ civil and health rights are one fundamental measure of the relationship between liberal democracy’s legislation and its enforcement and personal rights and freedoms. In light of this relationship, this article examines the Israeli legislation regarding prisoners’ civil rights and health services, explores the mechanisms for implementing these rights and analyzes the main causes for the gap between this legislation and its actual implementation. Main findings: (a) the Israeli Prison Service (IPS) is formally committed to the protection and realization of prisoners’ civil and health rights; (b) the implementation of these rights de facto and the level of oversight of prison staff activities in this field have been decreased to a bare minimum; and (c) the existing gap between the formal adoption of civil and health rights treaties and liberal law by the IPS and their actual implementation signifies the absence of a pragmatic instrument aimed at the protection and preservation of Israeli inmates’ fundamental human rights and a consequential erosion of such rights. The study recommends the implementation of various viable steps in order to assist the Israeli democracy in achieving positive personal freedoms as well as establishing one fundamental principle: provision of appropriate health services to inmates. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2488043181 | The Righting of the Law of Occupation | [
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"display_name": "Aeyal Gross",
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C30048959"
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2488043181 | Abstract The chapter considers the application of international human rights law in addition to international humanitarian law in occupied territories. While growing recognition that the two bodies of law co-apply has been considered a development that will increase the protection of people living under occupation, this may not always hold. The application of human rights law in occupied territories may lead to a transformation in the law of occupation. Unlike international humanitarian law, human rights law does not recognize a special category of ‘protected persons’ and allows abstraction from the occupation context. Analysing case-law from the Israeli Supreme Court and the European Court of Human Rights, the chapter argues that applying human rights law in cases involving the rights of citizens from the occupying country may undermine the protection of people living under occupation, whereas it may accord more protection in cases involving due process rights.. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2614091945 | Beyond ‘the right to have rights’: creating spaces of political resistance protected by human rights | [
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"display_name": "Tom Reifer",
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2614091945 | What do people do when they are said to 'have rights', but the practice of human rights has been neutralized or indeed inverted by states, depriving them of meaningful protection and the power to actualize them? Beyond offering limited protection and presenting an uplifting vision of what a universal regime of justice might look like, can the human rights regime actually guide movements of fundamental change, or at least help create a critical political space? These are some of the questions raised in this article. Since Israeli impunity towards the human rights regime and the support it receives from governments constitute a major challenge to the efficacy of that regime, and since Israel has pioneered many of the assaults on the global human rights regime, the authors evaluate these questions from the point of view of an Israeli political/human rights organization one of its authors (Halper) heads: the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions (ICAHD). Given the weakness of human rights implementation, we ask whether grassroots civil society organizations like ICAHD may provide the basis for new global initiatives of rights enforcement from below, and new counter-hegemonic movements to put rights into practice and so help transform the twenty-first-century world-system. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3124177772 | Human Rights in Israel | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3124177772 | This Article discusses the normative basis for the protection of human rights in Israel and discusses various effects of the Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty enacted in 1992. The Article points out that this “constitutional revolution” affected not only the judiciary, which enforces the protection of human rights, but both the executive and the legislative branches that have also internalized the constitutional revolution, by carefully evaluating every bill proposed and every other government action to ensure that it passes constitutional muster. Additionally, the Article discusses the effect of the constitutional revolution on public discourse in Israel. A central part of the discussion is devoted to the role of the protection of human rights in the territories occupied by Israel since 1967, and to the role of the protection of human rights during periods of terror activities. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2602167628 | The Reporting Cycle to the United Nations Human Rights Treaty Bodies: Creating a Dialogue between the State and Civil Society - the Israeli Case Study | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2602167628 | INTRODUCTIONThe reporting process to the United Nations Human Rights Treaty Bodies and the implementation of their concluding observations represents a major mechanism in international human rights law, aimed at the promotion and implementation of the human rights conventions by the state parties. States and civil society around the world have different perspectives and views on their respective roles in the reporting and implementation process, and on the possibility of working in cooperation towards promoting human rights in their country. This Article explores the reporting process to the Human Rights Treaty Bodies, the roles played by states and civil society in the process, and the dialogue between them. As a case study, this Article focuses on the Israeli reporting process to the Treaty Bodies and the role of the state and domestic civil society in it. The findings are based, inter alia, on the Author's experience working in the Israeli Ministry of Justice and her involvement in the Israeli reporting process, and are also based on interviews that the Author conducted for the purpose of this Article with Israeli scholars (former and current members of the UN Human Rights Committee), former and current government officials, and domestic NGO' representatives.Part I begins with an exploration of the reporting process to the Treaty Bodies and the roles played by states and civil society in this process, as well as in the follow-up to this process. Due to extensive existing legal scholarship on this topic, the analysis in this Part focuses on the roles played by states and civil society in the process rather than focusing on the Treaty Bodies themselves. Part II focuses on the Israeli experience with the reporting process, elaborating on the reporting in Israel, with emphasis on the role of the government and domestic civil society in the process and the discourse between them. Part II utilizes interviews with a number of actors working in the field of human rights law in Israel in order to provide insight into the unique perspectives of those actors with regard to the reporting process, and to draw a comprehensive and complicated map of power distribution among them. Part III suggests ways to improve the reporting process in Israel by establishing mechanisms for consultation and cooperation between domestic civil society and the government. The ultimate goal proposed is to foster an enhanced dialogue between the state and domestic civil society in the framework of the reporting process, focusing on information exchange and possible modification of existing methodology, and to assist in the implementation of some of the Treaty Bodies' concluding observations.I. THE REPORTING SYSTEM TO THE TREATY BODIES: ROLES OF STATES AND CIVIL SOCIETYA. International Human Rights LawHuman rights law is a unique regime in international law. Rather than regulating the relationships between states, it regulates the relationships between states and the individuals under their jurisdiction.1 However, the enforcement of human rights is, first and foremost, a domestic political, constitutional, and legal issue.2 Accordingly, states are the most important actors in the field of human rights, acting as both rights violators and/or rights protectors.3 Nonetheless, in the current world of global governance, civil society4 and international human rights institutions also play a leading role in the promotion and protection of human rights;5 human rights law, by its very nature, allows for politics to play a more prominent role.6Assessing or quantifying the effectiveness of human rights bodies such as the United Nations Human Rights Treaty Bodies is a complex task.7 Some studies have found that international Human Rights Conventions and institutions alone lack the clout required to alter state behavior and prompt state compliance,8 and that compliance with international norms is often a result or by-product of domestic politics and institutions. … | [
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https://openalex.org/W3045251781 | Children’s Rights, Protection and Access to Justice: The Case of Palestinian Children in East Jerusalem | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3045251781 | Although the majority of countries had signed and ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC), globally, a large gap remained between the terms agreed to in theory, and to the convention and practice on the ground. In areas affected by conflict, such as East Jerusalem, the child rights and protection frameworks which guide the CRC are becoming heavily affected by the security discourse, as children are often perceived as a security threat by the Israeli law enforcement and justice systems. Through a secondary review of academic scholarship and NGO reports discussing children’s access to justice in Israel and across the globe, the study finds that instead of addressing the specific needs and risk factors experienced by East Jerusalemite children, the state treats them as a security threat and the institutional reaction to this behavior is of a penal nature. This in turn creates a vicious cycle that enhances the children’s vulnerability to risky delinquent behavior, which imposes an additional threat to the State of Israel. Within this reality, instead of being characterized and defined by the child protection and international child rights framework, the institutional approach towards these children is overtaken by the security discourse, which deprives them of their basic rights and is defined by threat, control, oppression, and incarceration. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2604682655 | A Human Rights Perspective to Global Battlefield Detention: Time to Reconsider Indefinite Detention | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2604682655 | The article discusses one principal challenge to detention without trial of suspected international terrorists — the international human rights law (IHRL) norm requiring the introduction of an upper limit on the duration of security detention in order to render it not indefinite in length. Part One describes the “hardline” position on the security detention, adopted by the United States in the immediate aftermath of the 9/11 terror attacks (followed, with certain variations, by other countries, including the UK and Israel), according to which international terrorism suspects can be deprived of their liberty without trial for the duration of the armed conflict in which the organizations they are affiliated with participate. Part Two describes judicial and quasi-judicial challenges to the “hardline” position, and Part Three addresses recent developments in IHRL relating to the co-application of IHL and IHRL and the extra-territoriality of certain IHRL norms, and specifically discusses developments relating to the application of IHRL norms governing security detentions. Part Four concludes by offering an IHRL-based perspective to security detention policy and, in particular, to aspects of the policy leading to de facto indefinite detention. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1494540257 | Terrorism and Human Rights | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1494540257 | Introduction 1. The Challenges of Strategic Terrorism 2. The United Nations' Response to 9/11 3. Terrorism and Human Rights: A Perspective from the United Nations 4. The Security Council and Counterterrorism: Global and Regional Approaches to an Elusive Public Good 5. Security and Freedom on the Fulcrum 6. Disregard for Security: The Human Rights Movement and 9/11 7. The EU's Response to 9/11: A Case Study of Institutional Roles and Policy Processes with Special Reference to Issues of Accountability and Human Rights 8. Terrorism and Human Rights: A Defence Lawyer's Perspective 9. Derogating from International Human Rights Obligations in the 'War Against Terrorism'?: A British-Australian Perspective 10. Interesting Times for International Humanitarian Law: Challenges from the 'War on Terror' 11. Biological Attack, Terrorism and the Law 12. Children, Terrorism and Counterterrorism: Lessons in Policy and Practise 13. Protecting Human Rights in Times of Conflict: An Indian Perspective 14. Human Rights Dilemmas in Using Informers to Combat Terrorism: The Israeli-Palestinian Case 15. The Security Imperative in Counterterror Operations: The Israeli Fight Against Suicidal Terror 16. Terrorism, Human Rights and Law Enforcement in Spain 17. Russia and the United States After 9/11 | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2911599702 | Aid and Human Rights: The Case of US Aid to Israel | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2911599702 | The paper examines the allocation of economic as well as military aid from the United States (US) to Israel and investigates whether the US has ever linked its aid to human rights performance in case of the Jewish State. In doing so, the paper explores US foreign aid policies in the light of US Congressional legislation enacted in 1974, which aimed at linking the provision of US aid to human rights performance of aid recipient governments. An assessment of US foreign aid policies illustrates that the US has rarely acted upon such legislation in letter and spirit to terminate or restrict aid to governments involved in violation of the globally recognized human rights. Focusing on US bilateral aid policies during three distinct periods: the Cold War, the post-Cold War and the ‘war on terror’; this study shows that instead of linking aid to respect for human rights in the case of Israel, the US has rather authorized more aid to the Jewish State despite the latter's dismal record of human rights performance. The paper illustrates that the provision of US aid is not inspired by the promotion of democracy, liberty and human rights in aid-receiving states. The study concludes that when US foreign policy goals including political, security and geo-strategic interests are at stake, human rights are not significant dynamics behind US aid distribution to Israel or any other US strategic partners. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2167288894 | Lessons for Human Rights and Humanitarian Law in the War on Terror: Comparing Hamdan and the Israeli Targeted Killings Case | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2167288894 | The article examines and compares two recent judgments which provide some of the most valuable examples of the difficulties surrounding the application of international humanitarian law to the phenomenon of terrorism: the Hamdan judgment of the Supreme Court of the United States, and the Targeted Killings judgment of the Supreme Court of Israel. Both judgments deal with the thresholds of applicability of the law of armed conflict, as well as with the concept of unlawful combatancy and the relationship between human rights law and humanitarian law. Both judgments are at times inconsistent and lacking in analysis, with the Hamdan judgment in particular misinterpreting the relevant international authorities, including the Commentaries on the Geneva Conventions. Despite these flaws, or because of them, both of these judgments remain instructive. The purpose of this article is to present the lessons for the future that these two decisions might bring to ongoing debates on the impact of global terrorism on the law of armed conflict. | [
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https://openalex.org/W606449228 | Judicial Protection of Human Rights: Myth or Reality? | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W606449228 | Introduction Europe Protection of Human Rights by the Judiciary in Romania by Monica Macovei The Judicial Protection of the Constitutional Rights and Freedoms in Russia: Myths and Reality by Igor Petrukhin Israel and the Occupied Territories The Protection of Human Rights by Judges: The Israeli Experience by Stephen Goldstein Judicial Protection in Israeli-Occupied Territories by John Quigley Latin America Judicial Protection of Human Rights in Latin America: Heroism and Pragmatism by Brian Turner India, the Philippines, and China Freedom from Torture, and Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment: The Role of the Supreme Court of India by Vijayashri Sripati Judicial Defense of Human Rights during the Marcos Dictatorship in the Philippines: The Careers of Claudio Teehankee and Cecelia Munoz Palma by C. Neal Tate Legal Culture, Legal Professionals, and the Future of Human Rights in China by Albert Melone and Xiaolin Wang The Protection of Indigenous Rights: The Australian Example Retreat from Injustice: The High Court of Australia and Native Title by Garth Nettheim The United States U.S. Courts and the Selective Protection of Human Rights by Mark Gibney Concluding Remarks For Further Reading Index | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W407822547 | Targeted Killings and International Law: With Special Regard to Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W407822547 | Introduction.- Human Rights.- International Humanitarian Law.- No Additional Justifications or Excuses.- The Applicability of the Relevant International Law.- Consequences of the Aforementioned for the Situation in Israel.- Conclusion: Targeted Killings and International Law.- Bibliography / Index of Authorities. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3122891941 | If the Hat Fits, Wear It, If the Turban Fits, Run for Your Life: Reflections on the Indefinite Detention and Targeted Killing of Suspected Terrorists | [
{
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3122891941 | This article analyzes and discusses some of the United States' unilateral policies in the war on terror, namely the indefinite detention and targeted killing of suspected terrorists. It posits that the legal community should resist recent arguments purporting to vindicate certain justifications for curtailing fundamental human rights. First, the article rebuts recent attempts to subsume legally insulated aspects of the war on terror into one overriding security discourse, with particular resistance to the merger of human rights by the national security agenda. Secondly, the article attempts to refute claims that the significance of the distinction between prisoners of war and protected persons has begun to fade. In doing so, it also takes stock of current national and international developments in implementing or suspending human rights and humanitarian protection. Finally, the article also broadly discusses inherent double standards in post-9/11 policies, along with the widening gap between Arab and Western societies. Concerns that military personnel may not be afforded humanitarian protection abroad, that the rationale of reciprocity underlying the laws of war may be failing, and that the war on terror is eroding fundamental cleavages in international law also permeate the discussion. In analyzing these difficult issues, the article draws abundantly on other experiences, such as those of the European Convention on Human Rights, Israel, Northern Ireland, and the UK. The discussion ultimately leads to a critique of the balancing metaphor in striking a balance between security and liberty. | [
{
"display_name": "Hastings Law Journal",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S14279387",
"type": "journal"
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W1972815379 | Human rights in industrial relations - the Israeli approach | [
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Paleontology",
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{
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{
"display_name": "Biology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C86803240"
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W2091910054",
"https://openalex.org/W2168276815"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1972815379 | Basic human rights are supposed to protect people from abuse and harm. They are the means whereby we protect our humanity. One would expect, therefore, that basic human rights would be valid and sacred in any context, including industrial relations. However, the complexity of the employee–employer relationship obscures this issue, and it is not clear whether such rights can be protected or whether they are valid in the context of industrial relations. Since rights are relational, they are preconditioned on the special nature of the relationship between employee and employer. Hence, the specific meaning that these rights have in industrial relations cannot be grounded in the notion of human rights as such, but rather depends on the special relationships between employers and employees. Though much legislation has been passed to regulate the relationship between employees and employers, the issues surrounding this relationship remain one of the most debated topics in business ethics. Our paper focuses specifically on the right to equal pay and the right to privacy. With respect to the right to property, the paper examines whether there is a conflict between general human rights and the fundamental right of employers to their property. The Israeli legislature has responded to this conflict by enacting ‘protective laws’ that legally outline and mandate certain human rights. Under these laws, employees are prevented and prohibited from waiving the rights granted to them by law, even if employed in private industries. Despite this legislative effort, market forces are at times stronger, and consequently some basic rights are not fully applied or implemented. | [
{
"display_name": "Business Ethics: A European Review",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S79007945",
"type": "journal"
}
] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3125804733 | Human Rights as a Contingent Foundation: The Case of Physicians for Human Rights | [
{
"affiliations": [
{
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"display_name": "Neve Gordon",
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] | [
{
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{
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Rights of Nature",
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{
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Social rights",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2777671340"
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{
"display_name": "Physics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C121332964"
},
{
"display_name": "Quantum mechanics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C62520636"
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3125804733 | In order to investigate how local ideological forces affect the activities of human rights organizations and help determine our conception of human rights, in this paper I compare Physicians for Human Rights USA with its Israeli equivalent. Drawing on the insights of Antonio Gramsci, I show that the ideological differences between the United States and Israel influence the activities of each organization, prompting the two groups to privilege certain rights and to de-emphasize others. By positioning local human rights activism vis-a-vis the international inventory of rights, the paper's first part reveals that in the domestic sphere the conception of universal human rights is constituted through a series of exclusionary practices. It also demonstrates that frequently rights organizations not only appropriate a limited conception of human rights but actually reinforce this conception within the sphere in which they operate. While the empirical analysis focuses on two domestic settings, building on the work of Judith Butler I go on to show that in the international arena human rights are also contaminated by exclusionary ideological forces, arguing that their universality should also be conceived as provisional rather than absolute. Human rights, I conclude, are still a vital reference point for judging the morality of political, social, and economic practices, but they cannot be taken for granted and must be continuously subjected to critical assessment, particularly by the rights NGOs themselves. | [
{
"display_name": "Social Science Research Network",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210172589",
"type": "repository"
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2255030594 | How Supreme is the Supreme Law of the Land? A Comparative Analysis of the Influence of International Human Rights Conventions Upon the Interpretation of Constitutional Texts by Domestic Courts | [
{
"affiliations": [
{
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"display_name": "Yuval Shany",
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{
"display_name": "Municipal law",
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{
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{
"display_name": "Constitutional law",
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{
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{
"display_name": "Common law",
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{
"display_name": "Treaty",
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{
"display_name": "Fundamental rights",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C95691615"
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2255030594 | International human rights law bears substantial resemblance to constitutional law as both bodies of law share similar social functions and goals. Still, courts in a number of influential legal systems, most notably in the U.S., have long resisted attempts to construe their constitutional texts in light of binding international human rights instruments. The article explores the largely inadequate degree of incorporation of international human rights treaty norms in the constitutional law of six common law countries (U.S., Canada, Australia, Israel, the U.K., and South Africa) and identifies the causes for judicial reluctance to fully incorporate international human rights law into constitutional law. The article then challenges the view that incorporation could violate constitutional principles, introduce legal disharmony and raise cultural and political objections. It posits that numerous legal policy considerations support incorporation at the constitutional level. Most importantly, it asserts that international human rights law requires such incorporation. | [
{
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"type": "repository"
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|
https://openalex.org/W3123735779 | Private Policing and Human Rights | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "David Alan Sklansky",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5047224009"
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] | [
{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Supreme court",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2778272461"
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C86615163"
},
{
"display_name": "Sociology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3123735779 | Very little of the expanding debate over private policing has employed the language of human rights. This is notable not just because private policing is a distinctly global phenomenon, and human rights have become, as Michael Ignatieff puts it, the lingua franca of global moral thought. It is notable as well because a parallel development that seems in many ways related to the spread of private policingthe escalating importance of private military companieshas been debated as a matter of human rights.This Article asks whether discussions of private policing have been impoverished by their failure to employ the language of human rights. It begins by discussing the dramatic rise, over the past several decades, in the size and significance of private policing. It then summarizes the academic and public policy debates about that development and considers what, if anything, the language of human rights could add to those debates, and whether the addition would be welcome. One strand of the Article compares the debate over private policing with the debate over private military companies. Another strand compares private policing with private prisons, in light of the recent ruling by the Supreme Court of Israel declaring private prisons unconstitutional. The Article concludes that the benefits of introducing the language of human rights into debates about private policing are far from clearwith one exception. Human rights, particularly as codified in international treaties, do seem a promising way to get traction on a particular aspect of police privatization that has received less attention than it deserves: the way in which widespread reliance on private security firms may weaken public commitment to providing everyone with a minimally acceptable degree of protection against private violence. | [
{
"display_name": "Law & Ethics of Human Rights",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S28304174",
"type": "journal"
}
] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2499706639 | The Case-by-Case Approach | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Sydney D. Bailey",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5033007193"
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] | [
{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
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{
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "Computer science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2499706639 | For the first four decades, the Security Council dealt with most human rights issues on an ad hoc basis. The single exception to this practice was the issue of self-determination, which preoccupied many UN organs in addition to the Security Council. There were occasional references to human rights instruments in resolutions1 or speeches.2 Occasionally the Council would include in a resolution or statement an appeal in general terms to respect human rights.3 From time to time, the Council received documents regarding human rights from other UN organs.4 The Council also received from UN Members documents alleging violations of human rights by other UN Members, but with no expectation that the Council would debate the matter or take a decision. That was probably the situation regarding a Soviet document in 1950 alleging ‘unremitting terrorism and mass executions in Greece’. Britain stated in the Council that matters dealt with in the Soviet document ‘are clearly within the sphere of Greek domestic jurisdiction, and the United Nations … is therefore precluded from discussing them’. The Council rejected the Soviet proposal to include the item in the agenda.5 Some States that have been criticized for failing to respect the human rights of those for whom they are responsible have turned the tables by criticizing their critics. In 1990, Israel circulated to the Security Council some of the Country Reports on Human Rights prepared by the US State Department, relating to eighteen States that had criticized Israeli policy.6 A recent, and respectable, use of this procedure was a document from Portugal alleging massive violations of human rights in East Timor.7 | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W3123934610 | A Human Rights Perspective to Global Battlefield Detention: Time to Reconsider Indefinite Detention | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Yuval Shany",
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
"display_name": "Terrorism",
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C191795146"
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{
"display_name": "International human rights law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C86615163"
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{
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{
"display_name": "Position (finance)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C198082294"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C190253527"
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{
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{
"display_name": "Business",
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{
"display_name": "Finance",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C10138342"
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3123934610 | The article discusses one principal challenge to detention without trial of suspected international terrorists — the international human rights law (IHRL) norm requiring the introduction of an upper limit on the duration of security detention in order to render it not indefinite in length. Part One describes the “hardline” position on the security detention, adopted by the United States in the immediate aftermath of the 9/11 terror attacks (followed, with certain variations, by other countries, including the UK and Israel), according to which international terrorism suspects can be deprived of their liberty without trial for the duration of the armed conflict in which the organizations they are affiliated with participate. Part Two describes judicial and quasi-judicial challenges to the “hardline” position, and Part Three addresses recent developments in IHRL relating to the co-application of IHL and IHRL and the extra-territoriality of certain IHRL norms, and specifically discusses developments relating to the application of IHRL norms governing security detentions. Part Four concludes by offering an IHRL-based perspective to security detention policy and, in particular, to aspects of the policy leading to de facto indefinite detention. | [
{
"display_name": "International law studies",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S2764702138",
"type": "journal"
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2887397753 | Canada and the United Nations Human Rights Council: Dissent and division | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Joanna Harrington",
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] | [
{
"display_name": "Human rights",
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C86615163"
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{
"display_name": "General assembly",
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{
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{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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{
"display_name": "Linguistic rights",
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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{
"display_name": "Public administration",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C3116431"
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{
"display_name": "Right to property",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C22299250"
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{
"display_name": "Law and economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C190253527"
},
{
"display_name": "Sociology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
}
] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2887397753 | In 2006, a new Human Rights Council came into existence, replacing the former Commission on Human Rights with a restructured intergovernmental body for the global promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Heralded as a turning point for human rights within the (IN system, it was hoped that the new 47-member Council would operate with a renewed emphasis on fairness and objectivity, although it must always be remembered that the Council remains a political body governed by and directed by states. As a member of the Council from 2006-2009, Canada became known as the lead voice of opposition, voting against what it viewed as unbalanced resolutions censuring Israel and the adoption of a long-awaited United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Canada also voted on principle and with the support of its usual allies against a variety of resolutions reflecting an agenda embraced by Asian, African and Islamic states, who can use their Council vote allocations to serve their own political goals at the expense of achieving consensus. More worrisome, however for the general health of the field of international human rights law is the seemingly unbridgeable gap between developed and developing states concerning the recognition of so-called third generation human rights, including collective human rights with an economic dimension, that is revealed by this review of the Council's resolution and decision-making activities from 2006-2009, focusing on those actions which were decided by a recorded vote. While the divisions between rich and poor and North vs. South, clearly pre-date the Council's establishment, their continuation and impact within a new institution dedicated to renewed cooperation reveals a degree of dysfunction worthy of further discussion during the Council's first review scheduled to take place in 2011. | [
{
"display_name": "University of New Brunswick Law Journal",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4306533901",
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W4389017054 | The Protection of Minorities and Human Rights | [] | [
{
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{
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{
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{
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4389017054 | From the dawn of modern international law, manifold treaties (especially peace treaties) have recognized the rights of specific minorities in specific territories. Today -- with Eastern Europe once more in turmoil and with minority groups all over the world clamouring for recognition -- there is a growing awareness that, irrespective of the observance of the fundamental freedoms of individuals, minority groups have their legitimate interests that must be appreciated and accommodated. This collection of essays grew out of an international legal colloquium, held at the Faculty of Law of Tel Aviv University in March 1990. Some of the papers have already been published in volume 20 of the Israel Yearbook on Human Rights, but others are printed here for the first time. The authors come from different parts of the world and represent different legal backgrounds. They are by no means at one in their analysis of the human rights of minority groups, but they all share the sense that problems of minorities cannot be brushed aside or glossed over. It is not too hazardous to forecast that these problems will actually intensify in the 21st century. Whereas they cannot be solved through exclusively legal means, international and constitutional lawyers must do their utmost to identify flash points and to offer at least some prescriptive guidelines. This is the principal purpose of the present volume. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2290375835 | Charter Remedies for Socio-Economic Rights Violations: Sleeping Under a Box? | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2290375835 | “The right to a remedy has often been considered one of the most fundamental and essential rights for the effective protection of all other human rights.” Introduction: Section 24(1) of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees that anyone whose rights have been infringed may “apply to a court of competent jurisdiction to obtain such remedy as the court considers appropriate and just in the circumstances.” Notwithstanding this promise of judicial enforcement of Charter rights, obtaining an “appropriate and just” remedy for socio-economic rights violations in Canada poses significant challenges. In particular, the historic distinction between positive and negative rights, long abandoned under international human rights law and increasingly rejected in other constitutional democracies, continues to be relied upon by Canadian tribunals and courts as a basis for refusing to remedy violations of the right to health, housing, social assistance and other socio-economic rights that are crucial to Charter guarantees of life, liberty, security of the person, and equality. Even in those infrequent cases where socio-economic rights violations have been found, judicial adherence to a positive/negative rights framework has also had an impact upon the Charter remedies that have been ordered by the courts.In a 2008 report on the legal enforcement of economic, social and cultural rights, the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) undertook a comprehensive review of socio-economic rights jurisprudence from Europe, Africa, Asia and the Americas, including cases from the United States, Germany, Israel, and the United Kingdom, among other jurisdictions. The ICJ report documents that, while the constitutions of some of the nations surveyed include explicit protection for socio-economic rights, courts and tribunals in many other countries rely on more general constitutional guarantees, such as the right to life and the right to non-discrimination, as a basis for enforcing socio-economic rights. Perhaps surprising to international observers, if not to human rights activists in Canada, the ICJ report underscores the degree to which Canadian courts and tribunals stand out in terms of their continuing conservatism in regards to the recognition and enforcement of socio-economic rights set out under the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), to which Canada has been a party for over 30 years. Of the 200-plus trial, appellate and supreme court cases contained in the ICJ’s report, only one Canadian case can be found: the 1997 Supreme Court of Canada decision in Eldridge v. British Columbia (Attorney General). In a paper I presented at the CIAJ’s annual conference in 1993, assessing the disappointing record of socio-economic rights jurisprudence after ten years under the Charter, I called upon the judges and tribunal members present to reject stereotypic views of poverty and to question conventional explanations of how state action or inaction impacts on the lives of the poor. Instead, I urged those in attendance to look to the voices and experiences of the low-income plaintiffs who appear before them to inform and ultimately to transform accepted meanings and traditional notions of rights. Only in this way, I argued, could the poor begin to enjoy the equal protection of Charter rights and the equal benefit of Charter remedies. Regrettably, little has changed in the intervening 15 years. For people living in poverty who, unlike affluent Canadians, lack alternate social, economic or political means of holding elected governments to account, continued reliance by Canadian courts and tribunals on the distinction between positive and negative rights as a basis for dismissing socio-economic rights claims represents a fundamental failure of constitutionalism and of the rule of law. As the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights observed in its General Comment No. 9 on domestic enforcement of the ICESCR: While the respective competences of the various branches of government must be respected, it is appropriate to acknowledge that courts are generally already involved in a considerable range of matters which have important resource implications. The adoption of a rigid classification of economic, social and cultural rights which puts them, by definition, beyond the reach of the courts would thus be arbitrary and incompatible with the principle that the two sets of human rights are indivisible and interdependent. It would also drastically curtail the capacity of the courts to protect the rights of the most vulnerable and disadvantaged groups in society. In this paper I will focus on the negative consequences judicial adherence to a positive/negative rights framework can have in those cases where courts and tribunals do intervene to address socio-economic rights claims, whether at the behest of low-income plaintiffs or of more advantaged Charter litigants. In the first part of the paper I will discuss two cases in which judicial adherence to a positive/negative rights framework has had adverse effects at a remedial level: the Supreme Court of Canada’s 2005 decision in Chaoulli v. Quebec (Attorney General) and the recent B.C. Supreme Court decision in Victoria (City) v. Adams. I will go on to propose an alternative approach to remedies in the socio-economic rights context. In particular, I will argue that judicial scrutiny of remedial claims in light of section 15 of the Charter is more likely than a traditional positive/negative rights framework to yield remedies that vindicate, rather than undermine the values and purposes of the Charter. | [
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https://openalex.org/W43680512 | Implications of Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Belgium on the Pinochet Precedent: A Setback for International Human Rights Litigation? | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W43680512 | In 1999, the British House of Lords issued a landmark decision abrogating Augusto Pinochet's immunity under international law as a former head of state, declaring him subject to extradition for the crime of torture.1 The former Chilean dictator was eventually declared too ill to stand trial and returned to Chile. Still, the Law Lords' decision was hailed as a major breakthrough by the international human rights community, and spawned a campaign to bring heads of state and other leaders accused of human rights abuses to trial in foreign courts. The Pinochet decision brought to the fore the tension between the increasingly broad reach of international human rights law and the fundamental international law principle of sovereign equality.2 Criticism of the decision ranged from the basic notion that this was an impermissible abrogation of Chile's sovereignty, to the more nuanced argument that international prosecution of former dictators would detract from certain nations' abilities to make the transition from dictatorship to democracy. This year, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), in Democratic Republic of the Congo v. Belgium, had the opportunity to consider a similar issue-whether Belgium could bring Congo's Minister for Foreign Affairs, Abdoulaye Yerodia, to trial in its courts for alleged against humanity.3 The ICJ denied Belgium's claim on the IMAGE FORMULA4 specific ground that incumbent Ministers for Foreign Affairs are immune from criminal suit abroad, notwithstanding allegations of having committed crimes or against humanity.4 By clarifying that the Pinochet precedent does not extend by force of logic to incumbent officials, Congo v. Belgium has already had a real world impact-causing the Belgian Court of Appeals to dismiss the prosecution of Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon for war crimes, which had been brought under the same statute that authorized the Yerodia prosecution.5 It may also have a broader effect. The main holding of Congo v. Belgium is technically consistent with Pinochet, insofar as the ICJ ruled on the immunity of incumbent rather than former officials. The reasoning of the ICJ, however, is in serious tension with that of the Law Lords, and the opinion could even be read as a rejection of Pinochet. Insofar as Pinochet was considered by many to represent a sea change in the international law on official immunity, the ICJ opinion casts doubt on this belief. This development will consider the impact of the Congo v. Belgium decision on the Pinochet precedent and the law on official immunity for serious international crimes. Part I will briefly review the legal bases for the Pinochet decision. Part II will lay out the legal bases of the majority opinion in Congo v. Belgium, and examine what of Pinochet survives that opinion. Part III will examine the main Congo v. Belgium concurrence and highlight its attempt to salvage the Pinochet precedent-an attempt which throws into relief the fact that Pinochet has, in fact, been undercut. I. PINOCHET In October 1998, a Spanish court issued an international arrest warrant against Augusto Pinochet for acts of torture, hostage taking, and other conduct carried out during his reign of power in Chile, invoking universal jurisdiction as a basis for its action. Pinochet, who had entered Britain for back surgery in September 1998, was arrested by British authorities pursuant to the Spanish warrant. Pinochet's challenge to this action eventually reached the House of Lords, where a majority of the Law Lords found that, despite his status as a former head of state, Pinochet was not entitled to immunity from arrest and extradition on the specific charges of torture and conspiracy to commit torture.6 IMAGE FORMULA7 In order to reach the issue of whether Pinochet enjoyed immunity under British law, the Law Lords had to first interpret the relevant international law. … | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2477670443 | International Law and the Case of Operation Cast Lead: “Lawfare” and the Struggle for Justice | [
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"Israel"
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"https://openalex.org/W2005947903",
"https://openalex.org/W2053738766",
"https://openalex.org/W2081487851",
"https://openalex.org/W4249344412"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2477670443 | This chapter examines how Israeli and Palestinian human rights organizations use international law differently in the course of their advocacy: Palestinian human rights organizations use international law as a form of nonviolent resistance against Israeli occupation, while Israeli human rights organizations focus their efforts on strengthening Israeli democracy by encouraging government accountability to human rights principles, including state adherence to international human rights norms. Both Palestinian and Israeli (and international) human rights and humanitarian organizations have been criticized by some members of the Israeli government and its supporters, however, for this advocacy, with their work seen as a form of anti-Semitism, as “lawfare”1, or as supportive of terrorism.2 | [
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https://openalex.org/W3153304034 | Protection of fundamental rights and freedoms in the legal system of Israel | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3153304034 | From the very beginning, Israel has been a democracy under siege. For the first forty-five years of its existence, Israel lived without a written constitution or any other written statement of the basic rights and freedoms of its citizens. The task of safeguarding the basic rights and freedoms in Israel was left to the courts. The Kol Ha'am decision was an inspiration for the construction of Israeli human rights case law on the broadest possible base of normative sources, such as the basic principles of equality, liberty and justice, the American constitutional case law, the principles of Jewish law and tradition and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The two basic laws enacted in 1992 arose from the understanding that the enactment of a general Bill of Rights might not be the most appropriate choice for Israel and that it would be wiser to pass a bill that deals only with the rights that are considered to be less politically controversial. The first basic law on civil rights that was passed in Israel deals with the freedom of occupation, i.e. the freedom to follow the vocation of one-choosing. The second law deals with a whole range of rights under the general rubric of human dignity and liberty The Supreme Court of Israel held that the Basic Laws represent the supreme law of the State of Israel and that the judicial review of the legislation shall be performed in the light of the Basic Laws. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2261343546 | The Wall, Obligations Erga Omnes and Human Rights: The Case for Withdrawing the European Community's Terms of Preferential Trade with Israel | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2261343546 | In this paper, the author argues that the European Community's Association Agreement with Israel is not compatible with public international law and European Community law. This is especially so as regards Article 2 of that agreement which stipulates that the EC-Israel relationship is conditional upon respect for human rights, democracy and the rule of law. He argues that in the light of the ICJ's 9 July 2004 Advisory Opinion on the Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, particularly regarding its findings as to Israel's breaches of obligations erga omnes; there is a case to be made that those parts of the agreement that grant Israel preferential trade should be withdrawn. This is because Israel has been found to be in breach of its humanitarian and human-rights obligations under customary international law, which according to the jurisprudence of the European Court of Justice, is binding upon the European Community. That Israel is in material breach of the association agreement is therefore beyond doubt. Israel should not, therefore, benefit from its unlawful act through having preferential access to the common market. Under European Community law, access to the common market is conditional. It is a privilege and not a right. Israel should therefore not benefit from its illegal act. As long as Israel remains in breach of customary norms of international law, as set out in the Advisory Opinion, the international responsibility of the European Community will remain. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4312694486 | Israel and apartheid: Opinion of human rights NGOs, and Israeli Government denials | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4312694486 | Between 2019 and early 2022 more than 15 human rights NGOs have brought accusations against Israel regarding the presence of signs of apartheid both in the territory of the State of Israel and in the occupied territories. Based on documents of international law (the International Convention against the Crime of Apartheid and the Rome Statute), NGOs (national and international) have presented in a number of reports why the reality in which the Palestinian people live should be called apartheid. Although the term ‘apartheid’ has no geographic reference, its use for systems established outside of South Africa is very rare and highly controversial. However, accusations against Israel, which have been going on for a long time, are gaining popularity and are also reflected in the reports of the Special Rapporteurs on the situation of human rights in the occupied Palestinian territories, which are mainly based on data provided by NGOs. Israel contends that these accusations are false and have nothing to do with reality. Thus, the Israeli authorities have repeatedly stated that in this way human rights organizations promote hate, incitement, violence, and terror. Despite the tendentious nature of the information, NGOs have a significant impact on the image of the Jewish state and on public opinion in the context of supporting the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination, although they will not make changes to Israel’s policy. | [
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https://openalex.org/W324965066 | Codification of Human Rights at National and International Levels General Perspectives | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W324965066 | AbstractIsraeli human rights law is strongly linked to a variety of historical and political circumstances. Israel is considered to be a ‘mixed jurisdiction’, with common law roots incorporating aspects of civil law as well as deference to religious legal systems in some dimensions. This diversity is evident also in the constitutional protection of human rights. Israel lacks a comprehensive formal constitution, and yet some institutions and rights are enshrined in statutory instruments that enjoy a higher status in the legal hierarchy. Otherwise, much of the constitutional law is judge-made, primarily by the Israeli Supreme Court in its capacity as High Court of Justice. In 1992, the Israeli parliamentary assembly (the Knesset) adopted two substantive laws of a fundamentally constitutional character, significantly enhancing the scope of judicial review of legislation on some human rights bases. This development is widely known as Israel’s ‘constitutional revolution’, as explained in more detail below.KeywordsHuman DignityJudicial ReviewGaza StripHague ConventionConstitutional ProtectionThese keywords were added by machine and not by the authors. This process is experimental and the keywords may be updated as the learning algorithm improves. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2954802651 | Establishing an NHRI in a Contested Political Space: A Deliberative Process in Israel | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2954802651 | How can a National Human Rights Institution (NHRI), as the centrepiece of a national human rights system, be established and contribute to the domestic institutionalisation of human rights in a contested political space? Could the effectiveness of domestic human rights actors be enhanced without a formal NHRI? This article reflects on a deliberative process regarding the establishment of an NHRI compliant with the ‘Paris Principles' as the prevailing international standard, in the contested political space of Israel. It describes the discussion's overall setting and analyses the main elements of the consultative process. Although none of the institutions working in the field of human rights in Israel merit NHRI accreditation, in concert they constitute a functional system of domestic institutionalisation. The project raised several dilemmas looking ahead: should the goal be a ‘first-best’ NHRI? Would an Israeli NHRI be able to address the most severe human rights violations? Could the political atmosphere have adverse effects on the protection of human rights? How should an NHRI be designed with effectiveness in mind? We conclude that the Paris Principles, however necessary, do not in themselves ensure effectiveness, and might be too demanding politically in contested spaces, such as present-day Israel. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1696222084 | Israel in Light of Structural and Cultural Variables | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1696222084 | Violations of human rights in democratic systems are usually case-related rather than the result of a consistent, articulated policy. This is also the situation in Israel, where governmental authorities are required to safeguard the individual's fundamental “natural” rights and the Israeli Knesset (parliament) is required to uphold the fundamental rights outlined in the Basic Laws of 1992, namely Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty and Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation. As a result, human rights organizations usually adopt a case-related strategy in which they help people in specific cases defend their rights, rather than attempting to inculcate attitudinal changes in society in support of human rights. This is also the reason why these organizations regard the Court as their natural ally in defending human rights and helping people in litigation. However, in the long run, such an approach may prove ineffective in societies such as Israel, in which the norms of human rights have not been internalized in the political culture. In such societies, the case-specific strategy may achieve results in the short term, but in the long run may create the impression that human rights are the interest of elitist groups rather than the whole society. Given that the Court is heavily dependent on the legitimacy granted to it by the public, this process of alienating the public from human rights procedures may lead to a decline in the legitimacy given to the Court in defending human rights. Therefore, human rights organizations in Israeli society must consider these conditions and design a long-term strategy for defending human rights through the internalization of norms in society. A number of significant changes in Israeli political culture in recent decades make the possibility of instilling such norms in society more feasible. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3121779698 | Israel's Associated Regime: Exceptionalism, Human Rights and Alternative Legality | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3121779698 | In the context of Israel’s declared permanent state of exception, this article focuses on the legal protection awarded to the Palestinian populations under Israeli control. To broaden the discussion over Palestinian people’s rights, which generally focuses on the confiscation of land and the right to return, the author consciously focuses on anti-terrorism and security measures, which contribute to the creation of what the International Court of Justice has defined as an 'associated regime' of occupation. The article is divided into three parts. In the first part, the author discusses Israel’s domestic obligations towards Palestinians (arguing the case of both Palestinian citizens of Israel, and Palestinian residents) and their de jure and de facto discrimination. The second part discusses the applicability of humanitarian law, specifically the applicability of the Fourth Geneva Convention. This section discusses the applicability of the Convention to both territories and people under Israeli control. The third part discusses the applicability of international human rights law to all territories under Israeli control and delves into the issue of the mutual relationship between the two international legal regimes in the territories under occupation. The article posits that Israel’s rationale for the non-applicability of such legislation to the Palestinian territories and populations it controls constitutes a form of 'alternative legality'. The article concludes that Israel’s disproportionate application of security practices and anti-terrorism measures to the Palestinian segment of its population violates Palestinian rights protected under Israel’s domestic and international legal obligations. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2732379323 | Domestic Human Rights Adjudication in the Shadow of International Law: The Status of Human Rights Conventions in Israel | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2732379323 | English Abstract: The quarter-century anniversary of Israel’s ratification of the major U.N. human rights treaties is an opportunity to revisit the formal and informal interaction between domestic and international Bills of Rights in Israel. The study reveals that the human rights conventions lack almost entirely a formal domestic legal status. The current study identifies a minor shift in the scope of the Israeli Supreme Court’s reference to international law, as the Court now cites international human rights law to justify decisions that a state action is unlawful, and not only to support findings that an action is valid. This shift may be the result of other reasons, for instance, a ‘radiation’ of the Court’s relatively extensive use of international humanitarian law in reviewing state actions taken in the Occupied Territories. However, it may also reflect a perception of enhanced legitimacy of referring to international human rights law as a point of reference in human rights adjudication, following the treaties’ ratification.At the same time, the Court continues to avoid acknowledging incompatibility between domestic law and international law. It refers to the latter only as a support to its interpretation of the Israeli constitutional law, as it did before the ratification. The paper critically evaluates this practice. While international human rights law should not be domestically binding, due to its lack of sufficient democratic legitimacy in Israel, it should serve as an essential benchmark. The Court may legitimize a human right infringement that is unjustified according to international law, but such incompatibility requires an explicit justification. The Court, as well as the legislature and the government, are required to critically engage with the non-binding norms set by the ratified U.N. human rights treaties. | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1483758970 | 1. Introduction 2. Institutional theory and social choice studies: understanding the anatomy of human rights 3. Human rights between constitutional rhetoric and state practice 4. Structural and cultural variables favoring a short-term orientation 5. The right to be free from the threat of torture in light of structural and cultural complexity 6. The right to equality: gender segregation on ultra-orthodox buses following the Israeli High Court of Justice ruling on the 'segregation lines' in 2011 7. The right to enjoy a decent lifestyle: the case of the Laron law - national insurance law (amendment no. 109, 2008) encouraging the disabled to work 8. The human rights commission in Israel that never was 9. Property rights - the issue of designing policy about the separation fence - the High Court of Justice case: Beit Sureiq Village v. the State of Israel, 2004 10. The right to human dignity and liberty: the organ transplant law, 5768 (2008) 11. Policy evaluation: analyzing the reality for human rights. | [] |
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4384928432 | For decades, human rights organizations have exposed egregious abuses carried out by states across the globe. Yet, simultaneously, other national and transnational civil society actors have waged war on these human rights organizations to shield rights-abusive states from accountability. These assaults have increasingly resulted in the normative claims of human rights organizations being sidelined while rights-abusive laws and policies gain further ground. This article uses Israel as its primary case study to interrogate these civil society wars and their effects on human rights. Examining the work of Israeli and pro-Israeli civil society actors in bolstering apartheid and shielding the state from criticism, I highlight three strategies—native dispossession, lawfare, and advocacy—that civil society actors use to enable apartheid. I go on to show how these actors adopt liberal tactics to protect, reproduce, and facilitate apartheid and to attack human rights defenders. By way of conclusion, I argue that the dominant paradigm informing human rights NGOs needs to be modified and their remit needs to be extended to include civil society actors that contribute to the perpetuation of social wrongs. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1964236735 | The political economy of human rights: the struggle over the establishment of a human rights commission in Israel | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1964236735 | This article analyses the attempts to establish a human rights commission in Israel by using public choice theory and socio-cultural variables as explanations. It develops a theoretical framework that views the decision-making process (1999–2004) as dictated by several conditions: non-governability, the judicialization of politics and the special characteristics of civil society in Israel. It emphasizes the existence of an outcome-directed, participative political culture with alternative (instrumental) characteristics. Thus, the call for social change is characterized by protest and challenges to the authorities. These considerations have received less emphasis in the human rights literature. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2234092565 | The Israeli Unfinished Constitutional Revolution: Has the Time Come for Protecting Economic and Social Rights? | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2234092565 | This article addresses the constitutional discourse surrounding the status of economic and social rights in Israel. It examines the principal interpretive strategies adopted by the Supreme Court with regard to the 1992 basic laws (in particular, with respect to the right to human dignity)and criticizes the Court's reluctance to apply analogous strategies to incorporate economic and social rights into Israeli constitutional law. Potential explanations for this biased approach are also critically discussed. The ensuing outcome is a constitutional imbalance in Israeli law, which perpetuates the unjustified view that economic and social rights are inherently inferior to their civil and political counterparts, and puts in question Israel's compliance with its obligations under the International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. At the same time, encouraging recent Supreme Court decisions, particularly the YATED and Marciano judgments, indicate growing acceptance on the part of the Court of the role of economic and social rights in Israeli constitutional law, and raise hopes for a belated judicial change of heart concerning the need to protect at least a hard core of economic and social rights. Still, the article posits that the possibilities of promoting the constitutional status of economic and social rights through case-to-case litigation are limited and calls for the renewal of the legislation procedures of draft Basic Law: Social Rights in the Knesset. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3119091416 | Human Rights in Indefinite Occupation: Palestine | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3119091416 | This article suggests a framework for realizing human rights while retaining the protections of international humanitarian law (IHL), in the context of Israel’s 52-year occupation of the Palestinian territory. It proposes using norms of nondiscrimination and progressive realization of economic and social rights to interpret the content of the occupant’s obligations to provide for civilian welfare. It argues that Israel should provide Palestinians living under occupation with the same level of services it provides its own citizens.
The framework takes into account of the length of the occupation and actions Israel has taken to blur the distinction between its territory and the occupied territory. Relying on principles of good faith and estoppel, it argues that such conduct weakens what would otherwise be valid arguments against allocating funds to pay for Palestinian services or allowing Palestinians entry into Israel, where such funding and travel are needed to fulfill IHL obligations and human rights.
The analysis is grounded in the circumstances of the occupied Palestinian territory but can be applied to other prolonged occupations, as well. It thus contributes to an underdeveloped aspect of the scholarship on complementarity between IHL and international human rights law, namely the content of an occupant’s duty to realize economic, social and cultural rights. It includes recommendations for third party states, international organizations and civil society actors. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2971059608 | The architecture of human rights at work in Israeli law | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2971059608 | In the first case raising employees' privacy issues in Israel, the employer argued that employees deposit their right to privacy when they enter the workplace. The courts rejected the claim, and by now it is well established that human rights are stored in a backpack that is attached to the human whether she is in the public or private spheres, and clearly when she is at work. In the last two decades the Israeli judiciary established a detailed jurisprudence of human rights at work, devising a Bill of Rights for employees. The Bill of Rights includes the freedom of occupation, right to privacy, free speech, equality, freedom of belief and conscience and the right to dignity. On the same basis, the courts also recognized the employer's rights to property the freedom of contract. The chapter seeks to understand the legal infrastructure constituting the employees' Bill of Rights and its outcomes. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2300658016 | Human Rights in Private Law: The Israeli Case | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2300658016 | The protection of human rights Israeli private law has to be understood the context of the broader framework of Israeli constitutional law. The history of Israel’s written constitution is unique. When the State of Israel was established, the first elected Parliament (the Knesset) was expected to adopt a written Constitution for the new It soon became apparent that the needed consensus could not be reached. The ideological rifts and gaps were unbridgeable. It was therefore decided that Israel’s Constitution should be written piecemeal manner, chapter-by-chapter. The enactment of these chapters, entitled Laws, was deferred to future times. By the dawn of the 1990s, ten basic laws had been enacted. Yet, these dealt with the structure and powers of governmental institutions such as the Knesset, the government and the courts. None of these actually dealt with human rights and freedoms.During this long period, the Israeli Supreme Court has recognized and enforced human rights relying on unwritten constitutional principles. This judicial recognition of human rights was not merely empty rhetoric, but rather an operative one the sense that the Court enforced those rights when they were infringed by actions taken by government authorities. The main limitation of this form of judicial protection of human rights was only its loyalty to traditional views regarding legislative sovereignty, which means that it was short of invalidating infringing legislation. A major step toward the creation of a formal constitutional bill of rights took place 1992 with the enactment of two additional basic laws - Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation and Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty. These Basic Laws declare that their purpose is to safeguard the rights enumerated them, in order to anchor a Basic Law the values of the State of Israel as Jewish and Democratic state. Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation deals with the relatively specific to engage any occupation, profession or trade, whereas Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty protects several basic rights, including the right to life, bodily integrity and human dignity, the right to property, the right to personal liberty, the right to freely enter and leave the country and the right to privacy. Notably, these two basic laws were soon interpreted by the Supreme Court as empowering the courts to carry out judicial review of primary legislation. Unfortunately, however, the project of enacting a complete bill of rights for Israel has not yet been completed. The controversy as to whether the basic laws empower the courts to conduct judicial review of legislation and their interpretation by the Supreme Court, stalled the completion of a full bill of rights by additional basic laws, and it is doubtful whether they will be enacted the foreseeable future. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2968696388 | The Human(ised) Right to Water and its limits: the case of Israel-Palestine. | [
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"display_name": "Mia Tamarin",
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C86615163"
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C190253527"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2968696388 | International Human Rights Law (IHRL) is often touted as a champion of justice. My research
questions this proposition by analysing the discursive and legal implications of IHRL’s application
within a greater system of international law and in context of the Israeli-Palestinian water
conflict. The research analyses provisions offered under the Human Right (HR) to water in light
of other relevant bodies of international law and finds that Palestinian water rights are further
limited. IHRL, based on humanised needs, facilitates a legally-compliant threshold that is used
by hydro-hegemons to limit rights and legitimise breaches. The call for equal water rights, envisioned
through the lens of the State, thereby compromises collective water rights and results in
abstract rights-balancing that distort the imbalance of occupied people. Moreover, with HR the
role of agriculture in water consumption is overlooked and thus water rights are further limited.
The research therefore highlights the issue of sovereignty over resources and demonstrates some
problems relating to international legal fragmentation. Lastly, in order to analyse the power that
underlies law, the research examines the Israeli- Palestinian negotiations process and finds that
legal claims are “knocked off the table”. Thus it concludes that HR discourses and international
legal structures become part of the problem rather than the solution and should be deployed with
awareness of their limitations.
Keywords: the human right to water; legal fragmentation, Israeli- Palestinian conflict. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2288081460 | Comparing Modern Victims' Rights in Israel and America: Israeli Victims' Rights Need Remedy | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2288081460 | This article describes, compares and analyzes crime victims' rights in the United States and Israel. In the context of Israel's somewhat differing procedures, the article argues that Israeli criminal justice would be improved with enforceable victims' rights. Seemingly parallel developments in recent years provide fertile ground for an up to date comparison and evaluation.The criminal justice system has long functioned on the assumption that crime victims should behave like good Victorian children - seen but not heard. Crime Victims' Rights Act sought to change this by making victims independent participants in the criminal process. CVRA guarantees victims eight different rights, and unlike the prior victims' rights statute ... allows victims to enforce them. Opinion of Judge Kozinsky, Kenna v. U.S. District Court (9th Circuit 2008). The court is not only responsible for molding the law, it also bears a responsibility toward the person who has been actually or potentially harmed by any criminal act… Human dignity and liberty are also rights of the citizen who has been harmed, hurt, run over by a vehicle, raped or blackmailed. court's view should be comprehensive and balanced and it should not focus on one human sector only. Chief Justice Shamgar, CrimFH 2316/95 Ganimat v. State of Israel, 49(4) PD 589, 629 [1989]. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2922744436 | INTERRELATIONS BETWEEN HUMAN RIGHTS AND INTERNATIONAL HUMANITARIAN LAW ACCORDING TO SEPARATION WALL CASE | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2922744436 | According to the ICJ, Israel has violated International Human Rights Law (IHRL) namely the right to liberty of movement under the 1966 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the right to work, the right to health, the right to education, and to an adequate standard of living under the 1966 International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) and the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). This paper will discuss whether those norms are also covered under International Humanitarian Law (IHL) applicable in the occupied territory. It is without doubt that Geneva Convention IV in the occupied territory applies since the military occupation occurred and the victims who are the Palestinian inhabitants are regarded as protected persons. Israel has not become a party to the 1977 Additional Protocol I, consequently, those provisions do not apply unless those provisions are considered customary law. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2597528717 | יושבים בתוך עמם: החלת המשפט הישראלי בבתי המשפט הצבאיים בשטחיםThe Application of Israeli Law in Military Courts in the Occupied Territories | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2597528717 | תקציר בעברית: מדינת ישראל מנהלת שתי מערכות שונות של משפט פלילי, בתחום השיפוט הריבוני של המדינה, ובשטחים הכבושים. מערכת המשפט הצבאית בשטחים אחראית לשפיטתם של פלסטינים תושבי הגדה המערבית, ונתפסת כמערכת נפרדת ממערכת המשפט הישראלי. עם זאת, מזה למעלה משני עשורים מאמצים שופטים בבתי המשפט הצבאיים יותר ויותר חלקים מן המשפט הפלילי הישראלי אל תוך המשפט הצבאי ומקדמים תהליך של מיזוג, המבטא מאמץ להידמות למשפט הישראלי, ולהביא להאחדה של שתי מערכות המשפט.
השופטים הצבאיים מציגים את אימוץ החוק הישראלי כאמצעי להגנה על זכויות הנאשמים הפלסטינים. אך בשל פערים של שפה, ידע וחינוך משפטי, החוק הישראלי אינו נגיש לנאשמים ולעורכי דינם הפלסטינים ולכן החלתו אינה מאפשרת להם לתבוע זכויות על פיו ולנהל הגנה משפטית אפקטיבית, אלא מעצימה את הדרתם מתוך השיח המשפטי הצבאי. תהליך המיזוג אינו ממלא אם כן את ההבטחה ביחס לזכויות הפלסטינים, אך מנגד מאפשר לשופטים הצבאיים להציג את פועלם כחלק אינטגרלי של שיטת המשפט הישראלית, וכך לחתור ללגיטימציה בקרב הקהילה המשפטית הישראלית.
תהליך המיזוג מנוגד למדיניות הרשמית של אי-סיפוח השטחים ושמירה על הפרדה בין המשטר הצבאי בשטחים למשטר הדמוקרטי בישראל פנימה. הוא מבטא הבנה שהתגבשה לאחר האינתיפאדה השניה כי הכיבוש אינו עומד בפני סיום. בעקבותיה החלה המערכת המשפטית הצבאית לפעול פחות ופחות כמערכת של כיבוש צבאי, האמור להיות זמני ולא לשנות את הנוף המשפטי המקומי, ולהידמות יותר ויותר למערכת משפטית קולוניאלית היברידית המשלבת את משפט מדינת האם והמשפט המקומי של הקולוניה. הפער העצום בין האופן שבו משתקפים בתי המשפט הצבאיים בכתיבתם של השופטים כמרחב חוקי המבטא שאיפה לצדק, לבין החוויה של חוסר חוק והעדר צדק מוחלט המשתקפת מדבריהם של עורכי דין פלסטינים, ניתן להסבר על ידי היחס בין הכלל לחריג. עבור הישראלים מהווה המשפט הצבאי חריג של שלטון החוק המוכר להם מהמשטר הפנימי של מדינתם. במונחים אלו, המיזוג עם המשפט הישראלי נראה כמהלך חיובי כיוון שהוא מכוון לצמצם את החריג לטובת הרחבת הכלל. אך עבור הפלסטינים שאינם חלק מאותו כלל, המסגרת של המשפט הישראלי אינה מספקת כל הסבר או הצדקה, ואינה מצמצמת עבורם את החריג שבתוכו הם חיים.
ההתבוננות על מערכת המשפט הישראלית והצבאית כמכלול אחד מראה עד כמה היחסים בין שתי מערכות אלו מורכבים ומתעתעים. החוק הישראלי אינו מוחל בשטחים כעניין פורמלי, אלא באופן חלקי ובלתי פורמלי בלבד. הוא נותר לכן באזור הסף שבו הוא מוחל ולא מוחל בעת ובעונה אחת. ההפרדה המוכלת של מערכת המשפט הצבאית מאפשרת בה בעת לשמור על הכיבוש כחיצוני ואחר מהמשפט הפנימי, אך גם להכיל אותו תוך יצירת מראית עין של שלטון חוק.
English Abstract: The Israeli military legal system in the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT) is subject to International Humanitarian Law, which generally prohibits unnecessary changes to local law and the application of the occupier's law. However, application of Israeli law into the military legal system is a growing trend, and by now, stated policy. It is argued that the adoption of Israeli law, which better complies with human rights standards, promotes compliance with such standards in the OPT. This work examines whether, and if so to what extent, this is indeed the case.
This question is addressed in terms of both International Humanitarian Law and International Human Rights Law, providing a specific context for looking at the interplay between these two branches of international law. With regard to fair trial rights, the standards of both are complementary and mutually reinforcing.
The end result, as argued, is that the application of Israeli law does not promote human rights and specifically fair trial rights observance. Israeli law is applied without due regard to the local conditions in the occupied territory and respect to local laws and conceptions. It is widely practiced and generates fear of de facto annexation. It indeed promotes certain fair trial rights and equality between defendants in Israel and the OPT. But these are less substantial than other abundant and serious violations.
More importantly, it is completely inaccessible to most of the defense lawyers, who are Palestinian, and thus violates the rights of the defense: the principle of equality of arms and the right to facilities for the defense. The discourse around Israeli law is internal to Israeli society and excludes Palestinian defendants and defense lawyers. Thus, theory has no bearing on practice, to the detriment of the realization of fair trial rights. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3159992947 | Conclusion The American and Westminster Models | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3159992947 | Abstract This concluding chapter identifies the four major causes of the growth and origin of judicial review in the G-20 common law countries and in Israel. First, the need for a federalism umpire, and occasionally a separation of powers umpire, played a major role in the development of judicial review of the constitutionality of legislation in the United States, in Canada, in Australia, in India, and most recently in the United Kingdom. Second, there is a rights from wrongs phenomenon at work in the growth of judicial review in the United States, after the Civil War; in Canada, with the 1982 adoption of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms; in India, after the Indira Gandhi State of Emergency led to a massive trampling on human rights; in Israel, after the Holocaust; in South Africa, after racist apartheid misrule; and in the United Kingdom, after that country accumulated an embarrassing record before the European Court of Human Rights prior to 1998. This proves that judicial review of the constitutionality of legislation often occurs in response to a deprivation of human rights. Third, the seven common law countries all borrowed a lot from one another, and from civil law countries, in writing their constitutions. Fourth, and finally, the common law countries all create multiple democratic institutions or political parties, which renders any political attempt to strike back at the Supreme Court impossible to maintain. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3114635340 | The Israeli Law’s Attitude Towards Minors’ Rights of Participation in Making Decisions Relating to Them | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3114635340 | The purpose of the paper is to examine the attitude of Israeli law towards minors’ participation in making decisions relating to them. This right is expressed in the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child which has turned into an international document approved by nations all over the world. The minor’s right to participate in decisions relating to him is enshrined in Section 12 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child. It is possible to see that the convention recognized the dignity of the person and the human rights of the minor. However, it is willing to grant rights to minors taking into consideration their age and their different stages of development. Sometimes parents focus mainly on their own interest and rights, and thus find it hard to faithfully determine their children’s rights and protect their best interest. If a minor does not have the right to participate in legal proceedings relating to him, he might get hurt. The view which accepts the notion of independent representation of a minor stems from the concept that a minor has rights like adults, and those rights include one to independent representation. Such a right can be practiced when the minor himself, his guardian or lawyer, represents his interests independently from his parents. Israeli law generally does not provide minors with independent rights such as the right to be a part of decision making. However, it does provide minors with rights in specific cases which might be seen as necessary, and there is still considerable space for the personal worldview of the judge. In addition, Israeli law is yet to adequately define the exact role of the legal guardian representing a minor and his methods of operation, and nowadays this duty depends on the personality of a legal guardian and his approach to this duty. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4245143821 | American European Beth-El Mission <i>v</i>. Minister of Social Welfare. | [] | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4245143821 | The individual in international law — Human rights and freedoms — Religious freedom — Religious education of minors — Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 1948 — International Convention on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 (Article 18 (4)) — International Treaty for Prevention of Religious Intolerance (Article 4) — Declaration of the Rights of a Child, 1960 — The law of Israel. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2489239763 | Marab and Others <i>v</i>. Israel Defence Force Commander in the West Bank and Another | [] | [
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https://openalex.org/W3136589912 | International Human Rights Law | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3136589912 | The generally accepted position today is that international human rights treaties to which an occupying state is a party apply to that state’s actions in occupied territory. The Government of Israel rejects this position. This chapter examines the Court’s view on the issue. The Court often refers to provisions in human rights treaties in its decisions relating to Israel’s actions in the Occupied Territories, but it has never taken a firm position on the treaties’ formal applicability. The Court’s position on the relationship between international human rights law and other applicable bodies of law is also ambiguous. Thus the Court has left the applicable legal regime indeterminate. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4251073732 | Biden's foreign policy has human rights emphasis | [] | [
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4251073732 | Significance Separately, his administration on February 11 announced a sanctions regime to pressure the Myanmar military to reverse the recent coup. It has also instigated a return to membership of the Geneva-based UN Human Rights Council, which the former US administration left in 2018. Impacts A values-based foreign policy will connect with Congress, where there is support for human rights and democracy promotion. Biden will exacerbate some political tensions over Israel as he increases US participation in international human rights foruns. Under international law, the designation of China’s treatment of Muslim Uighurs as genocide would require action from Washington. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W1869735498 | Reforming the Human Rights Council | [
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"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Philip Linghammar",
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1869735498 | The purpose of this essay is to examine how the reform process of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights has handled the problem of membership, politicization and selectivity and if the reform have led to an improvement. This question is answered by comparing the Commission on Human Rights with the Human Rights Council.
The conclusion of the study is that the reform has not led to any significant improvement in the three problem areas. The membership is still composed of states with bad human rights records and the Council is, like the Commission was, still selective towards Israel. And the question of politicization has not been solved. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2015837936 | Private Policing and Human Rights | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2015837936 | Very little of expanding debate over private policing has employed language of human rights. This is notable not just because private policing is a distinctly global phenomenon, and human rights have become, as Michael Ignatieff puts it, the lingua franca of global moral thought. It is notable as well because a parallel development that seems in many ways related to spread of private policing - escalating importance of private military companies - has been debated as a matter of human rights.This short paper, written for a conference on private power and human rights at Academic Center of Law & Business in Ramat Gan, Israel, asks whether discussions of private policing have been impoverished by their failure to employ language of human rights. It begins by discussing dramatic rise, over past several decades, in size and significance of private policing. It then summarizes academic and public policy debates about that development and considers what, if anything, language of human rights could add to those debates, and whether addition would be welcome. One strand of paper compares debate over private policing with debate over private military companies. Another strand compares private policing with private prisons, in light of recent ruling by Supreme Court of Israel declaring private prisons unconstitutional. The paper concludes that benefits of introducing language of human rights into debates about private policing are far from clear - with one exception. Human rights, particularly as codified in international treaties, do seem a promising way to get traction on a particular aspect of police privatization that has received less attention than it deserves: way in which widespread reliance on private security firms may weaken public commitment to providing everyone with a minimally acceptable degree of protection against private violence. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2272035380 | The Panopticon of International Law: Human Rights Compliance in a Transnational Society | [
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"display_name": "Sascha-Dominik Oliver Vladimir Bachmann",
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"Israel"
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"https://openalex.org/W370927472",
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"https://openalex.org/W4242879964",
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2272035380 | This paper analyzes the influence of transnational actors on compliance with international legal rules, as part of Foucault’s power/knowledge structure. Particularly it examines the effect of the “Shooting Back” project, by the Israeli NGO B’Tselem, on the level of investigations of alleged violations of the law of occupation. According to Bentham’s principles of Panoptism, power should be visible and unverifiable. Transnational actors, through their geographical spread and their civilian activists, conjointly with their use of cheap and available means of communication provide both. The implementation of these principles is well presented by the “Shooting Back” project. In 2007 B’Tselem supplied Palestinians living in high-conflict areas with video-cameras in order to capture, expose, and “seek redress for” human rights violations in the Occupied Territories. This project caused soldiers and their commanders to be aware of the possibility that they are observed and documented, without knowing the exact source of the observer. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4223524075 | Can Rights Discourse Diminish Support for Displaced Persons? | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4223524075 | Human rights discourse has become central to the global debates about treatment of and solutions for refugees and displaced persons. Following the expansion of rights-oriented terminology generally, advocates for displacees have increasingly framed their arguments in human rights terms. Many believe that human rights discourse can help mobilize humanitarian solutions for people fleeing violence and persecution. However, we argue that the backlash against human rights institutions and organizations within some communities may render this strategy ineffective and even reinforce exclusionary attitudes among host communities. Based on socio-legal analysis of the refugee label and human rights discourse within Israeli society, we demonstrate how the strategic use of this terminology by pro-refugee NGOs portrays displacees as a security and identity threat to local communities. We suggest alternative framings that might better achieve advocates’ goal of protection. | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S87646409",
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|
https://openalex.org/W3206987184 | The Religious Roots of the American Concept of Human Rights | [
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3206987184 | The paper is devoted to the analysis of the primary source of the modern concept of human rights – the United States Declaration of Independence, a document directly related to the “Jefferson’s Bible” quilted by the author of the Declaration T. Jefferson. The author emphasizes that the United States of America were perceived by Jefferson as New Israel, the idea traditionally supported by the dominant US ideology, which determines the nature of foreign policy and the interpretation of international law. Tracing historical dynamics of Jeffersonian ideas, the author briefly analyses the current state of human rights concept in international law in its constant political time-serving changes. The author concludes that the concept of human rights does not have its own ontology, and in modern conditions becomes the basis of the idea of the West exceptionalism in relation to the rest of the world. The article notes that the idea upheld by the West concerning the primacy of human rights over the principle of State sovereignty leads to the collapse of the entire system of international relations and international law and means permanent war. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2940684230 | The United Nations Human Rights Council: Is the United States Right to Leave This Club? | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2940684230 | The United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council is the world’s key intergovernmental body dealing with human rights. It was created in 2006 to replace the UN Commission on Human Rights.1 Its broad mandate empowers it to address the human rights situation in any State and on any human rights issue.2 Since its creation, it has made significant strides in the development, promotion and protection of human rights.3
Yet, on June 19, 2018, Ambassador Nikki Haley, the then-United States (US) Permanent Representative to the United Nations, announced the US’ withdrawal from the Council.4 Ambassador Haley and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo listed the continued membership of States “with unambiguous and abhorrent human rights records,” the Council’s failure to scrutinize the world’s most inhumane regimes, and its “chronic bias against Israel” as reasons for the withdrawal.5 These criticisms are not new, and they are not without merit.6 Indeed, the same criticisms plagued the Council’s predecessor, the Commission.7 | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2495084860 | Corporate Complicity in International Human Rights Violations: The Tort of Negligence as a Civil Remedy in Canadian Courts | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2495084860 | There is currently no Canadian legislation which addresses the commission or complicity of human rights violations abroad by Canadian businesses. The main issue under consideration in this article is whether the potential exists for establishing a body of jurisprudence in Canada through the civil process of tort law that would fill this legislative void and, if so, under what legal pretext such a case might be brought before a Canadian court. This article also examines Canada’s legal obligations under international law to discover whether the State is required to bring legal accountability to Canadian businesses that have allegedly committed or have been complicit in human rights violations abroad. These issues are then considered in light of a case that has been brought before the Quebec Superior Court by a Palestinian village that has been adversely affected by the Israeli Wall and related development of the land adjacent to it. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W3177211294 | The Inadequacy of Madison Avenue Methods | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3177211294 | Although many assume it to be one of the paradigmatic human rights movements of the late twentieth century, the Soviet Jewry movement did not begin as an organic manifestation of outrage and only incorporated human rights claims belatedly. Israel set the discursive parameters for the movement, which was initially conceived of in terms of the reunion of families, an idiom consistent with Soviet thinking on emigration. Since the movement sought to make the treatment of Soviet Jews an issue in bilateral American-Soviet relations rather than a matter of international law or global public opinion, grassroots activists operating at the domestic level in the United States sidelined Jewish internationalists to its margins. The post-1968 breakthrough of human rights furnished the campaign with new symbols, strategies, and language, but an insistence on the right to leave rather than a focus on state-sanctioned torture and unlawful imprisonment marked the Soviet Jewry movement as distinct as it began to expand in the 1970s. The chapter also illuminates how both American campaigners and Soviet dissidents more frequently appealed to domestic than international sources of law in their entreaties. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2945898241 | Legal Pluralism and Indigenous Peoples Rights: Challenges in Litigation and Recognition of Indigenous Peoples Rights | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2945898241 | This article discusses the contribution of legal pluralism to the recognition of the rights of indigenous peoples. It presents the options (and their shortcomings) of recognizing land rights of indigenous peoples, with special emphasis on litigation using postcolonial states’ law. It shows that litigation of indigenous rights through national states’ law suffers from fundamental problems, mainly an inherent conflict between interests and goals, and thus it ‘suffers’ from a limitation on the results it produces; namely, it does not result in the recognition of indigenous rights. On the legal principle level, the legal system does not include indigenous peoples’ rights, does not “see” their rights, and even does not “understand” these rights; and is therefore incapable of recognizing them. This article shows that only through “systemic” structural change of the states’ legal system, and specifically, the adoption of indigenous legal systems as another source for rights, postcolonial states’ legal systems would be able to see and “recognize” indigenous rights. To demonstrate this, the article, through presenting and analyzing the legal struggle of the Bedouin in the State of Israel, shows the limitation of the modern states’ legal system and the failure of litigation through this system to recognize indigenous Bedouin rights. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3123868617 | The United Nations Human Rights Council: Is the United States Right to Leave this Club? | [
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https://openalex.org/W3196452738 | Legal Pluralism and Indigenous Peoples Rights: Challenges in Litigation and Recognition of Indigenous Peoples Rights | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3196452738 | This article discusses the contribution of legal pluralism to the recognition of the rights of indigenous peoples. It presents the options (and their shortcomings) of recognizing land rights of indigenous peoples, with special emphasis on litigation using postcolonial states’ law. It shows that litigation of indigenous rights through national states’ law suffers from fundamental problems, mainly an inherent conflict between interests and goals, and thus it ‘suffers’ from a limitation on the results it produces; namely, it does not result in the recognition of indigenous rights. On the legal principle level, the legal system does not include indigenous peoples’ rights, does not “see” their rights, and even does not “understand” these rights; and is therefore incapable of recognizing them. This article shows that only through “systemic” structural change of the states’ legal system, and specifically, the adoption of indigenous legal systems as another source for rights, postcolonial states’ legal systems would be able to see and “recognize” indigenous rights. To demonstrate this, the article, through presenting and analyzing the legal struggle of the Bedouin in the State of Israel, shows the limitation of the modern states’ legal system and the failure of litigation through this system to recognize indigenous Bedouin rights. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4388658986 | On antisemitism and human rights | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4388658986 | The Universal Declaration of Human Rights was drafted, in part, as a response to the horrific antisemitism leading to the extermination of millions of Jews in World War II. Yet, today, organisations that utilise human rights instruments to criticise Israel’s laws, policies and practices are themselves being cast as antisemitic. How has the contemporary human rights regime come to be charged with antisemitism? The ostensible answer is that the meaning of antisemitism has expanded to include anti-Zionism and harsh criticism of Israel. While scholars have debated the validity of this expansion, this paper interrogates three types of abstractions: those deployed by traditional antisemites, those emanating from human rights, and those mobilised by the new antisemitism doctrine. An analysis of these abstractions helps clarify the new hostility between antisemitism and human rights. Whereas Zionism aims to protect Jews by asserting a right to Jewish difference within the context of a nation-state, human rights aim to protect Jews by promoting an egalitarian distribution of rights among the population. The crux of the matter is that the solution human rights offer to antisemitism also threatens the Zionist project, since it challenges the racialized mode of governance that this political ideology has implemented. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2605996190 | The Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Work of the Committee | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2605996190 | I would first of all like to thank you very warmly for having given me the honour to be here today, in this wonderful and historical city of Jerusalem, to talk about the Convention on the Rights of the Child. In particular, it is an honour for me to share this significant moment of the ratification and entry into force of the Convention in Israel, where its voice is joining so many other countries committed to bringing a better future to all children of the world. The Convention was adopted by the General Assembly of the United Nations in November 1989, after ten years of a long study and consideration by a working group of the Commission on Human Rights. The Convention reflects the spirit of consensus which prevailed during the drafting process, as well as the compromise reached by different legal systems, cultures and traditions with respect to the human rights universally recognized. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3118753788 | Human Rights' Anti-Globalization in a Multinational Corporatized State | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3118753788 | In this Book Chapter, the Author discusses how tension and conflict can sometimes occur when private actors use domestic public resources, such as law enforcement, to promote private beliefs and interests, at the expense of civil and international human rights. An example is the October 7, 2014 preseason basketball game hosted by the New York-based Brooklyn Nets against an Israeli basketball team, Maccabi Tel Aviv, at the Barclays Center in Brooklyn, New York. This event became a complex, multi-tiered arrangement involving perspectives on international crimes, freedom of speech, public versus private space, and the investment of the State in the private sphere.
The Author opines that international protection of human rights will likely encourage greater investment in cities like New York, which may expand its welcome to fundraising for extraterritorial causes by severely restricting public dissent. Greater private investment may occur where there will be greater control over association and speech rights, to the benefit of the State and its choices on reallocation of assets to populations. But in doing so, we step away from a globalizing and expansive view of human rights, except to the extent we intend to expand human rights for the non-natural corporate entity, and restrict those rights to natural persons. | [
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https://openalex.org/W1846634002 | Post/Colonial Queer Globalisation and International Human Rights: Images of LGBT Rights | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1846634002 | In recent years, literature has pointed to the role of pictorial images in human rights advocacy. While this literature has focused mostly on images which portray the violations of human rights, this article considers images of a different type, that are used in the context of LGBT rights advocacy, arguably portraying utopian visions of human rights. Through a reading of two images – the first portraying Dana International, the transgender pop singer who represented Israel in the Eurovision Song Contest and won, and the second portraying what looks like a same-sex couple who have gotten married – the article examines issues that come up in international LGBT rights advocacy, focusing on questions of the globalisation of identities, the recognition of family life and on the (post) colonial context in which rights claims are being made. The tension between the texts superimposed upon the images and the images themselves serve to expose existing contradictions within LGBT rights advocacy as practiced inter alia through the use of these images. Finally, the ‘Yogyakarta Principles on the Application of International Human Rights Law in Relation to Sexual Orientation and Gender Identity’ are examined and critically engaged with in light of the tensions in international LGBT rights advocacy discussed through a reading of the images. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2490020997 | Israeli Public Law | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2490020997 | Public law in Israel reflects the collection of norms that govern the legal relationships between the state and individuals, as well as the relations among governmental agencies concerning the attitude toward human rights. Human rights norms are reflected in constitutional laws such as Basic Law: Human Dignity and Liberty and Basic Law: Freedom of Occupation, and regular laws such as the Prevention of Sexual Harassment Law, 5758–1998; the Annual Leave Law, 5711–1951; the Hours of Work and Rest Law, 5711–1951; the Male and Female Workers Equal Pay Law, 5756–1996; the Male and Female Workers (Equal Retirement Age) Law, 5747–1987; the Equal Rights for People with Disabilities Law, 5758–1998; the Sick Leave Pay Law, 5736–1976; and the Youth Labor Law, 5713–1953. In addition, there are administrative laws that govern the protection of human rights in various bureaucratic departments. Whereas the norms that underpin public law include the protection of human rights, the feasibility of inculcating respect for human rights encompasses other fields such as the regulation of administrative authorities, the oversight and monitoring of how administrative authority is used, as well as the formal and material definition of constitutional norms, the legal status of government agencies, and the administrative process (Meydani, 2007). | [
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https://openalex.org/W4313437376 | JUVENILE RIGHTS IN PALESTINIAN LAWS AND INTERNATIONAL CONVENTIONS | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4313437376 | This study compares the rights of Juveniles under Palestinian law to those under international treaties. In the Palestinian Children Act, No. 7 of 2004, and Act No. 4 of 2016 on the protection of the juvenile, both of which are compliant with international treaties on children, the Palestinian legislator addresses the rights of children and youth at various levels of criminal proceedings. Additionally, the study demonstrates how Islam, which has a profoundly thorough concern for every aspect of children’s life, upholds the rights of children. At both the international and national levels, the topic of children's rights is of tremendous importance. One of the main goals the State now strives to achieve is the safeguarding of fundamental rights. The children’s rights go beyond the fundamental protections provided by numerous statutes and laws but also encompass protections and rights at every stage of the criminal justice system to ensure juveniles are treated fairly and with the greatest possible regard.Given that this group may be marginalized in society, which may not draw the notice or sympathy of public opinion or the government, it is feasible that their rights may be violated without attracting considerable attention.Among the most egregious breaches perpetrated against Palestinian children are the continual atrocities committed by Israeli occupation forces in the Palestinian territories, which violate all child-protection legislation and agreements, as well as the provisions of international humanitarian law, which provide two types of protection for children: general protection for not participating in hostilities, and particular protection for children who are victims of war crimes.As a result, civil society organizations play an important role in defending and protecting children, as well as monitoring the laws that safeguard them. Keywords: Juvenile Rights, Palestınıan Laws, International Conventions | [
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https://openalex.org/W2209051954 | If the Hat Fits, Wear It, If the Turban Fits, Run for Your Life: Reflections on the Indefinite Detention and Targeted Killing of Suspected Terrorists | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2209051954 | This article analyzes and discusses some of the United States' unilateral policies in the war on terror, namely the indefinite detention and targeted killing of suspected terrorists. It posits that the legal community should resist recent arguments purporting to vindicate certain justifications for curtailing fundamental human rights. First, the article rebuts recent attempts to subsume legally insulated aspects of the war on terror into one overriding security discourse, with particular resistance to the merger of human rights by the national security agenda. Secondly, the article attempts to refute claims that the significance of the distinction between prisoners of war and protected persons has begun to fade. In doing so, it also takes stock of current national and international developments in implementing or suspending human rights and humanitarian protection. Finally, the article also broadly discusses inherent double standards in post-9/11 policies, along with the widening gap between Arab and Western societies. Concerns that military personnel may not be afforded humanitarian protection abroad, that the rationale of reciprocity underlying the laws of war may be failing, and that the war on terror is eroding fundamental cleavages in international law also permeate the discussion. In analyzing these difficult issues, the article draws abundantly on other experiences, such as those of the European Convention on Human Rights, Israel, Northern Ireland, and the UK. The discussion ultimately leads to a critique of the balancing metaphor in striking a balance between security and liberty. | [
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https://openalex.org/W101751510 | מבקשי מקלט בישראל: חוקי, בלתי-חוקי או משהו לא ברור באמצע? הרהורים מזווית המשפט הבין-לאומי בנוגע לחוק למניעת הסתננות - עבירות שיפוט Asylum Seekers in Israel: Legal, Illegal or Somewhere Unclear in the Middle? Thoughts from the Perspective of International Law Regarding the Prevention of Infiltration Law - Offenses and Adjudication | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W101751510 | תקציר בעברית: בספטמבר 16, 2013, בית המשפט העליון של ישראל בפסק דין סרג' אדם נ' הכנסת פסל חוק שהעניקה למדינה סמכות רחבה להכניס מהגרים שנכנסו לשטחה באופן בלתי-חוקי למעצר במשך זמן רב. לאור הסקירה המועטת בפסק הדין לגבי הדין הבין-לאומי, רשימה זו דנה בזכויות מהגרים בלתי-חוקיים אלו לפי דיני פליטים ולפי דיני זכויות אדם, המעוגנים במשפט הבין-לאומי. לאחר מסקנתה כי דיני פליטים רק מעניק כמות זכויות מינימלית למהגרים הנל, הרשימה דנה בזכויותיהם לפי דיני זכויות אדם. הרשימה טוענת כי ההגנה שדיני זכויות אדם מעינקה - אמנם עם הגבלות - היא יותר מטיבה למהגרים שנכנסו באופן בלתי-חוקי לשטחה של ישראל.English Abstract: On 16 September 2013, the Israeli Supreme Court in the Adam v. the Knesset case struck down a law providing the State with the authority to detain migrants entering its territory unlawfully for long amounts of time. In light of the relatively little analysis of international law in the Court's judgment, this Article (written in Hebrew) discusses the rights these illegal immigrants may have under international refugee law (IRL) and international human rights law (IHRL). Following its conclusion that IRL provides minimal protection to such migrants, the Article considers the rights of these migrants under IHRL. The Article submits that the protection provided under IHRL - though with limitations - is more beneficial to such immigrants. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2336779416 | Nicola Perugini and Neve Gordon,<i>The Human Right to Dominate</i> | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2336779416 | This book’s intriguing title sums up a critical, compelling and innovative analysis of human rights. Starting from a detailed analysis of human rights in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, it formulates general theoretical claims about the way human rights work. The insights which anthropologist Nicola Perugini and political scientist Neve Gordon have to offer are important and fundamental, but would benefit from being elaborated upon and refined within the legal discipline. The book starts out with the observation that, around the turn of the millennium, conservatives in the USA and elsewhere changed their attitude towards human rights. Whereas before conservatives tended to reject the expanding human rights culture, they now began to embrace it. They began adopting not only the language and the institutions of liberal human rights organizations, but also their methodologies and strategies. This led to a convergence between liberals and conservatives on three points. First, they agreed on the primacy of law and the judiciary in upholding it. Secondly, they agreed on how to gather valid data and what constitutes evidence. Thirdly, they agreed that human rights discourse can be used to allocate guilt and innocence. This process, which Perugini and Gordon call ‘mirroring’, is now used for opposing ends by liberals and conservatives in the USA and elsewhere. Liberal organizations defend gay rights and religious freedom, conservative organizations invoke family rights and criticize Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) and women’s rights. Conservatives such as Marine Le Pen and Geert Wilders invoke women’s and LGBT rights to legitimize xenophobia. Amnesty International opposed NATO’s withdrawal from Afghanistan by invoking women’s rights. Human rights discourse is used for different political purposes, a phenomenon which the authors call ‘inversion’. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2964445026 | Mainstreaming Refugee Women’s Rights Advocacy | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2964445026 | On June 11, 2018, U.S. Attorney General Jeff Sessions issued a decision which signifies a regression in the willingness to protect women fleeing from domestic violence through the framework of the refugee convention. By contrast this paper argues that International Refugee Law would benefit from an additional mode of engagement with feminism. Instead of simply introducing feminist theory into International Refugee Law, we suggest — in light of the underlying commonality among all women, regardless of status — that International Refugee Law would benefit from conjoining advocacy efforts on behalf of refugee women with those undertaken on behalf marginalized and disempowered women more generally. Such a shift would be of particular importance in jurisdictions in which the legal, social or political willingness to protect and promote women’s rights outweigh the willingness to protect the rights of refugees. Arising from a more fundamental human rights framework that explicitly include women as humans, this legal perspective would provide deeper protection to asylum seeking women, changing the legal focus from questions of status determination as to whether someone — man or woman — qualifies for protection as a refugee, to broader questions regarding the personhood of women and the entire set of necessary civil, social, economic and cultural rights deriving from said personhood. In other words, the shift would be from a mostly negative-duty protection perspective to a both negative- and positive-duty perspective. This shift would also create opportunities for solidarity between asylum seeking women and other women, including other immigrants, residents, and citizens, national minorities, and general feminist and women’s rights groups. Such a linkage would allow asylum seeking women to benefit from the progress already achieved by feminist movements regarding women’s rights, rather than marginalizing them and confining them to seek their rights exclusively as refugees.
The call for mainstreaming the discourse on refugee rights into the discourse on women’s rights offers an important theoretical contribution that goes beyond the discussion of asylum seeking women’s rights. Namely, is it strategically, theoretically or doctrinally preferable to advocate for the rights of refugees via instruments of International Human Rights, rather than via International Refugee Law; and if so, under what circumstances? We find significant arguments in favor of abandoning the prevailing view that International Refugee Law is a separate branch of international law to be applied and interpreted according to its own fundamental concepts, and in isolation from other areas of international law. International conventions on human rights are applicable to refugees, as they apply to “all individuals within its territory and subject to its jurisdiction,” or “everyone,” and not merely to members of the political community.
We demonstrate our argument with a regional focus on the treatment of asylum seeking women in Israel. The exploration of the questions in this paper draws on the work of the Coalition on Asylum Seeking Women and Children in Israel, which constitutes a rich, novel and groundbreaking approach to the advocacy on behalf of asylum seeking women. The Coalition has been operating since September 2016, and consists of women’s rights, migrant women’s rights and children’s rights organizations and clinics. By embedding this theoretical and doctrinal legal question in the lived experience of women asylum seekers and women’s rights advocates, the examination of the advocacy efforts and raison d'etre of the Coalition could demonstrate how this model can be applied in additional jurisdictions, mutatis mutandis. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2355455597 | Cultural rights in the Convention on the Diversity of Cultural Expressions: included or ignored? | [
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2355455597 | In 2001, the Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity was adopted by the Member States of UNESCO. In this Declaration, cultural human rights were commended as an enabling environment for cultural diversity. After the Declaration, the Member States wished to adopt a legally binding instrument on cultural diversity. One of the options discussed was a new instrument on cultural rights. The Member States, however, opted for an instrument on cultural expressions and on 20 October 2005, the Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions (hereafter the 2005 Convention) was adopted. Support for the 2005 Convention was widespread: 148 States voted in favor, only 2 States voted against (the United States of America (USA) and Israel) and 4 States abstained (Australia, Honduras, Liberia and Nicaragua). The 2005 Convention entered into force in March 2007 and currently has 80 States Parties. The link between cultural diversity and human rights is clearly established in the 2005 Convention. In article 2(1) it is stated that …cultural diversity can be protected and promoted only if human rights and fundamental freedoms…are guaranteed. It is interesting to note that the Convention speaks of human rights in general, not of cultural rights. What happened to the important role of cultural rights as ‘enabling environment’ for cultural diversity? What is the place of cultural rights in the Convention, if any at all? This contribution will explore the role of cultural rights in the 2005 Convention. It will first briefly outline what is meant by cultural rights, which is quite a discussion in itself. Then several UNESCO instruments will be discussed to shed some light on the evolution of the debate on cultural rights in UNESCO. Finally, the drafting and adoption of the 2005 Convention will be discussed in relation to the promotion and protection of cultural rights. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W585381892 | The Challenge of Human Rights : Past, Present and Future | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W585381892 | Contents: Preface Joshua Castellino Introduction David Keane and Yvonne McDermott 1. The Right to a Social and International Order for the Realisation of Human Rights: Article 28 of the Universal Declaration and International Cooperation Josh Curtis and Shane Darcy 2. Freedom from Fear and the Human Right to Peace William A. Schabas 3. The Universality of War: Jus ad Bellum and the Right to Peace in non-International Armed Conflicts Kjell Anderson 4. UNESCO and the Right to Peace David Keane 5. The Right to Resist Reconsidered Shannonbrooke Murphy 6. Forensic Science, International Criminal Law and the Duties toward Persons Killed in War Eadaoin O'Brien 7. Forgotten Rights: Consequences of the Israeli Occupation of the Golan Heights Ray Murphy 8. Forging a Convention for Crimes Against Humanity Leila Nadya Sadat 9. Double Speak and Double Standards: Does the Jurisprudence on Retrial following Acquittal under International Criminal Law Spell the End of the Double Jeopardy Rule? Yvonne McDermott 10. Third World Approaches to International Law and the Ghosts of Apartheid John Reynolds 11. Exploitation Rebranded: How International Law Sold Slavery as Forced Labour Nicholas McGeehan 12. Between the Wars - the Refugee Convention of 1933: A Contemporary Analysis Peter Fitzmaurice 13. Drafter Decision Making in International Human Rights Treaties Daragh Mc Greal 14. Free and Fair Elections for Some? The Potential for Voting Rights for Under-18s Aoife Daly 15. Cultural Rights - A New Era Majella Ni Chriochain 16. Intellectual Property: A Human (Not Corporate) Right Megan M. Carpenter Index | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2918979721 | Rights Protection Has a Geography | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2918979721 | Rights Protection Has a Geography Rebekah Klein-Pejšová (bio) How shall we address the question of Jewish rights protections? To what extent have we become beholden to a conventional, "lazy dichotomy between nationhood and cosmopolitanism" in considering the issue?1 Between particular and universal claims? Must we imagine the quest as Jews (as members of the group) or as individuals? Can we even separate the two? Time and place dictate our challenges and opportunities in answering the question of rights protections. In 1946, United States Army general Mark W. Clark called on Jewish displaced persons remaining in the American zone in Austria to carefully ponder their present position and where their best chance for future security and economic independence might lie. He urged them to go home, underscoring the difficulty of emigration to North and South American countries that let in only small numbers of people annually.2 Home was in the countries from which they had been uprooted and which would soon lie behind the Iron Curtain. Jews who chose to go home would largely face two choices after 1948: they could emigrate and take on a Jewish nationality within the newly established State of Israel, or they could completely and fully assimilate at home.3 Rights protection has a geography. James B. Loeffler's Rooted Cosmopolitans is a genealogy of modern human rights that confronts head-on the complicated history binding human rights and nationalism. It insists that we reckon with the "twin births" of the State of Israel and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948.4 His "rooted cosmopolitans"—postwar Jewish rights defenders—sought to cultivate universal justice from Jewish particularisms and in so doing, Loeffler argues, brought about the emergence of what we consider modern human rights, a universal model that would twist and tangle in the winds of the Cold War.5 His book raises many important and difficult questions with urgent implications for [End Page 171] the implementation of rights protections today. Where does collective self-determination fit into the postwar paradigm? Is not autonomy the hinge from which other rights hang? How and where, for whom and by whom is self-determination acknowledged? How painful is the realization that folding the particular into the universal demands our mutuality? Self-defense requires concrete politics, yet so does universal rights protection. Loeffler locates the origin of modern human rights not in the postwar era but in the aftermath of the First World War. His is an analysis that connects the civilian catastrophe of the First World War with recognition of the need for international rights protections through the work of Jewish activists. Loeffler highlights the link between the often-overlooked Jewish experience of wartime and postwar violence and the crises with rising Jewish solidarity, self-defense, and nation building.6 "This history [of modern human rights] begins … in the living shtetls of Eastern Europe," he writes, rather than in the global response to the events of the Holocaust. "Post–World War II international human rights began life as a specifically Jewish pursuit of minority rights in the ravaged borderlands of post–World War I Eastern Europe."7 Loeffler unfolds his story beginning with a vivid description of the November 1918 pogrom in what was then Lemberg (Lviv, Lwów), allowing us to imagine what the photographer covering the story for an unnamed Prague newspaper could not, in good conscience, capture on film. We recognize similar developments across the new and transformed states of Central and Eastern Europe that emerged from the dissolved Habsburg, German, Ottoman, and Russian Empires. In the territory of Slovakia, for instance, the Jewish People's Union (Volksverband der Juden für die Slovakei) sought to unite the Jewish population there to face the newly established Czechoslovak state as a Jewish national minority, largely in response to the anti-Jewish riots of November 1918 and those that followed during the Hungarian Red Army's invasion and occupation in the spring of 1919. The Jewish People's Union sent a copy of its manifesto ("Jewish Brothers!") to the American Jewish [End Page 172] Committee in New York, its letterhead featuring Rabbi Hillel's resonant question "If I am not for... | [
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https://openalex.org/W3167819846 | Canada and the United Nations Human Rights Council: Dissent and Division | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3167819846 | In 2006, a new Human Rights Council came into existence, replacing the former Commission on Human Rights with a restructured intergovernmental body for the global promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Heralded as a turning point for human rights within the (IN system, it was hoped that the new 47-member Council would operate with a renewed emphasis on fairness and objectivity, although it must always be remembered that the Council remains a political body governed by and directed by states. As a member of the Council from 2006-2009, Canada became known as the lead voice of opposition, voting against what it viewed as unbalanced resolutions censuring Israel and the adoption of a long-awaited United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. Canada also voted on principle and with the support of its usual allies against a variety of resolutions reflecting an agenda embraced by Asian, African and Islamic states, who can use their Council vote allocations to serve their own political goals at the expense of achieving consensus. More worrisome, however for the general health of the field of international human rights law is the seemingly unbridgeable gap between developed and developing states concerning the recognition of so-called third generation human rights, including collective human rights with an economic dimension, that is revealed by this review of the Council's resolution and decision-making activities from 2006-2009, focusing on those actions which were decided by a recorded vote. While the divisions between rich and poor and North vs. South, clearly pre-date the Council's establishment, their continuation and impact within a new institution dedicated to renewed cooperation reveals a degree of dysfunction worthy of further discussion during the Council's first review scheduled to take place in 2011. | [] |
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https://openalex.org/W2267972271 | The Cultural Diversity Convention and Cultural Rights: Included or Ignored? | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2267972271 | In 2001, the Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity (Cultural Diversity Declaration) was adopted by the Member States of UNESCO. In this Declaration, cultural human rights were commended as an enabling environment for cultural diversity. After the Cultural Diversity Declaration, the Member States wished to adopt a legally binding instrument on cultural diversity. One of the options discussed was a new instrument on cultural rights. The Member States, however, opted for an instrument on cultural expressions and on 20 October 2005, the Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions (Cultural Diversity Convention) was adopted. Support for the Cultural Diversity Convention was widespread: 148 States voted in favor, only 2 States voted against (the United States of America (USA) and Israel) and 4 States abstained (Australia, Honduras, Liberia and Nicaragua). The Cultural Diversity Convention entered into force in March 2007 and currently has 118 State Parties. The link between cultural diversity and human rights is clearly established in the Cultural Diversity Convention. In Article 2(1) Cultural Diversity Convention, it is stated that “…cultural diversity can be protected and promoted only if human rights and fundamental freedoms…are guaranteed.” It is interesting to note that the Convention speaks of human rights in general, not of cultural rights. What happened to the important role of cultural rights as an ‘enabling environment’ for cultural diversity? What, if any at all, is the place of cultural rights in the Convention? This Chapter will explore the role of cultural rights in the Cultural Diversity Convention. In Section 2, it will first briefly outline what is meant by cultural rights, which is quite a discussion in itself. Then, in Section 3, several UNESCO instruments will be discussed to shed some light on the evolution of the debate on cultural rights in UNESCO. Finally, in Section 4, the drafting and adoption of the Cultural Diversity Convention will be discussed in relation to the promotion and protection of cultural rights. | [
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https://openalex.org/W4224104559 | ОКРЕМІ ПИТАННЯ ПАРЛАМЕНТСЬКОГО КОНТРОЛЮ ЗА ДОДЕРЖАННЯМ КОНСТИТУЦІЙНИХ ПРАВ І СВОБОД ВІЙСЬКОВОСЛУЖБОВЦІВ ЗБРОЙНИХ СИЛ ТА ІНШИХ ВІЙСЬКОВИХ ФОРМУВАНЬ УКРАЇНИ | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4224104559 | Shamray B. M. Certain issues of parliamentarycontrol over the observance of the constitutional rightsand freedoms of servicemen of the Armed Forces andother military formations of Ukraine. – Article.The article considers some issues of parliamentarycontrol over the observance of constitutional rightsand freedoms of servicemen of the Armed Forcesand other military formations of Ukraine. It is notedthat parliamentary control over the observance ofconstitutional rights and freedoms of servicemen is a keyelement of democratic civilian control over the securityand defense sector in our country.The normative legal acts that determine the basicprinciples of parliamentary control over the observanceof constitutional human rights and freedoms and reflectthe activities of the Verkhovna Rada Commissioner forHuman Rights are analyzed. The views of legal scholarswho have studied certain issues of parliamentary controlover the observance of constitutional rights and freedomsof servicemen in Ukraine are highlighted.It is noted that parliamentary control over theconstitutional rights and freedoms of servicemen isimportant, as is exercised by the Verkhovna RadaCommissioner for Human Rights and directly by therepresentative of the Commissioner for the Protection ofServicemen's Rights. However, the representative of theCommissioner does not have sufficient powers necessaryto effectively guarantee the constitutional rights andfreedoms of persons serving in the military.Emphasis is placed on the experience of foreigncountries, in particular the activities of the Instituteof Military Ombudsman, which operates in Germany,Sweden, Israel, Norway and other countries, whichis accountable to parliament and independent of theexecutive, especially the Ministry of Defense and othermilitary authorities. Extensive oversight functionsover the activities of state bodies and officials at alllevels, which are endowed with a military ombudsman inforeign countries, testify to the high authority of thisinstitution.It emphasizes the importance of establishing a separateinstitution of the Verkhovna Rada Commissioner for theRights of Servicemen and improving the legal frameworkby enshrining at the constitutional level the issue ofparliamentary control over the constitutional rights andfreedoms of servicemen of the Armed Forces of Ukraineand other military formations through the VerkhovnaRada. Of Ukraine on the rights of servicemen. Also,development and adoption of the relevant legislative act,which will determine the basic principles of parliamentarycontrol over the observance of constitutional rights andfreedoms of servicemen, which will be carried out on apermanent basis by the Commissioner of the VerkhovnaRada of Ukraine for servicemen's rights. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3121730140 | Speaking Law to Power: The War Against Terrorism and Human Rights | [
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] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3121730140 | The human rights regime adopts a legalist approach to limit the harm the powerful may inflict on the vulnerable The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the ensuing 'war against terrorism' test the limits of the legalist approach. Human rights constrain state responses to terrorism more directly than they govern the conduct of terrorists. As a result, the international human rights regime is disadvantaged rhetorically and politically. While substantive human rights standards have not changed since September 11, six possible norm developments may occur: (1) alterations in norms governing the use of force may increase the perceived legitimacy of pre-emptive defensive action, for example with regard to targeted assassinations; (2) reconceptualization of counter-terrorism as a new species of international armed conflict may displace human rights law and international criminal law, and substitute new rules that are less detailed than those that apply to conventional armed conflicts; (3) derogation principles may be refined, especially in relation to the temporal element and the non-derogability of the prohibition on arbitrary detention and of fair trial rights; (4) an increase in the commission of extraterritorial human rights violations may spur the clarification of the scope of human rights treaties ratione loci; (5) the targeting of non-citizens, Muslims and Arabs may clarify non-discrimination norms; and (6) exclusion from refugee protection may expand. In institutional terms, the 'war against terrorism' has not yet had significant effects, but the following issues are notable: (1) integrating human rights into UN counter-terrorism initiatives; (2) the aggressive campaign by the United States Government against the International Criminal Court; (3) the tendency toward American exceptionalism; (4) leadership by Europe to preserve human rights principles in counter-terrorism; (5) increased polarization of UN human rights bodies around the Israeli-Palestinian crisis; (6) silencing of criticism of gross violators in exchange for counter-terrorist cooperation; and (7) marginalization of human rights treaty bodies as effective monitors of counter-terrorist policies. | [
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"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W349938798 | MODERN HISTORY AND POLITICS Human Rights in the Arab World: Independent Voices, ed. by Anthony Chase and Amr Hamzawy. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006. 199 pages. Appends, to p. 282. Notes to p. 309. Contribs. to p. 313. Index to p. 322. $65. Reviewed by Amy Hawthorne This dense volume is not an easy read. Indeed, any book that engages deeply with the unhappy topic of human rights in the Arab world could not be. Nonetheless, it is an original and outstanding contribution to the literature on human rights in the region. The book comprises 11 chapters by leading Arab, American, and European scholars and human rights activists, who explore the struggle for human rights from theoretical and empirical perspectives. Introductory chapters examine the debate in the region over the meaning of human rights: Are they universal, reflecting global (some say Western) norms? Or are they contextual, determined wholly by Islamic norms and Arab cultural values? Or some combination of both? This debate is fierce because it is intertwined with the broader struggle over Arab and Muslim identity and the region's relationship with the West. Subsequent chapters examine strategies used by Arab human rights groups (e.g., bringing lawsuits in the courts, raising public awareness) and the dilemmas they face (e.g., whether to accept funds from Western donors, whether to defend all victims of human rights abuses, notably Islamist extremists who seek to deny the rights of others). This multidimensional analysis produces an unusually richly textured picture of the Arab human rights movement. Indeed, a central theme of the book is that a genuine movement exists. As Anthony Chase writes, human rights are on the intellectual and public agenda ... the human rights debate is part of the Arab world's everyday political conversation (p. 3). The book traces the movement's evolution, from its intellectual stirrings following the 1967 Arab defeat by Israel, which leftist intellectuals blamed in part on the absence of political freedoms; to the establishment of human rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the 1980s; to the movement's expansion and professionalization in the 1990s; to the more recent adoption of human rights discourse by some Arab regimes and mainstream Islamist groups. The book's second main theme is the failure of this movement to achieve any significant gains. Some contributors attribute this to government repression and Western indifference, while others point to the challenge of fighting both illiberal regimes and illiberal Islamist groups. The most common explanation, however, blames the movement itself. It has failed - indeed it has not seriously tried - to build a grassroots constituency. … | [
{
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|
https://openalex.org/W3209106222 | A Regime in Need of a Balance: The UN Counter-terrorism Regime between Security and Human Rights | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Isaac Kfir",
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3209106222 | Abstract: Since 9/11, the UN’s counter-terrorism regime has developed two distinct approaches on combating international terrorism. The Security Council follows a traditional security doctrine that focuses on how to best protect states from the threat posed by international terrorists. This is largely due to the centrality of the state in Security Council thinking and attitudes. The General Assembly and the various UN human rights organs, influenced by the human security doctrine, have taken a more holistic, human rights-based approach to the threat of international terrorism. This paper offers a review of how the dichotomy above affects the application of UN policy vis-a-vis the UN’s counterterrorism regime. This paper calls for a bridging of the gap between these two approaches, advocating an interdisciplinary approach that combines traditional security with human security considerations. Since 9/11, the UN’s counter-terrorism regime has developed two distinct approaches on combating international terrorism. The Security Council follows a traditional security doctrine that focuses on how to best protect states from the threat posed by international terrorists. This is largely due to the centrality of the state in Security Council thinking and attitudes. The General Assembly and the various UN human rights organs, influenced by the human security doctrine, have taken a more holistic, human rights-based approach to the threat of international terrorism. This paper offers a review of how the dichotomy above affects the application of UN policy vis-a-vis the UN’s counterterrorism regime. This paper calls for a bridging of the gap between these two approaches, advocating an interdisciplinary approach that combines traditional security with human security considerations. 1 The opinions, and conclusions of this paper and its faults, are solely those of the author. I also wish to thank Professors Lauryn Gouldin, Todd Berger, Syracuse College of Law, Professor William C. Banks, Director of the Institute for National Security and Counterterrorism(INSCT); Professor Corri Zoli, Senior Researcher, INSCT, for helpful comments and conversations. * Isaac Kfir is a Visiting Professor of International Relations and Law at Syracuse University where he currently teaches International Human Rights Law, Post-Conflict Reconstruction and the Rule of Law, and International Security. He is a Research Associate at the Institute for National Security and Counterterrorism (INSCT), Syracuse University, and is a Senior Researcher at the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism (ICT), Herzliya. Isaac was an Assistant Professor at the Interdisciplinary Center (IDC) in Herzliya for several years. Prior to Israel, he served as a Research Fellow in International Relations at the University of Buckingham. Isaac received his Ph.D. from the London School of Economics (1999) and has a Graduate Diploma in Law (PgDL) and the Bar Vocational Certificate from BPP Law School in 2001. He was a member of Inner Temple. DRAFT // Do not cite or copy. All rights reserved // | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3122256749 | Seeking Clarity in Relation to the Principle of Complementarity: Reflections on the Recent Contributions of Some International Bodies | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "John Tobin",
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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{
"display_name": "International law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C55447825"
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{
"display_name": "Complementarity (molecular biology)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C202269582"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C86615163"
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{
"display_name": "Treaty",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779010840"
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{
"display_name": "International humanitarian law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2778573023"
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{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
},
{
"display_name": "CLARITY",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2777146004"
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{
"display_name": "Sociology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
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{
"display_name": "Law and economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C190253527"
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{
"display_name": "Rhetoric",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C1370556"
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{
"display_name": "Biochemistry",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C55493867"
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{
"display_name": "Chemistry",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C185592680"
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{
"display_name": "Genetics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C54355233"
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{
"display_name": "Linguistics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C41895202"
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{
"display_name": "Philosophy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138885662"
},
{
"display_name": "Biology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C86803240"
}
] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3122256749 | [There has been an increasing tendency among international institutional bodies to describe the relationship between humanitarian law and human rights law as being complementary'. This principle is generally understood to mean that the two bodies of law are not mutually exclusive but mutually reinforcing. This rhetoric of complementarity however has tended to obscure the more complex issue regarding the practical implementation of this coexistence between humanitarian law and human rights standards during times of armed conflict. This think piece seeks to consider the extent to which the more recent endeavours of some international bodies are able to develop the notion of complementarity such that it becomes persuasive and operational. It suggests that at present there has been a failure to engage in the detailed and practically grounded analysis that is required to provide the deeper foundations upon which to build an understanding as to the workability of the complementarity principle.] CONTENTS I Introduction II The International Court of Justice III Human Rights Treaty Monitoring Bodies A Human Rights Committee IV Special Procedures under the Human Rights Council A Special Rapporteurs on Health and Housing B Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Executions V Some Concluding Thoughts I INTRODUCTION The application of international human rights standards during armed conflict has become an accepted principle of international law among international bodies. Since the adoption of the resolution on Human Rights in Armed Conflicts at the International Conference on Human Rights in Tehran in 1968, (1) this principle has been affirmed by an array of diverse bodies over the past 40 years. (2) Initially, the substantive import of this principle caused little concern from an operational perspective, as its meaning was effectively reduced to an application of international humanitarian law as lex specialis. (3) More recently however, there has been a tendency among institutional bodies to describe the relationship between humanitarian law and human rights law as 'complementary'. (4) This complementarity principle is generally understood by international bodies to mean that the two spheres of law are not mutually exclusive but mutually reinforcing. Thus as the International Court of Justice explained in its advisory opinion on the Israeli Wall, (5) 'some rights may be exclusively matters of international humanitarian law; others may be exclusively matters of human rights law, yet others may be matters of both these branches of international law'. (6) In theory, this translates into a requirement that human rights standards are not simply to be interpreted exclusively through the prism of humanitarian law. Rather, they coexist with humanitarian law principles and in certain areas have an independent sphere of operation. This rhetoric of complementarity, however, has tended to obscure the more complex issue regarding the practical implementation of this coexistence between international humanitarian law and human rights standards during times of armed conflict. It is one thing to assert that human rights law applies during times of armed conflict. It is quite another to demonstrate, with an appropriate degree of precision and clarity, what this means and requires on the ground such that states and their military commanders are able to understand this doctrine and make it meaningful in practice. (7) As Colonel Michael Kelly has rightly observed, 'in the context of real operations, it is extremely important that there be as much clarity and simplicity as possible if we are to expect military commanders and their staff to adhere strictly to legal standards'. (8) Given this predicament, it would seem reasonable to expect that the activities of international institutional bodies with respect to the implementation and monitoring of human rights during armed conflict may offer some assistance. … | [
{
"display_name": "Melbourne Journal of International Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S39257033",
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|
https://openalex.org/W4230488419 | <i>New Rights Advocacy: Changing Strategies of Development and Human Rights NGOs</i> (review) | [
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"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "J. Paul Martin",
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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"display_name": "Amnesty",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2778976748"
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{
"display_name": "Poverty",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C189326681"
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{
"display_name": "Social rights",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2777671340"
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{
"display_name": "Right to property",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C22299250"
},
{
"display_name": "Politics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
},
{
"display_name": "Fundamental rights",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C95691615"
},
{
"display_name": "Right to development",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2775870751"
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{
"display_name": "Public administration",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C3116431"
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"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
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{
"display_name": "Sociology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
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] | [
"Israel"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4230488419 | Reviewed by: New Rights Advocacy: Changing Strategies of Development and Human Rights NGOs J. Paul Martin (bio) Paul J. Nelson & Ellen Dorsey, New Rights Advocacy: Changing Strategies of Development and Human Rights NGOs (Georgetown University Press, 2008), 222 pp. Paul J. Nelson and Ellen Dorsey, in their recent book, examine the various "seemingly disparate, activities of international nongovernmental organizations" concerned with poverty and inequality, which use strategies linking international human rights advocacy with social and economic development.1 These strategies call for the human rights groups among them to advocate for economic and social rights, as well as civil and political rights and for the development (and environmental) groups to introduce concepts of political emancipation and rights advocacy into their agenda. The strategies also call for more collaborative relationships with governments, beyond the old strategy of naming and shaming. Among the "disparate" NGOs they use as examples are Human Rights Watch, Oxfam, Amnesty International, CARE, Human Rights First (formerly the Lawyers Committee for Human Rights), and Action Aid, as well as some other smaller NGOs that address economic and social rights. The authors ask: Why have the international human rights and the development agenda converged? What impelled the [End Page 1018] change? And more importantly, who has benefited? As for their motivation, the authors attribute it to the desire to eliminate inequality, deprivation, and marginalization. How effective are the new strategies? They respond that the groups should be judged by their impact on the lives of the large numbers of people who live under inhuman social, economic, and political conditions. Overall the authors conclude that international NGOs have been most influential with respect to persuading governments to refrain from actions detrimental to human rights, such as water privatization, but not so effective when it comes to governments fulfilling positive obligations such as providing healthcare and education. They qualify their conclusions as first steps and call for more rigorous research. If we look at the history of external inputs to economic and political development since the founding of the United Nations in 1945 until the early 1990s, we can see two very divergent trends: the success stories like Japan, Western Europe, Israel, and Taiwan on one hand, and the utter failures in Africa, parts of the Caribbean, and the Middle East, on the other. Since the beginning of the 1990s the development picture has become more complex with the rise of China, India, and Brazil as well as the evolution of the former communist countries. The linking of the rights and development agenda has taken place during this second period, which is also characterized by a major increase in the number of local NGOs and community organizations in developing countries. This, coupled with government corruption, has prompted international development agencies to partner with local NGOs and community organizations rather than just with governments. Partnering, sustainability, and local capacity building are now the dominant mantra in the development thinking. The strategic changes identified by Nelson and Dorsey took place within, and are consistent with, this larger framework. The book is an excellent chronicle in its major task, namely, to trace the changing strategies and convergences among major US and UK human rights and development aid NGOs. This is a book about the way changes in the international system "produced recognizable changes in NGO sectors' methods, missions, and strategies."2 The volume focuses on how the "[i]nternational NGOs struggle to maintain the independence, credibility, and stability that are essential preconditions to the exercise of power and influence."3 In the process, it describes new advocacy strategies—the traditional rights groups embracing economic issues and development groups incorporating human rights—as well as new forms of collaboration among them. Unfortunately, with the exception of passing references to one or two local groups, the voices of the intended beneficiaries remain in the wings. This absence of the voices (there is not just one) of their NGOs partners on the ground and of the people the new strategies are supposed to benefit raises questions about the relationships between the international NGOs and local NGOs and social movements. Although historically more reliant on local NGOs, even the international human rights NGOs often relegate their local partners... | [
{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/S38600022",
"type": "journal"
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|
https://openalex.org/W773323174 | Oman's Basic Statute and Human Rights: Protections and Restrictions: With a Focus on Nationality, Shura, and Freedom of Association | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Hussain Sulaiman Alsalmi",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5026701428"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C95691615"
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{
"display_name": "Statute",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17319257"
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{
"display_name": "International human rights law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C86615163"
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{
"display_name": "Right to property",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C22299250"
},
{
"display_name": "Politics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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{
"display_name": "Democracy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C555826173"
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{
"display_name": "Constitution",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2776154427"
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{
"display_name": "Linguistic rights",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C543595228"
},
{
"display_name": "Reservation of rights",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C27357055"
}
] | [
"Oman"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W773323174 | Over the last three decades, Oman has emerged as a center of political and economic stability in the Arab world, a stability which is an essential ingredient for any country to develop and flourish. Whereas democracy and public freedoms are at the core of stability in other parts of the world, the case in Oman is different. It is not a democratic state and it did not adopt the modern concepts of human rights and public freedoms into its legal-political system until 1996 when the Basic Statute of the State was promulgated. The purpose of this study is to provide a general view of the current status of Human Rights under the Omani Basic Statute of the State with a specific focus on some civil and political rights. It illustrates the situation of human rights by assessing the implementation of the constitutional and legal safeguards into practice and finding out what hinders them. It aims to evaluate the importance of the constitution in Oman, and the extent to which it has succeeded in incorporating international human rights? standards while walking the tightrope of reconciling this with core traditional social customs and Islamic values. It analyses the compatibility of constitutional and national laws and practice with international human rights standards and assesses current trends and policies. Three case studies for different rights and freedoms are conducted to explore the guarantees and weaknesses of different rights in practice. These are the areas of nationality 'as individual right' which is very important under the Oman system as it is the direct link to enjoyment of other rights and freedoms. The Shura is the second case study as a political right or a collective right which represents public participation in Oman. Finally, the Freedom of Association, as an example for the freedom of expression and opinion, which represents individual and group rights together. This research evaluation analyses in detail the developments since the promulgation of the Basic Statute in December 1996 but stretches to encompass developments till the developments to the end of July 2011. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W3194151840 | Protection of Human Rights in Commercial Companies (حماية حقوق الانسان لدى الشركات التجاريةبين المبادئ الدولية والتشريعات الوطنية لسلطنة عمان) | [
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"display_name": "Sultan Qaboos University",
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"lat": 23.59111,
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{
"country": "Latvia",
"display_name": "College of Law",
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"display_name": "amel abdallah",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5004655552"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C158016649"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C144133560"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C181622380"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C86615163"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C190253527"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
"display_name": "Corporate social responsibility",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C141261163"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
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{
"display_name": "Microeconomics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C175444787"
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] | [
"Oman"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3194151840 | English Abstract: This article analyzes the relationship between business and human rights. It declares sources and contents of the obligation of respecting human rights imposed on business enterprises by initiatives of international organizations.
Many violations of human rights had committed by Multinational companies, accordingly, international organizations, especially United Nations, tries to draft rules balancing between company’s desire of profit and ethical commitments.
The most important rules in that field stated in the framework drafted by the special representative of UN secretary general on the issue of human rights and transnational corporations and other business enterprises – John Ruggie (Ruggie Report 2008). The Guiding Principles of Ruggie Report on Business and Human Rights Implements the United Nations “Protect, Respect and Remedy” Framework 2011. Moreover, the article studies state’s role to deal with human rights abuse by business enterprises. It declares that role of the state by analyzing national legislations and international legal relationship of sultanate of Oman. | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2322966775 | Varieties of Developmental States | [
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"display_name": "Devin K. Joshi",
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"display_name": "Capitalism",
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C94625758"
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{
"display_name": "Capital (architecture)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C83646750"
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{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
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{
"display_name": "Political capital",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2778833592"
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{
"display_name": "Millennium Development Goals",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779503283"
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{
"display_name": "Economic system",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C74363100"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C50522688"
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{
"display_name": "Political economy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C138921699"
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{
"display_name": "Development economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C47768531"
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{
"display_name": "Sociology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144024400"
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{
"display_name": "Poverty",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C189326681"
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{
"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
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{
"display_name": "Geography",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C205649164"
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{
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{
"display_name": "Archaeology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C166957645"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C11413529"
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C41008148"
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{
"display_name": "Programming language",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199360897"
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"Kuwait"
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https://openalex.org/W4382243764 | Can Asia Accomplish the Sustainable Development Goal for Water and Sanitation by 2030? | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2755297236 | <h3>Introduction</h3> Women and children account for a disproportionate morbidity burden among conflict-affected populations, and yet they are not included in global accountability frameworks for women’s and children’s health. We use Countdown to 2015 (Millennium Development Goals) health indicators to provide an up-to-date review and analysis of the best available data on Syrian refugees in Jordan, Lebanon and Turkey and internally displaced within Syria and explore data challenges in this conflict setting. <h3>Methods</h3> We searched Medline, PubMed, Scopus, Popline and Index Medicus for WHO Eastern Mediterranean Region Office and relevant development/humanitarian databases in all languages from January 2011 until December 2015. We met in person or emailed relevant key stakeholders in Lebanon, Jordan, Syria and Turkey to obtain any unpublished or missing data. We convened a meeting of experts working with these populations to discuss the results. <h3>Results</h3> The following trends were found based on available data for these populations as compared with preconflict Syria. Birth registration in Syria and in host neighbouring countries decreased and was very low in Lebanon. In Syria, the infant mortality rate and under-five mortality rate increased, and coverage of antenatal care (one visit with a skilled attendant), skilled birth attendance and vaccination (except for DTP3 vaccine) declined. The number of Syrian refugee women attending more than four antenatal care visits was low in Lebanon and in non-camp settings in Jordan. Few data were available on these indicators among the internally displaced. In conflict settings such as that of Syria, coverage rates of interventions are often unknown or difficult to ascertain because of measurement challenges in accessing conflict-affected populations or to the inability to determine relevant denominators in this dynamic setting. <h3>Conclusion</h3> Research, monitoring and evaluation in humanitarian settings could better inform public health interventions if findings were more widely shared, methodologies were more explicit and globally agreed definitions and indicators were used consistently. | [
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https://openalex.org/W2754857230 | Measuring progress and projecting attainment on the basis of past trends of the health-related Sustainable Development Goals in 188 countries: an analysis from the Global Burden of Disease Study 2016 | [
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"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
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] | [
"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W171997467 | Notes on Contributors Acknowledgements Part I: Introduction: Theoretical and Methodological Insights 1. Global Education Policy and International Development: An Introductory Framework Antoni Verger, Mario Novelli and H lya K. Altinyelken 2. Researching Global Education Policy: Angles In/On/Out... Susan L. Robertson Part II. Global Education Policy: Case Studies 3. Participation in International Development and Education Governance Donald Brent Edwards and Stephen Klees 4. Silences, Stereotypes and Local Selection: Negotiating Policy and Practice to Implement the MDGs and EFA Elaine Unterhalter 5. Education Decentralisation in South Africa and Zimbabwe: The Gap Between Intention and Practice Daryl Stenvoll-Wells and Yusuf Sayed 6. Implementing Global Policies in African Countries: Conceiving Lifelong Learning as Basic Education Anja P. Jakobi 7. Conditional Cash Transfers in Education for Development: Emergence, Policy Dilemmas and Diversity of Impacts Xavier Bonal, Aina Tarabini and Xavier Rambla 8. School-Based Management in Post-Conflict Central America: Undermining Civil Society and Making the Poorest Parents Pay Margriet Poppema 9. Ethnic/Racial Diversity and Education Policy: the Role of the Black Movement and Multi-Scalar Processes within the Public Agenda in Brazil Renato Emerson dos Santos and Inti Maya Soeterik 10. A Converging Pedagogy in the Developing World? Insights from Uganda and Turkey H lya Kosar Altinyelken 11. Globalizing Educational Interventions in Zones of Conflict: The Role of Dutch Aid to Education and Conflict Mario Novelli and MTA Lopes Cardozo 12. The National Politics of Global Policies: Public-Private Partnerships in Indian Education Antoni Verger and Sanne Van der Kaaij Part III: Conclusions 13. Measuring and Interpreting Re-Contextualization: A Commentary Gita Steiner-Khamsi 14. Global Education Policy: Creating different constituencies of interest and different modes of valorisation Roger Dale Index | [] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2338455971 | TRACKING THE MATERNAL MORTALITY IN ECONOMIC COOPERATION COUNTRIES; ACHIEVEMENT AND GAPS TOWARD MILLENNIUM DEVELOPMENT GOALS | [
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"Turkey"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W1934649999",
"https://openalex.org/W1967277127",
"https://openalex.org/W1984343662",
"https://openalex.org/W1991964955",
"https://openalex.org/W1993775240",
"https://openalex.org/W2015379124",
"https://openalex.org/W2054661021",
"https://openalex.org/W2113726274",
"https://openalex.org/W2127361754"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2338455971 | Objective: Evaluating the status of the ECO member countries in relation to goal 5 of 3rd millennium which includes 75% reduction of maternal mortality rate till 2015 in comparison to 1990. Material and Methods: In 2009, we have critically reviewed the countries’ MDG reports and extracted the data on each MDGs’ indicator by year and cause of mortality, (if possible) resident area (urban/rural) to explore the trend. In the next phase, the main stakeholders, from both governmental and international organizations in the country have been visited and interviewed (individually and in group) by the research team as part of the data validation process. Results: The MMR is very heterogeneous among the ECO countries. Afghanistan with the MMR of 1800 (per 100,000 live births) in 2005 is the worst country in the region/world while Turkey has reached the level of 19.4 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births in 2008. Multiple regression analysis shows that only the index of delivery by skilled health personnel is effective in reduction of maternal mortality. Conclusion: With considering half a decade to the end of predetermined time for achieving the millennium development goals, i.e. 2015, it’s optimistically expected that only a few of the ECO countries will reach the target for maternal health. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W2141617685 | Malaria Status in Economic Cooperation Countries; Achievement and Gaps toward United Nations Millennium Development Goals. | [
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{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Ahmad Reza Shamshiri",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5026891363"
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C203014093"
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] | [
"Turkey",
"Iran"
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"https://openalex.org/W2788073857",
"https://openalex.org/W3204053182"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2141617685 | Evaluating the malaria status of the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) member countries relation to goal 6 of 3rd Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) which includes have halted by 2015 and begun to reverse the incidence of malaria.By 2009, we reviewed the MDGs reports, extracted the data from surveillance system, published, and unpublished data. The main stakeholders, from both governmental and international organizations in the country have been visited and interviewed by the research team as part of the data validation process.The malaria incidence is very heterogeneous among ECO countries, which differ less than 200 cases in total country in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkey, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Azerbaijan to 82,564 cases (2,428/100,000) in Afghanistan and 59,284 cases (881/100,000) in Pakistan and about 18/100,000 in Iran in 2008. Malaria has been a major public health problem in Pakistan and Afghanistan and will continue to pose serious threat to millions of people due to poor environmental and socioeconomic conditions conducive to the spread of disease. The main malaria endemic areas of Iran are in southeastern part of the country; consist of less developed provinces that are bordered in the east by Afghanistan and Pakistan. There are little valid information about proportion of population in malaria-risk areas using effective malaria prevention and treatment measures indicators.All ECO countries could achieve MDGs malaria indicators by 2015 except Pakistan and Afghanistan, unless preparing urgent intervention programs to fulfill the goals. | [
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https://openalex.org/W3006233702 | The United Nations World Water Development Report 2009 | [
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"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W3006233702 | The Third edition of the United Nations World Water Development Report (WWDR3), “Water in a Changing World” was officially launched on March 16, 2009 at the 5th World Water Forum in Istanbul, Turkey. The WWDR3 builds on the work of previous studies, including the two previous WWDRs, “Water for People, Water for Life” (WWDR1), presented at the 3rd World Water Forum in Japan in 2003, and “Water: A Shared Responsibility” (WWDR2), presented in 2006 at the 4th World Water Forum in Mexico. However, the third edition of the Report presents several changes from the previous two editions. Unlike the earlier Reports which were structured along UN agency lines, the third Report has a new, holistic format. A number of themes are addressed through out the report, including climate change, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), groundwater, biodiversity, water and migration, water and infrastructure, biofuels, etc. | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W4242436383 | Volume 1 - Water in a changing world | [] | [
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|
https://openalex.org/W608099342 | Developing Global Partnership for Development: Chinese Investments in Africa and Impacts on Sustainable Development | [
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] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W608099342 | The year 2000 has been an important date in China-Africa relations with the establishment of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) which constitutes a platform for political and economic dialogue between China and African countries. At the same time 2000 has seen the endorsement of eight Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 189 United Nations member states. Among other aspects, such goals aim at developing global partnerships, ensuring environmental sustainability, etc. With the south-south cooperation framework, new partnerships have formed between emerging economies (China, India, Brazil, Turkey, South Africa, etc.) and African countries. Africa seeks global partners for investments and trade. Among Africa’s emerging partners, China is a major emerging financier for Africa. The paper explores the concept of developing global partnership for development in China-Africa relations with a focus on Chinese investments in the resources and infrastructure development sectors and their implications on environment, environmental sustainability and sustainable development along the MDGs’ 2015 agenda and beyond. | [
{
"display_name": "Social indicators research series",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210213578",
"type": "book series"
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|
https://openalex.org/W4233937519 | Volume 2 - Facing the challenges | [] | [
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C130217890"
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{
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{
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{
"display_name": "History",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C95457728"
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{
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{
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{
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{
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"id": "https://openalex.org/C127313418"
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{
"display_name": "Waste management",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C548081761"
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{
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{
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{
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] | [
"Turkey"
] | [] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W4233937519 | The Third edition of the United Nations World Water Development Report (WWDR3), “Water in a Changing World” was officially launched on March 16, 2009 at the 5th World Water Forum in Istanbul, Turkey. The WWDR3 builds on the work of previous studies, including the two previous WWDRs, “Water for People, Water for Life” (WWDR1), presented at the 3rd World Water Forum in Japan in 2003, and “Water: A Shared Responsibility” (WWDR2), presented in 2006 at the 4th World Water Forum in Mexico. However, the third edition of the Report presents several changes from the previous two editions. Unlike the earlier Reports which were structured along UN agency lines, the third Report has a new, holistic format. A number of themes are addressed through out the report, including climate change, the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), groundwater, biodiversity, water and migration, water and infrastructure, biofuels, etc. | [
{
"display_name": "The United Nations world water development report",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210224205",
"type": "book series"
}
] |
|
https://openalex.org/W1542302481 | Evaluation of Tuberculosis Situation in Economic Cooperation Countries in 2009; Achievement and Gaps toward Millennium Development Goals. | [
{
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{
"country": "Iran",
"display_name": "Tehran University of Medical Sciences",
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{
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"display_name": "Ministry of Health and Medical Education",
"id": "https://openalex.org/I4210110574",
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"display_name": "Ali Mirzazadeh",
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"display_name": "Mohammad Reza Pour Vaziri",
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{
"country": "Iran",
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"display_name": "H Malek Afzali",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5003149082"
}
] | [
{
"display_name": "Millennium Development Goals",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779503283"
},
{
"display_name": "Tuberculosis",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2781069245"
},
{
"display_name": "Medicine",
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},
{
"display_name": "Incidence (geometry)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C61511704"
},
{
"display_name": "Mortality rate",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C179755657"
},
{
"display_name": "Developing country",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C83864248"
},
{
"display_name": "Environmental health",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C99454951"
},
{
"display_name": "Economic growth",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C50522688"
},
{
"display_name": "Demography",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C149923435"
},
{
"display_name": "Surgery",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C141071460"
},
{
"display_name": "Pathology",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C142724271"
},
{
"display_name": "Physics",
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{
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{
"display_name": "Optics",
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},
{
"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
}
] | [
"Turkey",
"Iran"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W170916",
"https://openalex.org/W49728287",
"https://openalex.org/W1978204846",
"https://openalex.org/W1988018388",
"https://openalex.org/W1992002248",
"https://openalex.org/W2017553325",
"https://openalex.org/W2023435362",
"https://openalex.org/W2024788317",
"https://openalex.org/W2059632215",
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"https://openalex.org/W2093908438",
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"https://openalex.org/W2171567087",
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"https://openalex.org/W2471590156",
"https://openalex.org/W2730034022",
"https://openalex.org/W2741972289"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W1542302481 | Evaluating the tuberculosis (TB) status of the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO) member countries relation to goal 6-c of the third millennium, which includes that TB incidence, prevalence, and death rates should be halved by 2015, compared with their level in 1990.In 2009, we have critically reviewed the countries' Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) reports and extracted the data from the surveillance system and published and unpublished data. The main stakeholders, from both governmental and international organizations in the country have been visited and interviewed by the research team as part of the data validation process.The TB incidence is very heterogeneous among ECO countries, which differ from 21.7 in Iran to 230.7 per 100,000 in Tajikistan. TB incidence (per 100,000) is more than 100 in six countries and is from 50 to 100 in two countries and is less than 30 in two countries. Only in two countries the crude death rate (CDR) is higher than 70%. In seven countries the death rate is higher than 10 per 100,000. Two countries are among the 20 top world countries with the highest tuberculosis burden.THERE ARE SOME SIGNS AND SIGNALS INDICATING THE BAD CONDITION OF AN ECO MEMBER INCLUDING: incidence of more than 50 per 100000, CDR of less than 70%, death rate more than 10 per 100,000, and rating two member countries among 20 top countries with the highest burden in the world. Iran and Turkey could achieve MDGs by 2015, but if other countries do not prepare urgent intervention programs, they will not be able to fulfill the goals. | [
{
"display_name": "PubMed",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4306525036",
"type": "repository"
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] |
|
https://openalex.org/W2899275405 | THE IMPORTANCE OF HEALTH EXPENDITURES ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT | [
{
"affiliations": [],
"display_name": "Ebru Z. BOYACIOĞLU",
"id": "https://openalex.org/A5071913518"
}
] | [
{
"display_name": "Life expectancy",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C133925201"
},
{
"display_name": "Sustainable development",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C552854447"
},
{
"display_name": "Gross domestic product",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C114350782"
},
{
"display_name": "Per capita",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C127598652"
},
{
"display_name": "Health indicator",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C121272143"
},
{
"display_name": "Poverty",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C189326681"
},
{
"display_name": "Economic growth",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C50522688"
},
{
"display_name": "Social determinants of health",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C78491826"
},
{
"display_name": "Business",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C144133560"
},
{
"display_name": "Millennium Development Goals",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2779503283"
},
{
"display_name": "Health care",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C160735492"
},
{
"display_name": "Environmental health",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C99454951"
},
{
"display_name": "Human development (humanity)",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2781089502"
},
{
"display_name": "Economics",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C162324750"
},
{
"display_name": "Medicine",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C71924100"
},
{
"display_name": "Political science",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C17744445"
},
{
"display_name": "Population",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C2908647359"
},
{
"display_name": "Law",
"id": "https://openalex.org/C199539241"
}
] | [
"Turkey"
] | [
"https://openalex.org/W2093764854"
] | https://api.openalex.org/works?filter=cites:W2899275405 | Health is both a resource for, as well as an outcome of, sustainable development. The goals of sustainable development cannot be achieved when there is a high prevalence of debilitating illness and poverty. Development, not only the height of the economic indicators, are expressed in terms of education, health and social structure. The amount of health expenditure is one of most important indicators of development. All the countries and associations aimed to improve the health conditions and expenditures. Development policies need to take into account current and future impacts on health and the environment. Healthy generation; is a part of qualified human resources and huge importance for sustainable development. This study examined the relationship between health expenditures and sustainable development within economic and health indicators. In this research gross domestic product (per capita GDP), the basic health indicators; as infant mortality rate, life expectancy at birth, and other health indicators are used. Turkey's health expenditures and other development indicators related to the reseach,are compared among advanced countries. A benchmark and due diligance is done within the countries and Turkey about sustainable development | [
{
"display_name": "International journal of social sciences",
"id": "https://openalex.org/S4210175922",
"type": "journal"
}
] |
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